Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/encyclopediaoflaOOwilcrich Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson, N. Y. The Palm Avenue in the Botanical Gardens, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIO^^ i % ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA DEALING WITH THE LIFE, ACHIEVEMENT, AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE COUNTRIES OF SOUTH AND CENTRAL AMERICA MEXICO AND PANAMA THE WEST INDIES AND GIVING SPECIAL INFORMATION ON Commerce, Industry, Banking. Finance, Railways, Shipping, Transportation, Com- munications, Trade, Tariff, Customs, and all matters of Commercial Importance. Editors MARRION WILCOX, A.B., LL.B. Formerly Instructor ct Yale, Editor " Harper's History of the Wiir in the Philipp:ne3," etc., Author "A Short History of the War with Spain." etc. GEORGE EDWIN RINES Editor ' The Encyclopedia Americana," " The South in the Building of the Nation," " The Foundation Library," etc. I 1917 I I PUBLISHED BY ■ I THE ENCYCLOPEDIA AMERICANA CORPORATION | I 27 WILLIAM STREET, NEW YORK | illl!!:illl!l!!ll!ll!llillilllliii:ii;illllllllillllI!l!IIIIIIIII!illlllillllH^ «^'^'' Copyright, 191 7 bv The Encyclopedia Americana Corporation r^ FOREWORD By JOHN BARRETT Director General of the Pan American Union, formerly United States Minister to Argentina, Panama and Colombia I congratulate the Editors of the Encyclopedia of Latin America upon the publication of this useful, authoritative and scholarly work. It is most timely. It is completed and ready for reference and study when everybody is, or should be, interested in the progress and potentialities of the twenty Amer- ican Republics which reach from Mexico and Cuba on the north to Argentina and Chile on the far south. It comes at an hour when Pan America, which includes the United States and Latin America, and Pan Americanism, which requires the co-operation of the United States and Latin America for the common good of all America, have a significance never before realized. It is authoritative because it is written by men who are not only familiar with the subject they discuss through long investiga- tion and extended experience, but who are thoroughly sympathetic with the countries and people they describe. Mr. Wilcox, whom I have regarded for many years as a real Pan American, under- stands what is most important : the Latin American, as well as the North American, viewpoint in the discussion of a topic of Pan American interest. Both he and Mr. Rines are ' ' muy simpaticos ' ' in their mental attitude towards Latin America. They have, there- fore, successfully arrived at a true interpretation of the facts they give. The encyclopedia is scholarly because it has been carefully and studiously prepared by men of wide knowledge to stand the test of criticism and be regarded as a high class work of reference. It is an intellectual achievement as well as a compilation of useful and educational data. [3] 376164 4 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Commenting from the standpoint of one who has unremittingly for nearly sixteen years, first, as a United States Minister in Argentina, Panama and Colombia, and, later, as Director General of the Pan American Union, endeavored in his humble way to promote practical Pan Americanism, I sincerely rejoice at the help that the great cause of international co-operation and welfare must receive from this work. The Pan American Union, being the offi- cial international organization of all the American Republics, devoted to the development of friendship, intercourse, commerce and peace among them, looks with favor on any worthy effort which will not only inform and educate the people of the United States about its sister American Republics but which will also inform and educate every Republic about each and all of the others. Pan Americanism places each American Republic on the same basic equality with every other American Republic. It has no favorites except all. It stands for the domination of no one republic over the other republics, but for the domination of all in the advancing of Pan American ideals in world civilization. This Latin American Encyclopedia through its spread of accurate information will serve Pan Amen*ican solidarity and community of action and purpose. It is especially fitting that this encyclopedia should be up^.. our tables when international relations are more to the front than ever before in modern history. The world is facing the greatest international crisis of the late centuries. It is appropriate, there- fore, to devote special attention to international subjects — especially to Latin America, for its score of countries are now- entering upon a new era of economic, commercial, social and administrative development which will astonish the world. When we pause and think that these lands of the South occupy an area of between eight and nine millions of square miles, have a popula- tion of seventy-five or eighty millions of souls, and maintain an annual foreign trade which is valued in excess of three billions of FOREWORD 5 dollars, and that they are yet only in the beginning of their possi- bilities individually, collectively, and in co-operation with the United States, we understand why a Latin American Encyclopedia of this character will be welcomed to the international library and to every student of international affairs. Again, when we grasp the fact, as I have repeatedly said on other occasions, that the present world war is doing more than any other influence since the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine in 1823 to develop and make permanent Pan American solidarity of interests, and that it is inevitably evolving the Monroe Doctrine into a Pan American Doctrine — that is, an international doctrine and policy that will belong to every American Republic as much as to the United States, — then, I say, we must experience a real desire to know more of the constituency of such solidarity and such doctrine. The gratification of search for information we shall find in this Latin American Encyclopedia. While, in conclusion, my official position requires that I should make the formal reservation that neither I nor the Pan- American Union shall be held responsible for any comments, opinions or statements expressed in this valuable work, I say this simply and only to comply with the rules of the office with which T am connected, and not in any way to reflect upon the quality and reliability of the Encyclopedia. EDITORS' NOTE The Encyclopedia of Latin America has been prepared with the purpose of affording the American public a clear and definite idea of Latin American civilization — political, educa- tional, social, commercial and industrial — as it is at the present time. The commercial and industrial side of that civilization is presented with especial fullness in the hope that the Encyclopedia will prove of real practical value to all who have commercial relations with or need accurate information concerning the trade and industry of Latin America. Acknowledgment is here made of the valued co-operation of the individual contributors, and especially of the invaluable assistance rendered by the Hon. John Barrett of the Pan-.- American Union, Washington ; Mr. 0. P. Austin of the National City Bank, New York, and the Latin American Division, Depart- ment of Commerce of the United States. In so wide and in some respects untravelled a field, much remains to be done and said, but we believe the information on subjects of present-day interest will be found fairly complete and that the work will prove a solid groundwork for other and more extensive studies. The Editors. [6] g S-5 °p p-= t1^ 4j tM 00 ^^ 11 rt rt O C ^J3 ID I- -M M-. ---flu* Si '-' ^'J- • r^ • rl rt C ^^ ■ " ra -3 P5 *j rt [/ 1- c-a.s ^^ _Q rt 1) IK ii — ;: in •= -r -■- £ -^n !>o c •=£-^ y| >■.£ >..5 ^; '-'^ bfl C "Li,:: C £ rt C o-«-^ o" ^ he E '-S^^ . Ji « « 2 j; S^ 1-1 o '°-^ h 1. ° § Ji J; 3 C . ° O " i2 N c "" o ^"^ ^'4'"^.5 a "•■•i^U-, 4' ^ 1- C i; ? ■* o -c S o., t-i eg S 5 3 Oj- g^.£ 5*- " ,o^ c 5 j; •S||||^^|..| s o £ Si- "--S SJ2 _^^ rt nj So Mii2 "" 1 ^ Sic o^ - a, £ o &•= t ^ c ^■3' -gS §^2^ « , J , v>. By Marrion Wilcox LATIN AMERICA is the name employed to distinguish, as a J group, 20 American republic?? (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Salv^ador, Uruguay, Venezuela), and in a still larger sense, but less accurately, as a general term to designate all of the central and southern portions of the New World, con- tinental and insular as well, between the United States and Cape Horn. Now, the total area of the 20 Latin American republics is about 8,150,000 to 8,200,000 square miles and the aggregate popu- lation of the same countries not less than 75,000,000; in each the language of the ruling class is Spanish, except in Brazil, where it is Portuguese, and in Haiti, where it is French or a patois called '^ Creole." But we find in the central regions of the West- ern Hemisphere about 205,000 or 206,000 square miles with 3,190,000 to 3,200,000 inhabitants not included in any of the Latin American republics: on the contrary they are held as dependencies by Great Britain, Holland, France, or the United States; and for us to denominate all these dependencies '' Latin American " would be more or less improper and misleading. A few facts are here given which may serve to supplement descriptions in the articles devoted to South America, Central America, Panama, Mexico and the West Indies: to each of the above-mentioned republics, and to their political subdivisions. [7] .ai/: viiy;nEN^y:c;jOPEDlA OP LATIN AMERICA CLIMATE Readings of the thermometer, as set down in the author's notes of travel in Latin America, are the following: At Monte- video, Uruguay, 18 June, 54° F. at 11 a.m. ; Buenos Aires, Argen- tina, 4 July, 52° F. at 3 p.m. But the average of these two, namely 53° F., was recorded on the west coast of South America as the lowest figure the mercury reached during the cold season at Lima - — which lies so much nearer than do Buenos Aires and Montevideo to the equator that its range of temperatures would be decidedly higher were it not for the influence of the cold Hum- boldt current. In the article Chile reference at greater length is made to this current, which is a truly beneficent river of the ocean, constantly tempering and stabilizing the climate along the Pacific coast, flowing northward and then northwestw^ard along that coast until headlands below the equatorial line throw it straight out to sea, to cool one side of the Galapagos Islands. That is one of the big facts about the climate ; now let us renew our acquaintance with other facts in the same field. At the confluence of the Paraguay and Alto Parana rivers, 25 July, the thermometer showed 80° F. in the shade at 10 a.m., and about noon of the same day on the Paraguay River, 92° F. in the shade; at Asuncion, Paraguay, 27 July, 84° F. in the shade; in the same city, 28 July, 78° F. at 9 a.m. The circumstance that Asuncion is built on a hill counts for much. Comparing these observations, made in regions remote from the ocean, with obser- vations at moderate altitudes above the Atlantic coast, we notice a striking difference immediately. Thus, on the road from the Brazilian port of Santos to Sao Paulo, 14 August, the thermome- ter showed only 62° F. at 2 p.m., and in the city of Sao Paulo, 15 August, 61° F. as the average of the forenoon. At Rio de Janeiro (nearly at sea-level), 19 August, we find 72° F. in the afternoon, but only 67° F. at 7-8 a.m., 20 August; and, as the record for the warmest day of that " winter " season in Rio, 84° F. at 3-4 p.m. A short distance away, at Petropolis among the mountains, we note 63° F. at 7 a.m.; and at an elevation of 1,500 feet above Rio, in the tropical forest clothing the flanks of Corcovado, 29 August, 60° F. at 7 A.M. The fact thus illustrated is, simply, that regions sufficiently elevated to receive quite directly the cool and saturated ocean breezes have, even in these latitudes near the Tropic of Capricorn, a climate not given to extremes but favorable to man and vegetation alike. Again, near the Atlantic coast in lat. 1° 52' S., long. 38" 45' W. we read 84° F. at 11 a.m. ; in lat. 1 ° 13' N., LATIN AMERICA 9 long. 43° 51' W., 86° F. at 12, noon, to 1 p.m.; in lat. 8° N., long. 53° 48' W., 85° F. at 2 p.m. The highest temperatures (in the shade) observed at the equator near the Pacific or Atlantic coasts, either at sea or where the ocean influence controls — 85° or scarcely more than 86° F. — must be called quite moderate. (See comment on this subject in the article Brazil). In the correspond- ing regions north of the equator, near the Tropic of Cancer, we appreciate, or resent, most promptly the development of intoler- able degrees of heat in regions that are enclosed and far from the sea. For example, we notice en route Oaxaca, Mexico, to Puebla, 14 March, 100° F. in the otherwise comfortable cars of a train running through a valley. It is necessary to remember that the Antillean regions (see Central, America) look out, on one side at least, upon a comparatively restricted and nearly bisected Ameri- can Mediterranean, not upon the ocean which plays the part we have mentioned all along the South American east coast ; that the trade winds and the gulf stream visit some portions of this inter- polated continental area assiduously, but are as constantly deflected from other portions ; and, partly for this reason, each sub- division of the vast, varied, and most interesting Antillean region is the subject of a special study. (See the separate titles). Panama, occupying the narrow space between two oceanic elbows, has, as shown by observations in a sheltered building near the centre of the capital during the year, an equatorially limited range of temperatures — from 76° F. to 88° F. But places shut in, even parts of the city of Panama itself, because they lie nearly at sea level, may have 100° F. thrust upon them when the air-cur- rents from ocean to ocean are interrupted temporarily. Climatic Values of Altitude Here again in Panama (and this is not less true of the Central American States) we find that even a moderate elevation miti- gates the tropically oppressive conditions that are notorious in the lowlands. The importance of this consideration becomes apparent when we reflect that in much more than one-half of the entire land- area in the New World between the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn nature assigns the control of temperatures to mere altitude or to the almost equally permanent influence of oceanic and aerial currents. But in the vast highlands of Latin America one learns by experience, if he has not learned through previous study, that the pure and rarefied air is bad for any weakness of the heart, and, even when there is no such weakness, produces what is lU ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA commonly known as soroche (anoxtemia or mountain-sickness). It is worth while to note quite carefully the elf ects of the change from sea-level to these great altitudes, since the experience bears directly upon the question of the value of these uplands as regions where civilized men can live and work successfully. We observe, as first effects, that the skin becomes rather dry and the digestive processes are deranged — wdth consequent pains and penalties. We must add the following symptoms : lassitude, loss of appetite, aversion to all forms of physical effort, and drowsiness. The heart finds its steady job a bit harder than usual, and one gets out of breath too quickly, the air seeming to supply the lungs with innutritious food. After a long voyage a traveller in vigor- ous health suffers to this extent — that is, slightly and for a few days at least — on making a rapid and radical change. But in a week or so these symptoms disappear and he should find no trouble in making any physical effort that the situation calls for. Quite the contrary, in fact. We enjoyed mountain-climbing, long walks, long and hard riding, at altitudes of about 12,000 feet for several W'Ceks and ranging from 10,000 to 16,000 feet during two months. The impression we receive in regard to the people living in Andean towns (for example) situated at altitudes of 7,000 to 14,000 feet is that they, as a rule, with some rather sad exceptions, are not being injured by the climate. Naturally healthful regions are the following: 1. The exten- sive region south of a line drawn from ocean to ocean through the cities of Paysandu and Valparaiso, including all of southern Argentina and Chile. 2. The uplands of southeastern Brazil. 3. The Andean habitable districts, including many valleys and cuencas, at altitudes ranging from 6,000 to 12,000 feet. 4. In Venezuela, Central America, and Mexico, the districts, often fer- tile and extensive, at altitudes ranging from 2,500 or 3,000 to 7,000 feet, more or less. 5. Portions of the West Indies receiving the full benefit of the trade winds and ocean currents. Unfortu- nately it is necessary to note the prevalence of such diseases as typhoid fever in cities and towns whose favorable situation in temperate uplands does not safeguard them against the conse- quences of neglecting sanitary regulations. The tropical condi- tions in the low-lying parts of Central America and the northwest coast of South America (to and including the Gulf of Guayaquil) are unfavorable to health chiefly because enormous deposits of alluvion and excessive rainfall offer ideal conditions for the propagation of disease-bearing insects. Yellow fever and malarial fevers have therefore long been regarded as endemic. LATIN AMERICA 11 Similar conditions are found in the great Amazon valley and on the tropical Brazilian coast between the Atlantic and the highlands of the interior. Successful efforts to combat and control these fevers have been made at focal points — at Santos and Rio de Janeiro, at Panama, etc. — but much still remains to be done. Annual rainfall is most excessive in amount at Pernambuco and Iquitos in Brazil, at Greji;own in Central America, and in the Territory of Magellan, in southern Chile ; it is least on the Peru- vian littoral and in northern Chile (q.v.) ; it is as a rule moderate in the interior of Argentina. Dense fogs, called gariias, supply the place of rain (but only to a slight extent) in the arid west coast regions just mentioned. Ever since the discovery of the New World the fact has been observed that the most vigorous races gained their development in the extreme south (region number 1) and in the temperate or relatively cold uplands (regions 3 and 4). It is not less interesting to observe that the most progressive and vigorous element of which we have any record in the early history of Brazil had its home in region number 2. For the exceptionally benign arid temperate climate of Uruguay, see the article devoted to that country. ;?| FAUNA AND FLORA The highlands of the northern and central portions of Mexico are included in the Nearctic Region and their fauna is classed with that of all temperate and arctic North America ; but natural- ists, grouping together all other parts of Latin America, in the wider sense of that term, distinguish the group (thus composed of Central America and Panama, the Mexican lowlands, the AVest Indies, and South America) as the Neotropical Region. A valu- able study entitled A Zoological Expedition to South America, by W. E. Agar {Royal Philosoph. Soc. of Glasgoiv Proc, 1909, Vol. 40, pp. 53-65), contains an expression of its author's opinion to the effect that the Neotropical is, of all those regions into which zoologists divide the world in accordance with their fauna, by far the most interesting. It is indeed true that the sportsman in search of big game goes by preference to Africa, " where he meets enormous herds of that perhaps most highly specialized and suc- cessful of all the orders of mammalia, the ungulates or hoofed animals, and is able to take his part in the extermination of the antelopes, giraffes, rhinoceroses, zebras, hippopotami and ele- phants." These forms, however, so characteristic of Africa, are 12 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA actually — for the very reason that they belong to a highly special- ized group — of no particular interest to the zoologist. But we find a very different state of things when we turn to the main land-mass of Latin America. '' Instead of great herds of ungul- ates, we find there only four families of them represented. The pigs are represented by the peccary, the cervidaB by a few species of deer, the camels by the llama, and finally there is the tapir, while the beasts which we may call characteristic of the country are such forms as the opossum, armadillo, ant-eater and sloth, ail very lowly organized animals. ' ' Our interest in this fauna is deepened when, at the suggestion of the same writer, we examine its history in past geological ages. ^' The past history of the mammals [in general, i. e., in all regions] shows us that, broadly speaking, most new forms arose in the North Polar regions (which we know were much warmer then than now) and spread thence southwards, exterminating to a large extent the more primitive earlier forms, and being sometimes ousted in their turn by new forms migrating southwards. Now, the primitive mammals which arose in the Northern Hemisphere seem to have reached South America, not across the Isthmus of Panama — for we know that the whole south portion of North America was submerged at this period — but probably by means of a land connection across tlie Atlantic with Africa., Whatever may have been the exact nature of this connection between South America and the other land-masses of the globe toward the end of the secondary geological epoch, it is certain that it Avas soon broken through and that South America was completely isolated during the whole of that period in which the most active evolution of mammalia was taking place in other parts of the world. The few low mammals which had got into South America before it became isolated evolved a very peculiar mammalian fauna, includ- ing such forms as the giant sloth or Megatherium, and Grlyptodonts like gigantic armadillos, which, however, never reached a very high grade of development, such as the mammals in the more desperate struggle for existence that was going on in other parts of the world were attaining." But finally a new path of approach to this completely isolated continent was constructed. During the end of the Miocene period the emergence of the Isthmus of Darien or Panama allowed the influx of more highly specialized forms from the Northern Hemisphere; and accord- ingly we find that fossiliferous beds dating from this period hold the remains of lions, the sabre-toothed tiger, dogs, bears, llama, LATIN AMERICA 13 deer, horses, tapirs and peccaries — animals that had been abun- dant in other parts of the globe for ages befote, but had been unable to reach South America for the reason mentioned. These invaders ' * established themselves to a great extent at the expense of the old typical South American fauna. Remains of this original fauna, however, still survive in the opossum, armadillo, ant-eater and sloths, while the new forms, which are now far more abundant, both in numbers and species, include such forms as the deer, tapir, peccary, puma, jaguar, mldcats, dogs, etc." Ex-President Roose- velt invites our attention particularly to the fact that South America has the most extensive and most varied avifauna of all the continents. The rhea, or American ostrich, and the fur seal were studied with true interest by Dr. John Augustine Zahm in Uruguay. For the distinctive fauna and flora of an important part of the west coast, see Chile. On the other hand the coun- tries of Central America, forming borderlands between the greater North and South, naturally show some results of the proximity of the former; nevertheless the influence of the latter has been in these respects so much the more potent that Central America is with good reason assigned to the Neotropical Region, as we have said above. Near the heart of South America, the region called the Chaco is interpolated between the region of great forests and the sabanas and pampas — the last being poor in vegetation while the first is in the same respect almost beyond belief richly endowed : since in that vast Amazonian valley the vegetable king- dom long ago fairly conquered the animal kingdom by expelling or subordinating the most important terrestrial mammals. (Con- sult Putnam's Magazine, Vol. VII, pp. 194-199, New York, Oct. 1909-April 1910.) Of course it is still impossible to say what addition will be made to recognized lists of plants by these equa- torial South American forests: they have never been more than partially explored ; a civilizing reconquest of the fertile areas they usurp has never been attempted systematically. Taken all together they make the Great Forest of the world, sharing primacy in the list of this world's natural features with the Andes, the greatest of mountain masses, and with the Amazon's wholly incomparable torrents. We mention here only a few of the best known natives of widely separated parts of Latin America: Cin- chona, mate {Ilex paraguayensis) , coca, various rubber-producing forest growths, victoria regia, maize and Agave americana (both presumably Mexican), tobacco (a product of the islands of the West Indies), and potato, claimed as a native by both Chile and 14 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Peru. A very early association existed with the flora of the Eastern Hemisphere; a much more recent connection was estab- lished with the North American flora. (See above.) Botanic geography will, we think, establish the facts that Latin America's most distinctive and distinguishing possession is its flora and that in this respect, even more — or much more — than in respect to its fauna, it claims and will reward our attention; and although this is " by far the most interesting region " to the botanist as well as to the zoologist, we shall find both botanists and zoologists at one in asserting that the primitive geologic union of the South American continent with Africa and Australia explains inany phenomena which could not be understood otherwise. Briefly, then, Latin American flora and fauna, both of surpassing interest, have indeed enjoyed independent development, yet in most ancient times they undoubtedly influenced and in turn were influenced by the flora and fauna of equatorial, tropical and sub-tropical regions of the Eastern Hemisphere. LANGUAGES ' 'r Interesting variations are observed in the Spanish, spoken and written, which, as we have said, is the language of the ruling- classes in 18 of the republics. Thus, in Mexico its characteristics are those of the tongue of southern Spain, but in Costa Rica those of northern regions in the mother country; in distant Chile the C^astilian linguistic standards are flouted (the substitution of ;/ in place of (T/ being a single example of literary and popular revolt), while Cuba has held fast to the good old Spanish linguistic tradi- tions through all the years of political insurrections and armed rebellion. Ecuador, Colombia, and Peru deserve their fame as, in this respect, conservative centres of an inherited culture, where the best usages are appreciated by writers and speakers. The literature of that great country, Brazil, in wliicii Portuguese is spoken, seems to all loyal Brazilians a priceless treasure, even as the manuscrijjt of the Lusiad seemed to Canioos : they cher- ish their language in corresponding degree — somewdiat too exclusively. GOVERNMENTS OF LATIN AMERICA The Latin American countries are constitutionally either federal states, resembling most nearly in this respect the United States of America, or are unitary and centralized. The LATIN AMERICA 15 United States of Brazil, the United States of Mexico, and the United States of Venezuela more obviously stand in the class first men- tioned; Argentina's governmental plan embraces some of the features characterizing each class; the other countries {Republic of Bolivia, Repuhlic of Colombia, etc.) in the main illustrate by their organization the growing unitarian or centralizing tendency : " Eepublic of Colombia " was formerly '' United States of Colom- bia "; the variations are, however, so complex that we convey only an approximately correct idea of them when we say that the federal form of government in Latin America resembles that of the United States and the centralized that of France. [The readers who wish to study this subject closely will find paragraphs on government and constitution in the articles devoted to these coun- tries separately, with careful ^ bibliographic reference to such special works as are available,j Frequent constitutional changes are there recorded; but these must not be regarded as indications of weak vacillation. It is only fair to say that they are to a some- what greater extent than Ave connnonly realize paralleled in our own experience, particularly in the matter of State governments (compare Holcombe, A. N,, State Government in the United ^^r States, pp. 119-20, New York 1916) ; that by the middle of the ' 19tli century " the constitutions of most of the States of the United States had been revised or were in process of revision ' ' ; and that, " beginning in 1870, the constitutions of most of the lead- ing States in the north outside of New England [and in the south after the overthrow of negro domination] were revised, the culmination of the movement being reached in New York in 1894." Some of the most interesting constitutional changes in South America (for example, in Paraguay) were designed simply — and wisely — to prevent the recurrence of dictatorships and so to safe- guard orderly development in the future. The dangers in that quarter have often been bravely met and will surely be overcome; their magnitude, and the importance of these i^henomena in every study of this branch of our subject, may be barely indicated in the following outline of Latin American dictatorships: In Mexico, since the establishment of independence, there have been 10 acknowledged dictatorships. The " usual alternations of anarchy and military rule " — the long period of internecine strifes, during which one president after another was summarily deposed — drew to an end about 1876. Gen. Porfirio Diaz succeeded Lerdo de Tejada in May 1877. He was re-elected in 1884, and remained at the head of the government up to the time of his abdication in May 1911.\/L^ Para.guay, three years after 16 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA allegiance to Spain was renounced, the congress in October 1814 decided to make Doctor (of theology) Jose Gaspar Rodriguez Francia dictator for three years. Before the expiration of his term of office, another congress decreed that his dictatorship should be perpetual. He^ died 20 Sept. 1840. Francisco Solano Lopez (16 Oct. 1862 to 1 Mar. 1870), though constantly referred to as a dictator, was officially known as ' ' president of the republic. ' ' By an act of congress, 16 Oct. 1862, he was made " president of the republic for 10 years," his father, Carlos Antonio Lopez, having been president during the 18 years immediately preceding, that is, from 1844 to 1862. In Bolivia there was at first no need to employ the word dictator, simply because the constitution of that country, framed by Bolivar and accepted without change or even debate by the congress at Chuquisaca, 25 May 1826, conferred ample dictatorial powers upon a '' president " who should hold office for life; nevertheless the higher title was repeatedly assumed or conferred.^In Colombia (when it included New Granada, Vene- zuela, and Ecuador), we find, first, military dictatorships estab- lished before 1827 by Paez in Venezuela and by Mosquera in Ecuador ; and then the dictatorship of Bolivar, who assumed abso- lute sovereignty in 1828 over the entire Colombian federation. Almost immediately afterward the federation broke up. The racial aversion to such steady co-operation as the situation called for was intensified by extravagant theories touching the so-called sovereignty of each individual citizen. "Thus, it waSTiot merely true that the 21 ' ' sovereign states ' ' of Venezuela could repudiate pecuniary obligations or violate treaties with impunity; that any of the states of New Granada could nullify a law of the federal congress ; but it has been well said that every man fancied that he was governed by a " higher law ' ' inherenl inhijuself , and * ' when he declared against the government he was not a traitor, but only a revolutionist^assertinghis inherent right as a ' sovereign.' " In Colombia, from 1830 to 1861, there was a revolutionary outbreak on an average every second year ; Ecuador generated a revolution and a new constitution every four years ; Venezuela was even more distressed by anarchy. Acceptance of a military despot seemed to be the only escape from these intolerable conditions. The revolu- tionist Mosquera declared himself dictator of the diminished Colom- bia in 1867. In Venezuela, as a separate country, the first ruler was sometimes called dictator, sometimes president; he was both by turns, and repeatedly. Similar versatility was exemplified in the troubled lands from Mexico to the far south: as a Venezuelan fashion it easily survived its forceful exponent, Paez. Three LATIN AMERICA 17 short-lived dictatorships were set up in succession just before Crespo entered Caracas in 1892. In Ecuador, the first Flores called a convention (1843) which expressed the temporary desire to entrust him with a magistracy so far above all others that it is superior even to the laws themselves. Again, on 2 iVpril 1882, President Veintemilla seized power as a dictator and held it for a year. In Peru General Bolivar was supreme dictator, both dur- ing and after the struggle for independence, his license having been granted by the revolutionary congress of 1824 and confirmed in 1826. In Argentina, Juan Manuel Eosas accepted (7 March 1835) an almost unx^estrjctad ^ictatorslil p which was offered to him in the hope that he would restore order. He reigned " in a horrible manner, like a madman " up to the day of his defeat, 3 Feb. 1852. In Brazil, the first national congress convened on 15 Nov. 1890, after the expulsion of Dom Pedro II. One year later (Nov. 1891) President Fonseca proclaimed himself dictator on the strength of an invitation extended by officers of the Brazilian army; but his navy turned its guns on him, and he resigned. In Chile, there have been fewer revolutions, more frequent instances of submission to the mandates of a privileged upper class ; yet at the beginning of 1891 President Balmaceda broke with national traditions, to adopt those of the continent while governmental theories were still fermenting: he announced that he was dictator, when he was, in fact, only a party leader; he declared himself to be in favor of martial law, and by superior force he was crushed. (See Chile.) In the history of Uruguay the word " dictator " is not very prominent. In Costa Rica several of the chief executive officers have been called dictators, with an intention less offensive because the policy of the government is conceded to have been in many respects commendable. For the other republics of Centra] America and the Antilles, our readers are referred to the arti- cles dealing with those countries, in which special circumstances are explained. But our friends who possess the splendid central and southern regions in the New World have determined that whatever impedes true progress or conflicts with the stability of republican institu- tions shall have no place in the third great period of national development', which is at hand. ^ Latin-American Civilization By Francisco J. Yanes Assistant Director, Pan American Union THE civilization of peoples cannot always be gauged by set standards. There are varying factors to be takeii into consideration and discrepancies to be accounted for in measuring the degree of cultural and industrial progress of a nation. Conditions growing out of racial characteristics, historical necessities, geographical position, custom and habit, on the one hand, and on the other the basic principles upon which different societies have been built, must not be lost sight of in dealing with, or rather, in endeavoring to understand the factors that have led to the progress of a given nation, or aggregate of nations of the same or similar origin. Latin-American civilization from an Anglo-^Saxon point of view may be found wanting in many respects, but the life and happiness of nations, the ideals and hopes of their peoples, their legislation and institutions, are not to be found ready made, but have to be worked out to meet peculiar wants, and in accordance with the racial, mental, moral and material resources and necessities of each. Latin America must be dealt with as a. whole if one wishes to cast a rapid glance at its civilization. Some of the 20 free and independent states which in their aggregate make up Latin America have developed more than others, and a few to a remark- able degree, but whether nortli or south of the Panama Canal, east or west, on the Atlantic or the Pacific, on the Caribbean or the Gulf of Mexico, the countries of Latin America sprang from the same race — the brave, hardj'', adventurous, romantic and warlike Spanish and Portuguese conquerors, who fought their way through unknown territories, whether in quest of '' El Dorado " or in war- fare against whole nations of Lidians, as in the case of Mexico and Peru, where the native Indians had a wonderful civilization of their own. On the other hand, the men who founded the United States, the Pilgrims who first set foot on this new land of promise, and those who followed in the wake of the first settlers, came to the country already prepared, through years of training, to govern themselves. They came to the friendly shores of the New AVoi'ld [18] LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION " 19 ill quest of freedom. Tliey wanted a home in a new land not yet contaminated with the spirit of the Old World. They brought with them their creed, their habits of order and discipline, their experience in self-government, their love of freedom, their respect for the established principles of law. Hence from its inception Anglo-American civilization was built upon solid ground. Its subsequent development — the marvel of the last half of the 19th and of this 20th century — is due to the solidity of their insti- tutions, their steadfastness of purpose, their practical view of life, and a territorial expanse where all the soils, all the w^ealth, all the climatic conditions of the cold, the temperate and the tropical zone can be found. The discussion of Latin-American civilization is of vast importance, since it deals with the history and development of 20 republics lying beyond the Mexican border, and covering an aggregate area of about 8,200,000 square miles, with a total population of nearly 80,000,000, of whom 54,000,000 speak the Spanish language, 24,000,000 Portuguese in Brazil, and 2,000,000 French in Haiti. This general division brings us at once to deal, under the same classification, with peoples and civilizations spring- ing from different sources, — Spanish, Portuguese and French. Even among the Spanish-speaking countries there are condi- tions,— depending on the province of origin of the first Spanish colonizers and settlers, who came mainly from Biscay, Andalusia, Castile, Aragon and Estremadura — which tend to establish slight differences and peculiarities just as the various States of the United States show dissimilarity due to the sources of their population. Geographically, Latin America begins beyond the Rio Grande, \\4th Mexico, at the southern boundary of which extends what is called Central America, consisting of Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, the historic five Central American states ; Panama, the gateway to the Pacific on the west and to the Caribbean and the Atlantic on the east ; South America proper, embracing Venezuela on the Caribbean, Colombia on that sea and partly on the Pacific ; Ecuador, Peru and Chile, bordering on the Pacific; Bolivia and Paraguay, inland states in the heart of South America; Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil on the Atlantic; and, lastly, Cuba, Haiti and the Dominican Republic, islands in the Caribbean Sea. Thus Latin America extends from the north temperate zone to Cape Horn, near the Antarctic Ocean, which means that all climatic conditions are found in that enormous area from the cool regions of northern Mexico to the tropical heat of 20 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the torrid zone and again to the cold lands of Patagonia. This is indeed a world of wealth where all the products of the globe can be successfully cultivated, where all races of mankind can live and thrive, because the Mexican and Central American cordilleras, and farther south the mighty Andean range, offer an unbroken chain of lofty peaks, wide valleys, and extensive tablelands, affording all climates and zones, all kinds of soils and minerals, the only limitation to the development of these lands being human endur- ance. The water supply is plentiful in most parts of Mexico and the Central American republics, and there is nothing which can be compared to the hydrographic areas of northern and central South America, consisting of the Orinoco basin with its 400 affluents, offering a total navigable length of about 4,000 miles ; the mighty Amazon, having three times the volume of the Mississippi and navigable for over 2,000 miles, and the network of great rivers emptying into it; the Parana and the river Plata, with twice the volume of the Mississippi, and a thousand other streams too numerous to mention in detail, but which can be found on any fairly good map, showing a feasible water route from the mouth of the Orinoco in Venezuela to the Amazon and the very heart of South America, and thence to the Parana and finally down to the river Plata. It is well known how Columbus discovered this New World which to-day bears the name of America (although the application of that name is quite restricted in this country to the United States) — what hardships that undaunted sailor and his followers had to endure, their sufferings, their hopes, and their faith in some supernatural fate, a trait which is due in part to the influence of Moorish ancestors in Spain through the mingling of both races during the occupation wars which lasted Over eight centuries. The discovery of America has a tinge of romance, such as inspires the soul of the adventurer and the buccaneer. It was a romance that began at the Rabida, grew in the presence and with the help of good Queen Isabella, developed into a mad desire for adventure at Palos, and ended with the planting of the Spanish standard on the shores of Guanahani, now called Watling's Island. From here Columbus went to what is to-day called Cuba, thence to His- paniola — now divided into Haiti and Dominican Republic — and in this latter island founded the first white settlement in the New World. It is not possible to follow Columbus' voyages or his adventures step by step, but the discovery of America is an epic worthy of the mettle of the great explorer and his men. Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson, N. Y. The Municipal Theatre at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil National Theatre, San Jose, Costa Rica (Courtesy of the Pan American Union) Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Hmwii ,«, |i,i\\>.mi. N V LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION 21 And so the civilization of what is called Latin America began with the first Spanish settlement, the first Indian blood shed by the greed of the white conqueror, and the first attempt to Chris- tianize the inhabitants of the new-found land. The inevitable features of conquest — war, treachery, destruction, fire, sword, deeds of valor but little known, and endurance almost super- human — marked along the trail of the discoverers the birth and first steps of the nations of the New World. And in the midst of this turmoil, bravely battling against unknown odds, the Spanish missionary fathers worked unceasingly, founding hamlets and towns, thus planting in the wilderness the seeds of many a large city to-day, building their temples of worship, going from place to place struggling with disease and hunger, teaching the Indians the Spanish language and with it their religious faith, and laying the foundation of what is known to-day as Latin America. The second stage of Latin-American civilization began when the crown of Spain finally took an active interest in its new pos- sessions and men of a better class than the soldiery which landed with the discoverers and conquerors began to come to the New World, bringing their wives and daughters, and surrounding them- selves with whatever comforts could be had in their new home. They were in many cases scions of noble families, who came either as viceroys, governors, or in some other administrative capacity, or as '^ oidores," or judges, and men of letters in general. There came also learned monks, and among these, philosophers, poets, musicians, painters, and skilled artisans. Hence some of the oldest descriptions and chronicles of Latin America are in verse or in choice prose, either in Spanish or in Latin, and we find in some of the oldest cities in Spanish America wonderful examples of w^ood carving, either in churches or in old houses, beautiful speci- mens of the gold and silversmith's art, some fine paintings, and unexcelled samples of the art of illuminating books, particularly missals. The scholars, either members of the religious orders or laymen, began to gather books imported from Europe, and so our libraries were started, mainly in the convents. With this feature of civilization the necessity of educating the children of the Span- iards and the Indians became more pressing, and private schools and seminaries were established, as a first step tow^ard the founda- tion of universities. Both in Mexico and in Peru schools were founded by order of the Crown of Spain for the education of the Indians, where they learned not only reading and writing, but the manual arts as well. 22 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Latin Americans point with natural pride to the fact that the first university founded in the New World was that of Santo Tomas de Aquino at Santo Domingo, in 1538. This university is no longer in existence, but there still exists that of San Marcos at Lima, Peru, founded in 1551 ; the University of Mexico, established in 1553 and refounded in 1910; the University of Cordoba, in Argentina, dating from 1613; that of Sucre in Bolivia, founded in 1623, or 13 years before Harvard, which dates from 1636, and that of Cuzco, in Peru, established in 1692, or eight years earlier than Yale, which was founded in 1701. The University of Caracas, in Venezuela, dates from 1721, and that of Habana, Cuba, from 1728, the other universities founded before the 19th century being that of Santiago, Chile, in 1743, and the University of Quito, Ecuador, in 1787. The great agent of civilization and progress, the printing- press, has been known in Latin America since 1536, when the first printing outfit was introduced into Mexico and the first book printed in the New World, a plea of Father Las Casas for a better life. Cartagena, Colombia, is said to have been the second city of America to have a printing press, in 1560 or 1562, but Peru seems to hold the record for the first book printed in South America, about 1584, and La Paz, Bolivia, had a printing establishment about 1610. There were also, a press and other printing parapher- nalia at the Jesuit missions of Paraguay about the first decade of the 17th century. The first work in Bogota was printed about 1739 ; Ecuador printed its first book in 1760, and Venezuela in 1764, while the earliest production of the Chilean press bears the date of 1776 ; and there was a printing outfit in Cordoba, Argen- tina, in 1767. With the foundation of universities and schools and more frequent communication with Spain and other European countries of Latin origin, and the printing of books and news- papers in the New World, the desire for learning was developed and a new field was opened to intellectual culture. The dissatisfaction of the colonies with the exactions and abuses of the viceroys, captains-general and other officials repre- senting the crown of Spain, jealousies between the " Creoles," or children of Spanish parents born in America, and the *' penin- sulars," or native Spaniards, commercial preference and social distinctions, and other pett}^ annoyances born of the arrogance of the Spaniards on the one hand, and the proud nature of the Creoles on the other, were the smouldering embers which, fanned by the success of the American Revolution and the storm of the French Revolution, set on fire the Spanish colonies at the end of the 18th LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION 23 and the beginning of the 19th century. The majority of the Span- ish-American countries attained their independence between 1804 and 1825, and their struggles for freedom, while encouraged by the example of the United States, were inspired by French ideals. The heroes of the bloody but romantic French Revolution, their fiery speeches and fearlessness, their proclamation of the republic and the rights of man ; the echoes of the Boston Tea Party, the exploits of the spirit of '76, the commanding and serene figure of Wash- ington, the adoption of the American Constitution, the utterances of the grave thinkers and inspired orators of the revolutionary period — all these dazzling examples of patriotism appealed to the Spanish-American colonists, and one by one the colonies began their fight for independence. The executions and ignominy which were the lot of the first patriots who forfeited their lives for the cause of independence, instead of discouraging the leaders, made them more aggressive, and they resolved to gain the day at all hazards. On the most brilliant pages of the history of Latin America are written, among the names of other heroes, those of Miranda of Venezuela, the precursor of South American independence; Bolivar, who has been called the Washington of South America, a born leader, the liberator and father of Venezuela, his native country, and of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia; Sucre, also a Venezuelan, more like Washington than was Bolivar; San Martin, the great general of Argentina, the brave and heroic liber- ator of the southern half of South America; Artigas of Uruguay, a man of sterling qualities; O'Higgins, the great Chilean hero; Tiradentes, the forerunner of Brazilian independence; Morelos and Hidalgo in Mexico, both Catholic priests, and both martyrs to the cause of independence ; and scores of others from each country whose names would be meaningless except to those well acquainted with the history of South America. Once free from colonial bondage, the new republics, whose political constitutions in the main are based on that of the United States, had to deal with fresh problems arising from changed con- ditions. The new political entities commenced their independent life heavily handicapped, on the one hand by their economic condi- tion after a period of protracted wars, jind on the other hand by a scarcity of population. The unbounded productiveness of Latin America, coupled with the modest wants of the masses, has been the main cause of the slow development of most of these countries as manufacturing centres, their chief means of support being agricultural and allied industries, and mining. The evolutiqji out 24 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of all this chaos has been more rapid in some countries than in others, due to special conditions, among which the principal ones are geographic and topographic position, and predominance of the white man. The leading classes, owners of black slaves and landlords to the Indian tenantry, lived for the most part in relative ease after the war of independence. Those who did not seek in the army a field for their activities or inclinations devoted themselves to intel- lectual and scientific pursuits, either in civil life or in the service of the church. Some went abroad, to France or Spain preferably, to acquire a general education or to perfect that received at home and to see the world, and on their return bringing new ideas which were eventually adopted and modified as necessity demanded. With the progress of the 19th century Latin America also advanced. Intellectually, the Latin-Americans are anything but the inferiors of the Anglo Americans. The literature of Latin Amer- ica is as rich and valuable as that of any country, yet it is hardly known — not to say entirely unknown — in the United States except by a handful of men who have devoted their time to the study of the Spanish language. It is only during the last few years that a desire to learn Spanish has made itself felt in the United States, and it is most gratifying to note the number of persons now able to read and understand the language and their growing familiarity with things Latin-American. On the other hand, the study of modern langiiages is compulsory in all of the universities and colleges of Latin America, and absolutely neces- sary to obtain certain academic degrees. French was for a long time the language chosen by the majority of the students, hence the influence of French literature and French thought in Latin America. German was taken up by many, more as a commercial tongue than otherwise. English was preferred by others, rather as an accomplishment than as a language of immediate practical use, but now it has taken, in many cases, the place of German. These two languages have followed the trend of trade, but English is becoming more useful every day in view of the increased rela- tions of Latin America with the LTnited States, in all spheres of Imman activity. The problem of education has always commanded the earnest attention of all the Latin- American governments, to the extent of having made primary education not only free but compulsory. So far as higher education is- concerned — that is, all grades above primary — there are institutions, either public or private, or both. LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION 25 for secondary and superior education, normal schools, schools of mines, agricultural and manual training, technological institutes, colleges, universities, conserv^atorie^s of music, academies of paint- ing and sculpture, national or public libraries, museums, etc. — in short, all kinds of institutions devoted to the moral and intellectual uplift of the people. In each of the Latin-American countries there is a system of scholarships which serves as a practical means of promoting inter- est in education. This system provides for supporting abroad for a certain length of time such students and graduates as have won honors, who are sent to Europe and in some cases to the United States, to perfect their education and bring home the latest and most approved methods. Since the present war began students come to the United States who formerly would have gone to Europe to take a post-graduate course in some science or pro- fession. Others are in this country studying and investigating school methods and appliances. At present there are over 1,300 such students in the United States. With better means of communication and a desire to expand their trade with Latin America, United States merchants and travelers are visiting intelligently the Ijatin-.Vmerican countries, and men of science and learning have, during the last few years, turned their eyes toward that continent, bringing to light the won- ders of past ages buried by the sands of Time, and doing justice to a civilization then little known, and only by a few. No better proof of the fact that Latin-American civilization is worthy of note could be had than the desire to exchange professors and students between certain universities of the United States and those of the leading South American countries, as well as the acquisition, generally by purchase, of important private libraries of Latin America, containing invaluable works dealing with the history, progress, and higher development of those countries. Latin-Americans have done much toward the progress of the world both intellectually and materially. Civilization may be di- vided into tw^o great branches from which others spring: develop- ment of the intellectual forces of mankind, and development of the material resources for the benefit of society. Under the first head — as has been shown in the preceding paragraphs — there are found educational institutions to train and perfect the mind, which have existed in Latin America for centuries, and the result of this training has been great jurists, historians, orators, physicians, painters, sculptors, poets, musicians, playwrights, and 26 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA others too numerous to mention when dealing with 20 coun- tries, but whose works might fill a great library. A passing men- tion has already been made of the standing of Latin-American writers. There are painters and sculptors of renown, whose works have been admired, rewarded and commended in the leading art centres of the world. In all these countries there are art schools from which the students go preferably to Italy or France, most frequently pensioned by the government, to perfect themselves. There are musicians wedded to their art and a credit to their coun- try and themselves; and composers, singers and players educated in their own conservatories or schools. There are theatres and opera houses not surpassed by any others in the United States or Europe, and the governments of many, if not all, of the Latin- American countries contribute to the musical education of the people by subsidizing opera troupes every season or so, paying- large sums to obtain the best singers. Many a celebrity who has come to New York has commenced his career in Latin America. There is another phase of Latin-American civilization showing in an unquestionable manner a natural tendency toward the estab- lishment of higher ideals — those ideals that are to-day being pro- claimed by men of good will of all nations. I refer to arbitration, recourse to which is the highest form of culture among peoples. Arbitration is not new with the Latin- American peoples. It is one of the basic principles of their social structure, since it rests on the civil law of Rome, which provides for arbitration as one of the ordinary and usual means of settling differences between man and man. The principle of world arbitration was first proclaimed by General Simon Bolivar, who w^as the originator of the idea of hold- ing the first Congress of Nations of America at Panama in 1826, for the purpose, among others, of adopting arbitration as a principle of American — that is to say, Pan American — policy. In recent years Latin America has had recourse to arbitration and direct negotiations partaking often of the nature of arbitra- tion, more frequently than all the rest of the world. Latin- American wars have been civil wars for a political principle, and these mainly in countries where the military element predominates. They have never engaged in wars of conquest. In their inter- national difficulties, arbitration has always been the keynote of negotiations. It is a remarkable fact that in the history of the Latin-American republics, since they became independent from the mother country over 100 years ago, they have had among them- selves only two international wars, and these could indeed be classed as national, since they were fought among members of LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION 27 their own family of nations. But these wars were not fought for territorial expansion, nor in the spirit of conquest, although terri- tory may have been gained as an indemnity. These are the Para- guayan war against Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina, 1865-70, and the war of Chile against Bolivia and Peru, 1879-84. On the other hand, who, looking at the map of Europe before this war, would recognize it as the same Europe of half a century ago? AVith one or two exceptions — the Iberian and Scandinavian peninsulas and the British Isles — there is not a single country that has not been remade at the cost of numberless lives. All boundary disputes — and they have been many — have been or are being settled by arbitration. Could any better proof be offered of the advancement of peoples who, while springing directly from a race of warriors, are not afraid to work towards the ends of peace! Another proof of this spirit of progress is the maintenance in the city of Washington, by all the countries of the American hemi- sphere, of a unique organization called the Pan American Union, the living embodiment of the idea which created the International Union of American Republics as a result of the first Pan American Conference held in Washington in 1889-90 at the invitation of that great American statesman, James G. Blaine. The Pan American Union represents the spirit of progress, the desire for a better understanding, the necessity for stronger ties of friendship, felt among the republics of the three Americas, by making them known to one another, by bringing to the attention of the people of the United States the opportunities offered by the Latin-American countries, their civilization, their onward march towards prosper- ity, united in a single purpose of material and moral advancement. There is another aspect of the civilization of the Latin- American Republics which deserves, more than passing attention. It is their political life as members of the Pan American fraternity of independent nations. Their first step towards higher ideals w^as their declaration of independence and their assumption of the duties and exercises of the rights of sovereign states. The tran- sition from colonial dependencies to self-governing nations was fraught with difficulties unknown to the citizens of the original thirteen states of the North American Union, resulting from differ- ent conditions, due in the main to the spirit that inspired their com- plete emancipation. The original thirteen states separated from England principally for practical reasons, while the Spanish- American countries had to contend with an economic as well as a political problem. 3 28 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA After a period of evolution — or of successive revolutions, as some would say — during which the seA^eral antagonistic interests were undergoing a process of amalgamation, or better still, clari- fication, there now exist, in the majority of Latin- American coun- tries, stable governments whose sole aim is to maintain above reproach the moral as well as the economic credit of their respec- tive nations, so as to attract foreign capital and energy, which will stimulate the development of home industries, and insure peace, prosperity and happiness to its citizens. Some Latin- American republics have been less fortunate, but every disturbance, all civil strife, should be construed, in fairness, as a misdirected effort towards the attainment of a goal dreamed of and desired by all. Public education, foreign commerce, improved means of communi- cation, greater development of the natural wealth of those coun- tries, are factors which have contributed and are constantly con- tributing to the establislmient of a peaceful era which will even- tually become normal and stable. As to the material phase of Latin- American civilization, com- munication with the other countries of the world until the begin- ning of the present European War was represented by over 50 steamship lines plying between European ports and those of Latin America, and about 25 lines running from the United States to the Atlantic, Caribbean and west coast ports of Latin America. The combined railway mileage from Mexico down to Chile and Argen- tina, including the island countries of Cuba, Haiti and the Domini- can Republic, is estimated at over 68,000 miles, Argentina leading with over 22,000 miles ; next comes Mexico with over 15,000 miles ; Brazil follows with about 14,600 miles; Chile, nearly 6,000; Cuba, nearly 2,500, and the other republics in lesser proportion. There is not one single country, however, that is not included in this total mileage. It may seem strange that in an area of about 8,200,000 square miles there should be only 68,000 miles of railway, but if one stops a moment to consider the enormous barrier extend- ing along the west coast of South America, formed by the mighty range of the Andes mountains, which made direct communication between the cities of the Atlantic and Pacific coasts very diffi- cult, and the scarcity of population which creates demands and makes traffic profitable, one will understand why the railways of Latin America have not advanced faster. But even under these circumstances, not a day passes but some work is done towards the extension of that railway mileage. Another phase of civilization and progress is the foreign com- merce of a country. The progress made by Latin America in its ('()p.\ rislit. Xt«nian Traveltalks and Hiowii & Dawson. N. Y. The Capitol Building and Monument of the Congress in Buenos Aires, Argentina, at Time of Celebration of Independence Day, 9 July Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson. N. Y. A Portion of the Bay of Rio de Janeiro by Night, Brazil LATIN-AMERICAN CIVILIZATION 29 commercial relations with the world at large and the United States, especially, shows that there is a great consumption of all such arti- cles as are considered necessary to civilization. Latin America is not a manufacturing continent; it mainly produces for export agricultural products such as sugar, coffee, rubber, tobacco, cacao or cocoa, cotton, etc., hides and other raw materials, mining prod- ucts such as silver, gold, tin, copper, iron, bismuth, saltpeter, etc., and a few gems. Its main imports are machinery' of all kinds, hardware, cotton and other fabrics, foodstuffs, carriages and auto- mobiles, railway material, electrical appliances, and other similar products of industr^^ necessary to the cultivation of the land, the . improvement of roads and cities, and the comfort of the inhabitants. There is not a city of any importance in Latin America where?\ either artificial illuminating gas or electric light is unknown. \I Telegraph and telephone wires stretch all over Latin America, ( uniting cities and towns, ov^er the wilds and across the mountains, bridging mighty rivers, connecting neighboring countries and link- ing their shores with the rest of the civilized world. Not an event of any importance takes place in Europe, Asia, Africa, or the United States which the submarine cable does not bring to the Latin-American press, to be made public either in the form of bulletins or in "extras," according to the importance of the event, while nearly every Latin-American country has its wireless tele- graph system. Electric cars are fast replacing the older and slower methods of transportation within the cities and extending their usefulness to carrying passengers to suburban villas, small \ townis or country places of amusement, and Buenos Aires, the ^ largest Latin- American capital, has a subway in operation. A charge frequently made against Latin Americans is that they are a race of dreamers. There is some truth in this. Latin Ameri- cans have inherited from their forefathers the love of the beautiful and the grand; the facility for expression and the vivid imagina- tion of the Latin race ; the sonorous, majestic Spanish, the flexible, musical Portuguese, and French, the language of art; and a respon- sive chord to all that thrills, be it color, harmony, or mental imagery. They have also inherited from those ancestors their varying moods, their noble traits and their shortcomings, both of which have been preserved, and in certain cases improved, under the influence of environment, the majestic mountains, primeval forests, ever blooming tropical flowers, bii'ds of sweetest songs and wonderful plumage; under magnificent skies and the inspiration drawni from other poets and writers, foreign and native. 30 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Much more might be said to show the constant endeavor of Latin America to co-operate with its best efforts to the civilization of the world. It has contributed readily according to its Latin standards, and from the day of its independence and the estab- lishment of republican institutions, Latin America has recognized the rights of man, abolished slaver}^, fostered education, developed its commerce and increased traveling facilities and means of com- munication with the outer world. It has contributed to the best of its ability to the sum total of human betterment, and the day can- not be far off when full justice will be done to the efforts of the countries south of the United States, where live a people intelli- gent, progressive, proud of their history and their own efforts, and ready to extend a friendly hand and a sincere welcome to those who are willing to understand them, and aid them on their road to progress. Congress Hall, Santiago, Chile Education in Latin America By Edgar Ewing Brandon Vice-President and Dean of Miami University General and Historical EDUCATION ill Latin America is dominated bj^ two forces. One is historical and concerns higher and professional studies. The Spanish colonists established universities soon after their occupation of the country. Santo Domingo, 1538; Lima, 1551; Mexico, 1553; Bogota, 1572, Cordoba in Argen- tina, 1613; Chuquisaca (now Sucre) in Bolivia, 1623. Six others were founded by the end of the colonial period. They had char- ters from the King of Spain and from the Pope, and enjoyed the monopoly of granting degrees. Preparation was obtained only in church schools and by private tutoring. The universities them- selves were conducted by the religious orders. They were organ- ized and conducted solely in the interest of the colonial aristocracy. To-day they are national and theoretically open to all classes with small tuition fees and very generally include engineering schools. However, their traditional characteristics persist. They over- emphasize theory, culture, dialectics, and make their appeal to the upper and leisure class. They exercise little or no direct influence on elementary instruction. On the other hand, they dominate the secondary schools, which too often are but feeders to the universities, imitating their methods, refiecting their tra- ditional spirit, and are likewise limited in patronage almost exclusively to the higher classes. The other force in Latin American education, the movement for elementary education, is recent and comes from abroad. Before 1860 no state had any well-defined system of elementary instruc- tion. During the presidency of Sarmiento (1868-1874) Argen- tina inaugurated a determined movement for universal elementary instruction. Sarmiento was influenced by the example of the United States. About the same time Chile undertook seriously the national organization of elementary schools. France has been rightly called the intellectual mother of Latin America, and when the French Republic from 1870 on strove to banish illiteracy from France, its influence was not without great effect in Spanish [31] 32 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA America. All the states soon put upon their statute books laws for compulsory primary education. The reform has not progressed uniformly. Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay in South America, and Costa Rica in Central America have made the greatest progress. Whereas in these states 50 years ago illit- eracy was perhaps more than 90 per cent, it is now less than 50 and rapidly decreasing. In some of the other states it is still 90 per cent. Cuba has made commendable progress in elementary education since its independence. The least progress has been made in those countries where the Indian and Mestizo population is the largest, or where strong clerical influence hampers the national and secular school organization. In such countries school sta- tistics are often misleading. Many schools exist only on paper, in others the terms are short, average attendance is low, and the law of compulsory attendance is not enforced. Primary Education The standard period of the elementary school is six years, but even in a country like Argentina the full length is observed only in cities and larger towns. The villages and countryside maintain curricula of but two, three, or sometimes four years. The school year approximates nine months. The subjects of instruction are reading, writing, arithmetic, drawing, geography, and national history. As far as the mere ability to read is con- cerned, the short period of elementary schooling which obtains in so many localities is in part compensated for by the phonetic spelling of Spanish, and as concerns simple calculation by the use of the metric system. Genuine intellectual development, how- ever, suffers severely from the short term of schooling for the average child. Elementary teachers are as a rule underpaid, and are seldom from the upper classes. The sharp class distinctions which so generally prevail in Latin America, especially in coun- tries with a large mestizo population, are nowhere more noticeable than in the schools. Except in Argentina, and in a lesser degree in Uruguay and Costa Rica, children of the upper classes of society seldom attend the elementary public schools. They receive their primary education either through private tutoring, or in private select schools, or in primary grades attached to the state secondary schools. This practice tends to foster and accentuate class dis- tinction and makes of the public elementary instruction purely folk schools — a condition of affairs much to be regretted in a democracy. Copyright, Brown & Dawson and F. M. Newman, Stamford, Conn. Laboratory of the Government Agricultural School at Piraclcaba, Brazil Copyright, Newman Traveltallis and IJrown & Uawson, N. Y. Open Air School Beside Lake Titicaca, Bolivia Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Uruwn Tnent of compensation from the very day on w^hich it occurred. Physicians are required under penalty of fine or loss of office, to attend the victims of accident, and judges will exact costs from any employers who seek to evade the payment of an indemnity by alleging negligence on the part of victims. Another recent law provides that native laborers must be paid in money, and they must not be compelled to live in agricul- tural, pastoral or industrial centres against their will. The daily wages of native laborers in the mountains shall not be less than 20 centavos (8.5 cents), even though such laborers receive con- cessions of land, animals, foodstuffs etc. In case food is fur- nished, it is not to be more in value than the laborer earns each week. Laborers now working on plantations without receiving wages are free to abandon their places, with their families, ani- mals, and tools unless they have entered into a contract, in which case the employee must stay out the year. In all cases he must pay any existing indebtedness, but neither persons nor animals can be held for debts. In Peru, the Indian has proved decidedly unfitted for agri- culture. This fact is responsible for the efforts made at different times to supplant native labor by the importation of Japanese and Chinese coolies from 1849 to the present. It is estimated that between the years 1849 and 1874 no less than 87,343 coolies were imported into Peru. Japanese workers under contract for periods of six years were also imported in 1899 and again in 1903, their number being estimated at 2,000. Peruvian statesmen have been very much concerned with this importation of laborers which can not be productive of any good to the native population and they are thinking of a way to regen- erate the Indians but no way out has yet been found — either Peru must cultivate its lands and natural riches so as to meet the demands of its own people and the world, in which case it must accept foreign workers, or else it has to abide by the labor of the natives, and neglect utilizing its great natural resources to the fullest extent. In the region of the Amazon, how^ever, a number of independent laborers, Chinese or Japanese, have set- tled, attracted thither by the opportunities offered to the worker. Prevailing rates of wages in Uruguay are shown approximately in the following table : LABOR IN LATIN AMERICA 53 Blacksmith, day $1 00 to $1 80 Mason, day 1 20 to 1 70 Carpenter, day 1 20 to 1 85 Day laborers, day 1 20 Marble cutters, day 1 20 to 1 50 Painters, day 1 55 to 2 00 Country day laborer, day 1 20 Montevideo suffers from the common South American con- dition of the high cost of living and rent. Articles of clothing and food are double the price of those in Europe. Fresh pro- visions and fruit, which in a fertile temperate land ought to be cheap, are not so. Venezuela's main occupations are of an agricultural and pas- toral nature. In this latter the llanero, a native race of hardy horsemen of Venezuela, was famous from the colonial period as intelligent ranchers. The many wars, however, have decreased the number of this class. The prices of necessities in Venezuela are as follows: Fillet of beef, per lb $0 20 Mutton, per lb 25 Coffee, per lb 10 to $0 14 Onions, per lb 08 to 09 Potatoes, per lb 04 to 06 Flour, per bbl 13 00 This is the scale of wages of some of the wage earners: Women cooks $6 to $12 per month House servants and waitresses 4 to 6 " " Man butler or messenger 10 to 15 " " We may draw the following conclusions from the facts above stated : First. All are agreed in regard to the stupendous riches of Latin America and its adaptability to agriculture. Second. The mineral resources are equally great, but the mines as a rule belong to foreigners, who utilize the labor of the Indians and export the output of those mines, producing the par- adoxical effect of the excess of exportation over importation, together with the fact that the countries are indebted to foreigners. Third. The natives in many cases have shown intelligence, obedience, and endurance, but they have not been properly edu- cated. A sound Latin- American policy must lead education and all social forces toward agriculture, which is the only substantially national occupation. 5 54 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF IiATIN AMERICA Fourth. Fortunately, the native population has not shown the tendency of many other peoples to desert the country for crowded cities. Fifth. Industry has been sustained by means of protective tariffs and concessions w^hich produce an increase in the value of many necessities and divert the energies of a group of the population which in agriculture would live a better life, both from a physical and economical point of view. Sixth. As the life of the people is of first importance, and it depends upon agriculture, the most sensible policy for Latin America would be to direct its activities toward developing agri- culture with all the resources of modern science. Seventh. The ill advised tendency to divert the natives from agriculture in the direction of industrj^ brings to the Latin- American countries the intricate industrial problems of Europe, creates among the natives the desires of the European workers, and submits them to the kindling oratory of demagogues who make them believe with superstitious faith in socialistic promises, thus increasing the revolutionary tendencies of those peoples. Eighth. The well known characteristic of the Indian races of America is their tendency to and ability for imitation. This characteristic is one of their best qualities, if the ruling classes of Latin America, conscious of their duties, direct the policy of their countries toward peaceful agriculture. In the above mentioned study published in the Bulletin of the Bureau of Labor of the Department of Labor of the United States, we notice this statement which is more eloquent than anything else we can say. Referring to the character of the workers, the statement is made: " When you have occasion to discharge one Japanese, all would quit and so you are left with- out men. But if a Mexican proves a poor or undesirable w^ork- ingman, you can let him go without breaking up the whole gang. ' ' The interpretation of this fact is that the workers of Mexico, and we may say, the native workers of America, lack a sense of co-operation. So then, when tracing the policy of the peoples of Latin America, we must advocate these two things: the promotion of agriculture and, by proper law and education, the development of a sense of responsibility and of co-operation. These were the aims of Spain in her system of missions for the uplifting of the Indians, and these are also those of the United States in keeping the aborigines in reservations for educating them before granting them the right to govern themselves. Property Rights and Land Ownership in Latin America By Irving E. Rines General Provisions ALMOST without exception the constitutions of the Latin-American countries guarantee the inviolability of property, whether belonging to individuals or corpora- tions, and stipulate that no inhabitant may be deprived of it, save by due process of law. Foreigners enjoy the same rights as natives in the holding, purchasing and selling of real property. The house is the individual's asylum and cannot be entered at night without the consent of the occupant nor during the day save in the cases provided by law or in cases of in flagrante delicto. In Bolivia, Argentina and some other countries confiscation of prop- erty may not be applied as a punishment for political offences; while Honduras provides that the right to recover confiscated property is barred by limitation at the end of 50 years (Nicaragua provides that this right shall never be barred) ; and in most coun- tries condemnation of private property may not be oi'dered except for public utility and according to law and upon previous and just indemnification. Under the 1917 constitution of Mexico attach- ment proceedings of the whole or part of the property of any person made under judicial authority to cover any civil liability shall not be deemed a confiscation of property. Private papers and correspondence are inviolable and may not be seized, inter- cepted or searched, except in the cases determined by law and upon written order of the competent authority. No soldier or military man shall be quartered in a private house in time of peace without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war except in the manner prescribed by law; Argentina provides that no armed force can make requisitions or exact assistance of any kind. Only in case of war and solely for the purpose of insuring restora- tion of public order, the seizure of private property in Colombia may be ordered by authorities not vested with judicial power and without previous indemnification. In time of peace no one shall be deprived of his property, either wholly or in part, except in the following cases: (1) Through general taxation; (2) Through £65] 56 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA reasons of public utility, defined by law, upon previous indemnifi- cation, except in case of condemnation for the purpose of opening or constructing highways of communication, in which case the benefits derived by the owners of the condemned land are sup- posed to be equivalent to the price of the strip of land which was needed to build the road. But if it be shown that this land is worth more, the difference shall be paid. Religious Property Bolivia provides that real estate belonging to the Church and the property of educational, charitable and municipal establish- ments or religious corporations shall enjoy the same g-uaranties accorded the property of private individuals. In Panama build- ings devoted to any form of worship, theological seminaries, and the residences of bishops and parish priests are not subject to taxation. In Peru the Roman Catholic churches and convents belong to the state which makes an annual subsidy in aid of public worship. The Mexican constitution of 1917 provides that religious associations may not acquire, hold or administer real property or loans made on such real property. All places of public worship are the property of the nation and the provision regarding loans holds true (if the mortgage do not exceed 10 years) of charitable institutions and institutions for scientific and educational pur- poses, mutual, aid societies or organizations formed for any other purpose. Monopolies, Etc. Under the terms of Article XVI of the civil code, property situated in Chile is subject to Chilean laws, even though the owners be foreigners living abroad. The Colombia and Panama consti- tutions provide that no real property shall be inalienable or obliga- tions irredeemable. In Nicaragua and Salvador no monopoly may be established except as a means of revenue and by virtue of a law. In Honduras monopolies, privileges and concessions in favor of private parties may be granted only for a limited time in order to promote the introduction or improvement of industries, coloni- zation, immigration, institutions of credit and the opening of ways of communication. Recent Mexican Laws Some provisions of the 1917 constitution of Mexico deserve particular mention. Only Mexicans by birth or naturalization and Mexican companies have the right to acquire ownership in PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND OWNERSHIP 57 land, waters and their appurtenances, or to obtain concessions to develop mines, waters or mineral fuels. Foreigners may receive this right provided they agree to be considered Mexicans in respect to such property and accordingly not to invoke the pro- tection of their governments in respect to same, under penalty of forfeiture to the Mexican government. Within a zone of 100 kilo- meters from the frontiers and of 50 kilometers from the seacoast no foreigner, under any circumstances, may acquire direct owner- ship of lands and waters. The large landed estates shall be sub- divided ; the maximum area which any one individual or corpora- tion may own is fixed; and the excess of such area shall be sub- divided and offered for sale. No private or governmental monopo- lies of any kind will be allowed. Mexicans must register at the polls of the municipality and set forth any property they may own. Official Liabilities Many of the constitutions state that public officials who violate any of the established guaranties are responsible with their prop- erty for the losses and damages sustained through their action. No citizen of or foreigner resident in Haiti, Honduras, Salvador or Venezuela may claim indemnity from the state for losses sustained by virtue of civil and political troubles, but the injured parties may prosecute in the courts the persons recognized as authors of the wrongs perpetrated and in this way seek the proper legal reparation. Disposal of Property In most countries every person legally capable of exercising his rights may dispose of his property by sale, donation, last will and testament, or any other legal way of conveyance. In Argen- tina the right to dispose of property by testament is granted only to unmarried persons, having no parents or descendants. Four- fifths of the father's fortune must by law be left to his children, and if there be no children, the husband is obliged to leave one- half of his fortune to his wife. An unmarried son is obliged to leave two-thirds of his property to his parents. In Cuba, unless the husband expressly permit her, the wife cannot acquire prop- erty by an onerous or lucrative title, alienate her property, or bind herself save in the cases and with the limitations established by law. (In this connection see also the article on Commercial Regulations, subtitle Merchants). In Ecuador women have the full administration of their property even when they are married. 58 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA The Haitian constitution provides that natives alone can own real property and that a Haitian woman who has lost her national character by marriage to a foreigner shall be disqualified from holding or acquiring real property by any means or for any reason whatsoever. The law shall provide for the condemnation of the property owned by her before her marriage, Guatemala, Hon- duras, Nicaragua, Salvador and some other countries absolutely prohibit entailments of property and foundations or endowments in favor of dead hands, excepting those made in favor of charitable establishments. To guarantee property and the free disposal of it in Peru, the name of the actual owner should be inscribed in the Registry of Landed Property and also the manner in which the property has been acquired, any existing incumbrances and any prescriptive rights which may limit the free disposal of it. Foreigners have the right to dispose of their property by will, but if a foreigner die without a will and there be no legal heirs, the property is immediately placed under control of the consular representative of the nation to which the deceased foreigner belonged. After an inventory has been taken, the property is liquidated and the balance (if any) is given to the heirs through the intervention of the consul. No payment may be made to the heirs until six months after the notice of the death has been given. Land Holdings The undeveloped resources and potentialities of the Latin American countries are enormous and vast tracts of land still remain the property of the various states. In most of the coun- tries large estates predominate and the wealth is monopolized in the hands of a few persons. Article XXV of the Constitution of Argentina provides that the government " shall encourage Euro- pean immigration, and shall not restrict, limit or obstruct, by taxa- tion of any kind, the entrance into the Argentine territory of foreigners coming to it for the purpose of engaging in the cultiva- tion of the soil, the improvement of industrial business or the intro- duction and teaching of arts and sciences. ' ' But prior to the begin- ning of the settlement period, the land was given in immense tracts to political favorites or to successful warriors and, under the old Spanish regime, the rest of the people were contented to work for the landowners. Argentina is and always has been a country of large estates, many of them containing 60,000 acres or more, the average holding being about 3,800 to 4,000 acres. In rural communities small property holdings are the rule and the PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND OWNERSHIP 59 cutting up of large holdings has steadily increased, due in part to the inheritance laws under which there is an automatic division of estates among the heirs and in part to the fact that the Argentine landowaier is not concerned with questions of primogeniture, entail, etc., but regards his property wholly from the business standpoint. According to the latest statistics the number of hold- ings in selected parts of Argentina, divided into their various sizes, was as follows: Size in hectares Number of holdings 10 hectares = 24.71 acres Province Province Province Buenos Aires C6rdoba Santa F^ 14,001 5,671 6,876 14,191 5,045 6,830 9,248 5,280 7,276 7,466 5,732 7,875 3,850 2,658 3,020 4,940 3,872 2,545 3,256 1,685 1,263 2,530 992 768 1,649 619 566 682 268 208 306 147 136 62,119 31,969 37,363 Territory Pampa 10 to 25 26 " 50 51 " 100 101 " 200 201 " 300 301 " 650 651" 1,250 1,251" 2,500 2,501 " 5,000 5,001 " 10,000 10,001 upwards. 583 423 2,174 401 287 330 512 1,412 445 431 172 7,170 The status of the people in Brazil is largely bound up with the question of land tenure, the large estate owners practically controlling the agricultural industries, the fazendas or coffee plantations being typical of the large estates. Under the state- aided colonization and contract systems, a great wave of immi- gration set in, particularly from Italy, the labor of these immigrants helping to develop the coffee plantations of Sao Paulo ; but being unable to obtain land of their own the laborers derived little permanent benefit and became nomadic. In Chile the landed proprietors or haciendados frequently own as much as 10 square miles of land which is usually cultivated through encomenderos or factors. The landowner, who is generally a magistrate, with summary powers of jurisdiction over petty offenders, possesses extraordinary influence. Mortgages do not permit the division of the estates they cover nor can a portion of the land be sold to pay interest, and when the owner cannot meet his interest obligations the hacienda is sold at auction. Since the large estates are seldom split up, a peculiar system of management prevails. In order to obtain labor without retaining it permanently on a salary or wage basis, the landed proprietor allows a peon to occupy as much land 60 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA as he can till with the assistance of his family, these peons being knowTi as the landlord's inquilinos. They pay no rent and the produce of the land belongs to them; sometimes on a small scale they raise stock, pigs and poultry. In return for the privilege, the peon must sell his labor to the landlord at about two-fifths of the prevailing local rates. When most needed on his own farm the peon is called upon to cultivate the landlord's property, and there- fore, as he cannot devote much attention to his own lands, the women and children must attend to the farming, which results in under-cultivation and accordingly little profit to himself. Legally the peon or roto may leave his employment or be discharged at any time, though this seldom occurs. The owners of large estates fur- nish homes for their servants free of rent. Land in Chile is sub- divided equally among all the children and the roto follows this practice. As in Chile, the land in Ecuador is divided among the whites and some of the mestizos of the nearly white class, and consequently is largely monopolized in a very few hands. In Guatemala the Creoles (Europeans or those of European extraction), though constituting only about one-tenth of the population, own all but a small fraction of the wealth of the country. In Peru the ownership of mines is distinct from that of the land or superficial property, and, gener- ally speaking, any Peruvian (save officials) or foreigner capable of owning property may acquire mining claims. In unfenced lands prospecting is free but in fenced property requires the con- sent of the owner. In the foothills regions of Peru there are a few extensive plantations belonging to single landowners, as along the coast. The Cholo Indian is a small landowner — a state inher- ited from the old Inca regime — and he cultivates his small holding chiefly with the idea of supplying his own meagre wants. The laws prohibit the alienation of these small holdings from the Cholos, with the intent to preserve this useful peasant class. Among the Indians of Bolivia is in vogue a territorial system essentially the same as that established by the Inca sovereigns who did not recognize private property, the soil being cultivated in community and the products shared. The unit was the ayllo which was divided into 10 or more aynocas and none of the co-proprietors of his own free will could extend his crops. The aynocas are still cultivated periodically and in alternation at the rate of one or two a year, the rest being used as a community pasturage. The Spanish colonial system has modified this arrangement by individualizing the property of the natives of each ayllo by means of sayanas for the imposition of tribute, a PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND OWNERSHIP 61 territorial tax which must be paid in silver. The Indians of a community are divided into originarios, possessing land in the valleys, and the puna agregados, or colonists owning land, and foresteros, or associated foreigners. Respectively these classes pay taxes of 9, 7 or 3 bolivianos, which are collected by the cor- regidors, who every six months remit them to the departmental treasuries. In spite of the laws and the passage of time the Indian's community idea has not been uprooted and the majority of the Indians have obstinately rejected the laws of 1874 and 1880 which declared them to be the owners of their sayanas. Encouragement of Immigrants and Colonists The various governments are rapidly throwing open to set- tlers the territories belonging to the state and by means of liberal immigration laws are encouraging an influx of hardy immigrants who will cultivate and develop what hitherto have been waste and unproductive lands. Most countries offer to immigrants exemp- tion of duties on personal and household goods, machinery, tools, etc. ; free transportation from port of debarkation to point of des- tination ; a grant of a certain area to single men and usually twice that area to married men; and exemption from taxation for a period generally placed at 10 years. In some countries the immi- grant is maintained at the expense of the state for a few days after arrival at port of entry until he has had time to select the section in which he wishes to settle, and every facility of the government is placed at his disposal so that he may select wisely and thus become a colonist of great productiveness. Brazil's regulations are typical. In the first place, genuine immigrants who arrive with families of not less than three children, between 12 and 50 years of age, are reimbursed the cost of their third-class passages, and their possessions are exempt from import duty. Special attention is given to immigrants who wish to attach themselves to one of the colonies which are agricultural and stock-raising cen- tres. Free passage and free maintenance are provided by the government until the immigrant is established on the plot he has selected to cultivate. Provisions are also furnished for a period of six months until the first crop provides the family with food of their own growing; in payment the head of the family must work 15 days each month upon the public work of the colony, usually consisting of extensions of existing roads. The colonies are divided into four classes : those established by the national govern- ment; those established by the states with the national support; 62 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA those established by the railway companies, which have acquired lands as a premium for railway construction; and those estab- lished by other companies or by private persons. The land is divided into rural and urban lots, the latter being about I14 acres in size and the former about 62 acres when the land is near a rail- way or navigable river or 120 acres when far distant from these. Rural lots are sold to the colonist with a family and unable to pay cash at from $1.25 to $2.50 (U. S.) per acre, but to the colonist without a family the charge is from $2 to $3.75 per acre. Urban lots are sold only for cash and at prices varying from $200 to $500 per acre, depending upon proximity to railways, navigable rivers, etc. The purchase price of rural lots may be liquidated in install- ments extending over a number of years, no payment being required for the first year, but a discount of 12 per cent on out- standing installments is given the colonist who liquidates his indebtedness prior to maturity. Should the colonist die, his legal rights are conserved for the wife and family and every protection is granted against creditors to that part of the plot on w^hich the home stands, known as the homestead. The conditions of payment vary in detail but the principle is everjrwhere similar to that outlined, which applies to the Federal colonies. The public lands in the national territories of Argentina are being thrown open rapidly to settlers. This is particularly true of districts in Pampa, Santa Cruz, Chubut, Rio Negro and Neuquen, where holdings of from 10,000 to 20,000 hectares are being offered for colonization on favorable terms. Leased lands may be secured on a 10 year lease at an annual rental of $12.50 paper per hectare with the option of renewal for further periods of 10 and 5 years ; and if the government should at any time decide to sell the tenant may purchase outright. The amount of public land that may be leased or purchased by one person is limited by the law of 1907. Agricultural lands are divided into lots of 250 acres and may be granted to persons or corporations; grazing lands so granted do not exceed 6,250 acres. Under the law no person or corporation may acquire more than four town lots or two agricultural and one pastoral lot in the reserved zones or more than 50 acres in the outside lands. Such agricultural lands must be settled within two years and a capital of not less than $1,000 be invested in cattle and $250 in buildings per square league. On a town lot the purchaser must build a house within a year. Pasture lands unsuited to agriculture are sold in lots not exceeding 6,000 acres, but within two years the purchaser must stock the land with at leasit 500 sheep or 80 cows and plant 100 trees. Lands not PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND OWNERSHIP 63 exceeding 50,000 acres may be leased by a person or corporation for five years, on the expiration of which term the tenant may purchase one-half this area at a price stipulated in the lease. Such lands must be financed by the lessee and personally managed. Forest concessions may be granted for not more than 10 years on payment of one-half the value of the wood sold. Under the Bolivian law of 26 Oct. 1905, as many as 20,000 hec- tares may be purchased by one person for farming and grazing land, at a price approximating 10 centavos per hectare, but if the land contain rubber trees the price is 1 boliviano (about 40 cents gold) per hectare. In order to purchase more than 20,000 hec- tares, the request must be laid before the Bolivian Congress. The purchaser must settle at least one family on every thousand hec- tares. Some of the vacant lands are reserved by the government for adjudication to immigrants, the lands being granted only by act of congress. In no case can public lands be claimed which are not actually occupied. Each immigrant can obtain about 50 hectares at 10 centavos per hectare and has the right freely to select the land desired in the designated zone. The immigrant may pay cash or in five yearly installments, but in the latter case 5 per cent annually is charged and the property cannot be alien- ated or mortgaged, the government having first lien on the land. No immigrant may possess more than three lots or sections by purchase or otherwise. Male children over 14 years of age may secure 25 acres above the 50 usually allotted and children over 18 years of age have the right to acquire separate land. In Chile land may either be rented from the haciendas or purchased from the state. Most of the land in central Chile is occupied but vast tracts in the south may be purchased at about $2.25 (U. S. currency) per acre or $5 per hectare. Only one-third the purchase price need be paid immediately ; the balance may be paid in installments extending over 10 years. To induce immi- grants to settle in the agricultural and timber regions of the south, Chile has enacted a liberal colonization law, the attractive features of which include free transportation from foreign ports to point of destination, 160 acres of land to the head of each family, and a government subsidy of 500 pesos with which to buy farm imple- ments, to erect habitations, etc. Guatemala divides her public lands into lots not more than 15 caballerias (a caballeria equals 113% acres) and sells these lots at from $250 to $300 each. The government offers premiums for the cultivation of India rubber, cacao, sarsaparilla, cotton, and tobacco, and exempts from taxation for a period of 10 years all lands devoted to the cultivation of 64 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA these products. In Colombia grants of government forest lands are made for units of not more than 3,000 hectares. Concession- aires may receive two or more units but such units must be separated by tracts of not less than 3,000 hectares. Grants are made for only one clearly specified line of exploitation — the cut- ting dow^l of timber trees. Land grants have also been made for development of the banana industry. Every person occupying and cultivating government lands and building a residence thereon acquires the right of o^vnership to the cultivated portion and to additional land equal in extent to the cultivated portion. A colon- ist or agriculturist may apply to the proper officials who will cause the property he occupies and has cultivated to be surveyed at the colonist's expense, and then the municipal board shall decree the provisional adjudication of the lands to the colonist and shall send the proceedings to the Department of Public Works for final adjudication, which shall be granted if there be no legal obstacle. Lands so adjudicated must be 1 myriameter distant from existing railways or those in construction. Agriculturists or colonists may freely sell the plantations, buildings and seed plots established on public lands. No adjudication of public lands shall exceed 1,000 hectares and the government reserves to itself alternate areas equivalent to those adjudicated, but if colonists desire to obtain adjacent lands they may do so by purchase. Public lands may be purchased outright at not less than 50 cents gold per hectare for land suitable only for grazing stock, and at $1 gold for cul- tivated lands; and 10 per cent of the purchase price must be deposited as a guarantee at the time application is made. Public lands exceeding 1,000 hectares in area may be sold by the govern- ment provided the bids for their acquisition are made directly to the Department of Public Works. The government of Honduras may prohibit the sale of national lands on the shore of both oceans and to a distance of two leagues inland, as well as the sale of the land on islands and keys. National lands need not be purchased outright, but foreigners, as well as natives, may obtain concessions of land for plantations of coffee, cacao, cotton, sugar, rubber, fruits, etc. Lessees of lots pay an annual tax on land under cultivation, which tax may not be increased for 25 years; but the lessee will forfeit title if he fail to begin cultivation within two years or neglect to pay taxes when due. In Peru laws were passed in 1898, 1909 and 1910 to promote the establishment of colonies to develop the countiy, the laws per- mitting the executive to sell or lease certain state lands to indi- viduals or corporations for agricultural, manufacturing or mining PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND OWNERSHIP 65 purposes or to encourage public utility works, such as irrigation and the building of roads and railways. The cultivable coast lands are mainly held by large companies or wealthy proprietors; in other cases they are owTied by communities. In many localities, especially the sugar and cotton-growing districts, the small culti- vator and the capitalist factory owner form a sort of partnership, the latter providing the land and the water supply in return for one-quarter of the crop ; or if in addition he provide seeds, tools, oxen, etc., he receives one-half of the crop. Concessions of mon- tana land are made either as free grants, as freehold property at about $2.50 per hectare (not more than 1,000 hectares being granted to any one person without legislative sanction), or as tenancies held from the state at a rental of about 5 cents per hectare. Grants are perpetual, subject to an annual tax of about 21/2 cents per hectare. In Salvador the acquisition, preservation, uses and right of way of rural properties are subject to the common law. Per- sons holding uncultivated common or public lands and not having the title of ownership, but who wish to obtain same, must apply in writing to the municipal mayors of the place where the property is situated, stating the location, character and extent of the prop- erty, its boundaries or landmarks, its incumbrances or taxes, the names of the neighbors and their residences. The mayor publishes the application and if no opposition arise orders the issuance of the title of ownership, after an accurate sui-v'ey of the land has been made at the expense of the applicant. The mayors, through the respective governors, forward to the national executive certi- fied copies of all land titles issued. Lands not held by private parties are sold at public auction, the basis for bids being 3 pesos per hectare, and no other title is necessary than the certificate of the proceedings of the auction, 'which certificate shall describe the land sold and its boundaries. International Claims Against Latin America By Edwin M. Borchard __ {^ Professor of Law, Yale University LATIN AMERICA is to-day among those sections of the world which depend largely upon foreign capital and enterprise for the development of their natural resources and their economic expansion. This fact necessarily has resulted in the investment in those countries of considerable foreign capi- tal and in the immigration of large numbers of foreigners. The presence of so many foreigners and foreign interests has given rise to not a little friction between the foreigner, or the foreign government of which he is a citizen, and the local Latin American government. Indeed the great number of pecuniary claims pre- ferred by the governments of Europe and the United States on behalf of their citizens against the states of Latin America con- stitutes an important chapter in the international economic and legal relations of those republics. The Alien The laws of the countries of Latin America have been extremely liberal to the foreigner. It is not generally known that Chile was the first country of the world to place foreigners and natives on terms of civil equality, preceding in this respect by 10 years the Italian civil code of 18()5, the first European code to embody this generous provision. In view of this equality of civil rights, it might be assumed that burdens should likewise be shared with natives, and particularly by permanently domiciled aliens. For example, the Latin American countries have taken the posi- tion that foreigners who have established themselves permanently in those countries are subject to sacrifices which civil commotion, insurrection and civil war may impose upon the inhabitants. Not- withstanding the considerable measure of justice in this position, the Latin American countries have suffered severely from the apparent unwillingness of European governments to share their view. The privileged position which the foreigner has thus enjoyed, partly by the insistence of Europe, has induced the Latin 166] INTERNATIONAL CLAIMS 67 American states to create devices, by legislation or administra- tive regulation, to specify with precision the privileges of for- eigners and to condition their right to claim the advantages of that status upon the fulfillment of various requirements. One of these is matriculation. Matriculation • Several countries, e. g., Mexico, Salvador, Honduras, Guate- mala, Venezuela and Peru, have at various times required foreign- ers to matriculate or register their alienage in a certain public register, as a condition precedent to the assertion of their rights as foreigners. As provided by the Salvadorean law of 29 Sept. 1886, these rights of foreigners are: (1) To appeal to the treaties existing between Salvador and their respective goverimients ; (2) To have recourse to the protection of their sovereign through the medium of diplomatic representation ; and (3) The benefit of reciprocity. With respect to such statutes, the United States has taken the view that while this government is disposed to admit the con- venience of registration as an additional evidence of the rights of its citizens to the protection of the local authorities, it has never admitted that the failure to register could deprive American citi- zens of their rights as such citizens. Denial of Justice It is a general rule of international law, that the foreigner is bound by the local law and must resort to the local courts for redress of his injuries. He must also exhaust his rights of appeal. Only if there has been what is known as a '' denial of justice," i. e., some abusive and flagrant corruption in the courts, or violation of due process of law by the local authorities, may the foreigner have recourse to the protection of his own government for its formal interposition in his behalf. Only if it appears that, by reason of corruption or weakness of political organization, justice is impos- sible to obtain, will the United States excuse its citizen from exhausting his local remedies. The Latin American countries have made every effort to bind foreigners to resort to the local courts, even to the extent of defin- ing a '' denial of justice " in their own legislation (e. g., Hon- duras, Guatemala and Salvador). 68 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Foreign countries, however, have always insisted upon their right to determine for themselves when a denial of justice has taken place. As expressed by Secretary of State Fish: " Foreign governments have a right, and it is their duty, to judge whether their citizens have received the protection due to them pursuant to public law and treaties." In this fact lies the primary condition for the all too frequent abuse by strong states of the rights of many of the weaker countries of Latin America. The Calvo Clause The frequent abuse of the right of diplomatic interposition, to the great injury of some of these weaker republics, led the well- known Argentine publicist, Calvo, to formulate certain principles which have received the name of *' Calvo doctrine." They are mentioned here because of the reliance placed upon them by sev- eral countries of Latin America in seeking to prevent or resist diplomatic claims on behalf of foreigners. Calvo 's views are thus expressed : ''Aside from political motives these interventions have nearly always had as apparent pretexts, injuries to private interests, claims and demands for pecuniar}^ indemnities in behalf of sub- jects. According to strict international law, the recovery of debts and the pursuit of private claims does not justify de piano the armed intervention of governments, and, since European states invariably follow this rule in their reciprocal relations, there is no reason why they should not also impose it upon themselves in their relations with nations of the new world." (I, Sec. 205.) ' ' It is certain that aliens who establish themselves in a coun- try have the same right to protection as nationals, but they ought not to lay claim to a protection more extended. If they suffer any wrong, they ought to count on the government of the country prosecuting the delinquents, and not claim from the state to which the authors of the violence belong any pecuniary indemnity." (VI, Sec. 256.) As will be observed presently, many of the countries of Latin America have written these principles into their constitutions, statutes and treaties. They have incorporated them into their concession-contracts in the form of a clause which has received the name '' Calvo clause," to the effect that the foreign concession- aire ** renounces all right to prefer a diplomatic claim in regard to rights and obligations derived from the contract," or else that '' all doubts and disputes " arising under it " shall be submitted INTERNATIONAL CLAIMS 69 to the local courts without right to claim the diplomatic interposi- tion " of the alien's government. In ordinary" claims arising out of contract it has been the policy of the United States not to interpose diplomatically unless, after the exhaustion of local remedies, there has been a denial of justice in the sense above mentioned, or some confiscatory breach of the contract by the government. The Calvo clause is not repug- nant, therefore, in ordinary contract claims, to the policy of the IJnited States. Nevertheless, the clause as such, as a renunciation by the citizen of his right to the diplomatic protection of his Gov- ernment has been denied validity by the Department of State. Secretary of State Bayard in 1888 formulated the rule as follows : ** This government caimot admit that its citizens can, merely by making contracts with foreign powers, or by other methods not amounting to an act of expatriation or a deliberate abandonment of American citizenship, destroy their dependence upon it or its obligation to protect them in case of a denial of justice. It is not competent to a citizen to divest himself of any part of his inher- ent right to protection or to impair the duty of his government to protect him. ' ' International tribunals of arbitration have had frequent occasion to construe the Calvo clause. Their decisions are con- flicting, due partly to differences in the protocol under which they were acting. The prevailing and the better rule was adopted in the majority of cases, among which the Rudloff case against Venezuela may be cited as typical. There it was held by Bain- bridge, American commissioner, that " It is not within the power of a citizen to make a contract limiting in any manner the exercise by his own govermnent of its rights or the performance of its duties " (i. e., of protecting its citizens abroad). " The individual citizen is not competent by any agreement he may make to bind the state to overlook any injury to itself arising through him, nor can he by his own act alienate the obligation of the state toward himself, except by a transfer of his allegiance." The Drago Doctrine On the occasion of the joint intervention of Great Britain, Italy and Germany against Venezuela in 1902, Dr. Luis Drago, the Argentine Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a note addressed to the Argentine Minister in Washington, advanced the proposal, designed to constitute a corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, that " the public debt [of an American statel cannot occasion armed 6 70 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA intervention, nor even the actual occupation of the territory of American nations by a European power." The proposal at once aroused the greatest interest. Briefly, the proposed policy is based on the ground that the public bonds of a nation are issued by legislative act, an act of sovereignty; that, being payable to bearer, they pass from hand to hand, from national to national, by mere delivery; that the price paid takes into account the value of the security, intrinsically and as an investment, and therefore, the credit of the issuing government: and that the issuing state is the sole judge of its ability to pay. The investor, therefore, buys with full notice and assumption of the risks, and has weighed the probabilities of large profits against the danger of loss. Hence, Dr. Drago concluded, it is unfair to make the non-payment of a public bond, not due to fraud or had faith, the reason for armed intervention. The agitation for the introduction of this principle into inter- national law persuaded Mr. Root to instruct the delegates to the Third American Conference at Rio de Janeiro in 1906 to consider the subject, but recommended that it be referred to the Hague Conference of 1907. There, the United States delegation brought it forward in a somewhat revised form providing that the use of force for the collection of contract debts is not permissible until after the justice and the amount of the debt, as well as the time and manner of payment, shall have been determined by arbitra- tion. This proposal, which in part is wider and in part narrower than the Drago doctrine, is known as the Porter proposition (hav- ing been sponsored by General Horace Porter), and as finally adopted in a convention, by a vote of 39 in favor and 5 absten- tions, reads as follows : * ' The Contracting Powers agree not'to have recourse to armed force for the recovery of contract debts claimed from the govern- ment of one country^ by the government of another country as being due to its nationals. " This understanding is, however, not applicable when the debtor state refuses or neglects to reply to an offer of arbitration, or, after accepting the offer, prevents any compromis from being agreed on, or, after the arbitration, fails to submit to the award." Civil War Claims Various states of Latin America, exposed as they have been to constant revolutionary movements, have on numerous occasions been subjected to liability by the countries of Europe for injuries INTERNATIONAL CLAIMS 71 inflicted on foreigners by insurgents or during civil war. This, too, notwithstanding the general principle of international law, adopted by the United States and by nearly all claims commis- sions of arbitration, that a state is not responsible for injuries sustained by aliens at the hands of insurgents beyond control of the government, unless there is proven fault or a want of due dili- gence on the part of the authorities in preventing the injury or in suppressing the revolution. This doctrine is predicated on the assumption that the govern- ment is reasonably well ordered, and that revolution and disorder are abnormal conditions. European governments, in pressing their claims, have charged a lack of due diligence in preventing or suppressing revolutions, inherent disorganization or, often, no good legal ground of liability at all. Such claims have been brought against Argentina, in 1858; against Chile, after the revolu- tion of 1891; against Brazil, in 1894; and against Venezuela, in 1892 and in 1903. In order to avoid this pressure of claims, arising out of civil war, the Latin American states have succeeded in concluding numerous treaties with European nations by which the latter admit the non-liability of the government for injuries sustained by their subjects in civil war at the hands of revolutionists or savage tribes, provided the damage is not caused through the fault or negligence of the authorities of the government. The republics of Latin Americii have, among themselves, concluded treaties provid- ing for absolute non-liability, whether the injuries sustained by their respective citizens are due to the acts of insurgents or legiti- mate authorities. They have also resorted to other methods to avoid the presentation of claims by foreigners for injuries sus- tained during civil war. In the resolutions of Pan-American Congresses, in their constitutions and in their statutes, they have provided that the alien taking part in a civil struggle shall be treated as a native and shall lose his privilege of alienage. More- over, relying largely on the authority of Calvo, these states assert that inasmuch as states do not recognize any right of indemnity in favor of their own citizens, aliens cannot enjoy such a privilege, in view of the fact that when they enter a state they submit them- selves to the local law. Claims arising out of a successful revolution stand upon a different footing. The government created through a successful revolution is deemed liable for the acts of the revolutionists as well as for those of the titular government it has displaced. Its l2 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA acts are considered as at least those of a general de facto govern- ment, for which the state is liable from the beginning of the revo- lution, on the theory that the revolution represented ah iyiitio a changing national will, crystallizing in the final successful result. Carranza's government in Mexico, for example, is liable not only for its own acts while a revolutionary party but also for those of the Huerta goverimient which it displaced. Tortious Injuries Perhaps the largest class of claims against Latin American states arises out of acts of violence or oppression by administra- tive authorities of the government in times of nominal peace. The readiness with which such claims have often been supported, justly and unjustly, by European governments has led several of the Latin American countries, in their conventions, in treaties, constitutions and municipal legislation, to adopt the rule that every claim advanced by a foreigner, whether against an individ- ual or against the state, must find its final settlement before the local courts, and only in the event of a denial of justice can diplo- matic interposition be entertained. Other more subtle measures have been adopted by these states to avoid the irksome pressure of pecuniary claims of foreigners. For example, legislation often provides that '* foreigners are entitled to enjoy all the civil rights enjoyed by natives " and that *' a nation has not, nor does it recognize in favor of foreigners, any other obligations or responsibilities than those established by [its] constitution and laws in favor of [its] citizens." It has already been observed that some states, while admitting the possibility of invoking diplomatic interposition if, after the exhaustion of local remedies, a denial of justice has been estab- lished, seek to limit interposition by a restrictive legislative defini- tion of " denial of justice." This device, in practice, has not been efficacious in averting the pressure of claims, because claimant governments insist on determining for themselves, unrestricted by legislative limitations, the existence of a denial of justice. Other measures which are designed to effect relief from oner- ous foreign claims are statutory provisions for suit against the wrongdoing officer, without possibility of impleading the state; for the presentation of claims to a domestic commission or board of claims, subject to conditions of varying degrees of severity; or for the imposition of local citizenship and deprivation of alienage INTERNATIONAL CLAIMS 73 on the performance or omission of certain acts. The provision for matriculation as a foreigner has already been referred to as an attempt, in part, to avoid claims. Contract Claims In the case of claims arising out of contracts, formal interposi- tion, so far as the United States is concerned, is not customary. The good offices, however, of our diplomatic representatives in assisting claimants have generally been authorized by the Depart- ment of State. The rule that the government will not interpose officially in support of contract claims has been qualified in numer- ous cases: (1) citizens of the United States must have free and fair access to the courts for a judicial determination of their rights; (2) interposition will be undertaken if the foreign govern- ment arbitrarily annuls the contract without recourse to the courts ; or (3) if there is a confiscatory or fraudulent breach of the con- tract; and (4) the United States has never hesitated to submit contract claims to arbitration, and hundreds of such claims have been arbitrated. The same policy has been followed by the United States in the case of claims arising out of unpaid foreign bonds. In this field, the Drago doctrine and the Porter proposition, already men- tioned, have endeavored to establish a rule of action. Although numerous cases of intervention have occurred in order to collect unpaid bonds, the general rule to the contrary has been supported by the weight of authority in practice, in theory and in the writ- ings of international lawyers. This brief discussion of pecuniary claims against Latin American countries has not dealt with the important part which this matter has played in the political relations of several of the weaker republics of Latin America. With their growth in politi- cal stability and organization it is probable that in the future they will not have to suffer so severely from the onerous burden of foreign diplomatic claims. The movement which has been initiated for the submission of pecuniary claims to an international court of claims, with its potentialities for a greater measure of justice to the claimant, to his ow^n government and to the defendant govern- ment, should enlist the hearty support of Latin America. Industrial and Commercial Expansion of Latin America By Marrion Wilcox The first great period in all the history of the Latin regions of the New World, the period of the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries, extended from 1492 to 1542, or somewhat beyond the latter date. The second great period was the period of emancipa- tion, in the larger meaning of that word. It extended from 1794 to 1902: during more than 100 years the manumission of slaves, the declarations of independence, the wars for freedom, and the struggles to make a success of self-government were the leading titles, so to speak, in a story of enormous human interest. The third great period is the present one — the period of industrial and commercial expansion, in which governmental stability becomes obviously convenient and necessary. Carefully revised statistics which show the extent of this development as it aifects foreign trade, in the opening years of the third great period, will be found in the immediately following paragraphs. The Development in Foreign Trade The total amount of Latin American foreign trade in 1897 was only $910,422,499. By 1915 it had increased to $2,469,047,020, or 171 per cent, with such gain in imports and exports as the fol- lowing table shows at a glance : Growth of Latin American Commerce Imports Exports Total 1915 $811,268,634 415,079,562 $1,657,778,386 495,342,937 $2,469,047,020 910,422,499 1897 Increase Per cent of increase $396,189,072 95 $1,162,435,349 235 $1,558,624,521 171 [74] INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 75 But even this table fails to do full justice to the mounting volume of commerce, since the total in 1913, the last nornial year before the war, was $2,874,612,151, with imports valued at $1,321,861,199. It has been well said, in the Bidletin of the Pan American Union, November 1916, that the long list of articles imported includes *' nearly all the finished manufactured products of either Europe or the United States. The standards of living are practi- cally the same as in other parts of the civilized world." As for the exports, these are '' almost entirely raw material for manufacturing purposes and primary foodstuffs, but there are broad differences as to localities of production," the products of the different countries varying in a marked degree. In each republic we note characteristic variations also in the demand for finished manufactured products. (See discussions of commerce, imports, exports, etc., in the chapters devoted to each separate country.) Exports from Latin America The chief exports from Latin America are mentioned in the following list : From Argentina the exports, almost entirely of the agricul- tural and meat-producing industries, are wheat, maize, linseed, oats. Hour, bran, frozen and chilled meats, hides, wool, skins, meat extracts, butter, and residuary animal products of all kinds. Less important are the exports of quebracho wood and extract, of whale- bone, of copper, etc. From Bolivia the exports are tin, silver, bismuth, copper, rub- ber, etc. From Brazil, coffee, rubber, hides, yerba mate, cacao, tobacco, skins, sugar, cotton, gold, manganese, nuts, carnauba wax, mona- zite sand, etc. From Central America, coffee, bananas, gold and silver, hides and skins, rubber, indigo, sugar, etc. From Chile, nitrate of soda, copper, bar silver, hides, wool, chinchilla fur, wax, fruits, wine, grains, etc. From Colombia, coffee, bananas, tobacco, ivory nuts, rubber, cacao, dividivi, etc. From Cuba, sugar, tobacco, molasses, distillates, iron and copper ore, hardwoods, hides and skins, honey, beeswax, sponges, etc. 76 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA From the Dominican Republic and Haiti, sugar, cacao, tobacco, coffee, bananas, beeswax, hides; minor Haitian expoi^ts being cotton and cottonseed, logwood, etc. From Ecuador, cacao, ivory nuts, ** Panama " hats, rubber, coffee, gold, hides, etc. From Mexico, silver, gold, antimony, mercury, copper, lead, zinc, coffee, rubber, chicle, chick peas, guayule, henequen, mahog- any, ebony, hides and skins, etc. From Paraguay, hides, quebracho extract, yerba mate, hard- w^oods, tobacco, oranges, etc. From Peru, copper, rubber, sugar, cotton, wool, hides and skins, ' ' Panama ' ' hats, etc. From Uruguay, wool, hides and skins, beef extracts, wheat and flour, tallow and other animal fats, residuary animal products, etc. From Venezuela, coffee, cacao, rubber, balata, goatskins, asphalt, hides, live cattle, aigrettes, dividivi, etc. Commerce with the United States The Foreign Trade Department of the National City Bank of New York kindly gives us the facts in regard to exports from the United States to Latin American countries reported during the week ended 20 Jan. 1917. It is shown that the value of our exports from the Port of New York to Argentina that week was $1,679,226; to Bolivia $18,565; to Brazil $1,063,408; to Chile $296,- 793; to Colombia $213,270; to Cuba $1,796,151; to Dominican Republic $357,951; to Ecuador $75,573; to Haiti $287,765; to Mexico $96,113; to Panama $344,140; to Paraguay $5,784; to Peru $261,943 ; to Uruguay $279,246 ; to Venezuela $492,728. The inter- esting quality of this particular statement will be understood more readily if we add the generalization that our exports to the 20 republics named in the first paragraph of the article Latin America have practically quadrupled since 1900. The following valued communication from the same source contains statements of fact in relation to the enormous and rapidly growing trade : '' Commerce of the United States with Latin America was over one billion dollars in the fiscal year 1916 against three-quar- I ters of a billion in 1913, one-half billion in 1906 and one-quarter ' billion in 1900. [Amoredetailedstatementputsthe trade with these 20 neighboring republics at $1,150,000,000 in the fiscal year 1916; $766,000,000 in 1913 ; $503,000,000 in 1906 and $278,000,000 in 1900.] INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 77 'Exports to these 20 republics in 1916 were about $410,000,000 against $324,000,000 in 1913, $209,000,000 in 1906 and $111,000,000 in 1900. Imports from these countries were in 1916 about $750. - 000,000 against $442.000.000 in 19 13^^294 ,000.000 in 1906 and $167^000,000inI2m^ The trade with Cuba, Argentina and Brazil shows the most striking gains. From jCuba, the imports of 1916 are approximately $225,000,000 against but $31,000,000 in 1900, and the exports to that island about $128,000,000 in 1916 against but $26,000,000 in 1900. From Argentina, the imports of 1916 are approximately $100,000,000 against bur$8,000,000 in 1900, and the exports to that country in 1916 about $65,000,000 against $11,- 000,000 in 1900. From Brazil j he imports of 1916 are $133,000,000 against $58,000,000 in 1900 and the exports thereto $41,000,000 against $11,000,000 in 1900. From Mexic o the imports of 1916 are approximately $100,000,000 against $28,000,000 in 1900 and the exports thereto, $50,000,000 against $35,000,000 in 1900, the figures for 1916 being about $16,000,000 below those of 1907. Manufactures form the bulk of the exports to the Latin American countries. A close analysis of the trade with South America shows that about 87 per cent of our exports thereto are manufactures and this pro- portion probably holds good as to the other [Latin American] countries, suggesting that our exports of manufactures to Latin America in 1916 amounted to about $360,000,000 against about $95,000,000 in 1900. Of the $750,000,000 of imports from these 20 countries in 1916, sugar was about $200,000,000, coffee over $100,- 000,000, hides and skins about $75,000,000, wool about $40,000,000, and rubber about $30,000,000. ' ' We shall presently offer brief analytical statements of the foreign trade of the Latin American republics showing its distri- bution among the four nations that have taken the lead in this quest. But before coming to that let us give attention to detailed figures of exports from the United States to South America alone for the calendar year 1916, compared wdth 1915 and 1914. (Consult The Americas, February 1917, pages 35-37). The shipments of cotton yarn to South America out of the port of New York alone in 1916 aggregated over $3,000,000 in value against $626,394 from the whole country in the fiscal year 1915, $51,493 in 1914, and $160,117 in 1913. A large proportion of the yarn exported to South America goes to Argentina; smaller quantities going to Brazil, Chile, Peru, Colombia, and Uruguay. Agricultural implements were formerly among the most important of our exports to South America, the total value of such shipments 78 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA having been nearly $7,000,000 in the year preceding the war. In 1914 the total was only $2,000,000, approximately; in 1915 it had increased about $1,000,000, and in 1916 the total to all South America was $4,348,075. The largest South American market for agricultural implements is Argentina, the total to that republic in 1916 having been $3,582,592. Exports of fiour from the United States to South America in 1916 were limited to 960,045 barrels against 1,917,344 barrels in 1915, Brazil having been the chief market. The total value of the shipments of automobiles from the United States to South America in 1916 was $5,040,485 compared with $1,862,326 in 1915 and $863,360 in 1914; and the numbers show the increase still more strikingly, having been 8,728 in 1916 compared with 3,537 in 1915 and 1,149 in 1914. The total value of the carriages exported from the United States to South America in 1916 was only $20,963 against $52,427 in 1914 ; of wagons in the same years, $125,041 and $307,330, respectively. In 1916 the value of railway cars shipped from the United States to South x\merica aggregated $1,278,071; in 1915, $352,619, and $1,422,339 in 1914. The total value of bituminous coal exported from the United States to South America (mainly to Argentina and Brazil) in 1916 was $6,453,493 ; in 1915 it was $4,783,676, and $1,838,140 in 1914. The total value of cotton cloths exported from the United States to South America in 1916 was $11,973,352 against $3,689,419 in 1915, and $2,215,399 in 1914. This gain occurred chiefly in the movement to Argentina, to which the exports of the calendar year in question were 30,000,000 yards against about 2,000,000 in the fiscal year 1915. To Brazil which grows its own cotton and manu- factures much of its own cloths our exports of 1916 were 3,165,561 yards against 701,489 in 1915, and 443,614 iii 1914. To Chile the movement of 1916 was 20,844,608 yards against 8,268,161 in the preceding year, and to Colombia 41,039,217 yards against 22,848,- ]35 in 1915, and 11,246,301 in 1914. The value of our exports of binder twine to all South America in 1916 was $1,350,526 against $1,601,480 in 1915 and but $270,401 in 1914, though in 1913 the total to South America was approximately $1,300,000. American locomotives exported to South America in 1916 were valued at $679,503 against $249,507 in 1915, the chief increase occurring in the exports to Brazil. The aggregate value of sewing machines exported from the Laiited States to South America in 1916 was $788,864 against $408,350 in 1915, while of typewriters the total for 1916 was $771,140 against $376,074 in 1915, and $439,670 in 1914. In many other manufactures of iron and steel, there was INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 79 also a marked advance. Exports of wrought-iroii pipe, for example, to all South America in 1916 amounted to $1,580,785 against $759,226 in 1915 ; iron sheets and plates in 1916 to $1,850,- 942 against $1,428,157 in 1915, and $713,893 in 1914. In the trade movement from the United States to South America as a whole, the shipments of tin plate to that continent in 1916 amounted to $3,751,272 against $1,752,760 in 1915, and but $229,992 in 1914, the bulk of this increase having been to Argentina and Brazil. Wire sent to South America from the United States had the total value in 1916 of $7,360,222 against $4,289,877 in 1915, and $1,321,239 in 1914, this increase having occurred chiefly in the movements to Argentina. The statistics of our exports of kid upper leather showed very large gains, especially to Argentina and Brazil, the total to the continent in the year 1916 amounting to $2,019,874 against $1,382,283 in 1915, and $1,057,247 in 1914; similarly, the statistics of exports of boots and shoes showed a total valuation for 1916 of $1,506,974 against $1,333,854 in 1915 and $1,364,148 in 1914. The European demand for meat products interrupted some- what the usually large movements of lard to South America, the total for the year 1916 having been but $1,386,584 against $1,649,- 131 in 1915 and $1,421,124 in 1914. Exports of rosin from the United States to the South American continent in 1916 were valued at $2,073,167 against $1,597,618 in 1915 and $1,037,738 in 1914, the principal increase being in the movements to Argentina and Brazil; and exports of turpentine showed a corresponding in- crease, having been in 1916, $645,707 against $598,372 in 1915 and $461,826 in 1914. The exports of illuminating oil from the United States to all of South America in 1916 were valued at $5,893,206 against $5,928,128 in 1915 and $6,071,999 in 1914, though in lubri- cating oil there was a marked increase, the total to Argentina, Brazil and Chile in 1916 having been $2,761,618 against $1,972,296 in 1915 and $1,510,867 in 1914. Naphthas, including gasoline and similar products of distillation, w^ere shipped to the same countries in large quantities, the total value in 1916 having been $4,014,960 against but $377,327 in the full fiscal year of 1915. For news print paper the demand upon the United States showed a material increase, the total movements to Argentina and Chile amounting to $1,327,021 in 1916 against $1,231,620 in 1915 and $636,060 in 1914. The total value of the class of American lumber designated as '* boards, planks and deals " shipped to all South America in the year 1916 was but $2,448,981 against $3,049,184 in 1915 and $3,719,324 in 1914. Exports of furniture from the United States 80 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA to South America in 1916 were valued at $471,575. It is interest- ing to note that the strong upward tendency does not embrace all items. A General Survey of the Foreign Trade and Its Distribution Under normal conditions before the war, the trade of Eng- land, France, and Germany with Latin America extended to all of the 20 republics, with such proportionate shares in the trade of each republic that we are justified in speaking of a more or less even distribution of commercial advantages throughout that gen- eral field, so far as these three European nations Avere concerned. But the position of the United States was strikingly different in this respect, and the trade of the United States was most unevenly distributed. This important, and somewhat difficult, part of the subject must be examined with special care. The distinguished author of the article in the Bulletin of the Pan American Union, cited above, has pointed out the preponder- ance of the trade of the United States in the northern tier of Latin American countries where, even before the war, its volume was greater than that of England, France, Germany, and all other countries combined; and he writes: '' In 1913, for Mexico, Cen- tral America, Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, imports from the United States represented 54.11 per cent of the total. The percentages of the United Kingdom, Germany, and France were, respectively, 12.33, 9.92, and 6.77 — a total of 29.02 per cent or but little over one-half the imports from the United States. A large part of the remaining per cent (16.87) allotted to all other countries is represented by the interchange of commodities between the Latin Republics themselves — a trade seldom, if ever, competitive with that of the four leading commercial ^untries mentioned." Some of the northern countries of South America also were sharers in the close transportation-and-commercial relationship that distinguished the northern tier (otherwise expressed, the Central and North American group) of Latin American countries. Thus, in the last normal year before the war the import percentages of Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Peru were as follows: Of Colombia's total, 26.74 per cent came from the United States, 20.46 per cent from Great Britain, 14.06 per cent from Germany, and 15.45 per cent from France; of Vene- zuela's total, 38.51 per cent came from the United States, 23.27 per cent from Great Britain, 14.35 per cent from Germany, 6,06 per cent from France; of Ecuador's total, 31.89 per cent came from INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION gl the United States, 29.63 per cent from Great Britain, 17.80 per cent from Germany, and 4.92 per cent from France; of Peru's total, 28.82 per cent came from the United States, 26.24 per cent from Great Britain, 17.34 per cent from Germany, and 4.60 per cent from France. But in all the remaining South American republics (i. e., the more distant ones) the imports from the United States were ** much less than those from the United Kingdom, and in Bolivia, Chile, Paragua.y, Uruguay, and Argen- tina less than from Germany, and in Paraguay less than from France as well." Such were the salient facts in relation to Latin America's imports from leading commercial countries before the war. Let us now study Latin America's exports to the same coun- tries during the same period. In the northern tier of Latin American countries — Mexico, Central America, Panama, Cuba, Haiti, and the Dominican Repub- lic — the export percentages then were the following : Exports to the United States, 69.67 per cent, to Great Britain, 12.12 per cent, to Germany, 7.68 per cent, to France, 4.88 per cent. In Brazil the position of the United States in respect to exports was decidedly noteworthy (see the article Brazil), the value of Brazil's exports to the United States being $102,560,000, to Great Britain $41,700,000, to Germany $44,390,000 and to France $38,685,000. But in South America as a whole the export percentages were the following: Exports of South America in 1913 to the United States 25.83 per cent, to Great Britain 24.31 per cent, to Germany 13.95 per cent, and to France 9.05 per cent. The extraordinary changes during the years 1914 and 1915, and the new conditions that have been created since the commerce of Latin America began to recover from the paralyzing effects of the first stages of the war, are reflected and summarized in the following brief statement: Analysis of Latin America's import trade statistics in 1914 shows 23.92 per cent for the United Kingdom and 27.94 per cent for the United States ; and in the same year the export percentages were 22.32 per cent for the United Kingdom and 38.20 per cent for the United States. In 1915 the United Kingdom held 21.03 per cent and the United States had 41.82 per cent of Latin America's import trade, while the export percentages w^ere 22.46 for the United Kingdom and 38.65 per cent for the United States. The share of France in Latin America's import and export trade during 1915 was represented by 4.71 per cent for imports and 6.60 for exports. The share of each of the 20 republics in the foreign commerce we have endeavored to describe is shown in the following tables : 82 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Table Showing for Each of the 20 Republics the Values, and Distribution of Imports Countries Mexico Guatemala Salvador! Honduras Nicaragua Costa Rica Panama Cuba Dominican Republic Haiti Northern Tier of Republics . Per cent of imports Argentina Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Ecuador Paraguay Peru Uruguay Venezuela Southern Tier of Republics . Per cent of imports Total of the 20 Republics . . . Per cent of imports Total from all countries, 1915 *$85,000,000 5,072,476 *3, 986, 038 5,875,000 3,159,220 4,478,782 9,305,477 155,448,233 9,118,514 §4,344,763 United Kingdom, 1915 *$12,000,000 577,206 *700,000 303,000 302,294 548,810 1,175,291 15,287,998 630,923 296,228 285,788,503 100.00 31,821,750 11.13 220,085,951 8,804,081 146,082,483 55,922,218 18,658,179 *8, 700, 000 2,333,711 15,044,347 36,378,925 13,470.236 525,480,131 100.00 811,268,634 100.00 65,748,411 1,417,333 32,028,670 13,288,603 *5, 800, 000 *3, 000, 000 771,037 *5, 000, 000 *9, 000, 000 2,747,357 138,801,411 26.41 170,623,161 21.03 Germany, 1915 *S450,000 146,053 *80,000 96,000 36,960 42,979 9,628 799,903 95,317 20,509 1,777,349 0.62 5,483,711 419,551 2,254,621 3,583,589 ♦400,000 *200,000 161,669 *300,000 *350,000 13,153,141 2.50 14,930,490 1.84 France, 1915 *$7,000,000 124,492 *250,000 55,000 138,218 84,132 180,135 5,197,110 93,200 167,779 13,290,066 4.65 12,911,330 165,592 7,217,243 1,700,383 *850,000 *500,000 56,755 500,000 *350,000 664,530 24,905,833 4.74 38,195,899 4.71 United States, 1915 *$41,071,140 3,751,761 t2, 643, 759 5,177,000 2 , 592 , 799 3,031,997 7,022,858 104,723,108 7,361,259 3,806,673 181,182,354 63.39 54,474,137 1,858,854 46,858,165 18,638,455 18,980,177 t3, 368, 493 210,232 t7, 905, 557 t7, 865, 602 7,943,213 158,102,885 30.09 339,285,239 41.82 * Estimated. t United States exports to. t Official returns 11 months, 1915: Imports, $3,653,868. § Statistics for the port of Jeremie not included. Table Showing the Values and Distribution from each of the 20 Republics Countries Total t9 all countries, 1915 United Kingdom, 1915 Germany, 1915 France, 1915 United States, 1915 Mexico Guatemala Salvador! Honduras Nicaragua Costa Rica Panama Cuba. Dominican Republic Haiti § Northern Tier of Republics Per cent of exports Argentina Bolivia Brazil Chile. Colombia Ecuador Paraguay Peru . . Uruguay Venezuela Southern Tier of Republics. Per cent of exports Total of the 20 Republics . '. '. Per cent of exports ♦$156,000,000 11,566,585 ♦10,963,985 3,858,000 4,567,201 9,971,582 3,348,262 254,291,763 15,209,061 ♦13,000,000 ♦$30,000,000 1,322,271 ♦600,000 1,000 438,500 4,438,233 ♦180,000 33,033,016 84 , 366 ♦800,000 ♦$100,000 60,237 ♦60,000 690 " 'i3;225 ♦15,000 7 5,644 ♦100,000 ♦$5,000,000 1,250,666 666i684 62,975 ♦12,000 1,135,404 189,448 ♦5,000,000 482,776,439 100.00 70,897,386 14.68 344,803 0.07 13,250,511 2.74 541,5.32,224 37,132,037 257,176,851 117,606,364 29,265,349 ♦15,400,000 8,624,269 68,638,128 76,222,298 23,404,427 160,022,860 ♦25,000,000 31,096,231 40,582,411 ♦5,000,000 ♦1,600,000 302,336 ♦22,000,000 14,000,000 2,041,221 ♦20,000 110 ♦46! 666 ♦30,000 6,750 ♦40,000 50,000 39,144,306 ♦2,000,000 29,285,313 3,554,091 ♦400,000 ♦4,200,000 108,412 1,000,000 13,500,000 2,978,060 1,175,001,947 100.00 301,645,059 25.67 186,860 0.02 96,170,182 8.35 1,657,778,386 100.00 372,542,445 22.46 531 , 663 0.03 109,420,693 6.60 t$83,551,993 6,881,410 tl, 864, 898 2,987,000 3,079,810 4,864,803 3,118,754 206,164,414 12,044,271 tl, 494, 927 326,052,280 67.50 87,147,548 t960,189 107,523,931 50,199,243 18,953,023 t5, 416, 565 464,403 tl 5, 803, 688 tl3,889,464 13,170,113 313,528,167 26.69 639,580,447 38.65 ♦ Estimated. t United States imports from. J OflScial returns 11 months, 1915: Exports, $10,050,320. § Statistics for the port of Jeremie not included. INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 83 Trade between Latin American Countries We must bear in mind two important facts when considering the limitations of commerce between these republics : In the first place, the Latin American countries, although not wholly non- manufacturing, have developed their manufacturing industries to such a comparatively slight extent that they still depend *' almost entirely," it has been truly said, " upon imports from the manu- facturing countries for most of the appliances of industry and commerce and also for the conveniences and many of the necessi- ties of life ' ' ; and, in the second place, they naturally expect these same countries to purchase the Latin American raw products and foodstuffs. Therefore the values of imports and exports distrib- uted or interchanged within this field seem relatively small. Argentina's imports from Brazil in 1915 were valued at $10,- 069,055; from Mexico, $14,664,808; from Uruguay, $1,828,268; from Paraguay, $1,823,268; from Cuba, $845,033; from Chile, $752,952; from Bolivia, $348,094; from Peru, $1,241. The imports from Brazil amounted to 4.6 per cent of the total Argentine imports in 1915, and to 5.5 per cent in the first nine months of 1916. Argentina's exports to Brazil in 1915 were valued at $21,- 248,098; to Uruguay, $7,318,731 ; to Paraguay, $1,503,806; to Chile, $1,678,819; to Bolivia, $503,721; to Peru, $264,184; to Cuba, $220,- 287; to Mexico, $133,090. The exports to Brazil amounted to 3.9 per cent of the total Argentine exports in 1915, and to 4.3 per cent in the first nine months of 1916. Bolivia's imports from Chile in 1914 were valued at $2,140,- 045; from Peru, $1,114,845; from Argentina, $1,006,137; from Brazil, $308,340; from Uruguay, $16,083; from Ecuador, $2,408; Bolivia's exports to Chile, $483,774; to Peru, $395,199; to Argen- tina $345,344; to Uruguay, $5,009; to Brazil, $791. Brazil's imports from and exports to Argentina and Bolivia are given above. To Chile, Brazil's exports in 1915 were valued at $715,593. From Uruguay, Brazil's imports in 1915 were valued at $2,171,904, and her exports to Uruguay at $4,438,631. In the fiscal year 1914—15, her imports from Cuba were valued at $18,582. Chile's imports from Peru in 1914 were valued at $5,380,220; from Argentina, $2,164,939 ; from Brazil, $725,975 ; from Uruguay, $528,083; from Ecuador, $449,409; from Cuba, $169,821; from Guatemala, $48,525. Chile's exports to Argentina in 1914 were valued at $1,511,508; to Brazil, $151,829; to Peru, $356,882; to Uruguay, $234,379; to Panama, $61,550; to Mexico, $22,797. 84 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Colombia's imports from Cuba during the fiscal year 1914—15 were valued at $137,990, and her exports to the same island at $13,647 ; her imports from Ecuador, $25,123 in 1914, and exports to Ecuador, $34,249; imports from Peru, $39,797, and exports to Peru, $6,417; exports to Salvador, also in 1914, $3,633; imports from Venezuela, $100,369, and exports to Venezuela, $14,028 in 1914. Costa Rica 's imports from other Central American countries in 1915 were valued at $132,999, and from Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, Mexico, Panama, and Peru, $257,597 ; the total of exports to the last-mentioned group being $277,979, and to the other Cen- tral American countries, $91,186. 'Cuba's imports from Uruguay during the fiscal year 1914—15 were valued at $1,588,847 ; from Mexico, $1,710,763 ; from Ecuador, $97,337; from Venezuela, $18,689; from the Dominican Republic, $22,515; from Argentina, Chile and Colombia, as above. Cuba's exports to Uruguay, the same year, were valued at $239,695; to Panama, $111,182; to Peru, $59,363; to Mexico, $61,733; to Brazil, $18,582. The Dominican Republic's imports from Cuba in 1914 were valued at $12,438, and exports to the same country at $7,029. Ecuador's imports from Peru in 1914 were valued at $299,128; from Panama, $34,456 ; from Colombia as above. Her exports to Peru were valued at $84,704; to Panama, $28,856; to Argentina, $20,092; to Chile, Cuba, and Colombia as above. Guatemala's imports from Cuba in 1915 were valued at $5,318; from South America, $4,119; from Central American countries, $105,943 ; from Mexico, $4,339. Exports from Guatemala to South America, $357,901 ; to Mexico, $145,667 ; to Central American coun- tries, $132,835, and (through the frontiers of Salvador and Hon- duras), an additional $10,151. Haiti's imports from the Latin American countries are negli- gible in amount — estimated at 1 per cent, approximately, in 1915. There are no statistics which could be relied upon to show Latin American destinations of exports from Haiti in recent years. Honduras imported from Central American countries in the fiscal year 1914-15 goods valued at $113,000. Her exports to the same countries were valued at $53,455. Mexico's imports from the West Indies during the fiscal year 1912-13 were valued at $123,664; from Central America, $67,432; from Chile, $168,827; from Argentina, $611,244, and from South America as a whole, $959,106. Mexico's exports to the West INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL EXPANSION 85 Indies during the same year (the latest for which Mexican statis- tics are available) were valued at $886,066; to Central America, $1,227,552; to South America, $103,640. Nicaragua's imports from Salvador in 1914 were valued at $3,779; from Costa Rica, $3,299; from Guatemala, $1,553; from Honduras, $1,206. Her exports to Salvador were valued at $27,915; to Honduras, $15,695; to Guatemala, $6,886; to Costa Rica, $1,439. Panama's imports from all Spanish America were valued at $238,684.48 in 1913 (the latest year for which such statistics ar« available) and the exports to all Spanish America were valued at $281,067.09. Paraguay's imports from and exports to Argentina in 1915 were valued at $765,354 and $3,528,186, respectively; imports from and exports to Uruguay, $30,140 and $556,812; imports from and exports to Brazil, $8,904 and $27,432. Peru's imports from Chile, Cuba, Ecuador and Colombia as given above; from Costa Rica in 1914 they were valued at $21,539; from Salvador, $19,512; from Argentina, $9,404, and from Brazil, $7,862. Peru's exports to Panama in 1914 were valued at $46,069 ; to Urugua)', $15,918; to Brazil, $14,953. Salvador's imports from Mexico in 1914 were valued at $29,788; from Costa Rica, $14,577; from Honduras, $2,500; from Guatemala, $1,450; from Ecuador, $1,951; from Nicaragua, as above. Salvador's exports to Panama in 1914 were valued at $43,232; to Chile, $32,329; to Costa Rica, $27,910; to Ecuador, $21,620; to Honduras, $7,234; to Guatemala, $6,711; to Mexico, $280. Uruguay's imports from Argentina during the six months from September 1915 to February 1916, inclusive, were valued at $3,840,933.20; from Brazil, $2,382,708.64; from Mexico, $80,483.52; from Cuba, $77,526.80; from Paraguay, $43,961.84. The exports to Argentina during the same period were valued at $5,144,450.48; to Cuba, $558,303.20; to Brazil, $411,433.36. Venezuela's imports from Panama in 1914 were valued at $33,795; from Colombia, $14,028; from Cuba, $1,833; from Ecua- dor, $550. Venezuela's exports to the Dominican Republic in 1914 were valued at $1,299; to Panama, $832; to Cuba, $561; to Colombia, $100,369. 86 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Bibliography Published since 1913: — Americas, The (New York, published monthly, offerinj^ most recent and authoritative information, 1914r-17) ; Aspinall, A. E., The Pocket Guide to the West Indies, British Guiana, British Honduras, the . . . Spanish Main, and the Panama Canal (Chicago and New York 1914) ; Babson, R. W., The Future of South America (Boston 1915) ; Barrett, J., Pan America and Pan Americanism (New York 1915) ; Blakeslee, G. H,, ed., Latin America: Clark Uni- versity Addresses (New York 1914) ; Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monetary Systems and Exchange Conditions (New York 1915) ; Financial Conference, Pro- ceedings of the First Pan American (Washington 1915) ; Hague, E., Folk Songs from Mexico and South America (New York 1914) ; Hart, A. B., The Monroe Doctrine and its Interpretation (Boston 1915) ; Johnston, H., Pioneers in Tropical America (Glasgow 1914) ; Lough, W. H., Financial Developments in South Ameri- can Countries, and Banking Opportunities in South America (both Washington 1915); Mancini, J., Bolivar (Paris and Mexico 1914); Pan American Union, General Descriptive Data in 20 separate pamphlets, one devoted to each of the Latin American republics (Washington 1915-17), and Latin America (Washington 1916) ; Reyes, R., The Two Americas (New York 1914) ; Scientific Congress, Second Pan American, The Final Act and Interpretative Commentary Thereon (Washing- ton 1916: published before the proceedings, in many volumes, could be issued); Shepherd, W. R., Latin America (New York 1914). Export Trade — United States and Latin America : — Primary Bases of an Export Trade (reprinted from Bulletin Pan American ?7«io», Washington 1915); Some Considerations Respecting Latin American Trade, signed W. C. W. [Wells], reprinted from October 1915 Bulletin Pan American Union; Latin American Foreign Trade: General Survey, reprinted from December 1914 Bulletin Pan American Union; Long Credits and the New Banking A ct, reprinted from Bulletin Pan American Union (n. d.), and Filsinger, E. B., Exporting to Latin America (New York 1916). Latin American Tariffs ALL customs tariffs may be comprehended under two classili- cations, ad valorem and specific. An ad valorem tariff is one where the duty collected is a given proportion (per centum) of the commercial value of the articles. For exam- ple, shoes pay 20 per cent duty, therefore a pair of shoes worth $4 pays 80 cents duty. A specific tariff is one where the duty col- lected is on the measure of the article — so much a piece, a pound, a yard, a gallon, etc. For example, shoes pay 80 cents a pair, coal oil $1 a barrel, etc. Occasionally duties are laid both specific and ad valorem, shoes 50 cents a pair and 10 per cent ad valorem. The difference between the two kinds of tariffs is not merely in the manner of computing but is fundamental and exerts a great influence on currents of trade and on manufacture. A country accustomed to view tariffs from the standpoint of values finds itself handicapped when called on to operate under a specific tariff. When one has paid duties on 20 grades of shoes worth from one to ten dollars a pair (the duty at 20 per cent being 20 cents on the lowest and $2 on the highest) and finds himself suddenly called on to pay a single rate of duty (a dollar a pair) on all grades of shoes, or, if grades are established, finds the grades to be not value grades but size or material grades, he finds the whole trade prop- osition changed. It is the same if one be an exporter of shoes to some foreign country which changes from ad valorem to specific duties, or vice versa. The economic effect of specific and ad valorem differences is a problem which must be worked out separately for each exporting and each importing country, for each line of industry, for each subdivision of the industry, for each article and often for each factory. The United States tariff is an a^^ valorem tariff (with a few exceptions) and most American industries are built upon ideas underlying this kind of a tariff. Latin American tariffs (except Panama and a very few specialties in other countries) are all specific. The adjustment of an export trade, originating in an ad valorem country, to the exigencies of a specific tariff presents tech- nical difficulties as well as economic difficulties, but neither the one nor the other is susceptible to the application of general rules. [87] 1. 88 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Each case should be submitted to the joint consideration of an expert in manufacture and an expert in the tariff customs and trade conditions of the country to which the goods are to be sent. There is another side of the tariffs where the novice in export- ing is almost sure to go wrong, i. e., in consideration of the eco- nomic effect of any tariff, ad valorem or specific. Here it is com- paratively easy to point out a few general considerations which may prove of value. The effect of Latin American tariff's on the volume and char- acter of imports from the United States and other foreign coun- tries is very great, yet this effect is frequently, even generally, mis- understood by the American business man in his preliminary inquiries about Latin America as a field for United States exports. Such a one is almost certain to misstate the problem. Accustomed as he is to look at customs tariffs from the viewpoint of protection and knowing the intimate relation which exists between tariff pro- tection and the ability of the foreign manufacturer to enter the United States markets in the face of this protection, he more or less naturally concludes that under the tariff his goods bear the same relation to Latin American countries as English or French goods bear to this country under its tariff". Consequently the first enquiry he makes is — What is the amount of the duty ? — believing that on the determination of this fact depends in a large measure the ability of his goods to enter Latin American markets. As a matter of fact not in one case in ten thousand does the rate of the tariff play any part whatever in determining the question whether his goods can enter Latin American markets on advantageous terms. The parity of the rates in the particular schedule, the IJarity of schedules and the classifications are all important, but the rate itself when applied alike to his and all competing goods is seldom of any importance. The truth is that Latin American tariffs are not protective tariff's, but revenue tariffs. Even in the few schedules, in two or three countries, w^here the protective feature appears to be prominent, in reality it is not so. It may be taken as axiomatic that there can be no protective tariff where there is no home industry to protect. No matter how high the rate may be, even though prohibitive, it is, in this case, not pro- tective. It may be restrictive — all tariffs are restrictive to some degree — yet it need not limit to any great extent the import of goods. The purpose of all Latin American tariffs is to produce revenue, and revenue is not produced by exclusion. Even where, as in some Brazilian schedules, a protective purpose on the part of the legislative power undoubtedly existed, the domestic industry LATIN AMERICAN TARIFFS ~ 89 not responding to the purpose, left the tariff on a simple revenue base, or a restricted or a prohibitive base as the case might be. The vital questions which meet the prospective exporter to Latin America are whether there exists or can be created a demand for his goods, and whether he himself can compete in quality and price with others on the same plane as himself, not with others sheltered behind a high protective wall. The wall exists, but the competitors are on the same side as himself. The fact that an article worth one dollar in the United States must pay a duty of fifty cents in Venezuela is not of much economic import to the American exporter provided the consumer in Venezuela wants the article and is willing to pay the increased price. It might be quite different if some one in Venezuela were making the same article, but where there is no competing domestic industry the tariff rate is not of prime importance, provided the facts be that the goods are wanted, the country is able to pay for them, and that imports from all countries stand on the same plane. The great bulk of Latin American imports, amounting to at the very least 95 per cent thereof, are of goods not manufactured or produced in the countries, or if produced at all not of the grades and qualities of the imported goods. This fact lies at the root of all Latin American tariff questions. It is said above that all the Latin American tariffs, except that of Panama, are specific. This may not always so appear to the casual reader of these laws. For example the tariff of Argen- tina as to more than three-fourths of its schedules, and these nearly all the important ones, appears to be ad valorem. In reality however only three or four schedules are ad valorem. The bulk of Argentine schedules apparently ad valorem are made spe- cific by means of a second tariff called the Valuation Tariff (properly appraisement schedules) by which fixed values are put upon goods and upon which fixed values the ad valorem rates are computed. The appraisement values being fixed are in most cases necessarily artificial. For example, pianos in Argentina pay 25 per cent ad valorem, but the Valuation Tariff schedules pianos according to their shape into three classes, upright, grand and baby grand. The first is valued at 150 pesos (gold), the second at 500 pesos and the third at 300 pesos. Every upright piano no matter what its true value pays 3714 pesos duty (25 per cent of 150), every grand 125 pesos and every baby grand 75 pesos. The example will give an insight into the true economic appli- cation of Latin American (or of any other) specific tariffs. The 90 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA American piano manufacturer makes the three shapes, but the cost and value of the pianos are not in any great degree gauged by their shapes. An upright piano may cost as much and sell for as much as a grand piano, or a very fine upright may be worth as much as three very cheap grands. Apply these facts to the Argen- tine tariff. An American grand piano worth $600 and a French upright worth the same are entered at the same time in Buenos Aires. Supposing freight, insurance and other incidentals to be the same, $50 in each case, the American piano is cleared through the Custom House costing $771.25 while the French piano stands at $686.38. In other words the American piano has paid a duty of $121.25 and the French piano a duty of only $86.38, and pre- suming that these two pianos enter into competition the one with the other, the American is handicapped by $84.87 at the start. So in textiles. The effect of the tariff law in Latin American countries is often to favor one kind or quality of textile as against a certain other kind or quality. The failure to understand these facts is responsible for many of the failures of American exporters in their first ventures in introducing their goods into Latin America. Complaints are sometimes made that English or German manufacturers pay a lower tariff rate in Latin America than do United States manufacturers. This is not true, in fact all American goods enjoy a preferential in one country (Cuba) and a limited list of American goods a preferential in another country (Brazil). For the rest the duties are alike to all. What happens is this : the Englishman or German manufactures to meet the tariff and the American does not. By a slight change in the warp or woof of the textile, not changing its value, its durability, its appearance and perhaps not its cost, the Englishman or Ger- man radically changes the tariff status of the textile. The Amer- ican exporter not appreciating what has been done believes that he has been unfairly discriminated against. So in metal goods. Small brass or copper ornamentation on steel or iron furniture will often change the appraisement from iron to brass at a much higher rate. Straw hats with silk bands may pay a rate four times as high as hats without bands. The bands can be shipped separately. Then again the misnaming of articles frequently throws them into a higher class. Calling leather substitutes leather may make Ihem dutiable as leather. Calling glaze or enamel paint varnish may make it dutiable at the higher rate of varnish. No general rules are applicable, in these cases. Each proposition must be studied for itself and for each country. General Commercial Regulations in Latin America By Iuving E. Rines IN many respects the commercial codes of the Latin- American countries are similar, the differences occurring chiefly in minor details. The codes of some countries are quite com- plete while a few lack many of the features essential to a proper understanding of the principles on which business in general is conducted; for such omissions one must consult the civil, penal and maritime codes, and the various constitutions, though in some cases these are absolutely contradictory. Some countries have based their commercial codes on those of other countries, contig- uous or otherwise, and others have adopted foreign codes outright with the few changes necessary to harmonize them with laws already in force. All the codes have been largely influenced by Spanish and French usages and practices, but probably to the greatest extent by the Brazilian code. By law 556 of 25 June 1850, which became effective 25 Dec. 1850, Brazil came into possession of a code which still remains in force, with the alterations intro- duced by some recent laws. Some claim that this code furnished the basis for a large portion of the old Argentine code of 1855, but even though this contention does not accord strictly with the facts, it at least considerably influenced the shaping of this code and Argentina's later code of 1889. The Argentine code was adopted as the law of Uruguay in a slightly modified form and later was revised by that country to incorporate laws already in force, some sections being entirely deleted, some reformed and others added. The Argentine code furnished the foundation of the Chilean code of 1865, though the latter contains numerous improvements; and in 1903 this same code with all its modifica- tions was adopted in its entirety by Paraguay. The Colombian civil code and that of Chile are identical, the latter, in its treat- ment of obligations especially, being taken from the French civil code. A large portion of the Venezuelan code of 1904 is based on the French code of 1808 but numerous provisions were appropriated from the German code of 1900 and the Italian code of 1882, while [911 92 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA the Spanish and French laws relating to certain phases of commer- ical activities served as models for the Venezuelan compilers. The main features of the original Ecuadorean code were taken from the old Spanish laws and the French and Chilean commercial laws in force prior to 1880, but though the code was revised it still possesses a large proportion of the deficiencies of the old code. The present Peruvian code is the Spanish code of 1885 with sev- eral substitutions and additions of articles, one section being taken from the Italian code. The chaotic conditions existing in Mexico during the past few years and the promulgation of a new constitu- tion on 5 Feb. 1917 render any statement of conditions in that country practically useless. The codes of Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador are patterned after the Chilean and Spanish codes, many sections being identical, but they include some features of the most notable codes of Europe and America. In Cuba the code is practically the Spanish code of 22 Aug. 1885 extended to Cuba by royal decree 28 Jan. 1886 but which has been amended by the United States military governors and later by the Cuban Congress. The Dominican code is based largely on the " French Codes of the Kestoration." In Costa Rica a considerable portion of the Spanish connnercial code still flourishes in all its vigor. Hence it is possible, only in the most general terms, to eluci- date the fundamental principles under which commercial opera- tions may be conducted, and even some of the regulations incor- porated in the following paragraphs may not be applicable to all countries, though in many cases discrepancies have been indicated. Manifestly, to include specific and detailed information for each country would be impossible, particularly regarding the registra- tion of merchants, the laws relating to contracts, trade marks, patents, mines, companies, partnerships, etc. ; and for such details the codes of each country must be consulted separately. Besides, the laws relating to bankruptcy vary greatly in details as do also the maritime codes ; and. the questions of admission of oral and written evidence in commercial actions and lawsuits and of the conduct of cases before the various legal tribunals are so widely divergent and involve so many technicalities and niceties as to preclude the possibility of dealing with them in generalities. Fur- thermore, many phases of commercial life are discussed elsewhere (such as banking, finance, currency, tariff, consular regulations and ■procedure, credit, taxes and trading licenses, property rights, railroads, insurance, labor, etc.) and for obvious reasons the commercial regulations relating to these subjects are omitted here. COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 93 Acts of Commerce As defined by the Uruguayan code, the law considers to be acts of commerce in general: (1) Every purchase of an article to resell or to hire out, whether it be in the same state or condition as when purchased or whether it has been given another form of greater or less value; (2) Every bill of exchange, banking, broker-, age, or auctioneering transaction; (3) Every transaction relating to negotiable instruments or any other kind of a document trans- ferable by indorsement; (4) Manufactures, commissions, bailment or transport of goods by water or land; (5) Joint stock com- panies of whatever object; (6) Charter parties, insurances, pur- chase or sale of ships, tackle, provisions, and everything relating to mercantile commerce; (7) The acts or operations of managers, bookkeepers and other employees, relating to the business of their employers; (8) Agreements as to wages of assistants and other employees. Other codes, such as that of Venezuela, define com- mercial acts more minutely but probably no more comprehen- sively. Under the Colombian code the following are presumed not to be commercial transactions: (1) Purchases of articles intended by the buyer for domestic consumption, and the sale of surplus stores; (2) Sales made by farmers and graziers of the produce of their crops or cattle; (3) Purchases made by public officials or employees for the public service; (4) Purchases of articles accessory to the manufacture of works of art or acces- sory to the mere sale of the produce of handicrafts. Argen- tina condemns as illegal all gambling transactions such as ficti- tious buying and selling and the payment of the difference (as in the case of bucket shops). In Colombia a lottery is not commer- cial transaction, wherefore an association formed by persons not traders for the purpose of conducting such gambling transactions should not be considered a commercial association. Merchants In general terms merchants may be defined as those who, having the free management of their properties under the ordi- nary law, and the legal capacity to contract, habitually practice on their account as traders, whether as manufacturers, or merely as buyers and sellers (wholesale or retail) ; whether their opera- tions be Confined to the country itself or be carried on abroad; or whether they be engaged in a single branch or in several branches of commerce at the same time. Unless proven to the contrary, all dealings by such persons are presumed to be acts of commerce 94 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA and therefore such persons are subject to commercial jurisdiction, regulations and legislation. In Bolivia traders may engage either in wholesale or retail trading but not in both at the same time. Besides free agents, the following persons have the right to trade in Brazil: (1) Minors who have been legally freed or emancipated from parental tutelage; (2) Children over 18 years of age still under parental tutelage who have the parental consent, registered by a notary. If a son 21 years of age has been in business partner- ship with his father but with the latter 's written consent should open a business establishment he shall be considered free from parental or other tutelage and of age for all legal purposes and effects in commercial transactions; (3) Married women 18 years of age if they obtain their husbands' consent, registered by a notary, may trade in their own name, those separated from their husbands not requiring consent. Before beginning to trade, minors, children under parental tutelage, and married women must register their claims to civil qualification in the commercial registry in charge of the commercial councils of their districts. In Uruguay, if the father be deceased, the son must be freed from tutelage in the administration of his estate in the form prescribed by common law. Some countries, as Peru, make the age limit 21 years for single persons and 16 years for married women if consent be given by the husband. Marriage does not release a female merchant from her obli- gations. When a female trader marries, she is presumed to have been authorized by the husband to continue her judicial acts unless he publicly and otherwise by circular, advertisement, etc., noti- fies to the contrary everyone with whom, at the time, she had commercial transactions. A married woman of full age may prac- tise commerce with the authorization of her husband or if there has been a legal separation of property, though such authorization may be merely tacit, but the revocation of such authorization must be a notarial instrument, duly registered and published. The age of a woman trader varies in the different countries, ranging from 18 years in Brazil to 25 in Chile, but in some countries provisions are made whereby women below the minimum age may engage in commerce. In Chile women between 21 and 25 may trade on obtaining from husbands of full age the necessary formal author- ity, or in default thereof on the authority of a judge. A married woman who does not carry on a trade separate from that of her husband is not considered a merchant (nor in Uruguay the wife of a merchant who merely assists her husband in business). A divorced woman of full age and one who has obtained separation COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 95 of property may trade after the registration and publication of such decrees, but a divorced woman between 21 and 25 years of age must obtain qualification of age (emancipation). In Colom- bia, in order to be able to contract or bind themselves, married women must obtain the consent of their husbands, if not separated in so far as ownership of goods is concerned. If the husband be under age, his curator must authorize the wife to trade if not opposed by the husband; and in such a case, if the wife, too, should be under 21, the authority of her curator is also necessary. In most countries a wife cannot execute acts of commerce against the wish of her husband nor can she contract obligations on, alienate or mortgage the immovable property of her husband, acquired before marriage, if properly inscribed in the register 15 days after marriage, nor the real property which belongs to both in common unless specifically authorized. In Bolivia, if the authoriz- ing instrument do not empower the wife to mortgage the immov- able property of the husband or the common property of both, her dowry and paraphernalia alone shall be liable for the results of her trading venture. This applies also in Colombia, if the wife should trade only by judicial authority or by authority of her curator. In Chile a woman who trades with the expressed or implied authorization of her husband involves her husband's property the same as if the act were his own; she also binds her own property up to the amount of the separate profit which she derives from the act; but on the other hand, the instrument of authorization may limit the liability by excluding the husband's property and that of the conjugal partnership. Neither husband nor wife separately, nor both together, may sell or mortgage the real estate of the wife save in certain instances. Article 159 of the Venezuela civil code provides that if the wife be blameable for a judicial separation, the husband, should he so desire, may control the property of the common estate. In Uruguay a wife authorized to trade may not sue in court either on acts or contracts arising out of her business without the express consent of her husband or, failing this, the consent of the court. In Brazil minors and chil- dren under parental tutelage who are traders can validly con- tract obligations on or mortgage or alienate their real property without being entitled to allege the benefit of restitution. Among those forbidden to trade in Brazil are the presidents and military commanders of the various states; magistrates appointed for life; municipal judges and judges of orphans; offi- cers of the public treasury; military officers of the first line, of 96 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA sea and land, unless pensioned, and also those of the police force ; and bankrupts who have not been legally discharged. If they do not make a business of it, however, such persons may lend money at interest and hold shares in many commercial associations pro- vided they do not participate in the management of the associa- tion. To the above list Argentina adds clergymen wearing clerical costumes, ecclesiastical corporations, and persons subject to an interdiction; while Bolivia adds persons forbidden to administer their property, married women (in certain cases), persons declared to be infamous (though the punishments of infamy and civil death have been abolished), minors, although emancipated, until 21 years of age, and generally all such persons who by law are forbidden to contract in certain cases. Peru adds exchange agents and commercial brokers of all kinds; Salvador includes immature persons (males who have not completed 14 years and females who have not completed 12 years) ; and Nicaragua includes those '' of notoriouslv abandoned conduct." Registration of Merchants Most of the countries stipulate that, to enjoy the advantages of the commercial code, merchants must register at the commer- cial tribunal or some corresponding bureau. Bolivia provides a general guild of traders for which purpose a book of general register is kept in each departmental capital and a book of par- ticular register in provincial capitals, and unless their names are inscribed therein, traders cannot belong to the guild. But in order to register traders must possess 4,000 bolivianos ($1,560) in their business or set aside that amount for starting business. Unregis- tered traders may continue in business but their legal proceedings must come before the ordinary judges and tribunals according to common law. In Uruguay registration is not indispensable to enable a person to be considered a merchant. If so registered before seeking any of the various privileges permitted by the code, merchants may use their books as evidence in court, may employ the right of applying for composition with their creditors, may exercise the functions of assignee in insolvencies and enjoj^ the advantage of discharge in case of bankruptcy. Registration entails the filing of documents such as marriage settlements, judgments of divorce or separation, of property, authorizations to minors or wives, powers of attorney, notarial agreements of partnership (except silent or '' sleeping " partnerships). COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 97 Mercantile Books Every merchant, whether registered or unregistered, must keep a regular system of accounts and bookkeeping — particularly a day-book and copy letter book; in some countries a ledger or book of current acco\int and a stock book or book of inventories and balance sheets also are obligatory (and in Peru other books ordered by special laws), but all other books are optional. Asso- ciations and companies must keep a book of minutes. The obliga- tory books must be bound, paged, stamped and initialed on every page by one of the members of the proper commercial tribunal and all books must be kept in the form prescribed by law under pain of various penalties. All entries must be in the language and currency of the country, and a person using another language only is subject to heavy fine and must translate such entries at his own expense. Some countries, as Argentina, stipulate that institutions and traders must keep their books in both gold and paper curren- cies. Commercial books may not be used as evidence in court if they contain an alteration of the order of date or transaction of the affairs; spaces between entries; unauthenticated interlinea- tions, erasures or amendments; deleted entries; or pages torn out or the binding or paging altered. Traders using books containing any of these defects are subject to a heavy fine, nor may an insolvent trader obtain his discharge if his books have not been inscribed with the '* rubrica " or special mark of the commercial tribunal. In Colombia books properly kept do not constitute even prima facie evidence in favor of the trader 15 months after the date of a particular entry unless a demand has been made upon the debtor or a protest entered against him, in cases of absence or ignorance of his whereabouts. No tribunal officially may compel the general production and inspection of commercial books save in actions relating to succession, community or joint ownership of property, partnership management or agency and insolvencies or bankruptcies. Most countries provide that merchants must return balance sheets annually but Argentina requires at least once in three years and also that merchants must preserve their books for a period of 20 years, while Peru requires only 5 years ; Dominican Republic 10 years. Entries made by subordinates in charge of the bookkeeping in the books of their principals obligate and bind the latter the same as if they themselves had made the entries. 98 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Brokers Any person authorized to intervene in commercial negotia- tions and contracts between traders is a broker. Most countries provide that a broker must be a citizen over 25 years of age (in Argentina 22 years, in Nicaragua 20; Uruguay 21) ; must have the right to trade ; must be registered ; must have resided at his address at least one year ; must have served in a commercial business an apprenticeship of at least one year (in Brazil 2 years, Peru 3 years, Bolivia 4 years) ; must certify that he is not an undischarged bankrupt; must never have been condemned of any crime rendering a person incapable of holding public office ; and in most countries must deposit, either in cash or securities, a guar- anty for good conduct in commercial relationships (in Bolivia 3,000 bolivianos ($1,170) ; in Brazil 5 contos of reis ($1,622.20) ; in Peru 20,(X)0 pesos for licensed brokers in the capital and 6,000 pesos in outside places; in Chile 1,000 to 5,000 pesos (peso, paper -=^$0.18; peso, gold = $0,365), according to locality; in Venezuela 1,000 to 12,000 bolivares, etc. (bolivar = $0.19). Women, minors, dismissed brokers, persons prohibited to carry on trade, persons condemned to corporal or infamous punishment (in Chile), aliens, and foreigners who have not been naturalized (in Brazil) cannot be brokers. Fees are fixed by law and vary slightly in the different countries. In Chile the liability of brokers, by reason of their official transactions, is prescribed in two years. In Brazil a broker who acts deceitfully and fraudulently is guilty of mis- representation, must indemnify those who lose by such actions, is subject to the loss of all his security deposited as a guaranty, and is criminally liable. Brokers must not directly or indirectly transact or effect any commercial operations on their own account or have any part or interest therein ; must not enter a partnership or association of any kind whatsoever; must not take a part or share in ships or their cargoes ; must not acquire for themselves or for any member of their families anything given for sale to them or to any other broker; the usual penalty for violation being deprivation of office. No broker may undertake to collect or make payments on account of another on pain of heavy fine. Colombia provides that if a broker intervene in any illegal contract; offer merchandise in behalf of persons unknown in the market; inter- vene in a contract respecting things owned by a person who has suspended payment; board ships in bays and harbors prior to anchoring or go to meet carters, carriers or waggoners on the roads to solicit the handling of their business, he shall be sus- COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 99 pended from office for two years for the first offense, six years for the second, and entirely deprived of office for the third and also held responsible for damages or losses. All countries provide that bankruptcies of brokers shall be held to be fraudulent. Agency and Commission An agency, or a mandate, is the conducting of business by one person under the name of the persons engaging him for such duties, the acts of the former binding the latter, while a commis- sion or consignment exists when a business is conducted either under the name of the agent himself or of his principals. An agent may resign at any time if he be willing to assume any dam- ages (with certain exceptions) to his employers arising from such action, but he may not transfer the powers of mandate to a third person unless authorized. Agents can claim indemnification from their principals for losses sustained owing to defects of the subject matter of the mandate. A commission agent (factor) contracting- in his own name or the name of his firm or partnership is directly bound to the persons with whom he contracts without the latter having any right of action against the principal, but the agent has the right to accept or refuse a commission, though his refusal must be made within 24 hours and must not prejudice existing business transactions. An agent is not bound to inform the person with whom he contracts of the name of his principal. If he refuse a commission consisting of goods which have been consigned to him he must advise his principal by next mail, and must receive and preserve the goods until the principal has had time to answer giv- ing instructions for their disposal. Traders beginning to carry out business entrusted to them on commission must finish it. In Brazil a principal is responsible for all the acts of his agent within the limits of a mandate whether the latter act in his own name or in that of the principal. If an agent contract expressly in the name of his principal the latter alone is responsible, but if he act in his own name the agent is personally liable even though the business may be on the account of his principal. If a princi- pal, without justifiable cause arising from the faults of the agent, shall revoke a mandate before its completion, the agent must be paid not less than half the commission, whether earned or not. A principal may hold a factor for damages sustained if the latter exceed instructions or transgress commercial usage, but failure on the part of the principal to reply within 24 hours or by second post to the factor's request for advice or authority relating to 100 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA some transaction is a presumption of approval, and the factor can- not be held for exceeding instructions. Principals may claim all benefits and savings by a factor in contracts for another's account; no factor, without express permission, may acquire, either directly or indirectly, any goods entrusted to him for disposal, and if, to the detriment of his principal, he should consummate any deals at prices other than those locally current he is liable for damages. A commission agent proven to have rendered an account not in accordance with the entries in his books shall be prosecuted as guilty of theft. For advances made and expenses incurred and for commission fees, commission agents have a preferential credit on goods consigned to them and such goods cannot be disposed of until such debts are paid. Contracts A mercantile contract of sale is a contract by which one indi- vidual, whether or not owner or possessor of the subject matter of the agreement, binds himself to deliver it or cause another person to acquire it in ownership, who on his part agrees to pay the stipulated price and who purchases it in order to resell it or lease the use thereof. A sale of chattels is alone considered mercantile when it is in order to resell them by wholesale or retail or to lease their use. The following are not considered mercantile : (1) Pur- chases of real (immovable) property and chattels accessory thereto, with some exceptions; (2) Purchases of things intended for the consumption of the buyer or of the person on whose order the acquisition is made; (3) Sales by farmers or land owners of the produce of their harvests and herds ; (4) Sales of produce and goods received by way of rent, gift, salary, emolument, or any other title whether by way of reward or gratuity; (5) The resale of the remains of the stores which a person may have acquired for his private consumption. Contracts made by letter shall be considered completed from the time that the person to whom the letter was written answers it, accepting the proposals; a verbal offer of a transaction must be accepted by the person to whom it was made as soon as it is known by him. In Uruguay a contract made by a representative of the person represented is as valid as if made by the person himself. If a person contracting in his own name stipulate for any advantage in favor of a third party, even if unauthorized to represent him, the third party may demand the consummation of the obligation if he accept it and before revocation notify the person liable there- under. If by means of a contract a person attempt to obligate a COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 101 third person whom he is not authorized to represent, the third person, unless he ratify the contract, cannot be held liable ; and if he refuse the other person may hold the first person liable for damages. Modification of an original offer has the effect of a new offer. If any of those entering into a conditional contract should die before the fulfilment of the condition, their heirs shall inherit their rights and obligations, unless the condition be essentially personal and cannot be fulfilled by the heirs. No contract made by persons who do not habitually practise commerce can be commercial, even when it affects merchandise, bills or other indorsable securities. Brazil and most countries pro- vide that contracts made by persons incapable of contracting are null and void, as are also those the subject matter of which is prohibited by law or the object of which is manifestly objection- able to sound morals and good customs; those not designating a definite consideration from which the obligation is derived; those induced by deceit, fraud or pretense ; those contracted by a trader within 40 days prior to his declaration of bankruptcy. Infants, lunatics and deaf mutes unable to make themselves understood in writing are incapable of contracting in Uruguay; as are minors under parental control, married women and bankrupt merchants, though the incapacity of these persons is not absolute and their acts can hold good under certain circumstances and conditions, determined by law. Contracts referring to an act morally or phys- ically impossible are void, as are those founded on an unlawful or illicit consideration. Obligations maturing on Sunday or other feast days shall be due on the following day (in Uruguay the day previous). Colombia does not compel a creditor to accept pay- ment before an obligation matures but he may exact security if a debtor be imprisoned for more than one month, abscond from his home, fraudulently deal with his property or find himself on the verge of bankruptcy. Every document forming a commercial contract must be writ- ten in the language of the countrj^; and unless authenticated by the signatures of the contracting parties, erasures, alterations or interlineations will nullify it. The words of contracts and agree- ments must be understood in the sense which general use gives them, although the person bound thereby claims to have understood them otherwise. When generic terms, which can be applied to different values or quantities, have been used in a contract to denote money, weight or measure, the obligation shall be understood to be contracted in that species of money, weight or measure which is in use in contracts of like nature. In Uruguay, mistake of factj 8 102 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA under certain circumstances, is ground for nullity of a contract. Uncertain or indefinite offers contained in a prospectus or circular do not bind the person making them. In purchasing goods not in sight and which cannot be classed by any fixed quality known to commerce, it is presumed that the buyer reserves the right to examine them and freely to rescind the contract if the goods do not suit him. If no immediate protest be made that quality and quan- tity do not conform to contract, the buyer will be understood to renounce all further claim for default of quantity or defect of quality. If a sale be made by sample or by a quality known in com- mercial usage, which is designated in the contract, the buyer must receive the contracted goods if they conform with the sample or the quality stated in contract; cases of doubt must be decided by arbitrators. If a merchant entrust an employee with the receipt of merchandise bought or coming to his possession by other title and the employee has received the same without objection or pro- test, it shall be good delivery, unless the principal permits any reclamation, save in certain cases. If a receipt for delivery of goods has been signed without any declaration of shortage or damage, no claim can be made for shortage or damage, provided, of course, the goods are packed so as not to prevent examination ; but if goods be delivered in bales or covers which prevent their examination or recognition, the consignee must, within 10 days, present his claim for shortage or damage. In all cases, if expressly stipulated, the seller must deliver the article sold within the designated time and at the appointed place ; failure to do so enables the buyer to rescind the contract or to demand its fulfillment, with damages for delay, in either case, save in instances of unforeseen accident or vis major. If a buyer should unjustifiably refuse to receive the articles purchased or omit to receive them within the stipulated time, the seller may apply for a rescission of the contract with compensation for damages or for the payment of the price with legal interest for the delay; in the latter case he must place the merchandise at the disposal of the commercial court so that it may order its deposit and sale by auc- tion for the account of the buyer. If a buyer return the thing bought and the seller accept it, or if it be redelivered against the will of the latter and he make no judicial deposit thereof on account of the owner, with notice of the deposit to the buyer, it is presumed that he had consented to the rescission of the contract. If a buyer have the right to rescind contract, the seller must refund any money paid on account and also pay any expenses occasioned, with legal interest. In case of a dispute over posses- COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 103 sion or ownership of the thing sold, the seller at his own expense must defend the validity of the sale before the court, and if unsuc- cessful must not only refund the price with interest and pay costs of the proceedings but may be compelled to pay for the resulting loss and damage and possibly subjected to criminal prosecution. In some countries a person, who for three years and in good faith has been in possession of a lost or stolen chattel, acquires owner- ship by prescription, w^hether the true owner has been absent or present. If anyone sell a thing owned by another, the buyer being ignorant thereof, the seller must refund the price with damages. Unless specially provided in the commercial code, commercial transactions are governed by the civil law. The following are admitted as evidence in commercial transactions: notarial certifi- cates; brokers' notes or certified extracts from their books; mer- chants' books; accepted invoices; written or telegraphed corre- spondence ; private documents signed by the contracting parties or by duly authorized proxies ; admission of parties and by oath ; and witnesses. Presumptions may be admissible. In Brazil, save in a few cases, proof by witnesses is only admissible in commercial courts when actions relate to contracts valued at less than 400 milreis ($216). When actions involve larger amounts, proof of witness is admitted only as subsidiarj'^ to other documentary evidence, which provision applies in Peru to contracts exceeding 200 soles ($97.20) in value. Loans and Interest A loan is subject to the mercantile laws if the thing loaned be considered of a commercial nature or designed for commercial use and when the contract made is between merchants or persons of that character. In Uruguay a verbal stipulation for interest is without effect in law. Unless the time and place of repayment are specifically stated, the lender may demand payment 10 days after making the contract, and unless specifically stated or contrary to law, interest begins from the day of the demand, even though the demand may exceed the amount of the debt and although the cred- itor do not prove any loss or damage. In Colombia, Venezuela, Peru and Cuba advances for an indefinite time are only enforce- able 30 days after the demand for payment. If a bargain for inter- est be made without stipulation as to the rate or the time from which it is to run, the parties are presumed to have subjected them- selves to the rate obtained by the public banks (or, as in Colombia, to the highest rate payable in the open market) and only for the 104 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA time which may transpire after the commencement of the delay in payment of principal; in other cases the average rate is payable. The Colombian commercial code permits compound interest after a year, but the civil code forbids any compounding of interest; private banks and joint stock companies are allowed freely to fix the rates of their discounts, interest and commission. In Uruguay the legal rate of interest is 9 per cent per annum; Ecuador, Cuba and most of the Central American countries allow 6 per cent (and in Ecuador no rate under agreement may be higher than 12 per cent) ; in Cuba the banks charge interest at the rate of 9 or 10 per cent on commercial paper of small denominations, the rate decreasing as the amount increases, sometimes being as low as 6 per cent. Debts Imprisonment for debt has been abolished in most of the Latin-American countries (but in Bolivia not until 19 Oct. 1905), save in cases of culpable or fraudulent bankruptcy, for default in payment of fines, and for debts arising from guardianship, curator- ship and executorship. In Chile if a debtor surrender to creditors all his property or other assets, the following are not subject to arrest (garnishment) : (1) Two-thirds of the salaries of the public employees which do not exceed 900 pesos, or if they do exceed this sum then 600 pesos and half the excess above 900 pesos shall not be subject to arrest; (2) The beds of debtor and his family and the clothing necessary to protect these persons; (3) Books, machinery or instruments relating to the profession of the debtor or used by him for teaching any science or art, up to the value of 200 pesos and at the choice of the debtor; (4) The implements of an artisan or farmer necessary for his personal labor; (5) Articles of food and fuel sufficient for one month; (()) Certain immovable property. Prescription Ordinary prescription in commercial matters, unless specifi- cally granted a shorter time, takes effect in Argentina, Venezuela, El Salvador and most of the Central American countries in 10 years ; in Brazil and Uruguay in 20 years ; and in Chile, Panama, Colombia and Ecuador in 10 years for executory and in 20 years for ordinary actions. Interest on capital loaned and all that should be paid annually or for shorter periods are prescribed in most countries in four years. Actions arising from mortgage of a vessel; actions against traders for salaries, wages or daily earn- ings or for payment to contractors for work (save Brazil where the COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 105 term is one year) ; actions by brokers for payment of brokerage; actions for nullity of the composition in bankruptcies ; and actions demanding the fulfilment of any commercial obligations which can only be proved orally are prescribed in two years. The following are prescribed in most countries by the expiration of one year: actions for indemnity for damages caused by collisions of vessels (Cuba 2) ; actions arising from supplying provisions, wood, fuel, and other articles necessary for the repair or equipment of a ves- sel on a voyage or labor performed with the same objects; actions arising from supplies to seamen and other members of a crew by order of the master; actions against a carrier arising from a con- tract of maritime or river carriage if in transit; actions arising from contracts of agreement with mariners; actions for salaries and wages of a crew. Actions derived from a contract of partner- ship and from partnership transactions, with certain exceptions, are prescribed in Cuba in 3 years; Peru 4; Uruguay 4; and in Chile, Ecuador, Venezuela, El Salvador, Dominican Republic, etc., 5. Actions arising from any document susceptible of indorsement or to bearer, not being a bank note, are prescribed in Argentina, Peru, Cuba and El Salvador in 3 years; in Uruguay and Bolivia in 4 years; and in Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, Dominican Republic, etc., in 5 years. Debts proved by current accounts presented and accepted are prescribed in El Salvador in 3 years; in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay in 4 years; and in Chile, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru and others in 5 years. The right to claim payment for merchandise sold on credit without a written document signed by creditor is prescribed in Panama, Colombia, Chile and Argentina in 2 years; in El Salvador in 3 years; in Brazil and Uruguay from 2 to 4 years according to residence of debtor. Actions arising from bottomry bonds are prescribed in Argentina in 2 years; in Peru and Ecuador in 3 years; in Nicaragua, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Venezuela, Chile, and Colombia in 5 years; and in Brazil and Uruguay in 1 year if contracted in the country or 3 years if contracted in for- eign countries. Actions arising from a contract of affreightment are prescribed in Argentina and Uruguay in 1 year and in other countries in 6 months. Fees of persons practicing any liberal pro- fession, such as lawyers, physicians and surgeons, professors in colleges and schools, engineers, land surveyors, etc., are prescribed in 3 years. Liability of trustees in bankruptcy is prescribed in 2 years in Chile, reckoned from the closing of the bankruptcy. Colombia and Venezuela prescribe the responsibility of brokers, regarding their official operations, in 2 years ; others 3 years. 106 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA In Uruguay a mortgage may be extinguished by prescription in 30 years regardless of the person possessing the mortgaged property; in Cuba in 20 years. In Venezuela the claims of a factor against the principal for the payment of his remuneration lapse in 2 years and in Ecuador in 1 year ; but in both countries the claims of the principal against the factor for the mismanagement of the commis- sion lapse in 1 year. In Uruguay the possessor of movable prop- erty for 6 years uninterruptedly acquires ownership by prescrip- tion without the necessity of presenting a title and cannot be opposed for bad faith. This does not include a thief or his accom- plices or receivers, who can never acquire prescriptive title. The master of a ship cannot by prescription acquire the vessel on which he serves or anything pertaining thereto. Trade Marks The legal point of view regarding ownership of trade marks differs radically in the Latin-American countries and the United States. Under the common law system known as the declaratory system, use is the basis of property in a mark and in the United States registration merely constitutes an additional means of pro- tecting that property right acquired by use. But the Latin- Ameri- can countries prefer the attributive system, under which the rights of property in a mark spring directly from the law and depend entirely upon registration of the mark. Usually no investigation as to the right to use a mark is made prior to registration but notice of an application for trade mark rights is always published in the official gazettes. Once granted, registration of a mark is final against later applicants. Most Latin- American countries dis- tinguish the manufacturer's or ordinary trade mark {marca de fdbrica) which is used to designate the products of a particular factory or manufacturing concern from the dealer's mark {marca comer cial) which is used to designate the articles handled by a particular dealer or commercial enterprise. Separate registration of the two classes is required in some countries, notably Colombia, Chile, and Venezuela. In a few countries agricultural products are granted a third class of marks. In some countries articles are divided into a number of classes for purposes of trade mark (Argentina enumerates 25 classes) and separate registration is required for articles included in each class. Unless an applicant for trade mark rights appear personally, the appointment of a qualified attorney is usually necessary and the actual work of registration should be effected through the employment of an attorney familiar with the provisions of the various laws. COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 107 The granting of trade mark rights confers exclusive owner- ship for a period of 10 years in Argentina, Chile, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay ; 10 to 20 years in the Dominican Republic; 15 years in Brazil, Costa Rica and Cuba ; 20 years in Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and El Salvador ; 30 years in Venezuela; and indefinitely in Bolivia and Honduras. The rights are renewable for the same periods upon payment of the necessary fees in all countries save Costa Rica and Ecuador, the renewal period in the former being 10 years and in the latter 15 years. Space limitations preclude the possibility of including the provisions of the laws of all countries and the fees required for the grant and renewal, but the following may be considered typical. Ownership of a trade mark passes to the heirs of a holder and the transfer of same may be made also by contract or by deed of gift. Unless specifically stated to the contrary the transfer of a trade mark is included in the transfer of a business by sale or otherwise, but before action can be taken as the proprietor of a transferred trade mark, such transfer must be registered at the trade mark office. To enjoy protection, foreign trade marks must be registered in Argentina under the same formalities required of domestic trade marks. The application and description of the trade mark must be made in the Spanish language on official paper bearing a one dollar stamp. The fees for registry are $50 national cur- rency for each class for which a mark is to be registered ; and $25 for the transfer to another party. The application for trade mark, which must be made on paper of certain dimensions, each sheet of which must be stamped, dated and signed, must be accompanied by an explanation of the mark in duplicate, and 6 to 14 copies of the mark in one color; an electrotype of certain dimensions; a declaration as to the products or trade for which the mark is to be used ; the name, residence and occupation of the person applying for the mark; and a certificate of registration abroad, or, should the trade mark not be registered in the country of origin, a certifi- cate proving that the mark has not been registered and evidence that the applicant has an establishment in the home country. The application must also indicate the size and color of the mark and the kind of ink to be used. After the details of an application for trade mark have been published officially for five consecutive days, a term of 30 days is allowed for objections. Infringement of a trade mark may be punished by various fines and imprisonment of from one month to one year, nor, in most countries, can the prison penalty be evaded by the payment of an increased fine. 108 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Patents Authors of new discoveries or inventions have the exclusive right of their exploitation during the allotted period, this applying not only to discoveries and inventions made in the country con- cerned but also to those verified and patented abroad. Pharma- ceutical compounds, financial schemes and discoveries or inven- tions which may have been used prior to the application for patent protection or which may be contrary to law and good conduct are not eligible for patent protection. In Bolivia devices which tend to change the proportions of things already known or to produce articles which are merely ornamental are not considered to consti- tute inventions. The duration of a patent varies in the different countries, some countries granting patent rights for a definite period (in Brazil 15 years; British Honduras 14 years) while others grant such rights for various periods (Argentina 5, 10 or 15 years; Panama 5, 10, 15 or 20 years) at the option of the appli- cant and according to the merits of the invention. Some countries make the maximum period for foreigners less than that for citizens and the period may not exceed the period of protection granted in the home country of the applicant. Some countries provide also what is called ' ' provisional patent protection, ' ' obtainable for one year (in Brazil the term is three years) and renewable from year to year; under this protection no similar patent will be conceded to another party without notifying the provisional patent holder who has three months in which to make objections to the patent office. In some countries patents lapse if not exploited for two years after being granted (in others one year, others three years, etc.) or, save in exceptional cases, if their exploitation be sus- pended for a like period. The Brazilian process of obtaining patents is typical. The applicant must file in duplicate at the Department of Industry a statement describing the invention, specifying its chief character- istics, its purpose and mode of use, together with plans, drawings and the necessary samples for the exact comprehension of the invention and explanation of the statement. After this the inventor shall petition the minister of industry to grant the patent. The petition must contain the name, nationality, profession, domicile or present abode of the petitioner, the nature of the invention, its purpose or application, in accordance with the documents accom- panying the statement; and shall also contain a list of the docu- ments deposited,_a full power of attorney if the petition be not made by the inventor himself, the original patent if a patent COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS 109 granted abroad is to be confirmed, the original patent if improvements are to be made by the concessionaire of the original invention, and a certificate of the first patent if it refer to a patent granted to another party. After examination of the petition, if approved, the patent will be granted by a decree signed by the President. The patent is then published in the Diario oficial and the respective parties personally notified to demand their titles, to pay the expenses and dues on same, and to attend the opening of the envelopes containing the documents on the day fixed, which must be within 30 days. When judged to be in order, the statement is published in the Diario Oficial and one each of the designs, plans or samples exhibited for 15 days for inspection by the public or persons interested. Patent infringements are punishable by various fines or from one to six months' imprisonment and the loss of the articles so falsified, without prejudice to any damage suits which may be instituted. The same penalties are imposed on accessories to infringement. Mining Laws Most countries have very liberal nation-wide laws governing the prospecting for and working of mines, but in a few, as Brazil, no general mining laws have been promulgated, each state or department having its own regulations. In Brazil, generally speaking, in order to prospect, application for a license must be made to the governor of the state, or to the secretary of the proper department, giving approximately the region in which the applicant desires to prospect, and indicating the mineral or miner- als which are sought (in Bolivia special permission is not required). No license is necessary for gold washing in the numer- ous rivers but for boring and for prospecting for reefs this document is necessary to both native and foreigner. All minerals . are the property of the landowner. If desirous of exploring private lands or those covered by concessions, the prospector and the owner must make an arrangement which must be recognized by the government and the terms of which must not be extortion- ate on either side. If there be a reasonable probability of the existence of mines on their property, owners must permit pros- pectors to investigate or do so themselves and report to the gov- ernment. Persons who might consider their rights infringed by the new concession are granted a certain time in which to make a claim. The person granted the mining concession is given the necessary ground free of charge but must begin operations and 110 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA furnish a full report within two years. Quarries can be worked entirely free of taxes by the owner of the land on which they are situated. Mines on public lands are free from all taxes save the percentage charged by the government upon the mineral extracted, varying from 2 to 10 per cent on gold, silver or precious stones, 1 to 5 per cent on copper and manganese, and 1 to 2 per cent on coal and iron. There are laws regarding safety, compila- tion of reports, taxes payable when the mine is not being worked, payment of fees upon registration, etc. Bolivia provides that any person having the legal right to enter into contracts may seek as many as 30 mineral concessions (pertinencias) , each concession being limited to 100 square meters (about 327 square feet) in the direction desired by the applicant but indefinitely in depth. In Chile, governors, administrators and judges may not acquire or own mines in the territories under their jurisdiction; mining claims for precious metals may com- prise a superficial area of from 3 to 15 acres, while coal or nitrate claims may range up to 100 acres ; and a pit 15 feet deep must be dug within 90 days after registry of the claim, whereas Bolivia provides that if a claim remain unsurveyed and no landmarks be set within 70 days it shall be considered abandoned. In Honduras mining claims may be denounced by any individual up to 1,000 hectares (hectare=2.47 acres). In Peru the area of a pertinencia for gold, coal, tin, platinum, petroleum, etc., is twice the size of that for other minerals and any one may acquire as many as 60 claims. Colombia provides that so long as taxes are paid no annual work need be done to preserve the locator's rights, which provision tends to retard mining development in that country. Most countries provide that legally acquired mining property is irrevocable and perpetual but if an owner should not comply with laws regulating the filing of claims, etc., and fail to pay the annual ■tax or patent fees, any person may denounce the abandonment of an application and ask that it be granted to him. In some matters the Colombian government reserves special rights, as in the emerald and salt monopolies. Under the law of 1913 oil wells discovered on Colombian government lands, whether waste lands or otherwise, may not be transferred by the adjudication of such lands to private individuals or corporations but remain the prop- erty of the state. Mines on lands belonging to charitable or edu- cational institutions cannot be denounced without the sanction of the owners. In Colombia the payment of 40 years' taxes confers an indefeasible title in fee. Railway Transportation in Latin America By Otto Wilson Chief Latin American Division, Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, Washington, D. C. South America ALTHOUGH several countries lay claim to having the oldest / railway in South America it appears that the first road to be actually opened for service was a line five miles long, finished in British Guiana in 1848. In the next year a line was : completed between Caldera and Copiapo, Chile, and in 1857 the first road began operations in Argentina, Brazil following a year later. Since that time construction has been practically contin- uous, and now every country in South America has its railway system. Naturally expansion of railway transportation has been most rapid in the level plains of Argentina, where rails have been laid at comparatively little expense, and it has made least prog- ress in the west and north, where mountain construction often runs the cost up to more than $100,000 a mile. The railway mileage of South American countries (not including minor private i and other lines) is as follows: Country Mileage Country Mileage ^ Argentina 21,325 Guiana : Bolivia 850 British )( Brazil 16,146 Dutch )4 Chile 5,015 French i^ Colombia 698 Paraguay Ecuador 427 Peru Uruguay . Venezuela 100 109 231 1,900 K 1,639 X 530 X In each country this mileage serves national needs almost entirely, and tourists will find that communication between countries is still largely by coast or ocean vessels. Travel to South America as a rule follows a well beaten path. The tourist who wishes to visit the chief centres usually travels on one of two routes — down the east coast to Buenos Aires, across the continent to Valparaiso, up the west coast to Panama, and thence to Colombia and Venezuela, or the reverse of this journey, making the north-coast countries from Barbados or Trinidad. If he elects the former route his first stop will prob- ably be at Pemambuco, where most ocean liners serving Brazil [111] 112 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA call. Coast steamers will carry him to Para, Natal, and points between, but the tourist w^hose time is limited can continue by ocean steamer to Bahia and to Rio de Janeiro. From Rio a favorite trip is that by rail to Sao Paulo, thence by rail to Santos, where the steamer can again be caught for Rio Grande do Sul, Montevideo, and Buenos Aires. From Buenos Aires various side trips can conveniently be made, including a visit to Asuncion, capital of Paraguay. The only transcontinental line in South America affords rail accommo- dations between Buenos Aires and Valparaiso, Chile, w^here the traveler usually takes a boat for the trip along the west coast. If he wishes to visit Bolivia he stops at Antofagasta, reaching La Paz from that port by rail in about 45 hours. Siroche or ' ' moun- tain sickness," however, caused by a too rapid change from the coast to an altitude of over 12,000 feet, may make a more gradual ascent advisable. From La Paz two other railways reach the coast, that leading to MoUendo, Peru, having heretofore had the most passenger traflfic. At Mollendo the sea voyage is continued to Callao-Lima, thence to the northern ports of Peru and to Guayaquil, Ecuador, from which the capital, Quito, can be reached in a two-days' jour- ney. Steamships carry the traveler from Guayaquil to Panama and through the canal to Colon, where connection can be made for Cartagena, Colombia. After possible trips to the interior cities of Bogota and Medellm, connections are made at Cartagena or Puerto Colombia for Venezuelan ports, the most important of which are Puerto Cabello and La Guaira, from both of which the capital, Caracas, can be reached by rail. As convenient the trav- eler can then either go to Trinidad or Barbados and catch a north-bound boat, or return to Colon. It will be seen that on a South American tour of this kind a great part of the travel is by boat, and railways are as a rule of only local convenience. If he desired to do so, however, the trav- eler could land at Victoria, Brazil, and continue on the route men- tioned entirely by rail to Mollendo, Peru. Most of the railways of South America have been built by European capital, largely English. The equipment is therefore for the most part European. Government ow^nership and opera- tion are most prominent in Chile, but exist also in Brazil, Argen- tina, and other countries. There are a multitude of gauges, rang- ing from the broad 5 feet 6 inches of various Argentine lines to the 2 feet 6 inches of the Antofagasta (Chile) & Bolivia, line in Chile, and even narrower private lines. Accommodations for RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 113 passengers on many roads, notably those of the larger Argentine and Brazilian systems, are the equal of those in the United States, luxurious parlor-car, sleeping-car, and dining-car service being provided. Fares are variable but for the most part are not excessive. Kates for excess baggage, however, are usually high. Before reviewing briefly the transportation systems of the various countries, the much-discussed project of the Pan Ameri- can Kailway should be mentioned. This project is the proposed linking-up of existing lines to afford railway service through North and South America, from New York all the way to Buenos Aires. Existing lines could be utilized to the southern border of the United States, and the National Railways of Mexico line would carry the train to the Guatemalan border. Railways now in operation, being built, or projected would afford passage through Central America to Panama, where construction to the Colombian border would involve the conquering of the tropical forest. At the other end of the line there is through trackage from Buenos Aires to Cuzco, Peru, except for a stretch of about 66 miles, now under construction between La Quiaca and Tupiza, Bolivia, and there are various mountain lines in Colombia, Ecuador and Peru which would form links in the completed chain. Much of the con- struction yet to be effected, however, is in difficult country and it will be many years before the great dream is a reality. Argentina. — The great level plains of Argentina, with their wealth of agricultural and pastaral products, have made the River Plate region the centre of railway expansion in South America. From Buenos Aires a great network of lines stretches out to the north, west, and south, connecting practically every important town or city of Argentina with the capital and bringing the country to a rank of ninth in point of railway mileage among the nations of the world. The following distances by rail from Buenos Aires to other cities of Argentina will illustrate the extent of railway development: To Bahia Blanca, 446 miles; Tucuman, 720 miles; Mendoza, 647 miles; San Juan, 745 miles; Santa Fe, 299 miles; Rosario, 186 miles ; Cordoba, 433 miles ; Salta, 996 miles ; Santiago, G28 miles; Jujuy, 1,006 miles; San Luis, 485 miles; Catamarca, 771 miles ; Mar del Plata, 248 miles. Up to the outbreak of the Euro- pean War the mileage was being steadily extended, but that event practically suspended construction through the curtailment of the supplies of foreign capital necessary for extensive building. The systems of Argentine railways, with their mileage (excluding private and other minor lines) are as follows: Buenos 114 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Aires & Pacific, 3,535 miles; Buenos Aires Great Southern, 3,792 miles; Buenos Aires Western, 1,870 miles; Central Argentine, 3,305 miles; Cordoba Central, 1,205 miles; Entre Rios, 831 miles; Buenos Aires Midland, 322 miles; Argentine North Eastern, 752 miles; Province Santa Fe, 1,192 miles; Rosario-Puerto Belgrano, 493 miles; General Buenos Aires, 790 miles; Central Northern, 1,790 miles ; Argentine del Norte, 1,196 miles ; Buenos Aires Cen- tral, 252 miles. Most of these systems are owmed wholly or in part by English shareholders (English capital having been invested in Argentine railways to the extent of almost a billion dollars), and the securities of the more important roads are quoted regularly on the London Stock Exchange. Of the total mileage the Government owns some 4,000 miles, the longest roads being the Central North- ern Railway, running from Santa Fe northwest to the Argentine boundary at La Quiaca, and the Argentine Northern, running from Santa Fe w^est to San Juan, both roads having several branches. The Government is interested in building and operating railroads chiefly in order to open up new territory, and the roads in many cases are run at a loss. Argentine railways have three different gauges. The broad gauge of 5 feet 6 inches, said to have been introduced w^hen the first railway builders purchased rolling stock of this gauge which had been used in the Crimean War, prevails on several of the larger roads, including the Buenos Aires & Pacific, the Buenos Aires & Great Southern, the Buenos Aires Western, and the Central Argentine. The middle gauge, 4 feet 8i'2 inches, is used by the Entre Rios Railway, the Argentine North Eastern, and the Buenos Aires Central. The Government lines mentioned, the Transandine Railway, the Cordoba Central, the Buenos Aires Midland, and the Province of Santa Fe are of meter (3.28 feet) gauge. Freight carried on these roads naturally consists very largely of grain, livestock, and animal products such as wool and hides, but considerable quantities of wine and grapes are carried from the vineyards of Mendoza and other western provinces. • The passenger service of these lines is quite up-to-date, and all the comforts appertaining to modern railway travel are pro- vided. The line of the Central Argentine between Buenos Aires and Rosario has been double-tracked, and the running time between these cities, a distance of 186 miles, has been reduced to 414 hours. The fare is not excessive. One of the minor draw- backs to railway travel in many parts of Argentina is the monot- ony of the landscape, some lines running for hundreds of miles over level plains with practically no trees or hills to be seen in any CopyiiKht, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson. N. Y. In the Snow Cuts of the Trans-Andean Railway Cciliyiij-'hl. Urowu & Dawson, N. Y. Train on the La Guayra & Caracas Railway, Venezuela Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and iirown £- Dawson, N. Y. RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 115 direction. The railway system in general is such that every city of consequence in Argentina can be conveniently reached from Buenos Aires, and tourists and commercial travelers find it a good plan to make the capital their headquarters, taking side trips to other centres as may be desirable. The fact that a great part of the import and export business of the country flows through Buenos Aires makes it umiecessary for foreign salesmen to visit many of the outlying cities. Tourists, however, mil find it inter- esting to visit Tucuman, where Argentine independence was declared ; Mendoza, the centre of the wine industry ; Rosario, sec- ond to Buenos Aires as a shipping centre ; La Plata, where there are a large observatory and large meat-packing plants ; and Mar del Plata, the great seaside resort. Uruguay. — The fact that Uruguay, smallest of South Ameri- can republics7 has some 1,600 miles of railway is an illustration of the progressiveness of the country, as well as the facility in construction afforded by the level or gently rolling character of the land. The chief system is the Central Uruguay Railway, which operates approximately 1,000 miles of track. Its main line and an extension connect Montevideo with the Brazilian frontier and join the Rio Grande system at Sant' Anna. Nearly all lines are controlled by British capital, and as a rule return a good profit. They are for the most part operated under a Government guarantee. , In the third of the river Plate countries, Paraguay, there is as yet but a single line, the Paraguay Central, running from Asuncion, the capital, to Villa Encarnacion, where it makes con- nection with the Argentine North Eastern. A branch from Villa Rica to the Brazilian frontier is being constructed, to connect with the Sao Paulo-Rio Grande Railway and give through con- ziection with the Atlantic Coast. At present Asuncion is reached in about 50 hours from Buenos Aires over the road mentioned, or by river boat, the trip upstream taking 5 days and the return trip 4 days. An extension of the Santa Fe Railway of Argentina is being constructed which has for its objective a point in Argen- tina opposite Asuncion, the completed line to be entirely in Argentine territory but giving Asuncion another outlet to the sea. Chile. — From Buenos Aires the broad-gauge tracks of the Buenos Aires & Pacific lead away 647 miles to Mendoza, joining there with the meter-gauge Argentine Transandine Railwa5^ This continues 111 miles to the Transandine Tunnel, 2 miles long. The Chile-Argentine boundary line is reached about halfway through the tunnel, and across the line the journey is over the 9 116 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA track of the Chilean Transaiidine Kailway to Los Andes, 47 miles. From there to Valparaiso (83 miles) runs the line of the Chilear National Railway. The whole distance from Buenos Aires to Valparaiso is 888 miles. This Transandine route has made unnecessary the long voyage around the Horn when traveling between Valparaiso and Buenos Aires, the railway trip now being made in two days. The line does not carry a great amount of freight but has a good passenger traffic. During the winter months it is often blocked by snows and the service is consequently very uncertain from June to August. The character of the railway development of the west coast has been determined by the peculiar contour of the land. Along practically the whole length of the South American continent the high ridges of the Andes lie only a comparatively short distance back from the coast. For the most part, therefore, the railways of Chile, Peru, and Ecuador consist of short lines crossing the narrow strip of coast lands betAveen sea and mountains, here and there climbing over the high passes into the interior plateau. The chief exception to this is the Longitudinal Railway of Chile, running from Puerto Montt in the south to a point near Iquique (eventually to be extended to Arica). Because of the proximity of the mountains to the aea and their height, railway construction has been exceeding costly and difficult and has required the solu- tion of more engineering problems than construction in any other jiart of the world. The highest railway in the world is to be found in Peru, a branch of the Central of Peru Railway reaching to the height of 15,865 feet, while farther south, in Bolivia, a branch of the Antofagasta (Chile) & Bolivia Railway running to Potosi attains 15,814 feet. So far the rail connection between Buenos Aires and Valparaiso is the only one affording transcontinental service, but, as mentioned above, the completion of 66 miles of track between La Quiaca and Tupiza will open another through route. Work on this connection has been carried on intermittently for several years. A third route will be opened when Bolivia's railway system is extended to meet the track of the North Western of Brazil Railway, practically completed to the border town of Corumba. Another transcontinental line, to run from Bahfa Blanca, Argentina, to Talcahuana, Chile, has been discussed, but no active work is being done on it. There is already a road from Bahia Blanca to Neuquen, in Argentina. Of the 5,000 miles of railway open in Chile about 3,200 miles are owned by the government, Chile being the only country in South America that has an extensive goverimient-owned system. RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 117 These roads are for the most part operated at a loss. The private lines are mostly '' nitrate " railways, owned and operated by the companies exploiting the nitrate fields in north Chile. Bolivia. — The country of Bolivia, entirely cut off from the sea, has three rail coimections with the coast, two of these being through Chile and one through Peru. The lines through Chile ran from Antofagasta and Arica to La Paz, and that thro.ugh Peru to Mollendo. The southernmost line is that of Antofagasta (Chile) & Bolivia Railway, from Antofagasta to Oruro, Bolivia, a distance of 575 miles. From Oruro the Bolivia Railway, leased by the Antofagasta Railway, leads to Viacha, 125 miles, and the rest of the distance to La Paz, 19 miles, is covered by a line con- structed by the Antofagasta Railway, as well as by two others. The whole distance of about 720 miles is covered in 45 hours. The second line to the coast is the Arica--La Paz line of 248 miles, of which 28 miles is rack road. The time required for the trip to La Paz from the coast is about 25 hours and for the journey in the other direction 15 hours, the first-class fare being about 61^ cents a mile. The third line to the sea is through Peru to Mol- lendo, the total distance being 534 miles and the running time about 29 hours to the coast, part of the journey being made by steamer on Lake Titicaca. This road is the Southern Railway of Peru, w^hich also operates a branch from Juliaca to the ancient Inca capital, Cuzco, 210 miles, a favorite objective of tourists. While most of the traffic to and from Bolivia has been by way of the first and third of these routes, the second is considerably the shortest and there is, moreover, one of the best harbors along the Pacific coast at Arica. The line was opened in 1912 and is expected to build up a volume of business between La Paz and the coast that will equal that of its older competitors. Peru. — Besides the Southern Railway, Peru has one other line that climbs the Andes from the coast. This is the famous Central Railway of Peru, one of the most w^onderful railways in the world because of the number and character of the engineering difficulties overcome. It was surveyed and partially completed by Henry Meiggs, an American engineer, at an enormous cost. It runs from the port of Callao to Oroya, 138 miles, with an exten- sion to Huancayo, a further 70 miles to Ihe south. The main line passes through 57 tunnels and reaches a height of 15,665 feet, a branch to Morococha going 200 feet higher. This branch, as noted above, is the highest railway in the world. At Oroya the Cerro de Pasco Railway leads to the town of that name, the site of an important American copper mining enterprise. Besides these 118 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA railways there are various shorter lines, chiefly connecting the agricultural valleys of the coastal regions with Pacific ports. A large part of the mileage of Peruvian railways is controlled by the Peruvian Corporation, a company formed in 1890 by Euro- pean holders of Peruvian securities, the payment of interest on which was in default. The agreement between the Government and the Corporation is such that the latter dominates the railway situation in Peru. The company is interested in new construction, and has surveyed for the Government a line to run from Tiripata, on the Southern Eailway, to the Madre de Dios River, which will open up a through rail-and-water route to the Atlantic. Other trans-Andean lines are projected in the northern and central sections of Peru. Ecuador. — The only railway of importance in Ecuador is the Guayaquil & Quito line, built, owned and operated by Americans. This line is another example of daring mountain construction. It has a total length of 287 miles and the journey to Quito takes two days. There are also railways inland from the ports of Bahia de Caracas, Manta, and Bolivar, and lines are projected from Quito to the coast and from Ambato, on the Guayaquil & Quito Railway, to Curaray in the interior, which will open up the rich tropical sections of the Amazon Valley in Ecuador. Work on the latter line is proceeding slowly. Colombia. — In the north-coast countries of Colombia and Venezuela railroad building has made little progress, partly because of the mountainous character of the country and partly because of the fact that each country is but sparsely inhabited. In Colombia the main arteries of travel are still the rivers, par- ticularly the Magdalena, and nearly all railways lead off from this river or from the seacoasts. The foreign traveler usually lands either at Cartagena (thence reaching the river by rail at Calamar, 62 miles away), or at Puerto Colombia, going thence to Barran- quilla, a rail distance of 17 miles. A river boat carries him to La Dorado, where the Dorado Extension Railway leads around a series of rapids to Puerto Beltran, the river voyage being then continued to Girardot. The rest of the journey to Bogota, the capital, is by railways of two different gauges, a distance of 109 miles. From Bogota two short lines lead out north and southeast, besides the line ninning to the Magdalena River. The Antioquia Railway, nearly completed, connects Medellin with the Magdalena, and a short line leads out from the river port of Puerto Wilches, to be eventually continued to Bucaramanga. Isolated lines serv- ing local needs include the Cucuta Railway (44 miles) in the east, RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 119 the Santa Marta Railway (92 miles) in the north, and the Cauca Railway (103 miles) in the west. A short line running from the Magdalena at Girardot to Espinal completes the list. The rail- way construction program of Colombia includes the completion of the lines from the Magdalena to Bucaramanga and to Medellin, the continuation of the Cauca Railway to Popayan, the connecting of the Cucuta Railway with the Magdalena, the building of a line from Medellin to the Grulf of Darien, and the construction of a line from Girardot to Cali, thus giving Bogota access to the Pacific. Venezuela. — The 530 miles of railway in Venezuela are all of 31/^ feet gauge or less, and serve the regions along the coast. The chief line is the Great Railway of Venezuela, a German road of 111 miles running from Caracas to Valencia. It was a costly road to build, having 86 tunnels and 212 bridges. Both the ter- minal cities of this road are connected with the coast, Valencia by an English-owned railway of 34 miles running to Puerto Cabello and Caracas by the La Guaira & Caracas line, also English, which in its 23 miles passes over 10 bridges and through nine tunnels, and climbs 5,000 feet. The Bolivar Railway (109 miles) connects the interior city of Barquisimetro with the coast at Tucacas, and is important as a carrier of copper ore from the mines at Aroa, about 50 miles from Tucacas. This road is also English-owned as is the Central Railway (46 miles) running southeast from Caracas. Most of the other railways, penetrating short distances into the interior from the coast and from lake Maracaibo, are financed by Venezuelan capital, three being Government-owned. Several projects for new railways have been talked of, but extensive construction will have to await the development of the country. Guiana. — In British Guiana therQ are about 100 miles of rail- way, the chief line being that from Georgetown to New Amster- dam, 60 miles long. Dutch Guiana has a single road of about 109 miles. Brazil. — Brazil, a country whose great expanses have as yet not even been fully explored, holds great promise for future rail- way construction. There are now some 16,000 miles of railroad in the country, and lines projected and under construction when the European War broke out would have added 8,000 or 10,000 miles more. Existing lines, with one notable exception, have naturally been laid where the country is most thickly settled, that is, in the coastal regions and the immediate hinterland, and the great interior plains and forests are penetrated by only one line that has connections with the coast. Construction has been most 120 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA in evidence in the more productive section, comprising the agri- cultural and mining states of the south. Almost one-half of the total mileage of the country is owned by the Federal Government, although most of this is leased. The gauges of Brazilian railways range from 2 feet to 5 feet 3 inches, but about 90 per cent of the mileage is meter gauge. The chief economic value of these railways heretofore has been to bring the products of each general section to the coast, and communication between northern, southern, and western states is still largely by ocean or river steamer. The traveler visiting the several coast cities has little use for the railways until he reaches Rio de Janeiro. From Rio the usual journey (requiring all of one day), is by rail to SjIo Paulo, one of the most thriving commercial cities of South America, and then to the coast again at Santos, where steamer connection is made for southern Brazil and the river Plate. However, the traveler, if he wishes to do so, can reach both Uruguay and Argentina by rail from Hio de Janeiro. Sleeping and dining-car service is provided, but the rates are high. The line that connects the capital with many of the important cities of southern Brazil and the oldest line in the country is the Central of Brazil Railway, whose broad and meter gauge tracks lead to Sao Paulo in the southwest and to Bello Horizonte and other important centres in the north. It is government-owned, and returns a large annual deficit. The country's best-paying line is the Sao Paulo Railway, running from Santos to Jundiahy via Sao Paulo, which carries a tremendous freight of coffee annually. There are two tracks over the 50 miles between Sao Paulo and Santos, and grades of 8 per cent are surmounted by means of endless-cable systems. Other important lines of this region that should be mentioned are the Mogyana, Sorocabana, Paulista, South Minas, West of Minas, and Brazil Railway systems. The last named is the comprehensive system controlled by a company known as the Farquhar Syndicate, incorporated in Maine, which carried forward ambitious development plans that involved rail- way construction or control in Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Argentina. This development, however, was largeh^ suspended by financial difficulties on the outbreak of the European War, and the company passed into the hands of a receiver. The southernmost states of Brazil are served by this line and by the Great Southern, the region to the north of Rio de Janeiro by the Leopoldina Rail- way, the region around Pernambuco by the Great Western, the state of Ceara by the Brazil North Eastern, and Bahfa by the State RAILWAY TRANSPORTATION 121 of Bahia Southwestern. There is at present no through rail con- nection between north and south, but it is planned to have the Central of Brazil extended eventually to Para, thus affording rail- way communication for all the states on the Atlantic seaboard. Construction is also reaching out toward the western plains, and a transcontinental line through Bolivia will eventually be built. Far removed from all other lines is the Madeira-Mamore Railway, 1,800 miles into the interior, which spans a series of rapids in the Madeira, Mamore, and Beni Rivers. These rapids are the only obstruction to river traffic from the interior of Bolivia to the Atlantic, and the road of 225 miles was constructed (with great difficulty and only after repeated failures) to afford an outlet for the products of eastern Bolivia. Mexico and Central America Mexico. — Before the revolution broke out in 1910 Mexico had \ to ■k Hi .^Iki y^ ^ 1 iii ^ Hi Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson, N. Y. A Portion of the Harbor of Montevideo, Uruguay OCEAN AND KIVER TRANSPORTATION 127 many by tlie Hamburg American, England by the Harrison and Leyland Lines, the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, and the United Fruit Company (British vessels sailing from United States ports), and the United States by the ** Red D " Line. The ships of most of these lines touched at ports of both Venezuela and Colombia, usually, however, going in one direction, New Orleans or New York being visited either before or after the Caribbean ports on the round trip from Europe. The United Fruit Co. had sailings only to Colombia, and the Red D Line and the Royal Dutch West India Mail visited only Venezuela. In Venezuela, La Guaira and Puerto Cabello were the chief ports of call, the cargo to and from Maracaibo, the important coffee district, being transshipped at Curacao, and a good part of the trade of Ciudad Bolivar and the Orinoco being handled through Trinidad. In Colombia either Cartagena or Puerto Colombia, the port for Barranquilla, was visited by the liners serving the coun- try, and in addition the port of Santa Marta became prominent because of heavy shipments of bananas. Barranquilla, the most important conunercial city of the Colombian Republic, is shut off from the ocean by a great bar at the mouth of the Magdalena, which permits the entry of boats of lighter draft only. Various projects have been discussed and contracts have even been let for dredging and maintaining a channel through this bar, but this has not been accomplished so far and cargo must come and go through Puerto Colombia. The various lines carrying the commerce of the United States with South America may be said to have furnished a fairly ade- quate service, and in the main their ships were ready to carry all the cargo that offered. There has been considerable agitation in recent years for the establishment of American steamship lines to carry freight and passenger traffic between the United Stc^tes and Latin America, but this has arisen from a desire for many advan- tages derived from a national service rather th>.n from a con- spicuous inadequacy of cargo space. Nevertheless there is little question that American-owned vessels would do much to assist in the upbuilding of United States trade with Latin America. American lines could expand their service with the increasing demands from American shippers, and could adopt policies that would directly encourage a steady trade increase. A faster schedule with more frequent sailings of passenger vessels to Brazil and the river Plate would help to bring shipping communications from New York to a par with those from Liverpool, Hamburg, and Genoa. A constant community of interest between American indus- 128 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA tries and the companies which transported their products to Latin America would work for as great an expansion of both trade and shipping as could reasonably be expected under normal conditions of competition. It is probable that with the growth of interest in foreign trade in the United States the establishment of American- owned lines to all parts of Latin America will be a question of only a short time. The time now required for the voyage from New York to Buenos Aires is 24 or 25 days, to Rio de Janeiro 17 days, to Colon 7 days, to Cartagena 8 or 9 days, to La Guaira 8 to 10 days, to Guayaquil, Ecuador, 12 to 14 days, to Callao, Peru, about 15 days, and to Valparaiso, Chile, about 22 days. The West Coast and the Merchants lines offer through service to the west coast, and the United Fruit Company and the Panama Railroad and Steamship Line connect with the boats of the Peruvian and Chilean lines and the Pacific Steam Navigation Company. Vessels plying to east^ coast ports from New York make no stops in the West Indies, as a rule, except at Barbados, and occasionally Trinidad, and travelers- in Venezuela or Colombia who wish to visit Brazil and Argentina often find it more desirable to return to New York than to wait for connections. Pernambuco is the first port of call for the regu- lar liners on the way down the east coast, except those of the Lloyd Brazileiro, and Para and neighboring ports are reached from Pernambuco by coasting vessels. River Transportation. — Transportation by river in South America has had the importance which it always has in a new and unexplored continent, and it will continue to be perhaps the chief factor in the development of the interior regions, particularly the Amazon Valley, for an indefinite time to come. Where railways are built they form of course the principal means of carrying traffic, and a steady expansion in railway construction is to be expected. But such construction is attended with great difficul- ties in the vast tropical regions of the northern and central sec- tions as well as in the mountainous regions of the west coast, and the cost is very heavy. The rivers will therefore remain the recognized outlets for these tropical regions until the growth of population makes it feasible and desirable to provide what is now dense forest land with networks of railways. There are four great river systems in South America on which vessels ranging in size from the small canoe of the Indian to the great ocean liners carry manufactured goods to the interior and bring out rubber, hides, and a dozen other tropical products. These are the systems of the Amazon, the river Plate, the Ori- OCEAN AND RIVER TRANSPORTATION 129 noco, and the Magdaleiia. So extensive are these systems that with a comparatively few miles portage one can go by boat except for rapids from Buenos Aires to the mouth of the Orinoco. The great Amazon, of course, leads in the extent of navigable waterways, and ocean liners go regularly as far as Manaos and even Iquitos, almost to the boundary of Ecuador. The Parana and its tributaries, the Paraguay and the Pilcomayo, stretch far into the heart of the continent and afford an outlet for the interior plains of Boli\Ha, Brazil, Paraguay, and Argentina. In the north the Orinoco is as yet little utilized because the country it serves is but thinly settled, but the grassy plains through which it flows will support millions more cattle than they do, and until railways are built to the coast their only outlet will be by way of the river. In Colombia the Magdalena forms the only highway by which freight and passengers move from tl^e interior of the country to the Atlantic coast and vice versa. Navigation on the Amazon, in many respects the most remark- able river highway in the world, is carried on by ocean liners, par- ticularly the boats of the Booth Line and the Lloyd Brazileiro, by a number of river companies, and by a host of larger or smaller vessels not grouped into companies. The principal river com- pany is the Companhia Navega^ao do Amazonas, a Brazilian com- pany, which owns some 50 or 60 vessels. The principal port is that of Manaos, about 1000 miles from Para, on the Rio Negro near the place where it empties into the Amazon. On the Madeira there is continuous navigation to the beginning of the rapids at Santo Antonio, and beyond these series of rapids, which are spanned by the Madeira-Mamore Railway, boats of light draft can ran almost to the foot of the mountains. On the Amazon itself the line of navigable water for large-draft boats passes the frontier of Peru and continues on to Iquitos, and much farther for those of smaller size. Another highly important river in Brazilian transportation is the Sao Francisco, which rises in the state of Minas Geraes and flows north for more than a thousand miles before turning east and south to the Atlantic. Rapids and falls prohibit through navigation, but there is a stretch of about 800 miles between Pirapora and Sobradinho over which boats of con- siderable size can operate. The Uruguay River does not offer much in the way of trans- portation facilities, as rapids at Salto stop the boats going up from Buenos Aires. The Paraguay, however, is open as far as the draft of vessels will permit them to go, and steamers of the Lloyd 10 130 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Brazileiro call regularly at Corumba on the Bolivia-Brazil frontier. These boats and also those of the Mihanovitch Line (Argentine Navigation Co., Ltd.) offer a river service to Asuncion, Paraguay, the trip up the river from Buenos Aires taking about five days and that down-river about four. This company, which has a fleet of some 300 vessels, does an extensive coasting business to Argentine ports, and maintains a daily express service between Montevideo and Buenos Aires. On the Orinoco, as noted, traffic is light because of the fact that the plains through which the river flows are as yet but sparsely inhabited. There is considerable difference in the level of the river in the rainy and the dr^^ seasons and when the floods come it overflows its banks and its width increases to several miles. The principal city, Ciudad Bolivar, is reached by vessels engaged in ocean trade, and the river is navigable for large boats during high water as far as San Antonio. Li western Venezuela the large expanse of Ijake Maracaibo affords a highway over which the important coffee production of the interior reaches the outside world, but a bar at the entrance keeps out all but light-draft boats. The Magdalena River, in Colombia, may be said to be the life- line of the country's commerce. Practically all imports destined for the interior are carried over it. Although it is silted up at the mouth so that ocean liners can not pass through, cargo is dis- charged at Cartagena and Puerto Colombia and is taken thence by rail to the river ports of Calamar and Barranquilla. It is then loaded on river boats (which also GStrry passengers) and carried up the Magdalena to the various river ports, from which it is taken inland by muleback or rail. If destined for the capital, Bogota, it must be transferred to railway trains at Honda or La Dorado, and then reloaded on river boats at Beltran, after having encompassed a series of rapids in the river. It then goes by river to Girardot, 93 miles, and finally arrives at Bogota after another journey by rail, during which it must be transshipped from a medium-gauge to a narrow-gauge railway. From the time it arrives in port, therefore, until it reaches Bogota the cargo is transshipped six times. The whole trip up-river to Bogota takes 8 to 10 days, but the doMTi trip can be made in less time during periods of high water. The Cauca River, the principal tributary of the Magdalena, is navigable over part of its length, but rapids and falls prevent the river boats from running through to the Magdalena. Railway construction may in time provide a quicker and more convenient outlet for the country's products, but this is not likely to be accomplished for many years. OCEAN AND RIVER TRANSPORTATION 131 Mexico and Central America Central American has owned much of its ocean-transportation service to the development of its banana industry, as this has brought about the establishment of the steamship lines of the United Fruit Co. The vessels of this company have provided the east coast of Central America with a service to United States ports more frequent and regular than is enjoyed by any other section of Latin America. Large ships carrying as a rule both passengers and freight sail regularly between the United States and Central America, as well as Colombia and Cuba, giving direct connections between these countries and five United States ports. From New York there are two sailings each Aveek for Panama (one of these boats also making Port Limon, Costa Rica), and one sailing every two weeks for British Honduras, Gruatemala and Spanish Honduras. From Boston there is a weekly boat to Port Limon, stopping at Havana, Cuba, on the way. From New Orleans there is a boat each w^eek to British and Spanish Hon- duras and Guatemala and another to Panama and Costa Rica, while a third sails for Panama by way of Havana. Service is also offered from Galveston and Mobile, though no passengers are carried, as they are on all the other routes. These boats, carrying millions of bunches of bananas from Central American ports every year, as well as cacao and other produce, afford an adequate and valued service of immense im|)ortance to the prosperity of Central American countries, all of which are reached directly except Salvador and Nicaragua. Besides the United Fruit Company lines serving the east coast from the United States are the Bluefields Fruit & Steamship Company, operating between Bluefields and New Orleans, afford- ing the only regular steamship communication of eastern Nica- ragua with the outside world ; the Orr-Laubenheimer Line, the ves- sels of which operate between Mobile and ports of British Hon- duras and Guatemala; the Hubbard-Zemurray Line running fruit steamers from Mobile to Puerto Cortes, Ceiba, and Tela, Hon- duras; and the Independent Steamship Line, with sailings twice a week for Ceiba, Honduras. Before the war the Hamburg American Line (Atlas Service) had weekly sailings between New York and Port Limon, and also a semi-monthly service from Port Limon to Hamburg. The Elders & Fyffes Line formerly carried bananas from Costa Rica, to Bristol, England, but the vessels were taken over by the United Fruit Company, which continued the sailings via Colon and Jamaica. The French Cie. Generale Transatlantique maintained 132 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA a semi-monthly service between Colon and Port Limon and Havre before the war, but sailings under war conditions have been uncertain. Besides this line connections between Panama and Europe are normally afforded by the Leyland & Harrison Line and the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company to England, La Veloce (Italian) to Genoa, and the Compania Transatlantica de Barcelona to Spanish ports. On the Pacific coast Central America is served by five regu- larly operating lines, the Pacific Mail, the line of W. R. Grace & Co., the Salvador Railway & Steamship Co., the Jebson Line, and the California South Sea Navigation Company. The first-named line operates between Balboa and San Francisco, touching at inter- mediate ports of importance, the second between Seattle and Balboa and the third between Salina Cruz, Mexico, the terminus of the Tehuantepec Railway, and Balboa. The Jebson Line and the California South Sea Navigation Company operate out of San Francisco, the former with steamers every three weeks and the latter every 10 days for ports to the south. Before the war the vessels of the Kosmos and Hamburg American lines called at Cen- tral American ports on their way to Europe. All the above lines serve Mexican w^est coast ports as well as those of Central America, and in addition the Pacific Coast Steamship Company has sailings from San Francisco to Mexican ports. To Mexican east-coast ports four or five lines offer direct regular service from New York, and others take cargo for trans- shipment. The New York & Cuba Mail has a weekly service to Vera Cruz, Progreso, and Puerto Mexico, and the American & Cuban Steamship Line and the Atlantic Fruit Company serve Vera Cruz, Tampico, and Frontera with frequent sailings. From New Orleans and Mobile three or four lines have weekly sailings to the chief east-coast ports of Mexico, and there are also a large num- ber of tramp steamers plying between Mexican and United States Gulf ports. Several oil companies also operate tank steamers out of Tampico to United States and European ports. In normal times Dutch, British, German, and other steamers afford a frequent service to Europe. Lake and river transportation has not been extensively developed in Mexico or Central America, as there are no interior waterways of great importance. In Guatemala a certain amount of traffic is carried on over Lake Izabal, and in Nicaragua Lake Nicaragua, Lake Managua, and the San Juan River form a water highway that is considerably used. In Mexico the Panuco River, leading back from Tampico, is navigable for many miles. Interior Transportation By Otto Wilson A CASUAL study of the map will disclose that South America, although discovered by white men over 400 years ago, is as yet in large part only fringed with settle- ments, and the heart of the continent remains as it was before Columbus sailed. All along the coasts are scores of towns and cities, mostly communicating with each other and the outside world by water, which serve as inlet and outlet for the commerce of a comparatively narrow hinterland. In some cases the towTis and villages of this hinterland are reached by railways, in others by river boats ; but very often the only communicating road from the coast is a rough trail, where even wheeled vehicles will find no thoroughfare. Even where rail or river transportation is well developed the terminal towns serve as distributing centres for settlements still farther in the interior, which must be reached by primitive means. These interior towns are not heavy consumers of manufactured goods from abroad, or at least the variety of such goods in demand is not wide. But such lines as cotton goods, boots and shoes, farm implements, house furnishings, and hard- ware of various kinds, particularly cutlery, move constantly to the interior when they can be obtained from abroad. It is also a mistake to consider that these outlying villages offer no special market for luxuries or for articles usually associated with urban life. An American company has placed sewing machines in the houses of poor Indian laborers, and one instance is known where an American soda fountain was imported, although the drums of carbonated water to be used in it had to be carried regularly 100 miles or so by muleback. So far as the individual manufacturer is concerned the prob- lems of interior transportation are largely matters of academic interest only, except in so far as packing and marking shipments are involved. As a rule the American manufacturer exports his wares to South America in the same way as the German, British, or other European manufacturer, that is through an export com- mission house, which attends to transportation details. Even where he ships direct his goods in most cases go to a native import- ing house in some large port, and this house, long established in the [133] 134 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA field, has its own connections with merchants of the interior. It will nevertheless be worth his while to make such study as he can of the ultimate consumer in South America, and, if opportunity offers, to trace his goods by personal visit to their final destina- tion in mountain or forest home. The necessity for complying closely with requirements as to trifling details in color or con- struction, for packing in containers of a certain weight and quality, and for being liberal in granting credit terms to importers will undoubtedly be more clear to him after such visit. The distributing centres for foreign goods in South America are in most cases coast cities at which the ocean liners discharge the cargo destined for the general region which they serve. Along the coast of Brazil there are six or eight of these centres, including Para, Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, and Santos, and to a lesser extent Kio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Florianopolis, Vic- toria, Maceio, Fortaleza, Paranagua, and others, while Manaos, over 900 miles up the Amazon, is for all practical purposes to be considered an ocean port. From these cities goods are dis- tributed by coast vessels ranging in size from those of several hundred tons to the small sailing vessels or motor boats, which make the numerous small ports in between the larger centres, and from these the goods work their way back into the inland villages. In Uruguay all lines radiate from Montevideo and in Argentina Buenos Aires is the great open door to the whole interior. Goods destined for Patagonia may be routed by way of Bahia Blanca or Punta Arenas, but the greater part of imports for this section also wdll probably be found to pass through Buenos Aires. Along the Chilean coast are many nitrate towns and cities, each of which lives an independent existence, obtaining all its supplies from visiting ships. Besides three railway lines running to the Pacific, Bolivia is reached by two or three routes running up from the river Plate. This is the historic road over which a great amount of traffic passed in the Spanish colonial days, and it is still a con- venient pathway for supplies going to eastern Bolivia. The route lies through either Buenos Aires or Rosario, then by rail to the border at La Quiaca, then by cart or animal to Tupiza, 57 miles, or to Tarija, 82 miles, and then by such conveyance as offers to the final destination. Goods often reach the cities of Sucre or Potosi in this manner. Throughout all the region known as the " mon- tana " district, embracing eastern Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and western Brazil, the method of moving produce is the same — that is, by rail, ocean steamer, or river boat as far as these convey- ances can take it, then by muleback, llama back, or man power to INTERIOR TRANSPORTATION 135 the village in the mountain or forest. This is true also of Colom- bia and Venezuela and the Guianas, to the north, where the general absence of rail transportation makes the mule a necessity in communicating with most districts off the coast. In all South America there are hardly any extensive highways built and maintained with substantial paving materials, such as are common in the United States and Europe. Wheeled vehicles are mostly carts, which are used in many places to bring the country produce to market and to do heavy hauling in the towns and cities. This lack of roads is due in part to the expense of con- structing them, in part to the general disposition of South Ameri- cans to allow foreign enterprise to develop their resources. There is, however, a very widespread interest in the subject of good roads, and several Governments have included substantial sums in their budgets to be devoted to building them. It is likely that the continent is on the eve of an era of extensive highway con- struction, one of the things now most needed to open up the resources of the various potentially wealthy countries. The com- ing of the automobile is to be credited with much of the interest now being displayed in good roads. It is in determining the question of how best to pack his goods for shipment to possible interior points that the manufacturer comes closest in touch with transportation conditions there. The packing room of the factory, if it conscientiously tries to observe all the instructions given in general trade reports from South America, will have its work cut out for it. Goods must be packed in strong containers, well stripped with iron or wood bands, but these must not be too heavy because of the levying of import duties on the weight of container as well as contents. In some cases goods should be placed in interior wrappings, in others not. Tin, tarred paper, tarred burlap, oilcloth, or some other covering should be used to protect goods from salt water. Besides all this, goods going into the interior should be packed in boxes or bales of not more than 100 pounds, or at most 125 pounds, so that they can conveniently be carried on mule or llama back, and the wood used should be of good grade, usually one of the harder woods such as beech or oak rather than pine, as in many cases the shipment is valued for the container as w^ell as the imported article itself. There is only one safe method to follow with regard to packing, and that is to follow closely any instructions that may be given by the buyer, who usually has particular reasons for insisting on cer- tain details. If such instructions are not volunteered the careful manufacturer will ask for them, and will work out his own style 136 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of packing in accordance with his experiences in experimental shipments. His carefulness and anxiety to put up his goods in the right way will be much appreciated by Latin American customers who have had much experience of an opposite nature. Of the beasts of burden used to transport freight into the mountainous districts of the Andean highlands the llama is most distinctive but the mule is most useful. The llama is not a strong- animal, and can carry only about 100 pounds. It is yery tractable and finds its own forage by the wayside. It knows its load, how- ever, and will usually refuse to go on if a few pounds extra weight are added to its burden. The mule carries as much as 250 pounds at a load, but as the pack is arranged so as to distribute the load evenly on each side it adds greatly to the convenience of the importer to have the goods in cases of 120 or 125 pounds each. Packages should not be over 3 feet long, or 14 inches in other dimensions. Indians carry heavy loads on their backs and go long distances with little to eat, although a pouch of coca leaves on which to chew is considered practically a necessity. Conditions in Central America are practically the same as in South America so far as interior transportation goes, although in one case at least an excellent automobile road has been built. This is the highway called " Carretera del Sur," 90 miles long, leading from the Pacific coast of Honduras to Tegucigalpa. There is much interest in road building in Honduras, but comparatively little construction of a permanent character has been effected. In Mexico road building and railroad construction have made much more advance, but mule trains are used throughout the country, particularly for carrying supplies into mining camps and bring- ing out ore. Immigration to Latin America By Marrion Wilcox A VITALLY important matter to nearly all of the Latin American countries — though not in the same degree essen- tial to all — is tile supply of energetic and adaptable immi- grants, whose exertions will increase material prosperity wherever it has been established or hasten its coming in other regions — those of undeveloped natural resources. In this connection, the following statements may serve to supply our readers with the salient facts in relation to the various republics. In the course of half a century Argentina J ias received as settlers more than 2,000,000 Italians, about 1,500,000 Spaniards, over 200,000 French people, 70,000 Austro-Hungarians, over 50,000 Germans and about the same number of Britons, 30,000 Swiss, 21,000 Belgians, and many Russians, Syrians, and Portuguese. The North American immigrants immbered between 6,000 and 7,000. In 1915 the total immigration to this republic (including 25,163 Spaniards, 11,279 Italians, 1,181 French, 835 Portuguese, 735 British) was given as 86,166. This w^as far below the average, which in recent years has approximated 300,000. The constitu- tional provision that all children born in the republic are citizens of Argentina applies equally to the children of foreigners. Bolivia, having no seaport, naturally receives few immigrants, and its entire foreign population numbers only 7,500 or 8,000, including about 2,000 Peruvians. The government, however, offers substantial inducements to settlers. By the law of 13 Oct. 1905, some of the vacant lands are reserved for adjudication to immigrants, and it is provided that any alien not over 60 years of age, upon proof of good moral character, will be granted the following privileges : The right to come into the country and with his fam- ily to be transported to his destination; free transportation of baggage; the right to occupy public lands for agricultural pur- poses or any useful industry. Each immigrant can obtain 120 acres for $5.00 and each child under 14 years of age 60 additional acres. At this nominal price the immigrant secures land chosen by himself within the reservations above mentioned. As for Brazil^ the records of nearly a century show the total number of immigrants to have been more than 3,500,000. " The first attempt at colonization, other than by Portuguese was [made] [137] 138 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA by John VI, in 1818^19. He started two German villages m Bahia, and a Swiss one at Novo Friburgo." (Consult Oakenfull, J. C, Brazil, Frome 1913). By nationalities, the figures from 1820 to 1912, inclusive, are the following: Italian immigrants 1,327,808; Portuguese 883,351; Spanish 412,438; German 116,151; Russian 92,413; Austrian 75,774; Turkish and Arabian 39,286; French 25,748; British 16,395; Swiss 9,086; Japanese 4,746; Swedish 3,780; Belgian 3,670; of other nationalities 203,396; total 3,214,042. In 1914 Brazil received 82,572 immigrants, including 27,933 Portuguese, 18,945 Spaniards, 15,542 Italians, 3,675 Japa- nese, 3,456 Syrians, 2,958 Russians (chiefly Poles), 971 Austro- Hungarians, 696 French and 462 British. The subsidized immi- grants were 17,709 in number. The high-water mark was reached in 1891, when the total number of immigrants was 275,808, includ- ing more than 116,000 Italians. '' This influx," writes Oakenfull, '' was doubtless due in part to the crisis in the Argentine Repub- lic (1890-92)," which temporarily diverted currents of immigra- tion from Buenos Aires to Rio de Janeiro. ** Since 1895 the figures have demonstrated the necessity of measures for encour- aging the flow of colonists into the country." The several states of Brazil had recourse to liberal subventions or subsidies, which have varied from time to time and cannot be given in detail here; but we may add that Sao Paulo led the way in the endeavor ; that Minas Geraes passed immigration laws in 1896, 1899 and 1905; that in Parana, Bahia, Matto Grosso, etc., similar legislation was devised, and competitive propaganda in Europe gave rise to con- ditions everywhere regarded as unsatisfactory; and finally that, on 19 April 1907, the Federal Government wisely interposed its national decree relating to immigration and colonization — a stabil- izing measure. (See Brazilian Government, p. 260, for the underlying governmental principle involved). Immigration into Chile is on a small scale, although it is favored, and to a certain extent stimulated, by the government, chiefly through the formation of agricultural settlements or colo- nies. During the decade 1905-1914, inclusive, the total number of immigrants was 25,544. Colombia's north coast is gaining immigrants through the development of the banana industry (see article Fruit), but an anomalous situation is observed in the republic as a whole. ' * There is much public land, fertile, favorably and healthily situated, and easily cleared for grazing or cultivation, that, is to be had for the taking. The laws as to haldios [government domains] are liberal; a colonist, by cultivating and fencing, acquires title to the tract IMMIGRATION 139 improved and to an adjacent area of equal dimensions; and title can also be obtained by petition, surveying, and the payment of small fees. But the tide of immigration that Colombia so much needs has flowed to the other countries," partly because the gov- ernments of other Latin American countries have offered superior pecuniary inducements, '' whereas Colombia is still half-hearted in her desire to attract foreign immigrants. Citizens there are who do not hesitate publicly and emphatically to declare that Colom- bians are better off without foreign settlers, even of their own religion." (Consult Eder, P. J., Colombia, London, 1913). And the same writer, himself a native of Colombia, says that " with foreign capital and foreign immigration, material prosperity will come speedily; without them, or either of them, the day of salva- tion will be delayed." Costa Rica's banana plantations furnish occupation for about 25,000 (colored) British West Indians and a number of white for- eigners, mainly from the United States. European immigrants from Spain, etc., are relatively few; and similar disproportions are noted in regard to Nicaragua and Honduras. Cuba received 69,135 immigrants (53,889 men and 15,246 women) in 1914. Emigrants from Cuba in the same year num- bered 67,814. The Dominican Republic's foreign element comprises mainly the Turkish and Syrian tradesmen in the city of Santo Domingo. Both immigration and emigration are negligible. In the Republic of Haiti, which occupies the western part of the same island, there are about 5,000 foreigners, of whom approximately 10 per cent are white. Commenting upon Ecuador, a British Foreign Office Report states that ' ' the development of the actual branches of cultivation affords full employment for all available labor, and the absolute requirement for the further progress of the country is the encour- agement of immigration." The report mentions (somewhat too unsparingly to harmonize with the facts well known to-day) such deterrent circumstances as " the insanitary conditions of Guayaquil and some of the agricultural districts." There is no good reason to doubt that the w^ork of sanitation that has been undertaken will be as successful in these regions as it has been elsewhere (see Latin America — Climatic Values of Altitude, p. 9, and Feutt). The salient fact in regard to this South American country is that immigration, hitherto very slight, now waits upon the demonstra- tion of the success of the sanitary measures. 140 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Guatemala has, since 1906, shared with Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia the increase in the number of resident foreigners occasioned by the development of the fruit industry. Such increase amounts as yet only to about 7,000 in Guatemala, and the government of that country is trying earnestly to attract white immigrants by entering into contracts with desir- able persons and providing free transportation from foreign ports to designated areas in the public domain. Further inducements now offered are : Free entry of, as well as free transportation for stock, tools, implements, seed, and household effects; to each immigrant free use of not less than two and not more than six hectares (4.94 and 14.83 acres, respectively) of land; and if within two years he cultivates one- third of the grant he will be given title to the homestead. " Persons of bad character, those convicted of crime, or those over 60 years of age whose families do not already reside in the republic will not be accepted." Immigrants may preserve their own nationality or may become citizens of Guatemala, but in either event they are restrained from recourse to diplomatic channels for the interpretation or enforcement of their contracts. **A11 immigrants are exempt from military and municipal service. Companies or individuals desiring to import immigrants must have the approval of the Minister of Promotion, and such contracts must not be for a larger term than four years ; nor can any con- tract call for more than eight hours' work a day from an immi- grant. Immigrants coming to the country on their own initiative are subject only to the laws relating to foreigners generally; the benefits of the immigration laws are not applicable to them. Those desiring to come under the law can make application to the nearest Guatemalan consul." (Consult Central America as an Export Field, Washington, Dept. of Commerce, 1916). Mexican statistics since 1910 supply very little information that we can utilize in this study. In the year mentioned the census of resident foreigners showed : 29,541 from Spain ; 28,639 from the United States; 21,334 from Guatemala; 13,203 from China; 5,264 from various parts of the British Empire; 4,604 from France; 3,827 from Germany; 3,478 from Cuba; 2,907 from Turkey; 2,595 from Italy; 2,276 from Japan; 1,546 from countries classified as Arabian ; 5,433 from all other countries. The total foreign popu- lation was given as 116,527. In the Republic of Panama there are between 23,000 and 24,000 British subjects — not including those in the Canal Zone — chiefly from the West Indies; Chinese subjects number approxi- mately 3,500 ; and from time to time a few immigrants or tempo- . IMMIGRATION 141 rary residents arrive from the United States and the continental European countries. The main currents of immigration, in all the region of the Isthmus, are directed to the Canal Zone. (See the articles devoted to the Republic of Panama and the Panama Canal). Paraguay has for many years endeavored to secure foreign labor by framing laws designed to attract immigrants. Agricul- tural colonies were established, and the government offered 20 hectares of land at an almost nominal price to each immigrant with a family; agreeing also to furnish transportation from any point on the Rio de la Plata, to admit duty free the articles appropriate to each immigrant's occupation, to supply the newcomers with food and lodging temporarily, etc. A large part of the public domain has now been transferred to private ownership. The immigrants who received assistance from the government in 1909 numbered 830 ; there were 389 beneficiaries in 1911 ; 704 in 1912 ; 1,512 in 1913 ; and 1,616 in 1914. Their colonies are most numerous along the new line of the Paraguay Central Railway. In 1914 the number of foreigners in the republic was 30,000 or more, including 10,000 to 15,000 from Argentina and about the same number from Italy; 3,000 from Germany; 1,400 from Brazil; 1,100 from Spain; somewhat less than 1,000 from France; 600 from Uruguay, and 400 from Great Britain. For Peru's coastal valleys a supply (still insufficient) of immigrant laborers has been secured. These are Chinese, Japa- nese and negroes. In the larger cities and at mining centres in the high sierra one finds business men, miners, engineers, etc., from the United States, Great Britain, Spain, and Germany ; but in view of the size and great natural wealth of the country it must be said that immigration is very slight. A recent writer calls attention to ' ' the higher parts of the montaiia as it rises toward the Andes, ' ' and suggests: *' Here a field for immigration may be found; but the means of transit and transport must first be developed, and much capital must be sunk and pioneer work accomplished." (Consult Vivian, E. C, Peru, London 1914). Salvador, with a density of population far exceeding that of any other nation of the New World, requires only skilled labor and capital. Immigration into Uruguay is stimulated by the government of that republic ** which is advertising the country's advantages and passing liberal laws in favor of the new comer. Urugniay was one of the first nations in South America to couple with new rail- way projects the principle of assisted immigration along the rail- 142 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA way line, and the results are beginning to show. In one construction project accommodation wdll be given to colonists, who will be furnished with land, houses, stock, and farming implements for their work." (Consult Pan American Union, Uruguay: General Descriptive Data, Washington 1916). In 1914 the Spanish immi- grants landing in Montevideo numbered 12,576; Italian 11,758; French 1,258; English 1,026; Brazilian 919; German 884. The foreign elements in the republic are, in the order of their numeri- cal strength: Italian, Spanish, Brazilian, Argentine, French, Swiss, British, and German. Venezuela in 1912 received 9,672 immigrants, and in the same year the number of emigrants was 7,991. In 1913 the figures were: Immigrants 11,617 and emigrants 10,708. In 1914 immi- grants numbered 10,610 and emigrants 9,742. Latin America: Greatest Undeveloped Producing Region in the World By O. p. Austin Statistician of the National City Bank of New York and Secretary of the National Geographic Society LATIN AMERICA is the most promising of the undeveloped sections of the world. The North Temperate Zone has been peopled and developed. Europe with 3,875,000 square miles has 465,000,000 people, or 120 per square mile. Asia with 17,000,000 square miles has 870,000,000 people, or 50 per square miles. North America wdth 8,600,000 square miles has 140,000,000 or 16 per square mile. Africa with 11,600,000 square miles has 150,000,000 or 12 persons per square mile, South America with 7,600,000 square miles of area has but 56,000,000 people, or 7 per- sons per square mile. Add to South America, Mexico, Central America, Cuba and the Island of Haiti, and we find that Latin America has 8,660,000 square miles, 82,000,000 people, and 8 per- sons per square mile. North America has 315,000 miles of railway, Europe 227,000, Asia 62,000, South America but 49,000, and Latin America as a whole, 70,000. Europe has a commerce of $25,000,- 000,000 per annum in normal years ; North America $6,250,000,000 ; Asia, $3,750,000,000, and South America $2,250,000,000 in her best year, 1913, and all Latin America $2,900,000,000. The Production of the North Temperate Zone The North Temperate Zone has been pretty well developed as to its producing powers. Europe, with its 120 persons per square mile and 61 miles of railway per 10,000 square miles of area, is no longer capable of increasing its production of foodstuffs or manufacturing material, and must call upon other parts of the world for large quantities of these requirements. Asia with her dense population in the habitable parts and large desert areas can not be expected to supply, any considerable quantity of foodstuffs or manufacturing material, and she draws much of food and most of her manufactures from other continents. North America has now comparatively little of foodstuffs for distribution to other parts of the world, save in exceptional times such as that of the present war period, and her only manufacturing material now ri43] 144 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA available to the outside world is cotton, and lumber, and of the latter her supply is being too rapidly reduced. She has vast quantities of copper and other minerals for manufacturing, but is inclined to turn them into the manufactured form before sending them abroad, and her 275,000 miles of railway and inexhaustible coal supplies encourage this disposition to enlarge her manufac- turing, and so utilize at home most of her manufacturing mate- rials and foodstuffs. Manufactures which in 1890 formed but 21 per cent of the exports of the United States were, even before the war, practically one-half of the exports, while foodstuffs which at one time amounted to more than one-half of the exports were in the year before the war but 20 per cent of the total. As a result of these conditions the world has had to turn to the undeveloped continents for foodstuffs and manufacturing materials. Europe and Asia could not be expected to supply them and did not, and even North America is turning to the South Temperate Zone and the Tropics for large quantities of food and manufacturing material. In the year 1916 the United States alone imported more than a billion dollars worth of tropical and sub- tropical products, and also brought large quantities of Temperate Zone products from the countries south of the Equator and most of it from Latin America. Wool, hides, fruits, minerals, and even meats and breadstuffs were being brought from south of the Equator for use in the United States and Canada, and for all of these Europe was at the same time calling loudly upon all the South Temperate Zone, until the abnormal transportation condi- tions of the war suspended, temporarily, the movements of these materials to that continent and turned increasing quantities of them to the United States. The three great requirements of man are food, clothing and manufactures. Most of the. food now used is the product of the Temperate Zones. Man's chief food is bread, meat and vegetables. The bread is made from wheat, and the Temperate Zone is the chief producer of the world's wheat. It seems to be impossible to persuade mankind to use any considerable quantity of corn for food, until it is turned into meats, and while corn and cattle can be produced fairly well in the tropics it is a fact that nine-tenths of the world's corn and meat are produced in the Temperate Zones. Cotton can be produced in the Tropics, but most of it goes to the Temperate Zone to be manufactured, and that is also true of the fibres and hides and rubber produced in the Tropics. As for manufactures, the third requirement of man, they are practi- cally all produced in the Temperate Zones. UNDEVELOPED LATIN AMERICA 145 It is apparent, therefore, that up to this time the Temperate Zones have been the chief producers of the requirements of man, except in coffee, cocoa, tea, silk, rubber, fibres and tin, and all of these manufacturing materials when produced in the Tropics go to the Temperate Zone to be turned into the manufactured form, while most of the tropical foodstuffs are also consumed in the Temperate Zone. The great belt of tropical area lying between the 30th parallel of North Latitude, which runs through New Orleans and the 30th parallel of South Latitude which runs through South- ern Brazil and touches the southern tip of Africa, has half the world's land area exclusive of the Arctic regions and nearly one- half the world's population, yet it supplies but one-sixth of the world's commerce. There is good reason to believe that the Tropics will in time be developed and compelled to supply their proper share of the world's requirements, but this is a matter for the future. So, it goes without saying that man when he thinks of a further development of the producing power of the world thinks of the South Temperate Zone and the tropical regions adjacent to it. Europe, in the North Temperate Zone, can not be expected to increase her production of foodstuffs or manufacturing material, nor can Asia until it gets much better transportation facilities. As to the temperate area of North America, our own country has shown that the day of furnishing the outside world with food is a matter of the past except under the abnormal conditions which this war has brought about. We shall probably intensify the produc- tion of our own soil in a degree sufficient to meet the growing demands of our increasing population, for our present production per acre is but about one-half that of Europe, but this increase will come slowly and only in response to the local demand of our own people. We shall have in future little of foodstuffs to spare for other parts of the world. So, with the North Temperate Zone no longer capable of sup- plying foodstuffs for exportation and Europe absolutely requiring much more food than she can herself produce, the world must look to the South Temperate Zone and the Tropics. As to the Tropics, their possibilities of production of food- stuffs are very gTeat so far as relates to the powers which nature has given them, but up to this time man has not done his share. No country, or continent, or climatic area can " do business " in these modern days unless it can transport its products from the place of production to the common carrier. Man can now send his 11 146 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA steamships to the edges of all the continents and islands, and along the water routes of the interior, but only an extremely small per- centage of the area is sufficiently near to the water, whether ocean or river, to make a success of agricultural production in these days when products must be marketed on the opposite side of the globe from that on which they were produced. Less than one per cent of the area of any of the continents or great islands is suffi- ciently near to the water's edge to permit the transportation of their products to the steamer without land transportation. In the Temperate Zone this can be done by the combined aid of the horse and the railway. The horse can move the product a limited dis- tance, and man can build the railway to such points as can be reached by the horse. But in the Tropics this is not so. Climatic conditions do not permit the horse, however faithful, to do in the tropics the things which he can and does do in the temperate climate. And if there is no means of moving the product to the common carrier there is no incentive to construct the common carrier. The tropical world has little of capital for railway con- struction and Temperate Zone man who has furnished most of the capital now invested in the Tropics has learned by experience and observation the difficulty of feeding the railway lines in climates in which there are no satisfactory facilities for moving the agricul- tural products to the common carrier. As a result the 24,000,000 square miles of tropical and subtropical area of the world has but 120,000 miles of railway, while the 24,000,000 square miles of Temperate Zone area has 600,000 miles of railway, although the ])opulation of the temperate and the tropical areas is about the same. The people of the Temperate Zone have a commerce of about $40 per capita, while those of the Tropics have a commerce of but about $10 per capita, though in tropical Latin America the exports are about $20 per capita. The value of the exports of the Temperate Zone-half of the world are in normal times about $16,000,000,000 a year, and that of the tropical half about $4,000,- 000,000 a year. The World Looks to the South Temperate Zone It is not surprising, therefore, that the North Temperate Zone is looking to the South Temperate Zone and Tropical America for food and manufacturing materials. The food demands of the Temperate Zone people are chiefly bread and meat, and the Tropics at present do not produce enough of these for their own use. And there are only three places in the South Temperate UNDEVELOPED LATIN AMERICA 147 Zone to which to look for products of this character, namely, South America, Australia and New Zealand. All of Argentina, all of Uruguay, two-thirds of Chile and the southern parts of Brazil and Paraguay are temperate. They grow wheat, corn, and main- tain enormous herds of cattle and sheep, and Argentina is now beginning to develop the swine industrj^ In addition to this the great elevated region of the interior of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Colombia is capable of producing Temperate Zone products, the extreme elevation- giving it a temperate climate even under the Equator. Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Mexico together pro- duce about 225,000,000 bushels of wheat a year, while Australia and New Zealand, the other South Temperate Zone wheat produ- cers seldom turn out more than 100,000,000 bushels a year. Of corn, Argentina is next to the United States in rank in the quan- tity of com produced, and actually exports more com than we do, and Mexico 100,000,000 bushels, while Australia and New Zealand produce but very small quantities. Of meats Argentina alone exceeds Australia and New Zealand in combination, her supply of cattle being about 30,000,000 against 13,000,000 in Australia and New Zealand. Mexico and Central America have normally about 10,000,000. Of sheep Argentina has 83,000,000, Australia 82,000,- 000 and New Zealand 25,000,000, though the number of sheep slaughtered for food is small, most of them being retained for wool production. Of swine Argentina has about 3,000,000 while Australia and New Zealand have about 1,000,000. Brazil has as many cattle as Argentina, 30,000,000; Uruguay 10,000,000, other countries of South America about 20,000,000, and Mexico and Central America 10,000,000, making for all Latin America about 80,000,000 against 20,000,000 in Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. The total number of cattle in all the world is but about 500,000,000. About 125,000,000 of these are in India which does not utilize them for food, so that Latin America has now over one- fourth of the world's supply of cattle usable for food. And when we remember that Latin America has at the present time but an average of 8 persons per square mile against 20 persons per square mile in the United States and 120 per square mile in Europe, it will be seen that her possibilities of a large increase in the future are very great, both in the matter of meat supply for the outside world, and that of grain, for Argentina in 1913 held fourth rank as an exporter of wheat, and was also the world's largest exporter of corn. Of sugar Cuba is the world's largest producer, her exports last year in sugar alone amounting to about $250,000,000. 148 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA In one other important article of food supply South America outranks all other parts of the world combined. This article is coffee. Brazil alone produces not merely more coffee than any other country, but actually more than all the rest of the world put together. In fact Brazil's output of coffee amounts to about three- fourths of the world's supply, while several other of the Latin American countries produce considerable quantities of this impor- tant world crop. The total world output of coffee averages about 2,500,000,000 lbs. per annum, and of this Brazil produces three- fourths and Latin America as a whole produces four-fifths. And when we remember that the coffee crop of the w^orld amounts to about $350,000,000 per annum in value in the countries of produc- tion we begin to realize the A'alue of Latin America's production of this article of commerce. The cacao crop of the world amounts in value to about $100,000,000 per annum, and Latin America pro- duces about one-half of this, divided between Ecuador, Brazil and the West Indian Islands, the Ecuador crop amounting to about 100,000,000 lbs. a year, and that of Brazil about 75,000,000. Of flaxseed, or linseed, as it is usually termed in commerce, Argentina produces about one-third of the world's supply, the total world crop usually amounting to about 130,000,000 bushels, while Argen- tina alone produced 44,000,000 bushels in 1913, though the crop of 1916 was very small owing to the extreme droughts which adversely affected many of the agricultural products of that country. Wool, hides, rubber, tin and copper are Latin America's chief contribution to the manufacturing requirements of the world at the present time, and the output of copper on the western coast of con- tinental Latin America has greatly increased in very recent years. The relative rank of the Argentine and L^ruguay in the world's sup- ply of wool and hides is indicated by the figures above quoted of sheep and cattle in the same countries compared with those of other parts of the world, as above presented. In copper produc- tion Chile now holds second rank as a world producer, though her output is small as compared with the United States, which still supplies over one-half of the copper of the w^orld. Chile has also the world's chief supply of nitrate. Mexico and Peru are very large producers of gold and silver. Bolivia supplies about one-fifth of the world's tin, and has very large supplies yet undeveloped. In India rubber Brazil held first rank in world production prior to the recent wonderful development in the production of plantation rubber, but her out- put of forest rubber is still in excess of any country, but somewhat UNDEVELOPED LATIN AMERICA 149 declining by reason of the enormous supplies of plantation rub- ber now entering the world markets. Of cotton considerable quantities are grown in Brazil, Peru, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and the northern part of Argentina. Tobacco is grown in great quan- tities, that of Cuba alone amounting to about $25,000,000 a year. Latin America has a more promising future than any of the other great undeveloped areas of the world. It is, as already shown, a large producer of many classes of foodstuffs and manu- facturing material for which the world is clamoring, its fertile area is larger in proportion to its entire extent than that of any other of the undeveloped continents, and the present population per square mile is smaller than that of any other of the conti- nents except Australia which has a much larger percentage of desert than has Latin America. The greatest lack in natural sup- plies is in coal, of which she has but small quantities, found chiefly in Chile, but the recent developments in fuel oil production in Mexico and the mountain regions of the west coast of South America, coupled with the increasing use of the splendid water poAvers for the production of electricity, promise to minimize the disadvantage due to this lack in fuel supplies. Latin America's greatest requirement at the present time is capital for transportation facilities and for the development of the great agricultural and mineral resources which will become avail- able with facilities to transport the natural products to the navi- gable streams of which South America has the world's greatest supply and thence to the ocean where steamships are available to transport them to the waiting markets of the Avorld. The lessons of the war have shown that the horseless vehicle can now be suc- cessfully used over areas in which no modern roads exist, and the development of the motor for farm purposes has shown how agri- culture can now be conducted in the Tropics without the aid of the horse. These things point to a great development in the producing power of Latin America in the near future. Economic Scope of Constitutional Reforms By Marrion Wilcox THE new constitutions in three of the Latin American Republics, Uruguay, Mexico, and Venezuela, invite special consideration. They mark the beginning — in quite differ- ent ways — of a widespread movement toward adaptation of fundamental law in Latin America to new economic conditions. In Uruguay, constitutional refonns designed to be satisfac- tory to the business interests of the country were accepted by the Constitutional Assembly in 1917; and the basic ideas of the new constitution, which will come into force 1 March 1919, are the following: (1) The next President is to be elected by the Cham- bers — the Senate and House of Representatives — as heretofore, but succeeding Presidents are to be elected directly by the people, with secret voting. The presidential period will remain as at present, a four-year period. (2) No one can be re-elected as President until eight years shall have elapsed after his previous term. This is substituted for the provision that he must not be a candidate for re-election for the term immediately following his own tenure of office. (3) In case of vacancy occurring in the presidency, the Chambers, by absolute majority, shall at once elect a substitute to hold office for the remainder of the period. The provision has bQen heretofore that in case of the President 's dis- ability or death, the presiding officer of the Senate shall assume the presidency. (4) The President shall have direction of the army and navy, and shall be in charge of foreign aff'airs and of public order at home and abroad. The prefects shall be dependent upon him alone; nevertheless it is provided that they shall be appointed by him from candidates proposed by an important body to be known as the Council or the Council of State. (5) The Council shall submit for examination by the President matters relating to the creation or modification of taxes, to loans, to the budget, the circulating medium, and to foreign commerce. This includes also practically all proposed economic measures. If the President withhold his approval the Council may prevail only by a two-thirds vote. (6) Conflicts of jurisdiction between the Presi- dent and the Council of State shall be decided by the Chambers. [150] ECONOMIC SCOPE OF CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS 151 (7) The Council of State shall consist of nine members, serving six years each ; it shall be renewed by third parts, every two years, by direct election and secret voting. The first Council shall be elected by the Chambers^ six members by the majority and three by the minority. (8) The Chambers shall be paramount in their control of national measures. (9) The principle of municipal autonomy with the enjoyment of suitable revenues is adopted. (10) Constitutional reforms may be initiated by either of the Chambers, proposed amendments requiring a two-thirds vote of the total membership of each Chamber for acceptance. The amendments shall be submitted to the succeeding legislature ; and if then approved in the same form and manner their ratification shall be considered complete. (11) All forms of worship are free in Uruguay. The State does not sustain any religion. It recog- nizes the proprietorship of the Catholic Church in ecclesiastical edifices already built in whole or in part by national funds, except the chapels attached to asylums, hospitals, prisons and other public establishments. Churches and other places of worship are free from all taxation. (12) Inscription in the civil register is obligatory; in all elections, whether of national or of municipal officers, taking place after 1 March 1919 the voting shall be secret and representation shall be proportional; very positive restric- tions are imposed upon military and police functionaries in respect to political activity, etc. The political parties, Colorados and Blancos, after conciliatory negotiations, agr Si I a a a- -S- -t^'i S tS ARGENTINA 167 having traversed the Pampa from east to west debouches into the Atlantic Ocean a little to the south of the estuary of Bahia Blanca. Most of these rivers are used for irrigating the grape and fruit districts of Mendoza and San Juan, as well as the pasture lands of San Luis. The basin of the Rio Negro is also of great importance, being formed by the streams which flow down from the Cordillera of the Andes between 37° and 41° south latitude. This basin, like all the others that are found further south, has the peculiarity of encir- cling within it a large number of lakes which, whilst constituting one of the principal attractions of the Cordillera of the Andes, have a beneficial influence on the regulation of the waters. There are several other lakes whose natural drainage is the River Limay which, together with the Neuquen forms the Rio Negro, the mouth of the main river on the Atlantic being a little to the south of the Rio Colorado. The island of Choele-Choel, renowned for its great fertility, is about midway between the confluence of the Limay and Neuquen and the sea, but nearer to the former. Extensive irrigation works are being completed at Negro River, with the purpose of irrigating the barren pampas stretch- ing between that river and the Colorado, as well as the lands south of the Negro. The Patagonian rivers are also navigable to a cer- tain extent. Flat boats have to be used, however. The drainage of the remaining lakes of the Cordillera is effected by means of the River Senguer, an affluent of the Chubut ; the beautiful lakes of Buenos Aires and San Martin, whose waters make their way through the Cordillera of the Andes to fall into the Pacific in the same manner as do those of the Lake Lacar and many others farther north; the Argentino and Viedma lakes whose drainage forms the river Santa Cruz, one of the most important in Patagonia, which, with the Deseado and the Gallegos, completes the hydrographic system of this region. The most important rivers of the province of Buenos Aires are : the Salado del Sur, whose valley is considered as being only a continuation of that of the Rio Quinto, which flows down from the '^ Sierras " of San Luis. This river gives rise to important lagunes and receives, before falling into the bay of San Borombpn, the superfluity of waters of many others. The remaining rivers of that province which debouch directly into the ocean are : the San Borombon, Quequen Grande, Quequen Salado, Naposta, Sauce Grande, and Sauce Chico. As regards the Argentine Mesopotamia, it is, on account of the impermeability of its soil, a region traversed by numerous 168 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA rivers and streams which flow into the Parana and Uruguay. The province of Corrientes, in particular, contains the immense lagnnes of Ibera and Maloya, up to the present almost unexplored. To conclude this hydrographic sketch of the Republic we may call attention to the existence of a certain number of depressions, occupied by salt lakes and deposits of salt, that constitute so many additional basins into which there flow streams of brackish water, which, on evaporation, deposit the salt they held in solution, form- ing real natural salt pans, some of them being worked to supply the requirements of the inhabitants of the interior. In the high tablelands of Atacama and Jujuy are other deposits which are doubly interesting on account of the deposits of borax which they contain. There are, also, distributed throughout the whole Andine region, numerous water-courses, which are taken advantage of near their sources for the irrigation of the soil but which, their course being through immense zones of permeable land, are quickly lost in the subsoil. Amongst these we may mention, as examples, the rivers Tala, the Valle, and the Paclin, which give life to the beautiful valley of Catamarca, and to the city of that name. Irrigation works are also prominent in some of these rivers. Climate Almost any desired climate, from tropical to frigid, may be had in a country that extends through more than 34 degrees of latitude, or more than 2,300 miles, from latitude 22 to 56 south, and is in places 800 miles wide. Conditions vary widely in the same latitude. Rainfall diminishes from the east to the west until the very base of the Andes is reached. Temperature is highest in the central part of the country, falling rapidly in the Andean region to a point many degrees below the temperature of localities due east. Temperature also diminishes toward the south. In the northern part of Argentina the transition from the rainy to the dry season is very marked. A four season climate prevails in Corrientes, Entre Rios, Santa Fe, Cordoba, Buenos Aires, Mendoza, San Luis, and the remaining country lying south. However, there is always a prevalence of rains from October to April. In the provinces of Corrientes, Salta, Jujuy, Catamerca and Santiago del Estero, and the territories of Chaco, Formosa, Andes, and Misiones, climatic conditions are those of subtropical countries. In Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Entre Rios, La Rioja, San Juan, and San Luis, south of Corrientes, Santiago, and Cata- marca, and territories of La Pampa, Neuquen and Rio Negro, the ARGENTINA 169 climate is temperate. In Santa Cruz, Tierra del Fuego and Chu- but the climate is cold but not so severe as to prevent these south- eastern regions from being habitable. The highest recorded temperature, 120°, was during the hot wave on February 1900, in the province of Catamarca at the extreme north, and the lowest recorded temperature was 3°, in the southern extremity of the continent, a range of 117° of temperature in 33 degrees of latitude. The Argentina weather bureau states, however, that lower temperatures are probably experienced in the interior of the territory of Santa Cruz. In the northern part of the Litoral the ordinary range of temperature is from 41° to 106° and in the southern section of the Litoral the usual limits are from 32° to 102°. This is the territory in which most of the corn is raised, and the summer temperature averages from 72° to 77° and is rarely above 96°. The meteorological system of Argentina consists of 200 meteorological and 1,600 rain-gauge stations. Besides, the Argen- tine Weather Service receives information from 12 Brazilian, 10 Chilean and 6 Uruguayan stations. The Argentine weather map issued daily shows conditions reigning from Para (Brazil) to the southernmost limit of the continent. At the South Orkney station (lat. 61 deg. south) there is a fully equipped meteorological and magnetic station. The hydrometric service has established nearly 150 river gauges and information is published in the daily weather map as to the depth of the water at the principal ports and shallow passes of the navigable rivers as well as timely warnings of the approach of the freshets in the rivers. The magnetic service is well equipped for the observation of the solar spots and spectro- scopic observations, atmospheric electricity, kite work and the preparation of the isogonic chart of the country. Geology In the Tertiary period the uplifting of the Cordilleras and of the Andes was effected, and the levelling of the Pampas, giving to the country the physical aspect of to-day. The Pampean system is characterized by the abundance of deposits of an argillaceous sand of great fineness, of gray color peculiar to deposits of sand and clay or alumina, the first of which encompasses the slopes of the Sierras, whilst the second is found along the margin of the Plata. The Pampean system is char- acterized, moreover, by an abundant and marvellous fauna of fossil mammals. 170 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA The works of Florentino Ameghino, who collected hundreds of fossil specimens on the banks of Patagonian rivers will help in clearing up many points related to the origin and distribution of mammals, man included. The fact that most of the fossils appear in formations older than those in which the same species are to be found in the Northern hemisphere is leading some paleontolo- gists to assign man an antiquity not hitherto suspected. In this connection the finding in 1914 by a commission from the Buenos Aires Museum of Natural History of an arrow head — evidently the w^ork of man — imbedded in a bone of Toxodon remains, one of the most sensational paleontological discoveries of the age. To comprehend the abundance Qf fossil mammals in Pampean soil it is necessary to remember that in the Cretacean epoch the Southern hemisphere contained relatively more land than water; whilst in the Northern hemisphere the contrary condition existed. This naturally greatly favored the deposit of a varied fauna of mammalia. The Cretacean epoch is represented in Argentina by the Chubutian and Guaranitican formations, which belong respectively to the lower and upper Cretacean. The former extends over the territory of Chubut, occupying the most central part, and is char- acterized by a very hard sand of very marked color. Both land- and marine fossils are found in it. The latter formation is found in Corrientes and Misiones, reappearing in the Rio Negro and also in Chubut, resting upon the former. The period of the Tertiary epoch is represented along the coast of Patagonia and seashore region from Puerto Madryn to the bottom of the gulf of Nuevo, as far as the mouth of the Santa Cruz River, where it disappears under the Atlantic. The fossils are marine on the coast, and land toward the west. To the south of Patagonia, between the rivers Chico and Gallegos, there extend other formations of the same period. The Oligocene period is represented by a succession of layers principally of marine origin, which appear in the province of Entre Rios along the whole length of the Parana River. The same layers reappear farther south at the mouth of the River Negro and extend along the Patagonia coast as far as the gulf of Nuevo. Remains of the Miocene period cover the central and south- western Pampas, as well as a portion of Catamarca and Tucuman. To this period belongs the immense quantity of rounded gravel which covers the whole surface of Patagonia from the River Negro to the south. ARGENTINA 171 Of the Pliocene period may be found representations in the Pampean formation, or in the great deposit of lime and reddish gray clay which covers the province of Buenos Aires. Representations of the Quarternary and recent epochs are met with in isolated deposits throughout the length of the Republic. Flora According to Professors Holmberg, Spegazzini, and Gallardo, the Argentine flora represents almost one-tenth of the flora of the world. Professor Stuckert claims to have studied and classified as many as 8,000 phanerogamous and vascular cryptogamous plants. The number of known plants among the cryptogamous alone is calculated at 3,000 species. Only a fourth of the phanerogamous and less than a tenth of the cryptogamous plants have been classified. The microscopic flora is almost entirely unknown. The province of Buenos Aires is almost devoid of trees ; the only part where any are found is along the coast, but they are small and consist principally of mimosas, which make excellent fuel. 'Calden is to be found in the west. In part of Santa Fe, the Chaco, Santiago del Estero, Entre Rios, Corrientes, Misiones, Tucuman, etc., there are immense forests of the finest and most useful classes of trees, from the easily worked cedar to the que- braco (axe breaker) used for railway sleepers, nandubay for fencing posts, lapacho, algarrobo, and numerous varieties of wood for shipbuilding and furniture. The ombii is useless as timber, and is not even suitable for firewood, but is valued for its shade, while the ceibo bears an extremely beautiful flower of a deep crimson color. Fauna Very few species of animals pertain exclusively to Argentina. Among the mammals are recognized two, the vizcacha, which is not found outside of the Pampas, and the hare of Patagonia. Among birds may be numbered two species characteristic of Argentina; the marineta, a bird of the heron family, and the gallito, or small cock, which also live on the Pampas, but farther south than the two species first named. Most of the animal species which live in Argentina are met beyond the frontiers of the country in Brazil, in Bolivia, and in Chili. Some of these are also common to the Antilles and to North America. There is a great variety and diversity in the fauna, according to the region studied, since the animals of the east or of the north 172 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA differ considerably from those of the west and the south. Dr. Lahille has divided southern South America into three regions: (1) The Andean, which comprises the whole of Chili, all of Patagonia, and the greater part of the Andean provinces; (2) the central region, formed by the basin of the Parana River; (3) the Brazilian, w^hich comprises the territories of Misiones, a part of the province of Corrientes, and also the northern part of the Republic of Uruguay. In the eastern zone of Argentina live the animals that have emigrated from the tablelands of Brazil. The wild animals are numerous, being the jaguar (tigre), puma (leon) and various kinds of wild cats, the aguara-guazu (fox of Paraguay), an animal of a reddish color with a black stripe along the back; gray and red foxes, various kinds of weasels, otters, skunks or polecats, nutria, a rodent which is called an otter but is Myopatamis Copyus, having a tail like a rat ; seals, oppos- sums, raccoons, vicuna, huanaco, elamas, and alpacas, the last two said to be the domesticated varieties of the preceding two, various kinds of deer varying in size from that of the red deer of Europe down to 18 inches in height ; armadillos of four varieties, the wild guinea pig, the pampa hare, which is not a hare but Dolichotis Pata- gonica ; and several monkeys, carpincho or water hog, vizcacha or prairie dog, tapir, peccari, ant-eaters. The vizcacha was some years ago very numerous, but is not now to be found in the inside camps, that is land that has been stocked for many years, as a war of extermination was waged against them some 25 or 30 years back. Birds are also numerous, the more notable being the vul- tures, hawks, ostrich (rhea or fiandu), eagles, owls, parrots, woodpeckers, ovenbuilders, humming birds, ibis, flamingo, spoon- bill, swallows, pigeons, doves, egrets, storks, wood turkeys, partridges of various kinds, snipe, plovers, ducks, swan, geese, gulls, bustard, and in the far south the penguin and other sea birds. The house sparrow was introduced some years ago and has now become a thorough nuisance, as are also the descendants of imported hares in Santa Fe and the north of Buenos Aires. The best fish are the pejerrey (a kind of trout), dorado (something like salmon but of a golden color), corvina, palometa, pacii, anchoa (a large fish not a bit like an anchovy), flatfish, zurubi, an immense yellow and black spotted catfish. The only fish we know that will take the artificial fly are the pejerrey, dorado, and the mojarra, a small fish very like a sardine. Alligators are still to be found in the upper Parana and Paraguay ; iguanas are to be found in the northern provinces and lizards throughout the country. ARGENTINA 173 Snakes are numerous but the only dangerous ones are the rattlesnake and the vibora de la cruz; possibly some of the large water boas may be so, but no instance has been reported of man being attacked by them. Some years ago it was successfully demonstrated that oysters could be brought from the favored localities of the United States and placed in the bays of the Atlantic Coast of this Republic and there multiply, grow, and fatten. For an account of the characteristic fauna — especially the mammalian fauna — of the Neotropical Region, which includes Argentina, the reader is referred to the paragraphs under Fauna and Flora in the chapter Latin America, pp. 11 et seq. Bibliography Holland, W. J., To the River Plate and Back: the Narrative of a Scientific Mission to South America (New York 1913) ; Mills, G. J., Argentine: Physical Features, etc. (New York 1914) ; Pan American Union, Argentine Republic: General Descriptive Data (Washington 1914); Ross, G., Argentina and Uruguay (New York 1916); Willis, B., Northern Patagonia, Character and Resources (Vol. I, a study of the elements of development in the region tributary to the national railway from Port San Antonio to Ijago Nahuel Huapi, etc., under caption Ministry of Pub. Works, Buenos Aires 1911-1914). See also Bibliog- raphies under History, Agriculture, etc. POPULATION AND IMMIGRATION The population returns of the 1914 census, published in Sep- tember 1916, gave 7,885,237 inhabitants as the total population on 1 June 1914. The Argentine Year Book, 1915-16, gives, as the estimated population for 1915 (a calculation by the National Statistical Office), 7,979,259. The estimates 9,000,000 or 10,000,000 frequently given appear to be based upon the growth of cities, with which the rural population does not keep pace. The urban population, constituting 42.8 per cent of the total population of Argentina in 1895, increases from year to year out of all propor- tion to the rural; and the movement toward the cities, especially Buenos Aires, has been marked in the decade 1908^1917. Of the total population of the Republic about 2,000,000 are foreigners, or more than 25 per cent as against 10 per cent in the rest of South America and 13 per cent in the United States. About one-fifth of the entire population of the country is in the capital city, of which about 40 per cent are foreigners. This shows that an undue proportion of immigrants remain in Buenos 174 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Aires, while the sparsely settled country districts have received a minority of them. To counteract this tendency the Immigration Bureau now offers free lodging during 10 days in the agricultural centres to all those immigrants willing to go there. Transporta- tion to those districts is also free to the immigrant, his family, and baggage. Only second and third class passengers are considered immi- grants by Argentine law. Immigration regulations are very strict regarding health of immigrants and the hygienic and safe conditions of steamers carrying them. On their arrival at Buenos Aires immigrants are provided with board and lodging, valid for five days, which term may be renewed in case of sickness. TH'e Immigrants' Hotel is a model establishment offering accommoda- tion for 1,000 persons at a time. Dormitory buildings, dining hall, lecture rooms, lavatories and hot and cold baths and swimming pools are the chief features. There are also immigrants' hotels at Rosario and Bahia Blanca. The National Labor Bureaus use every means to find a situation for the immigrant in the art, craft or industry in which he wishes to apply himself. Since the coun- try was opened to immigrants in 1854 about 4,750,000 immigrants have entered Argentina, of which number 30 per cent have returned to their native land. In 1913, the year before the European "war, 302,047 immigrants entered Argentina. The immigrants have come in great numbers from Italy and Spain, and lately from Russia and the Balkans. The immigrants can acquire rich government land without being subjected to national- ization. Provision is also made for the supply of the necessary funds to furnish the colonist with implements and other equipment to enable him to begin work immediately. One of the drawbacks the country has had to contend with is that the feudal land system instituted by Spain was continued under the republic. The conquered land in the provinces was already mostly held in private estates. The remnant was won by degrees from the Indians. After conquering from them the rich lands of southern Argentina in 1885, land was sold off in blocks with a square league (6,250 acres) as a unit at a nominal price. The army received a vast grant of these lands in payment of the work accomplished. All these tended to create vast latifundia which, fortunately, are being gradually broken up. From 1905 to 1915 the number of holdings of less than 12,000 acres has increased in the proportion of 100 to 171, while the number of big holdings of 12,000 acres upward has diminished in the proportion of 100 to 56. ARGENTINA 175 HISTORY OF ARGENTINA By Juan A. Ss-vllosa Former Argentine Consul-General to Canada Spain, not being satisfied with the discoveries and conquests which she had effected in America, was made ambitious by her rival, Portugal, regarding the known riches of the Molucca Islands in the Malay Archipelago. To possess herself of these she looked for a channel between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans traversing the new continent, and the mission of finding this was entrusted to the most able mariner of the day. Captain Juan de Solis, who in 1515 A.D., navigating with two boats along the coast of America, arrived at 35° south latitude. He proceeded along what is now known as the river Plata (Rio de la Plata) until he reached the mouth of the Uruguay River, and anchored his vessels there, in front of a little island which he named Martin Garcia, in honor of the second commander of the expedition. Solis and some of his companions went to the eastern bank of the river, but they had liardly disembarked when they were killed by the Charrua Indians. Deprived of their leader the company did not venture to begin the exploration of the newly-discovered country, and returned to Spain. This dismal failure disheartened the Spanish government until 15 years later, when the discovery of Brazil and the conquests of the Portuguese revived the ambition of Spain. In 1526 the Spanish government sent nearly simultaneously two expeditions to the south, one under the com- mand of Diego Garcia, with the intention of stopping the advance of the Portuguese, and the other in charge of the English captain Sebastian Cabot, with the object of finding an interoceanic passage. The lack of provisions and a mutiny among the sailors prevented Cabot from carrying out his designs, and unfortunately while navigating in the river discovered by Solis, and following the Uruguay River, the detachment that disembarked to explore the region had no better fate than that of Solis and perished at the hands of the Charruas. Cabot therefore changed his route and discovered the mouth of the Parana. Here he established in the delta the first European port in the region of the Rio de la Plata, the fort Espiritu Santo. Ascending the Parana to its junc- tion with the Paraguay, Cabot began trading with various tribes of Indians, whom he found using many silver ornaments and utensils. This excited the cupidity of the explorer, who, thinking he had discovered a region of silver mines, named the estuary then known as Rio de Solis the Rio de la Plata, or Silver River. ■ 176 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA By chance the expedition of Diego Garcia, which, as previously stated, had been sent out to stop the advance of the Portu- guese, arrived at the mouth of the river Plata. Quarrels broke out between the two commanders which obliged Diego Garcia to return to Spain, and fearing the decision of the government at Madrid would be unfavorable to himself, Oabot returned to Europe, leaving large supplies in the fort Espiritu Santo, which was soon assaulted in an unexpected way and burned to the ground by the Timbu Indians, who up to this time had maintained friendly relations with the Spaniards. These early discoveries in the Rio de la Plata led to a great deal of jealousy and desire for territorial expansion on the part of European monarchs. Carlos V., King of Spain and Emperor of Austria, who was at war with Francis I. of France, not being able to disband his army nor to give much attention to the con- quest of America, decided to send out exploring parties to annex definitely the territory of the river Plata. A rich Spanish noble, Don Pedro de Mendoza, arranged with his government to equip at his own cost an expedition, on condition that he was to be named governor over all the territories which he discovered or conquered. The Mendoza expedition consisted of a fleet of 14 vessels and about 2,000 men, many of whom were Germans. This force entered the river Plata 20 Feb. 1535, and landed on the spot where now stands the capital of the Argentine Republic. There a town site was chosen, Mendoza giving it the name of Santa Maria de Buenos Aires, which means Saint Mary of the Good Breezes. Subsequently the little town was destroyed by the Querandi Indians who inhabited the region. The expedition escaped to the Espiritu Santo fort, leaving seven horses and five mares, the first herd of horses in Argentina. From Espiritu Santo, Mendoza sent his principal lieutenant, Don Juan de Ayolas, to explore the Parana River. After numerous fights with the various Indian tribes Ayolas occupied the land and founded the town of Asuncion in 1537. He intended later to penetrate as far as Lima in Peru. Mendoza, sick and discouraged, started to return to Spain, but died on the way. Ayolas succeeded him in command of the Spaniards on the Plata. From Asuncion, Ayolas went on an expedition to Peru, and upon his return was killed by the Indians. This expedition brought from Peru some ewes which had been imported from Spain via Panama. These ewes constituted the nucleus of the Argentine flocks. Several years before this seven cows and one ARGENTINA 177 bull, the first cattle in the river Plata territory, had arrived at Asuncion. All the people who did not care to follow Ayolas on his unfortunate expedition across the unknown continent remained in Asuncion. Among them were many Germans and some French, Belgians, and Italians. They elected Domingo Martinez de Irala as governor, and that formed the first autonomic government of South America, organizing the first colony and entering into friendly relations with the neighboring tribes of Indians. The polygamous condition of these tribes made easy the multiplication of the Colonials, thus originating the half-breed type, who in their turn joining with the Europeans gave the racial character of the new population of the region. D'Orbigny thus describes the Mestizo, or mixed blend of people: " The mixture of the Spaniards with the Guaranies produces men of large form, nearly white, and having beautiful faces even from the first gener- ation; large eyes, clear complexion, and nose generally like the. Spaniards. As a rule they have scanty beards until the third generation, when it becomes as thick as the white man's." During the second half of the 16th century, while they were founding and organizing the governments of Paraguay and Rio de la Plata, other expeditions leaving Peru by land explored and settled the interior territory of the Plata. In this way were founded the cities of Estero, Tucuman, Cordoba, Salta, Rioja, and Jujuy. Other conquerors, coming from the general headquarters in Chile, took possession of the Cuyo region and founded the cities of San Juan, Mendoza, and San Luis. The inefficiency of the military conquest of the Indians and their continued insubordination decided the government at Asun- cion to try to bring them into submission through the medium of church missions, which they commissioned the Jesuit Fathers, already established in Peru, to undertake. The missionaries founded their schools in Salta, Cordoba, and Santa Fe. Others went to unexplored sections and established missions with the most perfect theocratic government among the Guaranies. The government of Spain, after the death of Irala, sent out Don Juan de Garay as governor of Paraguay. Needing a fortified position nearer to the ocean, Garay descended from Asuncion resolved to reconquer the site occupied by Mendoza in 1536, and succeeded in re-establishing, 11 June 1580, the abandoned colony of Buenos Aires. Plans were made for the laying out of the town which the Indians again tried to destroy. The first inhabitants 13 178 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of Buenos Aires were 19 Spanish and 50 Creoles. With the founding of Buenos Aires the period of conquest in the region now comprising the Argentine Rejjublic may be said to have finally closed, to be followed by the colonial regime. The desire to secure communication between Buenos Aires and Asuncion necessitated the foundation of various forts and colonies along the Parana River in the region which to-day constitutes the provinces of Santa Fe, Entre Rios, and Corrientes. During this time the Portuguese were advancing their explorations south along the Atlantic coast, arriving at the left margin of the Rio de la Plata. This alarmed the Spanish govern- ment, which, being powerless to quell the internal anarchy of the colonies while in the midst of the fight with rebellious tribes of Indians, separated Buenos Aires from the government of Para- guay, instituting the Province of Rio de la Plata dependent on the Viceroy of Peru, and named for governor General Bruno deZabala, who, in 1726, founded the city of Montevideo, now the capital of the Republic of Uruguay. The Spanish government did not permit commercial importa- tion through the port of Buenos Aires and the colonists of this region were obliged to resort, to troublesome transcontinental traffic to reach Lima, the capital of the Viceroyalty, the only market of importation which they could count on. But as Paraguay received direct importations in freight boats for the official agents of the Spanish government, and the traffic neces- sarily had to pass near to Buenos Aires, the inhabitants of this city devised methods to organize a trade with Cadiz, from which place there were secretly sent to Buenos Aires books that the Spanish government did not permit to circulate even in Spain, which contained comments on the American Revolution and philosophical writings such as preceded the French Revolu- tion. One can understand that these books found eager readers, since the cultured class of Buenos Aires had been recruited from liberals, who, fleeing from persecution in Spain, preferred as a refuge the modest city on the banks of the Rio de la Plata to the brilliant capital of Peru, centre of military and ecclesiastical pres- tige, and head of an aristocracy formed from descendants of successful adventurers. The liberal ideas of this class separated them somewhat from the theocratic and military influence which ruled the interior, but during the next two centuries Buenos Aires received only such liberal literature as could be smuggled from Europe. ARGENTINA 179 In the middle of the 18th century Spain was engaged in war with Portugal, which, allied with England, sent a fleet to the Rio de la Plata and took possession of a small port on the left bank in front of Buenos Aires. The government sent forces which repelled the invasion, and, in view of the fact that the river la Plata required more safeguards, reorganized the colonial administration, constituting the Viceroyalty of Buenos Aires with its jurisdiction in the territories now occupied by the republics of Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Argentina, and opening in 1776 the ports of the river Plata to importation. The first Viceroy, Zeballos, explored part of the coast of Patagonia. His successor, Juan Jose de Vertiz, a Mexican of excellent antecedents, dedicated himself to the advancement of the city of Buenos Aires, using for this object the property con- fiscated from the Jesuits by Carlos III. Buenos Aires at that time, 1778, contained 22,000 white inhabitants, of whom 15,000 were European Spaniards. The total population of the country was 300,000, of whom 10 per cent were negroes or mulattoes. The buildings were almost exclusively of unbaked bricks, roofed with straw. The increase of the horses, abandoned by Mendoza, that had scattered themselves through the pampas, had modified the traits of the Indians of the region, who, becoming horsemen, fled from the harsh treatment of their conquerors. The facility with which a colonist could make himself a large landed proprietor, and the impossibility of inducing the natives to work, promoted the importation of negroes as slaves, and in 1715 the government had conceded to an English company the monopoly of importing 1,200 negroes a year, which concession, however, was abolished in 1728, although the importation con- tinued in a very light proportion till the beginning of the 19th century. At this time it was the custom of the wealthy class in these colonies to send their studious young men to complete their education in the schools and colleges of Europe. The unliberal spirit which ruled in the University of Cordoba in the centre of the country did not attract the young men of Buenos Aires. In 1806 an English expedition, returning from the conquest" of the Boer colonies at Cape Town, South Africa, crossed the Atlantic and invaded Buenos Aires, The Viceroy, Sobremonte, fled to the interior of the country, leaving the defence of the city to the Spanish residents and natives. The English assault was repelled, all being made prisoners, although, taking advantage of the confusion, the invaders seized $1,500,000, which was in the 180 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA fiscal treasury and which they sent to England. This produced an extraordinary effect in London in regard to the riches of the Rio de la Plata region, and induced the English government to send another and better equipped expedition, consisting of 60 boats and 12,000 men, to take possession of Buenos Aires. This second attempt, however, had no better success than the first, and many English prisoners remained in the country where they eventually intermarried with the natives. The authorities and the Spanish residents accused the masses of sympathy with the invad- ers; nevertheless the English were freed and received by the first families, thus helping to constitute the liberal element which was later to have the direction of the revolution of independence. The government of Spain, alarmed at the projects of Napoleon, could not extricate itself from warring elements, and had refused to send aid for the defence of the river Plata. The citizens of Buenos Aires, proud of their triumphs and dissatisfied with the Viceroy, Sobremonte, deposed him, and named as his successor Liniers, a French captain who had helped them in the first defence against the English; but the Spanish government denounced this act and appointed as viceroy a Spanish marshal, Cisneros. At this time, because of Napoleon's domination over Spain, the authority of the Spanish viceroy was not recognized and fresh germs of independence were sown. With this impetus some of the patriots met and announced a government Junta. This assembly took place 25 May 1810, the date which the Argen- tine Republic celebrates as its birthday. This congress invited all the authorities of the Viceroyalty to join the movement, and founded a periodical of revolutionary tendencies called The Buenos Aires Gazette; for it was evident that the power of Spain could only be broken by united effort of the patriots who were scattered throughout the southern portion of the continent, and that Buenos Aires was the natural leader in such an entei-prise. The colonial authorities, however, refused the invitation, and, supported by the loyal colonists, repelled the revolutionary expe- ditions which were later sent from Buenos Aires to overthrow the Spanish authorities. For seven years the success of the insurrection remained in doubt. The Argentines suffered defeats in Paraguay and in Upper Peru (now Bolivia), and the Spanish held unconquered the fort of Montevideo at the mouth of the river Plata, During this time the enthusiastic propaganda for liberty and equality, and the revolutionary documents sent out from Buenos Aires to all the colonies, had awakened fanciful ambitions and uneasy repinings ARGENTINA 181 among the natives and illiterate semi-barbarous half-breeds, who during the progress of seven generations — more than two cen- turies — had submissively considered themselves inferior to the whites. So when the Argentines had once conquered the Spanish forts of Montevideo and Asuncion, the Provinces of Paraguay and Uruguay declared themselves independent. By 1815, the leaders having sown anarchy in all the colonies, the revolutionary government of Buenos Aires saw itself beset by the danger of invasion of the territory of the provinces of the Plata by the forces under the command of the Viceroy of Peru, and on the borders of the Plata River by the Spanish fleet. In such emergencies the larger paii; of the directors of the revolution- ary movement felt powerless to follow the model of the republic established by the English colonies in North America, and dis^ cussed a monarchical government (one of the leaders even proposed annexation to the British Empire) in order to link the provinces of Rio de la Plata with European countries, and to silence the resentments of Spain. At the same time they would submit to the insurgents who were breaking up the country by encouraging the passions of the half-breeds, and stimulating their narrow clannish- ness which they disguised under the name of federalisui. To bring- about a crisis the revolutionary government convoked a congress of representatives from all the provinces united with Buenos Aires. This congress met in the city of Tucuman 9 July 1816, and pledged itself to a Declaration of Independence for the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, a date which the Argentines celebrate as a national holiday. The Congress of Tucuman, where the local element predominated, decided also that the form of the govern- ment should be democratic-republican-federal, by which title the Congress exalted the elements of anarchy and diminished the prestige of the active industrial class which produced the independ- ent movement whose centre w^as Buenos Aires. England and the United States, the former to limit the political power of Spain, the latter to remove from the American continent the other great powers, were the first nations to recog- nize the independence of the Argentines. It was then that Presi- dent Monroe proclaimed the doctrine, "America for the Ameri- cans." However, the Spanish rule was not ended in America, but maintained itself firmly in the rest of the colonies. It was the destiny of Argentina to fulfil her mission of Liberator. Lima, the capital of Peru, was the centre of the Spanish power which extended through the latter country, Chile, and the northern part of South America, Central America, and Mexico. Besides, 182 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the Spaniards still held the city of Montevideo which was their bulwark on the Atlantic coast. To reach Lima by land was a task beyond the bounds of possibility, on account of the geographical conditions which favored the Spanish troops by offering them a safe position within easy reach of their headquarters. The Argentine Congress had the good fortune, however, to find a soldier of genius to whom they confided this new undertaking. His name was San Martin. Realizing the risk of meeting the Spanish forces on land, he con- ceived the project of crossing the Andes to drive out the Spaniards from Chile and to reach Lima by sea. This bold enterprise was secretly preparing for two years, and in 1817 General San Martin led across the Andes an army of 5,000 Argentine soldiers, largely recruited from the hardy plainsmen and cowboys. This little force of rough-riders, by defeating the Spanish troops in the battle of Chacabuco, gave independence to the Chilean people. San Martin was also successful against the Spaniards in Peru, entering Lima as a liberator in 1821. Though urged to take the civil government of the countries he had freed, this soldier of splendid quality refused the rewards, honors, and offices of civil life, which men fulfilling similar missions in other countries have almost without exception consented to receive. While the patriotic army gloriously ended their campaign on the Pacific, ambitious leaders had converted the country at home into various feudal dependencies, which were at war with one another. The government, being powerless to contend with the factions, dissolved, leaving the provinces to take care of them- selves. This picture of savagery discouraged San Martin, who, upon his return from his campaign, despairing of seeing the return of order and peace in the new communities, retired to France, where he died some years later. The Province of Buenos Aires had, no doubt, an exemplary government. The soul of it was Bernardino Rivadavia, a mulatto who, as secretary of the government, completed commercial treaties with England and other countries, and obtained in London, through the Baring Bank, a loan of £1,000,000, at 6 per cent interest, which was totally covered at the fixed rate of 70 per cent. He also interested some small English capitalists in the enterprise of sending over the first herds of fine cattle. Rivadavia also founded a bank of discount and for the issue of paper money, which began its operations with an issue of $290,000, the first Argentine currency. ARGENTINA 183 But the half-civilized conditions continued in the rest of the country, though the leaders of emancipation tried to reunite the provinces under national control, naming Rivadavia as President. Here we encounter the origin of the two great political parties in the history of the Argentine Republic, one being the Unitary, which favored a strong central government, in opposition to the localism of the Federals, or State-Rights party. Rivadavia advanced his epoch, and to him Argentina owes many progressive ideas, among others the governmental owner- ship of the land and the natural sources of wealth. He carried on great works of public utility, employing the funds obtained from Baring Bank to found schools, universities, a national bank, hos- pitals, and other benevolent institutions. However, he could not triumph over the local rivalries, and, discouraged, like San Martin, gave up the government, which dissolved immediately, having been unable to crush out anarchy, which now broke out more furiously than ever. The discount bank of the Province of Buenos Aires had been changed to a national bank, and its issue of paper money now rose to $2,700,000, yet the ]jayment of the debt to Baring Bank had not even been commenced. The new Empire of Brazil, heir to the Portuguese policy in South America, expected to reach the river Plata and to dominate Montevideo, the capital of the Repu])lic of Uruguay. Buenos Aires, which had inherited at the same time the Spanish secular views, notwithstanding that it was itself menaced by anarchy, aided the Republic of Uruguay to obtain its independence from Brazil in a war which lasted three years, and whose chief purpose was to drive out the Brazilians from the Plata (1828). The anarchical wars had reduced considerably the masculine part of the population, which in 1810 numbered half a million, the fourth part of which were quadroons descended from half-breeds, mulattoes, and negroes. A leader unbalanced and fierce, Juan Manuel de Rozas, chief of the federals, now assumed command, and pleased himself with collecting the savage negroes of the population, some 40,000, recently emancipated slaves, nearly all in the Province of Buenos Aires, and bringing about the exile of the cultivated and industrious elements, who took refuge mostly in the Republic of Uruguay and in Chile. The reckless spirit that during 25 years reigned in all the local military dictatorships had ended in destroying the mining and wine-making industries that the Spanish colonies had started in the interior. The dij)lomats of Europe, acknowledging the Monroe Doctrine, hastened to recognize the self-styled Republic. In 1829 England 184 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA recognized the independence of the new country and entered into diplomatic relations with the tyrant Rozas. The final recognition of it by Spain in 1842 completed the assurance of the leaders, who, confident of their independence, had now no other idea but to destroy each other. Of all the old provinces of the ancient A^iceroyalty of Buenos Aires, the only one which prospered through these years was the new Republic of Paraguay, in reality an absolute kingdom at the mercy of the powerful will of the tyrant dictator Francia. Its independence was recognized by Europe and Brazil but not by Buenos Aires, and this made it impossible for Paraguay to enlarge its outside commerce, as its only outlet to the sea was by way of sailing 850 miles on the rivers Parana and Plata. This obliged them to pass in front of Buenos Aires with all their export and import traffic. Because Rozas at Buenos Aires could close the natural chan- nels and hinder the traffic of Paraguay with Brazil and Europe, the English and French governments decided in 1845 to establish a blockade of Buenos Aires and open to free navigation the Parana, and thus assure international communication with Para- guay. This blockade lasted two years, and in 1847 the English fleet abandoned the waters of the Plata. During these two years the English officials tried to excite the settlers of Buenos Aires to rise against the tyrant Rozas, but they were weak and timid and did not think they could free themselves without the help of the exiled patriots and their allies. Various attempts had been made to expel Rozas but without success, until, understanding that the problem was not local but national, they united with the expatriated from other i)rovinces, and counting on the help of the dictator who ruled the province of Entre Rios- (separated from Buenos Aires by the Parana River) and with the aid of the troops sent by the Empire of Brazil, they deposed Rozas and instituted the national govern- ment with its capital in the city of Parana, province of Entre Rios. Then, taught by experience, the people resolved to safeguard their rights and privileges for the future. On 25 May 1853, a Constitu- tion, closely resembling that of the LTnited States, was formed, with some modifications, particularly in regard to civil legislation which is national and not provincial, and the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata took the name of Argentine Republic (from the Latin Argentum, silver). Here began a period of national reconstruction and the normalization of the provincial autonomies. The country entered into commercial treaties with various European countries and ARGENTINA 185 with Brazil, and began to pay the Baring Bank of London the accumulated interest and collateral on the loan obtained by Riva- davia 25 years before. The national bank, founded by Rivadavia and converted into a mint by Rozas, became the Provincial Bank of Buenos Aires. The ensuing years witnessed some jiractical advances, such as the inter-provincial telegraph, the construction of the first rail- road, and communications by steamboat between the Rio de la Plata and Europe, reducing to 40 or 50 days the passage which up to this time had taken three or four months by sailing vessels. But the incipient economic interests had not yet much politi- cal representation. Personal rivalries among the commanders of the army, and the troublesome pride of Buenos Aires, jealous at seeing the national caj^ital in the city of Parana, separated that province from the rest of the confederacy, and civil war began once more, hindering the steps of real progress which had been taken. After various bloody battles, in 1861, the hegemony of Buenos Aires threatened the integrity of the rest of the country and the provisional capital was moved to that city. But the aggressions of the tyrant Solano Lopez, dictator of Paraguay, a country which had been formed under the fiercest of the dictator- ships which the people of the south had been subjected to, had forced Brazil to war. The invasions into the Argentine territory by Paraguayan armies, which moved toward the Republic of Uru- guay with a view to assuring an outlet to the ocean, provoked the offensive and defensive alliance of Brazil with the republics of Uruguay and Argentina, which brought on a devastating war that lasted five years, and in which 70,000 combatants took part. Its outcome was the complete overthrow of Paraguay, whose male population was reduced to one-tenth. Already the Argentine government had become suspicious of the policy of Chile, a country less democratic than its neighbors, who found themselves exhausted by civil and other wars. Chile manifested a strong inclination to obtain ports on the Atlantic side of Patagonia. Notwithstanding the complete victory over Paraguay, the Argentine government asserted the doctrine thai '' victory does not give rights," and offered to submit to the arbi- tration of President Hayes of the United States the question of the boundaries of Paraguay, thus making an honorable precedent in international policy. The costs of the war with Paraguay were defrayed by a loan contracted with the Bank of London. The honorable arrangement which in 1854 the government had proposed to the Baring Bank 186 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA to pay the debt made in 1825 had aroused English capitalists, who not only covered the loan for the war but also organized railroad and marine transportation companies. The continuous issue of fiat money had depreciated the cur- rency to an extreme limit so that the rate of exchange was 27 pesos to one gold dollar. In 1867 the Provincial Bank established the rate of exchange at the fixed point of one dollar gold for 25 paper, and vice versa. The war, notwithstanding its epidemics and miseries, did not wholly check the progress of civilization. The struggle with the foreigner united the confederate provinces against Buenos Aires, which, though politically allied to the rest of the country, socially still felt itself aloof. At the same time the influx of British capital and the entrance of some thousands of immigrants changed this feeling a little. Meanwhile citizens who were enthusiastic admir- ers of the Republic of the United States endeavored to make this the general opinion, and in 1868 a pacific presidential election took place in Argentina, resulting in the choice of Domingo Sarmiento, who was at that time the Argentine Minister in Washington. He was devoted to the progress of civilization in South America, through schools and industries. He established throughout the country compulsory and free public schools, and inviting normal teachers and scientists from the United States and Germany, he founded institutions of scientific and general culture and strength- ened the sway of the national Lyceums, instituted by his prede- cessor. General Mitre, and established in all the provinces. Sar- miento obtained from the Bank of London $5,200,000 gold, which he employed in public works. Faith in the progress of the country had grown much firmer through the fact of the peaceful presidential election. People ^^0> trusted in personal and property guarantees, and the rural indus- tries, using wire fences to inclose pastures, passed from the nomadic and route systems which the cowboy had opened up to civilization. But the adventurous element of the low class, result of the mixed races, and composed of uncultured men, asserted their rights to political equality, stirred up provincial revolutions and uprisings in the city of Buenos Aires, placing again in con- stant uncertainty industry and commerce, and checking immigra- tion. Yet through it all the new modes of communication, and the work of Sarmiento little by little made stable the growth of civilization. As a result of wars and revolutions the scourge of cholera for two years decimated the country and an epidemic of yellow fever. ARGENTINA 187 brought from Brazil, in its turn for a third time destroyed the population on the banks of the Plata, whose death rate remained for years about 45 per thousand. In 1873, the population of the city of Buenos Aires was about 220,000, almost all whites; the whole population of the country was about 2,000,000, nearly a third part of them half-breeds. Stability of money was impos- sible, and the Provincial Bank closed its office of exchange. The wars of independence, revolutions, and uprisings during the period of anarchy and tyranny, the war with Paraguay, and the civil wars had reduced considerably the masculine part among the Creoles, half-breeds, and negroes, so that the feminine element made alliances with the European immigrants. But the foreigner, who was indifferent to the quarrels of the political leaders and to the depreciation of paper money, which had fallen to the ratio of 30 to 1, entered heartily into agriculture which had recently shown unusual results, and the political lead- ers became uncertain of a field for their propaganda, warlike and personal. Withal they had to solve the problem of the capital, up to that date provisionally located in the city of Buenos Aires, which was also the capital of the province of the same name. In 1880, because of the presidential election, the national government, which was beginning to organize its small army in the conquest of the desert, reducing the nomadic tribes which existed in those regions, and which had extended the railroads to the distant provinces, and increased the schools, was violently expelled by the government of the province of Buenos Aires, which, with the help of the party preponderant in the city of Buenos Aires, headed by Ex-President Mitre, resisted the entrance of the national forces. After many bloody combats, however, the national forces triumphed and fixed forever the national capital at Buenos Aires. The government of Buenos Aires province removed its capi- tal in 1882, founding the city of I^a Plata on the banks of the river of that name, 57 kilometers from the city of Buenos Aires. The founding of this city of La Plata cost $30,000,000. After the Paraguay war the two political parties ceased to exist. This gave rise to the founding of personalistic parties named for their leaders. After having lost the city of Buenos Aires in 1880 the party of Mitre retreated from the electoral strug- gle, and their chief. General Mitre, devoted himself to literature and high politics, becoming a famous figure in the nation, and popular with the masses, on account of his daily paper La Nacion, which united the characteristics of the English daily and 188 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA French review. The electoral withdrawal of the Metristas gave opportunity to the party of Federal origin, which was under the control of General Boca, who was then President of the Kepublic, to take possession of all government positions, both national and provincial. Chile, having defeated Peru and taken from it the provinces of Tacna and Arica, now raised the question of the boundaries along the rid^e of the Andes. Being short of squadrons and provisions to defend the desert coast of Patagonia and the valleys of the Andes, the Argentine government ceded a part and recognized the claim of Chile to part of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego ; and by common agreement both governments left out the surveying of the boundaries of the land, thus allaying fears of a new war. Although in the hands of the party of Federal origin and under a Federal constitution, the national government adopted as its own the programme of centralization laid down by Rivadavia, the founder of the Unitary party, and continued somewhat the work of progress begun by Sarmiento. They secured another loan from the Baring Bank for $12,000,000, gold, at the rate of 90 per cent and at 1 per cent interest, to be used in railroad extension. Two years later, in 1882, they obtained another loan of $9,000,000, gold, at the rate of 84 per cent and 5 per cent interest, to found a national bank, and immediately Parliament authorized another loan of $20,000,000, gold, for public schools. The conquest of the desert and the reduction of the Indian tribes was followed by great prosperity, enriching the government by the possession of millions of square miles of excellent ground for pasture. These most valuable regions were divided among the military who had made the campaign of the desert, and govern- ment politicians. The increase of immigration, which was now about 100,000 a year, in most part northern Spaniards and north- ern Italians, attracted by the advertisements of free lands and the advantages offered by the government, and the investments of for- eign capital in railroad companies and public improvements in the cities of La Plata and Buenos Aires, inflated considerably the price of land in the hands of the military and government leaders. In less than one year it doubled in price. The national government continued to ask for loans from the Bank of London, and again obtained $20,000,000, gold, at 6 per cent interest, for the construc- tion of the port at Buenos Aires. In 1886 another loan was made of $42,000,000, gold, at 80 per cent rate and at 5 per cent interest, to unify diverse loans for public works. ARGENTINA 189 In these conditions the military, in great part made up of half-breeds and quadroons, enriched by the gain of their desert conquests, and by the prodigality with which the London bankers loaned money to the government, outshone the old, cultured, and quiet well-to-do people of Buenos Aires, and other centres. The latter were descendants of the patriots of the War of Inde- pendence, and of the exiled patricians, yet they were overshadowed by the new military plutocracy, who had no thought but ostenta- tion, and were destitute of all idea of duty, civic and social. They simply centred in Buenos Aires to enjoy life in pseudo-Parisian style. In 1886 the government, hindered by the difficulty of obtain- ing more loans in London, abolished the law of *' conversion," and began again to issue millions of fiat money, thus giving a chance to stock jobbing, and producing an extreme instability of currency, which in 1889 had a relation of five pesos to one gold dollar. At that time the fiat money reached the sum of $80,200,000. The Lon- don bankers had not only been beguiled into loaning money to the national government, but had also made loans to provincial and municipal governments to the extent of $80,000,000 in gold, which was largely embezzled by the intermediaries in Europe and the retainers of the authorities of those centres. In the Pan-American Congress held at Washington in 1889, the Argentine representatives, fearing the interpretation Blaine gave to the Monroe Doctrine, ''America for the Americans," would be ratified by the Congress, declared as the Argentine sentiment, ''America for Humanity," expressing the Argentine inheritance of blood and of interests through the mixtures of the Spanish, English, French, and Italian races, and its independence of the rest of the American continent outside of its own boundaries. Argentina now had more than $500,000,000 English capital invested in the country and more than a half a million Italian citi- zens. Political and administrative corruption, however, seemed to know no bounds. Fiat money reached $197,000,000, making the national dollar less than 30 cents, gold, and the credit of the country was compromised in loans of more than $300,000,000, gold, covered by mortgages on its inalienable property and interests, which amounted to more than 40 per cent of its estimated wealth. The inaction of public opinion and the lack of any party of opposition moved the young men of the universities and those in active business to form a protesting party — ' ' The National Civic Union," — which in a few months after its founding conspired with some of the chiefs and officials of the army and navy, and 190 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA incited mutinies and mobs which drove the President, in 1890, to resign his position. The Vice-President, Dr. Pellegrini, a man of great energy and capacity, but lacking political tact, remained in office and partly quelled the provincial revolutions. Meanwhile, the personalist leaders, reviving the traditions of the old parties. Federal and Unitary, separated the elements which formed the young party of the Civic Union. The national government had to ask delay from the European banks, and finally the National Bank with the Provincial Bank of Buenos Aires failed. The Argentine credit was completely lost, immigration ceased as well as the coming in of foreign capital; public service became uncertain. Money was wanted to prosecute public improvements and education. The country found itself exhausted, and again threatened by Chile, which had recently come out of a cruel civil war, the only one in its histor}', and rapidly and cleverly militarized under the direction of German officials. Now Chile wanted the boundaries on the Andean frontier to be made at once. As the interest of English and Italians were great in Argentina the danger of war opened again an opportunity for credit to improve the national defence, and the government spent more than $100,000,000, gold, in forming a modern navy, making strategic lines and military posts, and purchasing mili- tary supplies. During this time agriculture and stock-raising prospered and in a few years doubled the exportation. But again the instability of the fiat money, which originated the stock job- bing in the Stock Exchange of Buenos Aires, was a grave cause of discredit and checked immigration. The working classes organ- ized themselves in labor unions and formed a socialist party. This called elements of leadership from university students and young professional men, particularly doctors. The government in 1891 founded the Bank of the Nation and offered to the public a subscription for $250,000,000, to be used as its capital. The public did not respond to any extent and the gov- ernment only saved the situation by resorting again to the issue of fiat money. In 1892 the government founded the '' Caja de Conversion " (Exchange office) and in 1899 modified its organiza- tion, forming a reserve fund to change the bills in circulation at the price fixed by law of 44 cents, gold, to one peso, and pledging themselves to set aside gold corresponding to this price for each new issue. See Banking and Finance. Disquietude over the boundaries of Chile and the costs occa- sioned by it, did not disappear till 1902, when the differences were referred to and settled by the King of England, followed by a ARGENTINA 191 treaty of partial disarmament, signed in Buenos Aires, in 1904, the only instance of the kind in the history of jjeace, and which reflected great honor on both peoples. AVith this act the Argentine nation assured forever its international policy of peace, and gave an impetus to the progress of civilization. She now felt sure of her destiny. The hard experience during a decade of complicity between some national and local leaders and European bankers which endangered and discredited the country, and another decade of anxieties and expenses for the national defence, moved Argentine opinion to sustain the Calv^o doctrine, proposed by Drago and upheld by the Argentine representative, in the Pan-American Congress at Rio Janeiro, in 1906, according to which the new nations have a right to rejnidiate the debts contracted with for- eign banks which enter into treaties and plots with the reckless heads of government. This was opposed to the Roosevelt doc- trine according to which payments of debts contracted by the agents of those in authority are to be coerced from the defrauded people. The rare coincidence of the almost simultaneous disappear- ance of the men who were most prominent in politics — Ex-Presi- dent General Bartolome Mitre, Ex-President Dr. Carlos Pelligrini, President Dr. Manuel Quinta, Ex-Governor Dr. Barnardo Trigoyen — whose deaths occurred in 1906, left the party of opposition without leaders, and the old political Unitary organization changed its name, substituting for it *' The National Autonomistic Party," directed by Ex-President Julio A. Roca. In 1906 Dr. Figueroa Alcorta was elected President. Serious disturbances occurred during the first week of May 1909, in con- sequence of labor troubles and anarchist agitation. On 13 March 1910 Dr. Roque Saenz Pena was the successful candidate for the presidency. Two months later Buenos Aires was thrown into great confusion by an attempt to call out a general strike. The one hundredth anniversary of the birth of the nation was cele- brated 25 May. Diplomatic relations between Argentina and Bolivia, which had been interrupted as a result of boundary dis- putes, were resumed in January 1911, through the good offices of the United States. In November 1913 Colonel Roosevelt, Ex-Presi- dent of the United States, visited the Argentine Republic. On 9 Feb. 1914 the ministry resigned, after President Saenz Pena, who had been ill for a long time, turned over his functions to the vice- president. Dr. Victorino de la Plaza. On 25 April, four days after the United States had inaugurated hostilities at Vera Cruz, diplo- 192 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA matie representatives at Washington, D. C, of the "A. B. C." powers, Argentina, Brazil and Chile, offered to act as mediators between the American and Mexican governments (See Mexico — History.) In 1915 the first actual treaty between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, signed at Buenos Aires 25 May, provided for five years of peace between the three nations, during which time each of said nations was pledged not to make war on either of the others until the causes of conflict' should have been investigated and reported upon by an impartial commission. Independence Day was celebrated with special ceremonies — that being the centenary — on 9 July 1916. Argentina, after more than 80 years of distracted political life hindering its development, has succeeded in the last 25 years in establishing its prominence among the young nations, and in bringing to itself immigrants from the European races. See International Claims against Latin-America, p. 66. Bibliography Bilbao, M., Buenos Aires desde su Fundacion (Buenos Aires 1902) ; GKias- tavino, J. E., San Martin y Simon Bolivar (Buenos Aires 1913) ; Mitre, B., Archive del General Mitre (Buenos Aires 1911-1913), Historia de Belgrano y de la Inde- pendencia Argentina (Buenos Aires 1887) and The Emancipation of South America (London 1893); Sarmiento, D. F., Obras (Paris 1895-1909). See also Bibliographies under Agriculture, Banking and Finance, Government, etc. THE GOVERNMENT Bv Ernesto Nelson The form of government of Argentina is a representative republican-federal one, modeled after that of the United States of North America, and in accordance with its historical antecedents every province keeps its own peculiar autonomy, drawing up its own constitution, fixing the number of its magistrates, the organ- ization of its municipalities, and administering its property with- out the intervention of the National Government. The executive power is vested in an officer bearing the title of President of the Nation. The terms of office of the President and Vice-President are six years, and they cannot be re-elected until after the passing of a presidential period. The Ministers are eight: Interior, Foreign Relations and Worship, Treasury, Jus- tice and Public Instruction, War, Navy, Public Works, and Agri- culture, Industry, and Commerce. ARGENTINA 193 The legislative pow er is vested in two bodies or chambers, that of the Deputies and that of the Senators. The former are elected by a majority of the votes of the people, and the latter by the legis- latures of the provinces, thus ensuring two senators for each fed- eral State, and two senators for the capital elected by the people. The Judiciary is vested in the Supreme Court of Justice, Fed- eral Chambers of Appeal in the capital and also in the cities Cordoba, Parana and La Plata; federal courts in the capital and throughout the provinces and territories ; Chambers of Appeal in the capital for civil, commercial, criminal and correctional cases. Each province has its own judicial system with a Supreme Court and several minor courts. Penal, civil, commercial and military laws are national laws, uniform throughout the Republic and codi- fied under national codes. The provinces can only enact such laws of procedure as do not affect the national laws. The seat of the National Government is Buenos Aires, the fed- eral capital of the Republic. The national territories are ruled by governors appointed by the Executive Power, with the consent of the Senate. The governors of the provinces are elected by the people. For- eign citizens can hold real estate. Article 14 of the Constitution provides for the absolute freedom of the people of the nation in the exercise of their reli- gious faith. There is no State religion though in accordance with the Con- stitution the State contributes to the support of the Roman Cath- olic religion, the expenses of which are about $1,000,000 in gold per year ; but it likewise contributes aid for the support of educa- tional or charitable institutions established by other denomina- tions. In 1884 civil marriage was established. The ecclesiastical government consists of an archdiocese and seven dioceses, under the patronage of the National Government which authorizes or prohibits the carrying out of papal decrees. EDUCATION By Ernesto Nelson As reformed in March, 1916, this comprises six divisions: Primary (four years). Intermediate (two years), Secondary (five years). Normal (four and seven years), and Higher education (from five to seven years). The sixth division includes Industrial, 14 194 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Commercial and Education of the Abnormals and is called Special Education. Agricultural education is partly controlled by the universities and partly by the Department of Agriculture. Public education is free throughout. Primary Education Primary schools are the concern of state (provincial) authorities. The exceptions are : the control of the Primary schools of the Federal city of Buenos Aires by the National Board of Education, and a system of subsidies by the federal government for the benefit of certain provinces whose finances are not equal to the . needs of primary education. In 1894 there were 3,000 primary schools, public and private, which increased during the next 20 years to 7,877 schools; likewise did the teaching force of these schools grow^ from 7,800 to over 26,000 teachers, 80 per cent of whom are women. The pupils attending the primary schools in 1894 numbered 280,000, whereas in 1914 the attendance increased to 900,000 pupils. The expendi- tures incurred for the maintenance of the schools rose sixfold. Population increased less than twofold during that period. Secondary Education ' . Secondary education was originally shaped after European models, but the schools are already responding to the modern demands of democracy. From mere preparatory institutions for the university they are fast becoming schools of advanced educa- tion to an increasing number of men and women. In 1894 the students in secondary colleges numbered 3,000, which number rose to 10,000 in 1914, the expenses being increased from $400,000 to $2,500,000. There are 33 of such lyceums (16 in 1894) eight of which are in the city of Buenos Aires (only one in 1894). Secondary education is not compulsory. Normal Education Normal schools are for primary teachers and for secondary teachers. There are also special institutions for teachers of modern languages and of physical training. Normal schools for primary teachers numbered 70 in 1914 (10 of which were in the city of Buenos Aires) with an enrollment of 8,970 students, about six times those enrolled 20 years before. They offer a ARGENTINA 195 four-year general course followed by a three-year special course leading to the professor's diploma. Teachers graduating from normal schools are eligible for positions of $900 a year. Prin- cipals get from $1,250 to $1,500. After 25 years teachers may retire with 95 per cent of their salary, provided it has been earned during four years and also that the candidate is more than 45 years old. Normal schools for secondary teachers offer courses in different specialties besides the general courses. Graduates who secure positions as teachers in secondary schools get from $800 to $3,600. Salaries of principals vary from $2,500 to $4,000 a year. Both teachers and principals also retire with the 95 per cent of their last salary, but only after 30 years' work, the remaining conditions being equal. Minor terms of special study are required for qualification for the professions of chemist, midwife, dental surgeon, surveyor, and architect. The University of Cordoba is composed of the school of med- icine; the school of engineering; and the school of law, in connec- tion with the National Academy of Sciences. In order to follow his profession in the country, the profes- sional graduate of a foreign university is obliged to prove his ability by means of an examination before some Argentine university. Technical Education Technical education also is encouraged by the National and Provincial governments. Prominent among those of the first category are the national industrial schools, similar in type to the manual training high schools in the United States, although the courses cover six years and afford specialization in engineering, architecture, chemistry and mechanics. Other technical schools of a vocational type provide training in the various trades. There are about 15 trade schools for girls also under the control of the National government giving instruc- tion in dressmaking, embroidery, millinery, flower, lace and glove making, metal work, telegraph operating, drawing, painting and industrial arts. Several provinces also have established schools similar to these. Agricultural Education Agricultural education is of a two-fold type, special and general. Special or so called regional schools look toward the education of future workers in special fields, such as the sugar 196 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA industries of Tucuman, the wine industries of Mendoza, the lumber industry of Misiones, the dairy industry of the Plata Valley, the fruit industry of San Juan, and several other regional activities. Other schools provide for the thorough scientific instruction underlying all agricultural occupations, and they are of a type similar to the agricultural colleges in the United States. Commercial Schools Commercial schools for men and women offer courses in commercial practice (five years), bookkeeping (four years) lead- ing to the degree of public accountant (three more years). A more recent addition to the scope of the commercial schools is the degree of doctor for advanced work in economics. Other Educational Interests Besides national schools for abnormal children, deaf, dumb and blind, the government is establishing a number of special schools for weak children in need of fresh air as well as moun- tain or sea side climate. In connection with such provisions for the health of children it is interesting to mention here that every school child in the city of Buenos Aires is given a glass of milk at the noon hour. After 15 years of such practice milk drinking has become a habit among all classes of the population, thereby reducing the consumption of intoxicating liquors. The National Academy of Fine Arts gives free instruction in drawing, painting, decorative and industrial arts. Popular interest in education is shown by the number of organizations established either with the purpose of studying educational problems, helping the schools, or conducting educa- tional centres. The working classes themselves, through the Socialistic Party, have done considerable good in organizing lec- tures, educational excursions, and other elements of self- improvement. Education of women has made great progress in Argentina. In certain districts primary and secondary schools are co-educa- tional. Also some of the normal schools and all the universities. Pedagogical departments are well patronized by women who also are preeminent in medical studies. Women take an active interest in social work, notably through the remarkable Philan- thropic Association, which although recognized and endowed by the National government is practically under the management ARGENTINA 197 of a woman's board. Women are active in education and have also done much to bring the child-saving agencies to the present state of efficiency. The National government, as well as some of the provinces, maintains numerous scholarships to support Argentine students in England, the United States, Canada, Italy, France, and Ger- many. Those in the United States number about 50, and as many more are supported by their own means or enjoy private scholarships; they are principally engaged in studying engineer- ing, agriculture, and commerce. No fewer than 300 young Argentinos are attending courses in Europe, the great majority of them paying their own expenses. Bibliography Alber di. J. B.,^ )raani2aci6n de la Confederaeion Argentina (Buenos Aires IQi^XilAntokoIetz, D.^Histoire de la Diplomatie Argentine (Tome 1, Paris 1914) ; Argentine Republic: General Descriptive Data Prepared by the Pan American Union (Washington 1916) ; Argentine Republic: Statutes, Codes (Buenos Aires 1913); Argentine Year Book (10th ed., 1915-16, Buenos Aires 1916); Buenos Aires: Universidad Naeional: Facultad de Filosofia y Letras, Documentos para la Historia Argentina (Buenos Aires 1913-14) ; Davis, W. G., Climate of the Argentine Republic (Buenos Aires 1910); Law. and Regu- lations Respecting General Enrollment in the Argentine Rejmblic (London 1913) ; Martinez, A. B., Baedeker of the Argentine Republic (New York and London 1916) ; Nelson, E., Un Experimento Trascendental en la Educacion Argentina (Buenos Aires 1912). See also Bibliographies under History op ARGENTrNA_, Agriculture in Argentina, Banking and Finance in Argentina. AGRICULTURE IN ARGENTINA By Marhion W/lcox Under this title we shall endeavor to treat of Argentine agri- culture as the great importance of the subject deserves, in the broadest sense of the word, with such economic, geographic, and even historic implications as are, for the sincerity and thoroughness of our study, really indispensable. The area of land under cultivation is more than 95,000 square miles, and its chief products are as follows: Wheat, more than 105,000,000 bushels; oats, 61,000,000 bushels; maize, 190,000,000 bushels; linseed, 40,000,000 bushels; sugar, more than 280,000 tons. Analyzing the statistics for recent years we find that between 16,000,000 and 17,000,000 acres are devoted to wheat, about 16,000,000 acres to alfalfa, 10,000,000 to 11,000,000 acres to Indian 198 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA corn (maize), over 4,000,000 acres to linseed, and over 3,000,000 acres to oats, the other crops being barley, sugar cane, grapes, rice, potatoes, cotton, tobacco, etc. But the fact is to be noted that of the somewhat more than 1,000,000 square miles embraced in the Repub- lic more than one-third (about 334,000) are arable. In other words 241,000 square miles of the arable regions remain to be brought under cultivation. It is therefore proper to regard the present output of cereals, despite its unquestionable importance, as only a promise of the vastly greater crops which will be secured when the limit of Argentina's jiotential productivity has been even ! i ■ ^ M. fei ^i!3 m \Wf^ yh^B.E^%.. -.1^ 4 -■ T ! 'imMLi U\ II jf.^aaB^-''^ Grain Elevators, Bahia Blanca, Argentina approximately attained. Moreover the agricultural system accepted and practiced in Argentina at the present time is as far as possible removed from the intensive system, its aim being simply and frankly, and perhaps with overemphasis of facility, to obtain the maximum of profit with a minimum of capital and labor. Compare it with the agricultural system of Canada. We may call the former " extensive," the latter intensive. Thus, in Canada the farms of less than 200 acres constitute 88 per cent of the total of holdings of rural property; in Argentina the holdings are relatively large and it appears that farms which best respond to the present conditions of agriculture there are those of 500 to 750 acres. The capital required for farming operations in Canada is $59.25 gold per hectare (2.47 acres) including the value of the land, buildings, and machinery; in Argentina, $27.70 gold per hectare. The amount produced in a given area by the Argentine farmer can be greatly increased whenever it becomes more profit- able to cultivate intensely than simply to extend the margin of cultivation. ARGENTINA 199 In addition to the arable regions we have to consider a second one-third part of the entire area of the Republic — roughly speak- ing 333,000 to 335,000 square miles that can be utilized for sheep or cattle and to a large extent already have been assigned to the stock-raising industry. In fact live-stock has been, from the early years of Spanish colonization, one of the two principal sources from which the wealth of the inhabitants has been derived; and the figures given in a recent census are, for the entire country: 80,000,000 sheep, 29,500,000 bovine cattle, 9,700,000 horses, 452,- 000 goats, 3,050,000 pigs, and 920,000 asses and mules — the esti- mated total value being $700,000,000 gold. The nucleus of the supply of live-stock was derived mainly from Peru and Spain in the 16th and 17th centuries. The remaining areas are commonly assumed to be (in the agri- cultural sense) unproductive; and as an illustration or the most striking example of the worthless section, it' has been customary in the past to mention Argentine Patagonia. But in the light of recent investigations and practical experiments we are enabled to correct that erroneous impression; and it is reasonable to expect that the whole subject of Argentine agricultural expansion will be revised when essential new facts, which would have been called heresies even a decade or so ago, are arrayed against very old but wholly unwarranted prejudice. Our task at the moment is to set forth such essential facts. Agricultural Patagonia Argentine Patagonia is divided into five parts, namely, the Territories of Rio Negro, Neuquen, Chubut, Santa Cruz, and Tierra del Fuego, whose combined areas (about 775,000 square kilometers or 302,250 square miles) exceed the total area of Chile, and constitute between one-third and one-fourth of the entire area of the Republic of Argentina, or nearly one-twentieth of the continent of South America. A comparatively small portion of the Patagonian regions belongs to Chile, and forms the Chilean Territory of Magallanes. In view of the circumstance that its climate, ranging from temperate to cold (since it extends, roughly speaking, between lat. 40° S. and lat. 55° S.), favors the develop- ment of vigorous communities, we note with special interest records of Patagonia's agricultural achievements which demon- strate the fertility of the soil, accessibility of the interior districts, facilities for irrigation, etc. The question whether this distinctly habitable one-twentieth of South America possesses such elements 200 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of substantial prosperity lias entered a new phase; and it is obviously a very large question. The 18th century witnessed a race between England and Spain for the control of this region. In 1774, the Jesuit, Thomas Faulkner, having penetrated to the heart of the country, found the interior so unexpectedly desirable that he urged England to undertake its conquest. The Spanish govern- ment, when this project became known, hastened to take formal possession of the coast by establishing forts there. On 15 Dec. 1778, an expedition w^as sent from Montevideo, and, after a voyage of 22 days, a landing was made on the north shore of Valdez Penin- sula. The bay (a portion of the Gulf of San Matias) where this landing was effected received the name of San Jose. Spanish settlements were established there and at Puerto Deseado — the latter in what is to-day the Territory of Santa Cruz. When Spain was on the point of losing forever her control over Argentina, England decided to strike, but, aiming first at the capital, neglected to put sufficient force into the blow — and the captured English regimental flags are still to be seen, in frames and under glass, on the pillars of S. Domingo church at Buenos Aires. A quarter of a century passed. Argentina, distressed by war and political dissensions, was shunned by nearly all Europeans, except- ing soldiers of fortune. Then, after 1832, the world received from one of its greatest men extremely unfavorable impressions in regard to this portion of the Far South. When Captain Fitzroy on the Beagle was devoting his attention to Patagonian hydrography, Charles Darwin, as the naturalist accompanying the expedition, pursued his investigations on land. But inasmuch as Darwin's studies were in the main confined to the dreary repel- lent wastes of the littoral, he of course depicted the land in darkest colors on account of its lack of vegetation. To this condemnatory judgment was due, in part, the delay in colonizing central and southern Patagonia. Genuine colonization of Central Patagonia — the Chubut Territory — began in the year 18fi5. In 1862 an important emigration society had been formed in England with the object of establishing colonies in Patagonia. Two representa- tives had examined Chubut Valley, and subsequently applied to the Argentina minister of the Interior, Dr. Rawson, for an assign- ment of national government lands. In the name of the govern- ment the minister stated that he was ready to give to each family of immigrants an adequate portion of the national land. On 28 July 1865, a ship arrived from Liverpool with 153 Welshmen on board, and in September of the same year Colonel Murga, tliereto commis- sioned by the government, came to point out to the immigrants the ARGENTINA 201 land assigned to them in Chubut Valley. On 16 September the colony was formally established. The Argentina flag was hoisted and the place received the name of the minister of the interior, Eawson. From the very beginning a lack of means of subsistence occasioned great suffering. Forty-eight newcomers abandoned the community, and the government, whose energies were absorbed by the war with Paraguay, could extend no aid. For- tunately the starving Welshmen obtained a little food from the Tehuelche Indians. The second harvest was a failure because the rainfall was insufficient. When the colonists abandoned their settlement and betook themselves to the neighborhood of the port of Madryn, Dr. Rawson promised support to the poor people and requested them to remain one year longer in the colony. There- upon irrigation canals were cut. At one stroke the situation changed. Splendid crops of wheat were produced. From the year 1867 onward the harvests were good, but communication with the outside world was very imperfect. Application was made to the national government for assistance in exporting wheat. New bands of Welsh immigrants came in 1874 and 1875. Chubut wheat was then sent to Buenos Aires and the Falkland Islands. The colonists established a s])ecies of autonomous government, electing for this i)urpose a council which consisted of 12 members, and which promoted the public interests and discouraged private quarrels. This council of 12 elected a president. Thus matters stood until 1876, when a commissioner was appointed to represent the national administration. In 1881 the inhabitants of Chubut Valley numbered 1,000. The law of 16 Oct. 1884 relating to the National Territory prescribed for Chubut the following bound- aries : On the north, Lat. 42° S., on the east, the Atlantic Ocean, on the south, Lat. 46° S., and the Chilean frontier on the West. Under this law a governor, a federal judge and other officials were assigned to each Territory. The first governor of Chubut, L. J. Fontana, installed the territorial administration at Rawson. Grovernor Fontana promptly realized that he knew nothing about the 10,000 square leagues constituting his realm. Therefore, in the spring of the year 1885 he set out with 30 men to explore the Andean valleys. The entire outfit — provisions, a large number of cattle, etc., — had been supplied by the participants themselves ; and the reason why so many colonists undertook the journey was that certain friendly Indians had told them about the fruitfulness and beauty of the Cordillera valleys, and the agreeable climate prevailing there had been the subject of much praise. The interior of Chubut had, indeed, been studied at certain points by foreign 202 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA geologists and botanists but not a word had been said about the agricultural possibilities of the hinterland; and in Buenos Aires the commercial world knew probably less about the southern territories than did the people of Europe. Fontana's expedition reached the foot of the Cordilleras after a journey of three months, and there the wanderers discov- ered a beautiful wide valley which their leader, in honor of the day on which the territorial divisions had been decreed, named Valle 16 de Octobre. A stock-farming colony was founded there. Fontana has characterized the newly discovered regions in the south as follows : — ' ' There were 30 of us and we belonged to four different nationalities, yet all declared to me unanimously that they had seen no other spot on earth Avhere nature had combined on such a liberal scale whatever is necessary for the welfare of mankind. " A word of explanation is necessary in regard to conflicting- accounts of certain portions of the Patagonian Territories. The Rio Negro Valley and Limay region have been described by some writers as verj^ fertile, while other writers have represented them to be entirely worthless for agriculture. If a visitor happened to come at the close of a rainy season he found luxuriant vegetation ; whereas another visitor arriving in time of drought could scarcely obtain fodder for his horse. The facts that the wheat grown in the valley of the Rio Negro is as good as or better than the Chubut wheat, and that both are superior to the wheat grown in the warm northern provinces, deserve to be kept in mind. Increase of Agricultural Resources The assertion has been made that the Rio Negro Valley in many respects is like the Nile Valley. Its total length, from the point where the Neuquen and Limay rivers unite to form the Rio Negro to the disemboguement of the latter in the Atlantic, is about 275 miles, and the average width about four miles. Great Britain's old ambition to which we li^ve referred has in our own times manifested itself in the construction of railways and the investment of very large sums of money in the development of the country. On 1 June 1899 the railway connecting Bahia Blanca and Buenos Aires with Neuquen was opened, and this gave ready access to region^ which formerly were reached by long stage- coach journeys. The English spirit of daring which undertook the extension of the great system of the Southern Railroad merits recognition. The region to be crossed was in part so poor that ARGENTINA 203 the prospect of good financial returns was frankly admitted to be remote, and no colonization could be expected to follow except in the Rio Negro Valley. But English capitalists looked far beyond the present and saw in the line connecting Bahia Blanca with Neuquen only the first half of the great Trans-Andean route, which should supply, for the products of South Argentina and South Chile, an outlet at that point (Bahia Blanca) which has, as its most valuable asset, a natural harbor, much deeper and better for large vessels than the harbor of any other place in the extreme southeast. As evidence of the interest that the Argentine govern- ment takes in the southern Territories, we may mention the con- struction of the Patagonian Railroad, which was begun in 1908. The discover}^ of petroleum about 1907 near Comodoro Rivadavia is another factor in the growing prosperity of southern or Pata- gonian Argentina. It is to be noted also that the cultivation of cereals, with all its promise, is not the most important source of wealth. Stock-farming, especially sheep-farming, dominates here ; in fact this region sustains a relation to the provinces on the Rio de la Plata analogous to that which the southwest and west in the United States held to the middle and eastern States just after the Mexican War. The progress made in recent years proves that these territories can at least produce all that is requisite for the continuance of prosperity. The Territory of Neuquen made gains in the matter of population (white and Indian in the pro- portion of 3 to 1) to such an extent that it had recently about 30,000 white inhabitants, most of whom were Chileans, and about 10,000 Indians; and it was recorded that these 40,000 individuals possessed or were in the employ of those who possessed 195,000 cattle, 105,000 horses, 676,000 sheep, 170,000 goats, and 7,000 mules. Considering only one item, we note that there were 16.9 sheep for each man, woman and child. Some progress has been made in the plans for rendering navigable the Santa Cruz River. In 1909 a steamer carrying many passengers and a cargo of 80 tons suc- ceeded in going up against the rapid current of that stream as far as the Rincon Chico region, which was formerly regarded as inaccessible. The feasibility of plans for river improvement which shall enable larger vessels to come and go between the wide interior zone and the outside world has to be conceded. It is of highest importance to consider the agricultural possibilities of these very extensive regions, situated in latitudes that favor their development by the more vigorous classes of immigrants. The observation has quite recently been made that Argentina 's expan- sion into the temperate southern regions of the South American 204 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA continent is in its own way not less truly interesting than are the similar westward movements in the United States and Canada, the eastward one in Russia, or the northward one of South Africa. This is Argentina's wide and deep frontier, the borderland in which pioneer conditions give place to rapidly growing settle- ments, and scientific methods convert supposedly useless areas into sources of economic wealth. Argentina's Chief Agricultural Products ^ At this point it is desirable to form correct and very distinct impressions in respect to each of the items that stand at the head of the list of agricultural products. We begin with the wheat. It will be seen that wheat, representing 57 per cent of all cereals produced in the Republic, covers approximately 17,000,000 acres of land; but if labor were available no less than 80,000,000 acres could at once be brought under the plow for its cultivation. There is a decided tendency to increase the area of wheat-sown lands toward the south, where the climatic conditions are even more favorable — a tendency attributable to the new shipping facilities at Bahia Blanca. With the steady encroachments of tillage upon the pasture the need for opening up fresh areas is making itself felt. The vast available tracts of unoccupied lands could, of course, be utilized for stock-raising, but the indigenous grasses are too coarse and unpalatable for forage purposes. These coarse grasses will have to be replaced by the fine short grasses growing in the lowlands, and gradually superseded by alfalfa, rye, barlej^, and oats. These changes cannot be effected without a considerable outlay of cap- ital, which may in turn enhance the already high prices of cattle. The fertile region lying north of the province of Buenos Aires, close to the banks of the Parana — at one time the realm of herds and flocks — is to-day the principal centre of maize cultivation. Levee work is in progress on one of the islands in the Parana. River near Rosario Avith a view to preventing inundation at the period of floods. Should the venture prove successful considerable land will be reclaimed on this and on other islands where the soil is very fertile. It is estimated that these reclaimed lands are worth $100 per acre. The Argentine Year Booh for 1916 contains the statement that improvement in the grade of cattle has been brought about by the importation of pedigree animals valued at $8,000,000 in about 13 years. The essentially cattle-breeding zones are now to be found \ ARGENTINA 205 in the provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes. Here the climate, the pastures, and the water-courses are ideal features that have \. insured the lasting prosperity of this pastoral zone, in which the old meat-packing industry still survives the advent of the large modern factories. The pastoral industry is, as we have said, extending into Patagonia, which is already being covered from the Cordillera to the Atlantic, with flocks that promise to be the best in the Republic. The Argentine Republic annually produces Sn the neighborhood of 300,000,000 pounds of wool, 75 per cent of which comes from white-faced, long-wool sheep, Lincolns and Leicesters, and is known in the world markets as Argentine crossbred. When sorted, this wool grades largely into coarse and medium crossbred, corresponding to domestic commons and domestic one-fourth bloods in the United States. The fine cross- bred of Argentina is known in the United States as domestic three- eighths blood. Merino fleeces form 20 per cent of the yearly total, producing wool that is graded as domestic fine in the United States. The remaining 5 per cent is wool of black-faced and domestic sheep. The average weight of the fleece is 5.3 pounds. Previous to the war France and Germany were the principal buy- ers of the wool crop, but the United States has now become the principal purchaser, taking 152,330 bales (925 lbs.) of the 298,939 bales exported in the year ending 30 Sept. 1916. This industry in Santa Cruz is represented by 5,000,000 sheep, which yield 12,000 metric tons (2,204.6 lbs.) of wool, all of which is exported. Within the last 30 years the area devoted to linseed has increased twenty- fold. Argentina is to-day the largest linseed producer in the world. Although the plant can be grown in nearly any part of the Republic, its cultivation is confined mainly to the Territory of Pampa Central and to the provinces of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe, Entre Rios and Cordoba. The richest alfalfa fields are to be found on the immense pampa plains. The cultivation of alfalfa has assumed vast pro- portions, as will be seen from the following figures: 1872, 264,500 acres; 1888, 585,000 acres; 1895, 1,780,000 acres; 1912, 13,501,500 acres; 1914, 16,725,250 acres. This forage plant, which is dis- placing the native grasses, grows so rapidly when favored by the weather that three or four crops are easily obtained. Its yield is six to eight tons per acre. Formerly all the alfalfa grown was consumed in the country, but it is now being exported to Brazil. Large tracts of land in the northwestern section of the country are well adapted to cotton, but the crop has made little progress. Most of the cotton grown comes from the Territory 206 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of Chaco. It is also grown in Cordoba, Santa Fe, and Corrientes. The annual production is about 1,230,000 pounds, of which about 60 per cent is exported. About 71,536 acres were planted under beans in 1914, but although a primarily agricultural country, Argentina is dependent to a large extent on imports for its supply of beans, peas, and chick-peas. Rice is produced to the extent of 15,000,000 pounds annually, which is only 14 per cent of the rice consumed in the Republic. When discussing the general outlook in a year (1914) of depression in the land market, the South American Year Boo^ for 1915 published the following: ''As a general rule, land values in the Argentine are below those current in other countries less favorably situated as regards fertility, climatic conditions, and accessibility to markets, and, that being so, it would be only a matter of time when prices would revert to their old level. Every year the land is becoming more and more closely settled and its productive power increased, and the country is in the happy position of having a practically unlimited market for its staple commodities." If we desire to found our opinions in regard to the permanence of the agricultural prosperity of a large country even in part upon the statistics of production (a procedure always attended by risk of error) , we must at least examine the figures that relate to long periods of time and to years in which fairly normal conditions prevailed, rather than to a single year, or to two or three recent years alone, in which the conditions may have been exceptional. With this rule in mind, we may now revert to the Canadian-Argen- tine comparison, and may mention the suggestive and somewhat propagandist statistics prepared by Sefior Lahitte, chief of the bureau of Agricultural Statistics and Rural Economy for the Min- istry of Agriculture of the Argentine Republic, which show that the increase in land farmed in Canada between 1871 and 1891 was 75 per cent; the increase in the area devoted ex(;lusively to the cultivation of cereals in Argentina between 1895 and 1909 was 284 per cent. Such figures arrest attention, especially because the inhabitants of the two countries compared are about equal in number. The increase in the number of hectares (one hec- tare = 2.47 acres) of cultivated land in Argentina since the first year of independence is shown as follows: — From 1810 to 1888, only 2,300,000 hectares ; from 1888 to 1910, nearly 17,000,000 hec- tares. Exported products of stock farming alone were valued at only $3,300,000 in 1822 and at $71,075,955 in 1888, but in 1915 their value was $218,780,485. From statistics prepared in the year ARGENTINA 207 1914 (Department of Agriculture, Argentine Republic; Ricardo Pillardo, Director General, Commerce and Industry) we extract the returns of the four principal products of the arable regions, showing that Argentina exported as follows: In 1904 In 1913 Wheat $66,947,891 gold Wheat $102,631,143 gold Maize 44,391,196 gold Maize 112,292,394 gold Linseed 28,359,923 gold Linseed 49,910,201 gold Oats 541.973 gold Oats 20,447,278 gold Summarized, the value of exports of these four products increased during that decade from $140,240,983 gold in 1904 to $285,281,016 K gold in 1913. In 1916 there were 16,088,963 acres under wheat, 3,207,411 acres under linseed and 2,525,402 acres under oats. The official estimate, published 17 Dec. 1916 places the wheat yield for 1916 at 77,393,258 bushels, linseed 5,280,071 bushels, and oats at 33,610,157 bushels. Exports of linseed from 1 Jan. to 7 Dec. 1916 amounted to 619,210 tons, of which the United States took 209,337 tons. ' v,^ Another comparison was suggested to the writer in the course of studies he made in the province of Buenos Aires and in the Paraguay-Parana-La Plata regions between Asuncion and the city of Buenos Aires, namely, the comparison with the pastoral industry of Australia, that country which rivals Argentina in flocks and herds, as clearly appears from the fact that Australia at the close of 1904 possessed 65,822,918 sheep, 7,868,520 cattle, 1,595,256 horses, etc.; and, thanks to the characteristic Australian rapidity of increase, at the end of 1911 the number of sheep in the commonwealth was 93,003,521 ; of cattle 11,828,954 ; and of horses 2,279,027. In regard to this matter the writer was glad to avail himself of the testimony of those who have engaged in this indus- try on a large scale in both countries; and there seems to be no doubt that, tested by such practical experience, the conditions in southern and central Argentina are found to be unsurpassed. Unquestionably the main support, and a very substantial one, of Argentina's leadership in varied or mixed agriculture is her possession of good, fertile soils, in flat or nearly level areas of vast extent, grass-grown and not covered with forests that have to be cleared away, easy of access, lying open and ready for the plough in regions so temperate, as a rule, that agricultural work can proceed almost without interruption throughout the entire year and cattle can be kept always in the open and at pasture. Invasions of locusts occur and in the past have proved to be exceedingly destruc- tive; but preventive measures can in the long run so reduce the injury from this source that it will become a negligible quantity. 208 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Irrigation is required in many sections, though it is true that in the rich alluvial central basin of the valley of the Rio de la Plata the annual rainfall averages 30 inches; but it is demonstrable that irrigation constitutes a better and much safer reliance for the farmer than mere rainfall in every region not mountainous and not occupying an exceptional position with respect to permanent air and water currents. From Rio Negro to Misiones, in the sub- tropical northeast, and to Jujuy and Catamarca, in the Andean Northwest, soils of excellent quality and great or sufficient depth have been known, or cultivated successfully without knowledge, for many years ; and, as we have seen, we are at liberty to enter- tain a favorable opinion in regard to soils in the Argentine Pata- gonian Territories. Bibliography (General, supplemented by Bibliographies under Banking and Finance, History, Government, etc.). — Agricultural Argentina: prepared by the Bureau of Agricultural Statistics (Buenos Aires 1910) ; Ambrosetti, J. B., Exploraciones . Provincia de Salta (Buenos Aires 1907-08); Anuario Kraft: Gran Guia General (Buenos Aires 1915) ; Clemeneeau, G., Notes de Voyage dans V Amerique du Sud (Paris 1911) ; Gancedo, A. Jr., La Argentina, su Evolueion (Buenos Aires 1913) ; Hirst, W. A., A Guide to South America (New York 1915) ; Holland, W. J., To the River Plate and Back: the Narrative of a Scientific Mission (New York 1913) ; Huret, J., En Argentine (Paris 1913) ; Koebel, W. H., The South Americans (New York 1915) ; Larden, W., Argentine Plains and Andine Glaciers (New York and London 1911) ; Mills, G. J., Argentina : Physical Features, Natural Resources, etc. (London 1914) ; Moses, B., The Spanish Dependencies in South America (New York 1914) ; Pennington, A. S., The Argentine Republic (London and New York 1910) ; Kegel, F., i. e. Christian Fricdrich Leopold, Argentinien (Frankfurt a. M. 1914) ; Ross, E. A., South of Panama (New York 1915, pages 114-138 et passim) ; Schmidt, U., and Cabeza de Vaca, A. N., The Conquest of the River Plate 1535-1555 {hondon 1891) ; Schuster, A. N., Argentinien: Land, Volk, Wirtschaftsleben und Kolonisation (Miinchen 1913) ; Willis, B., The Physical Basis of the Argentine Nation (In Clark University Addresses, Worcester, Mass., Latin America, New York 1914). COMMERCE IN ARGENTINA By M^rriox WiLcax In the year 1915 Argentina's imports amounted to $218,951,000 and exports to $539,000,000, while in 1916 the value of imports M^as $211,310,688 and of exports $453,841,507. In 1914 the total foreign trade, exclusive of coin and bullion, was $602,439,880 (U. S- gold), that being the sum of imports to the value of $263,- 663,363 and exports, $338,776,517. More nearly normal was the ARGENTINA 209 year 1913, the last wholly normal year before the European War, in which, according to the official report of the statistical office, the total foreign trade of the Republic was $877,711,376 (U. S. gold, equivalent to 904,857,089 pesos), that being the sum of imports valued at $408,711,966 (421,352,542 pesos) and exports $468,999,410 (483,504,547 pesos). In 1913 the imports from Great Britain were valued at $126,959,989; from Germany, $69,172,279; from the United States, $60,171,867; from France, $36,933,537. To Great Britain in the same year the exports were, in value, $116,756,777 ; to Germany, $56,178,368; to France, $36,586,981; to the United States, $22,207,965. The chief imports are: Food products, tex- tiles and allied products, manufactured articles of iron and steel, railway supplies, agricultural implements, electric apparatus, glass and china ware, chemicals, building materials, manufactured articles of hides and skins, oils and beverages. The chief exports are products of agricultural and pastoral industry, of the forests and of the mines. During the decade 1904-1913, commercial progress on the part of Argentina, Uruguay, Chile and Brazil has been especially noteworthy; and we learn by consultation of the official data that the percentages of increase are as follows : Argen- tina, slightly more than 108 per cent increase; Uruguay, 104 per cent increase; Chile, slightly more than 94 per cent increase; Brazil, 54 per cent increase. Argentine exports (with values in gold dollars) in a single year preceding the outbreak of the war in Europe, are listed as follows: Live-stock, $8,770,045; meat, hides, wool, etc., $136,336,218; manufactured animal products, $18,124,419; by-products, $2,569,451; agricultural products (in the restricted sense, products of tillage or of the field and garden), including raw material, manufactured and by-products, $301,267- 094 ; woodland products, $10,617,985 ; products of the chase, $1,816,- 911; mineral products, $194,690; other products, $3,807,734. Of the cereals, Argentina exported 592,797 tons of oats in 1915, 74,899 tons of barley, 4,921 tons of rye, 4,330,594 tons of corn, 2,511,514 tons of wheat, and 116,049 tons of corn meal. The exports of frozen beef reached a record figure in 1916, while the exports of mutton were less than in any year in the last five-year period. The shipments of chilled and frozen beef in 1916 were 47 per cent more than in the last normal year, 1913. Argentine imports, value in gold dollars, during the same year were: Live-stock, $1,419,290; animal foods, $6,572,463; vege- table foods and fruits, $2,583,251 ; spices and condiments, $8,098,- 967; vegetables and cereals, $6,727,848; substances for infusions, 15 210 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA etc., $9,517,360; flour, macaroni, bread, etc., $1,434,066; tobacco and manufactures of, $7,038,055; wines, $9,866,310; spirits and liquors, $3,022,088; other drinks, $1,153,760; textiles, raw and manufactured, $89,560,214 (this includes silk, $7,080,063; wool, $16,751,832; cotton, $41,407,338, and sundries, $24,320,981) ; vege- table and mineral oils, $23,778,916 ; chemical, medicinal and phar- maceutical substances and products, $15,193,658 ; paints and dyes, $2,535,437 ; timber in bulk, $4,252,600 ; timber worked, $6,576,339 ; paper and pasteboard, $6,011,345; sundry paper manufactures, $3,890,640; leather and manufactures of, $4,610,560; iron (raw material), $24,149,251; iron and steel manufactures, $25,891,054; other metals unwrought or manufactured, $14,257,919; agricul- tural machinery, sacking, seeds, etc., $9,124,632 ; railway material, vehicles of all classes, etc., $37,223,336 ; stone, clay, glass, $36,577,- 913 (including raw material, $31,640,937, and manufactured, $4,936,994); building material, $35,775,580; electrical supplies, $10,110,088; sundry articles and manufactures, $14,399,584. The foreign trade of Argentina in 1916 amounted to 760,755,161 gold pesos ($733,748,324), of which imports represented 217,409,322 ])esos ($202,940,400) and exports 543,345,839 pesos ($524,057,350). This gives the country an apparent favorable balance of trade of 325,936,517 pesos ($314,365,752). Commerce with the United States In 1915 the exports from the United States to Argentina were valued at $53,912,544. The record of Argentina's commerce with the United States during 20 years (1895 to 1914 inclusive) shows a very marked preponderance of imports over exports, except in the first and last of those years. Thus, in 1895 Argentina imported from the United States goods valued at $6,419,519, and exported to the United States goods valued at $8,589,278 ; and in 1914 the figures were $35,585,913 for imports and $41,680,985 for exports. But in the years that intervened the balance of trade in favor of the United States was conspicuously large. The impor- tance of the Argentine market will be most readily appreciated when we ascertain, from a study of the records for the year 1913, that the value of merchandise exported from the United States to Argentina was nearly (within $7,430) as great as the value of merchandise exported from the United States to Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay and Ecuador combined; and that it was $12,543,939 greater than the sum of exports from the United States to Chile, Colombia, Peru, Venezuela, British Guiana, Bolivia, Dutch Guiana, French Guiana and the Falkland Islands. In brief, Argentina ARGENTINA 211 received 36.2 per cent of the total exports from the United States to South America. The principal articles thus supplied by the United States to Argentina were : iron and steel, raw material and manufactures of 33.4 per cent of total supplied by the United States to South America ; wood and manufactures, 62 per cent of total ; oils — animal, mineral and vegetable, 39.8 per cent of total ; agricultural implements, 82 per cent of total ; cars, carriages, other vehicles and parts of, 35.8 per cent of total ; leather and manufac- tures of, 42.5 per cent of total; fibres, vegetables, and manufac- tures of, 74 per cent of total; engines, locomotives and railway material, 21.1 per cent of total; aeroplanes, automobiles, bicycles, motor and other cycles, 38.5 per cent of total; chemicals, drugs, dyes and medicines, 36 per cent of total; naval stores, 36.4 per cent of total; paper and manufactures of, 44.6 per cent of total; other goods of minor importance, 14.9 per cent of total. Accord- ing to the Argentine commercial statistics of 1913 goods to the value of $22,135,215 from the United States were received duty free. It is necessary, however, to emphasize in this connection the fact that among the seven nations that lead in exports to Argen- tina, the United States took only a third position, surpassed by Great Britain and Germany and followed by France, Italy, Bel- gium and Spain, until there came the enormous increase (see Latin America — Commerce tvitli the United States) that charac- terized the years 1913-1917, inclusive. In 1916 the United States imported from Argentina articles valued at $100,000,000, approximately, and the value of exports from the United States to Argentina in 1916 was about $65,000,- 000. Consult Americas, The (New York, published monthly, 1914-17) ; Argentine International Tr/ide (Panama-Pacific Int. Exp., 1915, Buenos Aires, Dept. of Agriculture, 1914). MINING AND MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES By Marhion Wilcox Although it is true that gold, silver, and copper have been mined in a small way from early times, the mining industry in Argentina has not been developed to any great extent. It is often said that the main reason is the total lack of manual labor; that the mineral outcrops are found in the Andean region where labor is scarce ; that the mineral zone has an area of 48,000 square miles and is inhabited by only 20,000 people, living mostly in or near 212 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the town of San Rafael; and that a large area is altogether unpopulated. The means of communication (as stated in consular reports, etc.,) are insufficient, and on those lines that do exist a prohibitive freight is exacted. Writers mention districts ' ' reported to contain ' ' copper, petroleum, silver, iron, borax, sul- phur, gold and tin. But it is quite safe to say that districts which are with certainty known to contain such things in paying quanti- ties do not remain unpopulated or wholly unprovided with manual labor. Means of communication are provided readily enough in any part of the Republic that particularly requires and can make uncommonly good use of them ; in fact, the capitalists interested in Argentine railway development are especially alert. The con- clusion is that mines which are referred to in such terms are not of sufficient value to attract capital and labor for their develop- ment. But in Cordoba Province (which has a large population and railways) copper, silver, gold, marble and lime are found. Jujuy has mines of gold, silver, copper, mercury, borax, salt and asphalt. Other mining districts are those of the Province of Salta, which have kaolin, beside the minerals found in Jujuy. Similarly the provinces of Catamarca, Rioja, and San Juan have mineral products. Mining of marble and wolfram is the principal indus- try of San Luis; Chubut and Mendoza produce coal and petro- leum. In 1915 there were 15 petroleum wells; petroleum is exploited by the government and eight private companies ; gold is found in Tierra del Fuego, Santa Cruz and Chubut. (See Com- merce IN Argentina, p. 208.) Nearly all the important branches of human industry are rep- resented in the period of development that began after the year 1875. Manufacturing establishments at the present time produce standard varieties of food, clothing, building material, furniture, etc., to a limited extent ; but the Republic, agriculturally so power- ful, is both willing and able to continue to be a purchaser of such manufactured articles as can be produced more correctly and at less cost in the United States and in Europe. Naturally the prep- aration of products of agricultural and pastoral industries for domestic and foreign markets increases rapidly, favored by wholly exceptional conditions. Flour and sugar mills are in vigor- ous and profitable operation, and the dairies have increased remarkably. There are 525 creameries, 16 butter factories, 129 cheese factories, etc., a total of 1,259 establishments connected with dairies. During the last reported year over 35,()0(),()()() pounds of cream were produced, 20,000,000 pounds of butter, and 12,000,000 of cheese. The estimated value of these products was ARGENTINA 213 about $8,000,000. The production of sugar and wine tends to increase, the annual output now exceeding 230,000 tons of the former and 500,000,000 quarts of the latter. Tucumtin has 72 per cent of the registered sugar mills of the Republic. Mendoza is the centre of the wine district. Important also are the tanneries (about 200 in number), the manufactories of cigars and cigarettes, of furniture, etc. But it is a mistake to speak of Argentine manu- factures and mining as though they ranked with Argentine agri- culture. They do not; and their attainment of such rank in the near future is highly improbable. According to the last indus- trial census, there were 31,988 factories in Argentina, employing a total of 329,490 persons. The total capital was $727,591,135, and the output was valued at $1,227,549,196. According to an industrial census taken in 1914, Buenos Aires at that time had 437 shoe manufactories, which gave employ- ment to 9,970 workmen and consumed raw material valued at $8,460,418, of which $5,854,172 worth was domestic and $2,606,246 imported. The combined annual sales of these factories amounted to $16,448,514. It is estimated that the industry in Buenos Aires represents approximately 75 per cent of the total for the country. BANKING AND FINANCE IN ARGENTINA By M\rbiom Wilcox The first important operation of credit made by Argentina was a loan negotiated with Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., of London, in the year 1823, bearing interest at the rate of 6 per cent and 2i/j per cent amortization, issued at 90 per cent. Shortly after this operation, internal political troubles caused the suspension of interest; and not until many years after, during the administra- tion of President Mitre, did the Republic resume the service on its debt. Eventually the stockholders of the bonds received their full capital and interest in new bonds. During the years 1883 to >v 1885 many of the Argentine provinces issued loans in order to assist in establishing national banks under a special national law. A number of these provinces negotiated their loans in Europe, principally with French bankers. Unfortunately, owing to the crisis in 1890, the provinces suspended service of interest on these loans, the country suffering at the same time a great crisis; and although the national government, during the presidency of Dr. Pellegrini, who is remembered as an able statesman, endeavored 214 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA to continue the service in cash, it could not do so. At that time Dr. Victorino de la Plaza (subsequently President of the Repub- lic) transmitted to Buenos Aires sound financial views prevailing in London, and by his counsel the funding loan was issued to pay service in bonds instead of cash for five years. Before the expira- tion of that time the country renewed the normal service in cash of its entire debt. Soon afterward the National government decided, in the interest of the credit of the country, to make arrangements to assume the loans created by the provinces, giv- ing national bonds in exchange for the provincial bonds ; and thus the loans issued by the different provinces, as we have mentioned above, were withdrawn. The same thing was done with the rail- way guaranties, under national laws, given for the construction and equipment of lines. In consequence of the financial crisis of 1890, these guaranties were not punctually paid, and it was decided to treat this question in a radical way by computing the value of each guaranty and giving to the railway 4 per cent national bonds. Fifty million dollars assigned to this purpose are known as national railway bonds. The credit of the Argentine Republic, thus completely re-established, has been maintained dur- ing a long period without an interruption, notwithstanding the difficult moments experienced in the years 1914-1916 over all the world in consequence of the European War. It is but just and right to mention in this connection the able manner in which the President, Dr. de la Plaza, controlled the finances of the country. Aid Extended by British and American Bankers Nearly all the loans made by the Argentine Republic were issued under the auspices of Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., who have been the friends and bankers of the country from the begin- ning, and have won the respect and the sympathy of all the Argen- tine people. Many of the principal loans of the Republic were issued solely for the construction of railways, water and drainage, port-works, and other improvements, all of which belong to the National government and earn enough to pay the service. American bankers have had until quite recently little direct negotiation with Argentina. Messrs. J. S. Morgan & Co., of London, issued a loan jointly with Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., in 1886-87; again, but on this occasion unaided, issued the funding loan of 1890; and also organized and retained a large interest in one of the railway companies, the Argentine Great Western Rail- way, now known as the Pacific Railways. The only direct loan ARGENTINA 215 contracted with American bankers was one for $10,000,000 made by the Province of Buenos Aires in 1882 with Messrs. Morton, Bliss & Co., who took the whole amount. This loan, according to the statement in Don Pedro Agote 's book on finance, was the first Argentine loan issued at par, and was brought out in the London market. The same firm, afterwards the Morton Trust Co., now the Guaranty Trust Co., of New York, has maintained intelligent interest in and continued its friendly relations and financial con- nections with Argentina. Compare the memorandum on the finances of Argentina submitted by Dr. Samuel Hale Pearson, in Proceedmgs of the First Pan American Financial Conference (Washington 1915). Since the loan of 1882, the first financial operation of marked and conspicuous importance negotiated with the banks of the United States was an advance for a short period of $15,000,000 made in 1914 by the National City Bank of New York and its associates. Its sequel was the new issue made in 1915 by the same bank and its associates for a further amount of $25,000,000, the object of the second issue being the retirement of the first advance of $15,000,000; and it must be understood that the issue by the National City Bank and its associates was part of a loan of $50,- 000,000 of which Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., of London, issued the other half in London. With this loan for five years, a number of small advances have been retired. La Caja de Conversion was created by national law in the year 1896. Its duties have relation to the exchange of used notes for new; the receipts of gold and issuance of paper money for its legal value (Mf', gold, per dollar), or, vice versa, the conversion of paper into gold at the same rate; the exclusive control of the printing and issuing of the currency of the country, etc. When the Caja de Conversion was created the circulation of currency in the Republic was about $300,000,000, but to-day it is about $600,000,000; the gold value is about $425,000,000, and against this there is in the vault nearly $300,000,000, or about 70 per cent of the notes issued. (Report of Financial Conference at Washington — see Bibliography). Development of Arg-entine Banking And now a few words in regard to the Argentine banking system. During the early years of the independence of the coun- try a number of banks were established, although the old Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires, founded in the year 1802, continued 216 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA to lead them all. This was a bank of issue, having fiscal privi- leges, and became a very powerful institution. It was, indeed, the pioneer and founder of the wealth of the country, its useful prac- tice being to loan its money at low interest, with a 5 per cent amortization each three months, to the farmers and owners of land, enabling them to improve and develop the ranches. By such means did the principal land owners of Argentina make their for- tunes. This bank had close relations with Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., and became very powerful, having large credits in London and controlling the exchange market for many years ; nevertheless the financial and political crisis of 1890 caused its suspension, and years passed before it was reorganized with a capital of $30,- 000,000. To-day it is half-owned by the Province of Buenos Aires and half by private shareholders. In the year 1873 a group of* wealthy citizens organized a national bank, the government contributing half of the capital, and for many years this was a powerful institution, helping the development of Argentine indus- tries, such as the sugar in Tucuman, the wine industry in the prov- inces of Mendoza and San Juan, and agriculture in the province of Santa Fe. This institution also experienced financial difficul- ties in the crisis of the year 1890. During Dr. Pellegrini's admin- istration, in the year 1891, the Banco de la Nacion Argentina was created, with a capital of $50,000,000 currency (this bank taking over the liquidation of the Banco Nacional). It is an entirely official bank, and one of the articles of its '' law of creation " con- tains the provision that all the net profits are to be applied to the increase of its capital. To-day that capital has reached the sum of $128,000,000 paper, equivalent to over $60,000,000, currency of the United States, and the bank has besides a reserve fund of $14,500,000 in gold. The management does not sustain such rela- tions of dependence upon the national government as the circum- stances that the directors are named by the President of the Republic, and their nominations require confirmation by the national Senate, would seem to indicate. It has over 150 branches in Argentina and is constantly increasing the number, following the growth of the nation. It has no agencies abroad, although its financial relations with the principal banks and bankers of the world are being increased every year, and it now has very friendly relations with some of the principal banks of the United States. Its deposits have reached over $300,000,000 gold, and during the universal financial difficulties of 1915 it helped the commerce and industry of the Republic, which would otherwise have suffered more severely from the restriction of credits caused by the war. ARGENTINA 217 Beside the Bank of the Nation and the banks of the Province of Buenos Aires to which we have referred, there are several pri- vate banks, formed solely with Argentine capital, which are very prosperous institutions and have been created as the requirements of the country demanded, such as the Banco Espaiiol and Banco de Italia del Rio de la Plata, whose combined capital is over $80,000,000 (gold). There are also several foreign banks which have aided materially in the development of the trade of the coun- try. One of the first of these was the Bank of Maua (now liqui- dated), established in Buenos Aires and Montevideo about IS&S. The very important London and River Plate Bank was founded in the year 1862. Since that date the following have been estab- lished: The London and Brazilian Bank, The British Bank, Anglo- South American Bank, two German and several other banks, including Italian, Spanish and Dutch, with a total capital of about $300,000,000. The most recently established is the agency of the National City Bank of New York. The National Mortgage Bank is strictly a governmental insti- tution managed by a board of directors appointed by the Presi- dent of the Republic and confirmed by the Senate. This bank issues national cedulas (real estate mortgage bonds). The trans- action must not in amount exceed 50 per cent of the value of the lands. Loans are limited to $250,000 to any one person. These cedulas bear either 5 or 6 per cent interest, and, because this bank is a national institution, have the guaranty of the Argentine Republic. Some of the first issues were of 7 per cent, but all have 1 per cent amortization. They were principally held in Belgium, having been one of the favorite investments of the Belgian public. The total amount of cedulas issued is in the neighborhood of $200,000,000. Argentine finances suffered from a crisis that began in 1913 and went on with increasing stress until the end of 1914 and the early months of 1915, when conditions began to improve. The European War was, of course, a tremendous shock, which further unsettled the financial structure of the country, but which offered some compensating advantages in the form of increased demand and higher prices for the food products which Argentina was so abundantly able to supply. The situation in 1915 improved rap- idly, and in 1916 decidedly favorable tendencies prevailed. The national finances, collection of customs, stamp taxes, dis- bursements, and the service of the public debt are entrusted to the Department of Finance; and the conversion office (Caja de Con- version) is charged, with the maintenance, as we have said above, 218 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of the proper relation between gold and paper money, besides having in its care the national archives, the bureau of statistics, the national chemical office (established to enforce the national pure food law), the custom-houses, ports, and all banks. The basis of the monetary system of Argentina is the gold standard. The unit is a gold peso, divided into 100 centavos, weighing 1.6129 grammes of gold .900 fine, or, say, 1.4516 grammes fine gold. Its par value, expressed in terms of United States currency, is $0.96475. The parity of $1.00 United States cur- rency in terms of Argentine gold pesos is $1.0365. The actual cur- rency of Argentina is government notes, to which a value of 44 per cent of the gold peso has been assigned by the government. This parity of 44 per cent is maintained through the medium of a con- version fund which exchanges gold for paper, and vice versa, on the basis of $44 gold for $100 paper, or $227.27 paper for $100 gold. Therefore, since the value of the paper peso is fixed by govern- mental decree and is maintained through the conversion fund, the paper peso represents 0.6387 grammes of fine gold, and its parity expressed in terms of United States currency is $0.4245. The parity of $1 United States currency in terms of Argentine paper pesos is $2.35576 curso ler/al (paper currency). Bills of exchange on foreign countries are quoted in both paper and gold, but usually they are quoted in gold. When Buenos Aires quotes New York exchange on the basis of paper currency, the quotation represents the equivalent in United States currency of $1 paper peso. Thus, 42.50 means that $0.4250 United States currency is the equivalent of $1 peso, paper. When Buenos Aires quotes New York exchange on the basis of the gold peso, the quotation is expressed in gold pesos; thus, " New York sight $1.0375 " means that $1.0375 Argentine gold pesos equal $1 United States currency. Compare Latin American Monetary Systems and Mod- ern Foreign Exchange (see Bibliography). The trade balance in favor of Argentina in 1915 was note- worthy : 331,000,000 Argentine gold pesos. Failures in the Repub- lic during the recent period of financial crisis are summarized as follows: Year 1912, assets $95,000,000 and liabilities $82,000,000; Year 1913, assets $200,000,000 and liabilities $173,000,000; Year 1914, assets $603,800,000 and liabilities $422,800,000; Year 1915, assets $233,500,000 and liabilities $178,000,000. These figures, supplied to us by the courtesy of the National City Bank of New York, clearly demonstrate both the stress and the recovery men- tioned above. The budgets at hand give us: Total estimated ordinary revenue for the year 1913, $342,292,894.54 curso legal; ARGENTINA 219 and for the year 1914, $361,773,132. The new budget, signed 22 Feb. 1917, appropriates the same amount as in 1916, namely, 381,- 000,000 paper pesos ($161,772,600). The latter proved to be excessive. The income for custom houses and port services during 1916 amounted to $118,587,979, against $108,929,011 for 1915, and $133,352,488 for 1914. The total debt of the Republic, 31 Dec. 1911 was $526,540,088 gold; at the end of 1912 it was $532,398,699 gold; on 31 Dec. 1913 it amounted to $544,820,000 gold; and on 31 Dec. 1914 it was $545,023,470 gold. We must add to the total for 1913 about $100,000,000 gold in order to approximate the amount of the public debt in 1915 and 1916. Bibliography Americas, The (New York 1914 et seq.), published monthly and giving reliable information; Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monetary Systems and Exchange Conditions (New York 1915); Financial Conference, Proceedings of the First Pan American (Washington 1915) ; Funes, G., Ensayo de la Historia Civil ,de Buenos Aires (Buenos Aires 1856) ; Gonzales, V., Modern Foreign Exchange (New York 1914) ; Lough, W. H., Financial Developments in South American Countries (Washington 1915). See also Bibliographies under Agri- culture, History, Government, etc. TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION By Marrion Wilcox Shipping We shall first consider the shipping at the ports of the river system (La Plata, Parana, etc.) ; and the magnitude of British trading interests in Argentina is one of the facts that will claim our attention immediately. The preponderating share of the United Kingdom in the sea-borne commerce of the Parana-La Plata river system, as the South American Year Book suggests, may be summed up in a single sentence : the number and tonnage of Brit- ish shipping in Argentine waters exceeds that of all the other nations put together. So important is the sea-carrying trade of the British flag, and so keen has become the competition of foreign shipping, that even so slight a fall in the relative position of British shipping as i/^ per cent before the European War began was commented upon by British writers as a not altogether 220 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA propitious sign. Taking the shipping of all the ports of the river Plata as a whole, the tonnage of the vessels owned by British sub- jects represented in 1912 no less than 3,557,700 tons, or 6O14 per cent of the total shipping, but compared with 1911 there was a falling-off of 97,000 tons to be recorded. In the year last men- tioned the British tonnage attained 3,654,700 tons, or 61 per cent of the tonnage of all nations. Germany took the second place with 661,400 tons, followed by Italy with 426,500 tons, and France with 400,000 tons. Germany and France were credited with an increase Docks and Elevators at Buenos Aires, AiytjtU;iia (Courtesy of the Pan American Union) of 16,300 and 46,990 tons respectively ; the Italian flag showing the considerable decrease of 140,300 tons, as a result of the utilization of liners as transports. Under the Argentine flag we find 78 steam vessels with 43,001 tons, and 9 sailing vessels with 7,052 tons. At the Atlantic port of Bahia Blanca, during the normal period before August 1914, the number and tonnage of British vessels nearly doubled in the short space of a single year. Prac- tically all the important shipments here were made in British ves- sels, notwithstanding the efforts of Germany to secure a footing in this trade. Rapid travel has become a necessity in Argentina as elsewhere. Competition between the various steamship com- panies for fast services between Argentine ports and Europe has become keener than ever. The efforts of the government to foster the Argentine coast- ing trade have accomplished, unfortunately, very little. As for ARGENTINA 221 river communication, some progress is now being made and the communications with Paraguay by the Parana River are grad- ually improving. There is a service of rather light-draft steamers from Buenos Aires as far as Asuncion, while transit by water between the capital and Rosario, to which port on the Parana River ocean-going steamships ascend, is beginning to compete advantageously with the railways. From a handbook prepared by the Pan American Union {Argentine Republic, Washington, D. C, 1916) we quote as follows: "Austrian, Belgian, Brazilian, British, Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Spanish and Swedish steamers arrive and depart regularly from the ports of Argentina to all quarters of the earth. There are 50 lines with « agencies in Buenos Aires. Regular passenger service is main- tained to the various ports of Europe and steamers leave or arrive several times a week. To New York, while there are not so many steamers, opportunity is offered at least once in a fortnight for the traveler to take a direct steamer." Argentine official statistics show that since the year 1900 the total tonnage (entrances and clearings to and from ports of the Argentine Republic) have increased 124.2 per cent. In March 1917 a regular line of cargo steamers was inaugurated between Japan and Argentina and Brazil. This line calls at Vladivostok, Chinese ports, Singapore, Durban and Cape Town. Railway, Postal and Telegraph Services Argentine railways have at least one characteristic which dis- tinguishes them from those of the other South American countries ; each is part of a system designed to promote the development of the entire Republic. For a number of years practically all imports were sent to Buenos Aires, and thence forwarded to the centres of consump- tion. That made necessary the joining of Buenos Aires with all the interior districts by a number of radiating main lines. These help to develop the agricultural districts they influence, which in turn give them a large amount of traffic. Secondary lines are then interconnected and the points where such lines cross the original lines become in turn new centres. Subsequently, radiating lines were constructed from other important places also, such as Bahia Blanca, Rosario and Santa Fe, the shipping facilities of these foci being increased to accommodate the growing traffic. The result is seen in the present logically developed system which is uncom- monly efficient and capable of almost indefinite expansion. Up to the beginning of the year 1 914 there had been constructed and, 222 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA as a rule, very well equipped, 20,502 miles of railways. Of these, 6,226 miles were of narrow gauge; 1,611 miles of standard gauge and 12,967 miles of broad gauge. Private corporations owned 17,351 miles, while 3,454 miles belonged to the State. The railway system was extended 391 miles during the year 1913. In 1915 there were open 22,688 miles of railways, of which 4,136 miles belong to the State. This railway expansion places Argentina in the ninth position, with respect to length of railways, among the countries of the world; more extensive systems exist only in the United States, Germany, Russia, France, India, Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Canada. '^ The nation has realized," says the Argentine Handbook, " that to have a population to develop the rich soil of the country, the railway must go in advance of settlement. Surveys have therefore been encouraged and actual construction has been hastened into regions practically unvisited by man until then." A phase of the railway develop- ment during 1913 was the practical completion of the line west- ward from the Port of San Antonio, in Rio Negro Territory, to Lake Nauhal Huape ; the plan being to extend this road into Chile through the neighboring Cordillera. The Southern Railway also has continued construction from Neuquen toward the Andes, and the intention is to cross into Chile not far from Valivia. The provinces of Buenos Aires, Santa Fe and Cordoba excel in the development of their railway systems ; but each large political subdivision, except Los Andes and Tierra del Fuego, has at least some line built or building. The government by its plan of exten- sion has carried its own lines into Jujuy, and thus to the Bolivian frontier, where connection is to be established with La Paz. Of international interest also was the inauguration and operation (1913) of a through passenger and freight service between Buenos Aires and Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay. A law passed by the Argentine Congress in 1915 provides for the collection of a pension fund for railway employees. In 1912 a law was passed providing for the canalization of the Upper Uruguay; the work will be carried out jointly by Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay. A ferry boat service will also be established between Paraguay and Argentina at Posadas and Encarnacion. The so-called Mitre law, which went into effect 1 April 1908, is of great importance to investors in Argentine railways. Article 8 of that law states, with regard to railways : The materials and articles for construction and operation which are imported into the country shall be exempt from import taxes, and this exemption shall be effective until 1 Jan. 1947. ARGENTINA 223 The company shall pay, during the same period, regardless of the date of its concession, a single contribution [tax] equivalent to 3 per cent of the net earnings of its lines, being exempted during same period from all other national, provincial, or municipal taxes. In 1906 the national Supreme Court decided that this law exempted the railway companies from the payment of any tax except the 3 per cent of their net earning, the net earnings being assumed to be 40 per cent of the gross earnings ; but it has recently revised its decision, and the municipalities are now attempting to compel the railway companies to pay several years' back taxes for paving, lighting, etc. Some of the railway companies are paying the municipal taxes under protest. The principal railway com- panies operating in the Republic have asked Congress to pass a resolution enjoining the municipalities and provinces from collect- ing these taxes, and it is expected that the present Congress will decide definitely what interpretation is to be placed on the law. The 3 per cent tax is expended on improvement to highways leading to the stations of the railway paying the tax. The organization of posts and telegraphs was established 1 by law in 1878. Argentina is a member of the Universal Postal \ Union, and the parcel-post convention with the United States was \ signed in September 1915. The mails receive systematic attention, ( and delivery is made to every place in the country. The number ' of permanent employees is about 13,500 and about 1,250,000,000 I pieces are carried annually by railways, steamers, stage-coaches, and mounted messengers. In May 1913, there were 43,202 miles of telegraph, with about 2,600 telegraph offices, employing more than \ 10,000 persons in the service. The revenue of the Postal Depart- ment was $4,967,910 for 1914-15. The government owns about one-half of the telegraph system and the provinces of Buenos Aires and Entre Rios have lines. Cable service between Argentina and other countries is chiefly in the hands of private companies. By agreement with Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay, the charges to those countries are the same as the Argentine inland rates. Argentina was the -first of South American states to adopt wireless telegraphy. There are 12 stations for wireless telegraphy. All j ships with a crew of over 50 and touching at Argentine ports are ( compelled by law to be provided with wireless equipment. Consult Killik, S. H. M., Manual of Argentine Railways; Pan American Union, Argentine Republic (Washington 1916) ; Mar- tinez, A. B., Baedeker of the Argentine Republic (4th ed.. New York and London 1916). See Bibliographies under Agric;ulture IN Argentina, etc. 224 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA ARMY AND NAVY Military service is compulsory to all Argentine citizens for the nominal term of 25 years, between the ages of 20 and 45. By means of an annual drawing of lots conscripts of 20 years of age are designated to serve for one year (Army) or two years (Navy). Conscripts who can not read and w^rite are taught during the term of military service. Those joining the Army are also given instruction in agriculture. After the conscription ser- vice the citizens do not receive military training although they belong to the Active Army (first 10 years), then make up the National Guard (following 10 years), and lastly the Territorial Guard (remaining five years). There is also provision for soldiers enlisting under contract for citizens serving as a punishment for breach of the Military Law, and for voluntarily enlisted musicians. The total establishment of the standing army was about 22,000 in 1916. The compulsory service was created in 1901 and since that time nearly 200,000 men have been trained. All officers in the Army are graduates from the Military School at San Martin. POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND CITIES The Argentine Republic consists of 14 Pi"ovinces, 10 Tenitories and a Federal District. These, with their areas and populations, capitals and populations, are as follows : PROVINCES Area (in square miles) Population Capital Population Buenos Aires (Federal District) 72 117,777 50,713 66,912 29,241 33,535 29,035 55,385 10,422 56,502 37,865 37,839 36,800 48,302 14>8^ 11,511 41,402 52,741 56,320 40,530 79,805 93,427 109,142 8,299 34,740 1,594,170 2,155,118 922,406 598,545 423,100 365,434 126,895 247,004 348,582 296,553 130,412 104,550 112,995 161,150 73,062 1,594,170 Buenos Aires La Plata 106,382 Santa F6 Santa F6 . . 40,000 C6rdoba 95,000 Entre Rios 65,000 Corrientes 30,000 San Luis 25,000 Santiago del Estero 12,000 Tucumdn 79,000 Mendoza 60,000 San Juan 18,000 La Rioja 12,000 Catamarca 15.000 Salta Salta 38,000 Jujuy 10,000 Territories Misiones 52,603 27,902 49,500 98,841 30,085 37,302 25,143 8,6,30 2,420 2,552 8,000 Formosa Chaco Pampa Central Rio Negro Chubut Santa Cruz Tierra del Fuego Total 1,153,119 7,979,259 ARGENTINA 225 Buenos Aires The capital of Argentina is situated on the south shore of the Rio de la Plata, 150 miles from the Atlantic, and 125 miles west of Montevideo. The river here is 30 miles wide, and the city is not more than 25 feet above sea level. It is the largest city in South America and, after Paris, the largest city of the Latin races in the world. It is coextensive with the Federal District (72.8 square miles), has considerably more than one-sixth of all the people of Argentina, and is the centre of the conmiercial, political, social, and industrial life of the Republici/f Over 80 per cent of the country's imports and 57 per cent of the exports pass through it. The temperature is moderate, ranging between 79° and 55° F. The tremendous amount of business transacted annually, the large number of iinmigrants of all nationalities coming to it, the up-to-date improvenients, land the general air of progress and business activity make it distinctly cosmopolitan rather than Latin American in character. The older streets of the city are narrow and on many downtown business streets traffic is allowed to go in only one direction. In recent years traffic congestion has become so pronounced as to be a serious problem, and in order to relieve it an underground tube has been constructed for some of the street car lines. In general, the streets cross each other at right angles, and are cut by avenues and boulevards, some of which are 100 feet in width. The streets are well paved with asphalt, wooden blocks, granite blocks, and macadam. There are 60 or 70 plazas and parks and considerable attention is given to this feature of the city's growth. One of the most noticeable features of the city is its extensive street car service, the tracks running on almost every street and intersecting each other at the street corners. The service is good and the fare is low. Over 355,000,000 passengers are carried annually and the receipts are about $15,000,000. The total length of tracks is about 450 miles. There are six terminal stations of railroads connecting the city with the north, south, and west. Numerous steamers ply between it and Montevideo and to towns along the Parana and Uruguay rivers and affluents for a distance of 2,250 miles to the borders of western Brazil. Buenos Aires is connected with foreign countries by cable and has an extensive telephone and telegraph system. It is the terminal port of 12 transatlantic steamship lines. / The city's only natural harbor is the mouth of a small river, the Riachuelo, but only light craft drawing 18 feet or less can make use of it. The principal harbor has been constructed at enormous expense. It consists of two basins and four docks, with a water area of 788,000 square yards, and with customs warehouses capable of holding some 400,000 tons. Four new docks, with a water depth of 33 feet, and with accommodations for 5,000,000 tons of shipping annually, are in course of construction at a cost of $23,750,000. These docks will connect at the water's edge with the railway terminals. There are 33 warehouses with a capacity of^ 1,100,000 tons, and having a frontage of over 3 miles on the wharves. There are over 200 hydraulic cranes, numerous elevators, capstans, swingbridges, etc., and a floating crane of 35 tons. There are over 60 miles of railroad tracks adjacent to the port. Modern grain elevators have been installed with a capacity of 300,000 tons. The live-stock wharf can accommodate 50,000 sheep and 2,000 cattle. The Central Produce Market is one of the largest warehouse buildings in the world. It covers an area of over 150,000 square yards, has 72 cranes and elevators, 44 hydraulic presses, and a capacity for 200,000 tons of wool, hides and other products of the cattle raising industry. Buenos Aires is also the principal industrial centre of the Republic. There are 11,400 factories in operation. These have a combined capital 16 226 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of over $ijO0,000,000 and 150,000 enij^loyees. The principal products of these establishments are machinery, carriages, furniture, flour, shoes, agricultural imple- ments, leather, tobacco, hats, textiles, canned fruits and vegetables, glass, and liquors. Buenos Aires is 5,220 miles from London and 4,370 miles from New York. The imports at Buenos Aires in 1915 v.ere $181,514,180 and the exports $223,312,256. It is thus the second port in America (New York being the first) and the 11th in the world. The entries of forei^ vessels in 1915 numbered 4,104, of 9,986,400 tons. Home traffic entries amounted to 23,600 vessels of 5,780,000 tons. The principal articles of export are wool, sheep and cattle products; grain, and live-stock. Most of the imports from the United States to Argentina enter through the port of Buenos Aires. Tlie import trade from the United States in 1915 amounted to $45,180,000 gold, or more than a third of the total export from the United States to South American ports, which was $124,500,000 in the same year. During the first nine months of 1916 the movement of cars over the rail- ways of the port ^totaled 259,392 goods vans, carrying 2,372,816 tons of cai^o, and 1,584 cattle cars. These figures include cargo brought to Buenos Aires for embarka- tion or for storage in elevators, that discharged or imported, and that in transit to other lines. The figures are divided as follows : Coming into the port, 1,613,914 metric tons; leaving the port, 363,663 tons; in transit, 395,239 tons. The popula- tion is estimated at 1,594,170. According to the 1909 census the population of the city included 670,513 Argentines, 277,041 Italians, 174,291 Spaniards, 25,751 French, 7,113 English, and 7,444 Germans. Of the 28,632 trading firms 4,713 were Argentine, 10,875 Italian, 6,318 Spanish, 747 English, and 756 German. North Americ&ns operate 44 connnercial establishments with a joint capital of $1,125,000 gold and seven industrial establishments with a capital of $322,000 gold. Buenos Aires is the official residence of the Ambassador of the United States accredited to Argentina and the seat of a consul general of the United States. Bahla Blanca I Bahia Blanca is a port of rapidly growing importance, ranking next to Rosario in volume of over-sea trade. It is situated in the Province of Buenos Aires 534 miles down the coast from the capital, has one of the best harbors in this section of the coast with 28 feet of water and is connected with the interior by four tracks of two great railway systems. It affords a convenient outlet for a lai"ge section of pro- ductive country. There are two grain elevators here with a capacity of 26,000 tons and facilities for quick loading. The city has three ports, and with dry docks, fortifications, etc., is the home of the Argentine Navy. The leading articles of its export trade are wool and grain. About 365,000 tons of wheat, 66,000 tons of wool, 9,000 bales of sheepskins, and 18,000 tons of frozen meat are shipped annually at this port. It is the seat of a United States consular agent. Rosario This city, the second in commercial importance in Argentina, is situated in the Province of Santa Fe, 214 miles by river and 175 miles by rail northwest of Buenos Aires. It stands on a high bluff on the bank of the Parana River, has wide streets, with electric street car service and electric lights. It is entered by five railroads and is substantially built. Rosario is the principal port and outlet for the products of the northern provinces of the Republic. It is also important as an importing port for the same region and its river commerce is considerable. Ocean steamships have access to its wharves. There are numerous grain elevators. The principal articles of export are wheat, hides and other agricultural and cattle ARGENTINA 227 products, metals and ores. Its exports in 1913 were valued at $87,857,417 and the imports at $35,997,341. It contains eight up-to-date shoe factories, with good light- ing and ventilation and modern American power equipment. There are also meat- packing establishments, sawmills, breweries, tanneries, sugar mills, soap, candle and grease factories, brick, tile and cement works, tailoring and dressmaking establish- ments, tobacco and cigar manufactories, foundries, paper and cardboard factories. Rosario is the second city in size in the Republic with a population of 180,000. Cordoba This flourishing city, the capital ot the province of the same name, is situated on the Rio Primero, a tributary of the Parana. It is 246 miles by rail northwest of Rosario and 535 from Buenos Aires. It is situated at an elevation of about 1,200 feet, is regularly laid out and well-built. It contains many notable buildings including the National Observatory, Irrigation is practised in the surrounding district and the city is an important commercial centre. Calcite beds are worked nearby and there are manufactures of building nuiterial, lime, bricks and flour. Live-stock, hides and wool are exported. A dam has been built across the Rio l*rimero about 12 miles above the city ; this gives the city a good water supply and furnishes irrigation and power for an electric plant. The University of Cordoba is the most ancient in the Republic. Tucuman or San Miguel de Tucuman The capital of the province of Tucuman is situated on the Sali, 720 miles north- west of Buenos Aires, with whidi it is connected by rail. It is well built but the streets are narrow. Its importance as a commercial centre is increasing in pro- portion to the development of the region it serves. Gold, silver and copper are exported in small quantities, but agricultural products are the chief articles of trade. The city is the seat of a university. Mendoza Mendoza, the capital of the province of the same name, is situated at the eastern base of the Andes, 647 miles west of Buenos Aires. Here connection is made with a narrow-gauge Chilean line, which, passing through the trans-Andine tunnel, gives a coast-to-coast railway connection between Buenos Aires and Valparaiso, Chile, a distance of 888 miles. The city is well built and has an electric street railway and an agricultural institute. It is the principal trade centre between Chile and Argentina. La Plata This city is the capital of the province of Buenos Aires since 1882, when Buenos Aires was constituted a Federal District. Being built according to a matured plan and at great expenditure of money, it is one of the most beautiful cities in the country. It is located on the river Plata, 30 miles southeast of Buenos Aires, with which it is connected by electric and steam railways. It contains a fine museum, an observatory. Government House, treasury, library, and various theatres, churches, etc., has electric street cars, and is lighted by gas and electricity. It is becoming more and more prominent as a shipping port, as the harbor is a good one, being 1,450 yards long, 150 yards wide, and over 20 feet deep. The port is actually five miles north of La Plata and is called Ensenada. La Plata is a centre for the meat trade, and to this fact is to be ascribed in great part its increasing importance as a port of export. There are several factories. BOLIVIA By Marrion Wilcox TOPOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE BOLIVIA, bo-lev'ya, an inland republic of South America, is bounded on the north and east by Brazil, northwest by Peru, southwest by Chile, south by Argentina and Paraguay. It extends from north to south between lat. 10° 20' S. and 22° 50' S. and from east to west between Ion. 57° 47' 40" W. (Compare treaty with Brazil 17 Nov. 1903) and about 72° W. According to Bolivian claims, asserted in 1916, the limits should be stated as follows: Ion. 57° 29' 40" W. and 69° 33' 35" W., and, on the eastern side, lat. 9° 34' 50" to 25° 13' S. and, on the western side, lat. 10° 56' 40" S. to 25° 00' 05" S. Area, exclusive of contested claims, estimated at 560,000 square miles; but, including the Bolivian claims, it is officially stated to be 597,460 or 708,195 square miles. The principal centres of population are now, and apparently, have always been, located in the mountainous region of the west- ern half of the country. The eastern districts, stretching away from the slopes of the Cordillera far into the torrid interior of the continent, are but sparsely settled. Running southeast through the departments of La Paz, Cochabamba, and Potosi is the princi- pal range of the Andes Mountains, called the Cordillera Real. Here are the rich mineral districts of Bolivia : the Cerro Rico de Potosi alone has produced up to the present time about $2,000,- 000,000 worth of silver. Here are some of the highest mountains of America and one of the greatest continuous snow-ranges in the world, having an average altitude of 20,000 feet, with the superb peaks of Illimani, Sorata, and lUampu lifted two or three thousand [228] BOLIVIA 229 feet still higher above their gigantic associates. (Consult Con- way, W. M., The Bolivian Andes, New York and London 1901.) The western range of the Andes continues in a line parallel with the Pacific coast, rejoining the Cordillera Real near Bolivia's southern boundary. Between these two ranges are the high plains, 12,000 to 13,000 feet, and Lake Titicaca, 12,488 feet, above the sea- level. This great sheet of water, 120 miles long, and from 30 to 50 miles wide, has an average depth of 100 fathoms. Lying south- east of Lake Titicaca are the two most famous cities of the republic, La Paz and Sucre. Three lines of railway connect the former, and the principal cities of the high plateaux, with the Pacific ports Mollendo, Arica, and Antofagasta. The many different altitudes in Bolivia make it possible for the settler to choose his own climate. The tropical lowlands are practically the only section at all unhealthful. Residents of the upper plateau regions who are unaccustomed to such high alti- tudes are in the habit of spending a part of each year on the coast. In the region 10,000 to 13,000 feet above sea level the temperature averages about r)0°F. ; between 2,000 and 9,000 feet altitude 63°F., and 74°F. in eastern plains and lowlands near the headwaters of the Amazon. In the valleys known as Yungas, and in the regions of the plains and forests of the north and northeast, the cold of winter is unknown. This, roughly speak- ing, is true of the entire east- ern region which is divided into watersheds — that of the Amazon basin and that of the Rio de la Plata-Parana-Para- guay river-system. In the lat- ter are the Pilcomayo, the Bermejo, etc. ; in the former the Beni, the Guapore or Itinez, and the Mamore — three great rivers forming, in the main, the Rio Madeira. Really, there are only two seasons in these parts: the summer, or rainy season, last- ing from December to May, and the winter, or dry season, lasting from June to Novem- """^"'ttn^T^Zr^T "' ber. But on the high table-land The Plaza San Francisco, La Paz, Bolivia 230 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA one finds four seasons — spring, which begins in August and ends in October, and is characterized by gales of| wind with moderate temperature; summer (November-February), at first dry and hot but in the second period rainy ; autumn, the season of gentle heat, and here a brief season, extending over the month of March and April only; winter, including the months of May, June, and July, the season of low temperatures, icy winds, and snow. In these highlands, as at equal altitudes in other parts of the world, a trav- eller must make preparation, by physical training, to resist the attack of soroche (the local name for mountain-sickness), caused by the diminution of oxygen in the air. The subject of soroche, inasmuch as it must be considered in connection with travel in at least five of the South American Republics, is discussed in the article Latin America. HISTORY OF BOLIVIA The country was formed in 1825 from the province of Upper Peru, and named in honor of the South American Liberator, Simon Bolivar. Partly within Peruvian and partly within Boli- vian territory are the waters of Lake Titicaca, on the shores of which we find monuments of semi-civilization antedating the Inca conquest by more than 1,000, perhaps even several thousand, years. From the earliest times, therefore, Peru and Bolivia must have been united. The Incas of Cuzco overran this district in the 14th century, and 200 years afterward Hernando Pizarro added it to the conquest his brother had made at the heart of the Inca empire. Lender the Spaniards, then, it was known as the district or terri- tory of the high court of Charcasj and remained subject to the viceroy of Peru until 1776, when it became a province of the new viceroyalty of Buenos Aires. Before the coming of Pizarro the Sierra supplied a large part of the gold used for the decoration of the temples and palaces of the Incas; after the Spanish con- quest the natives were driven to work, to contiime or increase the output of precious metals for the benefit of masters whose ruth- less severity was conspicuous even in that age. There is no entirely trustworthy record of the numbers of those who perished in the mines, but w^e know that a large Indian population was reduced to its present proportions in the course of two centuries. Taxation was oppressive; provincial governors became monopo- lists, from whom the natives were obliged to purchase their sup- BOLIVIA 231 plies ; here, as elsewhere in America, colonists were forbidden to raise any crops or manufacture any articles which could interfere with the industries of the mother country. Commerce was so strictly limited to Spain that even neighboring colonies were for- bidden to have commercial dealings with one another. Toward the end of the 18th century the resentment of the Indians was expressed in several insurrections (1780-82) ; early in the 19th the provinces of Rio de la Plata and Peru aided the Bolivians in their struggle for independence (July 1809 to August 1825). Gen. Santa Cruz was in command of the expeditions from Lima which failed to drive out the Spanish troops in 1823. But in the follow- ing year General Sucre, marching from the same country at the head of an army encouraged by the victory of Ayacucho, was favored by a rising of patriots in all the principal towns. By February 1825 La Paz was in the power of the revolutionists, and in March the Spaniards lost their only remaining stronghold, the province of Potosi. Deputies from the various provinces met at the capital, and before the dissolution of this Assembly (6 Oct. 1825) independence was declared. The Constitution adopted then (subsequently modi- fied in important respects) was prepared by General Bolivar, and in accordance with the views entertained by the great Liberator at this period in his career, when he was master of Colombia and Peru as well, it vested the supreme authority in a president chosen for life. The first incumbent was General Sucre, who accepted the presidency for the space of two years only, and took the further precaution to retain 2,000 Colombian soldiers for his protection. In 1827 he and his Colombians were actually expelled from the country. Since 1827 Bolivia has had 70 presidents or dictators. In 1828 Santa Cruz came into power and was confronted with a revo- lution the following year. In 1835, interposing in a quarrel of political factions in Peru, he defeated Gamarra, and named him- self Protector of that country. Chile refusing to consent to the proposed union of her neighbors, three years of fighting ensued. Santa Cruz was defeated and exiled in 1839, but his party in Bolivia kept up the agitation and finally conferred the presidency upon General Ballivian. Meanwhile Gamarra, who had become President of Peru, tried to annex the department of La Paz. He lost his life in this attempt, and then the Bolivians in their turn would have invaded Peru if Chile had not again intervened. Bal- livian surrendered his thankless task in 1848. The next President, Belzu, was borne into office on the crest of a wave of revolution; 232 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA by a revolutionary storm liis successor, Cordova, was driven from office and from the land. Linares made himself Dictator in 1858, and was deposed in 1861. President Acha, his successor, fell from power when his forces were defeated in battle by his political antagonist, Melgarejo (February 1865). The latter may be char- acterized as a revolutionist until 1865 ; President from that time until 1869; Dictator from 1869 to 1871. Morales, elected in the year last mentioned, Avas succeeded in 1873 by President Ballivian, who died before a twelvemonth had passed. Frias, next to take office, was deposed two years later by the troops, who proclaimed General Daza President. In 1879-1883 Bolivia and Peru were at war with Chile, and the defeat of the allies stripped from the weakest of the contestants her only possessions on the Pacific. Bolivia became a landlocked country. The national anger vented itself first upon the President whom the army had lifted up, and who now fled to escape assassi- nation. But Campero, whom Congress chose to carry on the war, and who personally led the Bolivian troops in the field, was wholly unable to oppose Chile's demands alone, and Peru was an ally without power to aid. Bolivia saw herself obliged to acquiesce in an arrangement which some of her leaders hopefully regarded as provisional and temporary. Her bit of coast line and most of the coveted nitrate of soda deposits in the districts of Cobija and TarapacR, — territory aggregating 70,181 square miles, with about 6,000 inhabitants, — passed into Chile's keeping. (For an account of the War of the Pacific, see Chile: Peru.) Coinci dentally, the failure in 1879-80, after years of effort, to secure the opening of a commercial outlet for Bolivian products to the Atlantic through the Amazon River and its great tributary, the Madeira, was a severe blow. The American contractors for the Madeira and Mamore Railway of Bolivia and Brazil were deprived of the funds necessary to the prosecution of the enter- prise by the withdrawal of the loan that had been placed in Eng- land in 1872 for the purpose of constructing this much-needed road. The undertaking was, nevertheless, brought to a successful conclusion 35 years afterward. (See below : Railways, and Brazil, — Transportation. ) The Constitution of 28 Oct. 1880 vested the legislative power in a Senate and House of Representatives, and the executive powder in a president elected for four years by direct universal suffrage. But little or no improvement in the political situation was observed. President Campero was succeeded by Gregorio Pacheco, and then came Aniceto Arce (1 Aug. 1888). It was BOLIVIA 233 necessary to declare a state of siege in all parts of the republic in the summer of 1890. Attempts were made to overthrow the government, and a number of political leaders were arrested. The election of a successor to President Arce took place 3 May 1892. Violent collisions between the rival factions again compelled the authorities to proclaim a state of siege — which was continued even after the inauguration of the new president, Baptista, on 6 August. Indian revolts also occurred in this year, originating in both the north and the south, and spreading rapidly through the entire country. The barbarous practices of the Indians were, as is usual in this most repulsive species of warfare, matched by the repressive measures of the Bolivian troops. Chile furnished arms and money to uphold the Baptista gov- ernment; and the dependence of the country without sea coast upon the country all sea coast for a while was painfully evident. Bolivia had been placed in a position such that any one of her three powerful neighbors, — Chile, Argentina, or Brazil, — could win her allegiance by conferring substantial favors, or even by a display of international courtesy. Following Chile's diplomatic overtures, Argentina undertook to open up a way to the sea bj^ a new railroad connecting the Sierra with her river system. Brazil's attitude remained in doubt, until the treaty of 17 Nov. 1903 showed that Acre, competing with Brazil in the production of rubber, was demanded as the price of any concession of a right of way. When Fernandez Alonzo was elected to the presidency in 1896 his opponents protested that the government had tampered with the returns in such a way as to change the expression of the people's will under the constitutional guaranty of universal suf- frage, and an uprising was successful in 1899. The revolutionists, under Col. Jose Manuel Pando, defeated the government forces in a pitched battle; President Alonzo fled over the Andes into Chile, and reorganization of the government was effected, with Seiior Pando at its head. It is a pleasure to record the new orien- tation of domestic politics beginning at that time. The Pando, Villazon, and Monies administrations have devoted themselves to the solution of economic problems, keeping the best interests of the country steadily in view and endeavoring with marked success to stabilize the national policy. Bolivia and Chile signed, in 1904, a treaty of amity that replaced the peace treaty dating from 1884 and removed in large measure Bolivia's fiscal and eco- nomic dependence upon Peru and Chile. The able French writer, M. P. Walle, says that when President Villazon «irae into power 234 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the country was still suffering from the effects of a long economic crisis, the scarcity of capital being such that the most insignificant transactions were often paralyzed. It was then that Seiior Vil- lazon conceived the idea of attracting European capital for the purpose of establishing a great bank, and thereby stimulating the industrial and commercial life of the country. The loan of $7,5(X),000, which was concluded in ] 910 under the auspices of the Credit Mobilier Fran^ais, made it possible to found the Bank of the Bolivian Nation, The results obtained are encouraging: in 1915 and 1916 the bank proved to be a source of strength for the vigorous Montes administration. GOVERNMENT The Constitution adopted 28 Oct. 1880 provides for a govern- ment embracing President, two Vice-Presidents, cabinet of six ministers, Senate, and Chamber of Deputies. The President and Vice-Presidents are elected for four years by popular vote. They are not eligible for reelection for the term immediately following. All unmarried males over 22, and married men over 18, who can read and write and own real estate, or have annual income of $40, are entitled to vote. The cabinet is appointed by the Presi- dent. The Senate consists of 16 members (two from each Depart- ment) elected for six years, one-third retiring every two years. There are 75 members in the Chamber of Deputies, elected for four years, one-half retiring every two years. The Senate and Chamber meet annually for 60 days, or, when public business requires, for 90 days. During the sessions, senators and deputies receive $200 each month. The army, trained by European officers, numbers (active and first reserve) about 52,500 men. EDUCATION AND RELIGION Education is state-aided, compulsory, and gratuitous. Schools are under the control of municipalities, except those, relatively few, which the church controls. There are universities at La Paz and Sucre; in the former city, the military academy; American institutes, under American professors, at La Paz and Cocha- bamba ; a mining and engineering school at Oruro. In 1913 there were 900 elementary schools with 3,960 teachers and 58,865 pupils. BOLIVIA 235 For secondary instruction there were 21 colleges, 5 clerical insti- tutions, and 5 private lyceos, with 180 teachers and 2,598 pupils. For superior education there are 19 establishments with 78 profes- sors and 1,291 students. According to the Constitution, only the Roman Catholic Church is recognized by the State, but in practice toleration is extended to other forms of worship. INDUSTRIES AND COMMERCE Agriculture Bolivia produces and contains in the depths of its soil all the natural products of the world. Wheat, meat, fuel, building material, metals for the industries, gold and silver all are pro- duced within its borders. The climate is such that several crops a year nuiy be obtained with little effort. The country has a varied Hora and fauna. The alimentary plants include wheat, corn, beans, manioc, bananas, potatoes, barley, rice, olives, almonds, peanuts, cocoa, coffee, nutmeg, besides rubber and cotton. Peru- vian bark, palm, cacao, bamboo and vegetable ivory are also plenti- ful. Balsam, vanilla, copal, tobacco, sugar, and sarsaparilla are produced in considerable quantities. The forest growths include, acacias, myrtles, mahogany, rosewood, vegetable silk tree, Spanish cedar, ligimmvitae, ebon}', and other woods suitable for various industries. At the Panama-Pacific Exposition of 1915 Bolivia exhibited more than 1,000 different varieties of woods. The views of the Government of Bolivia on agriculture, as expressed by the Minister of Finance in a formal communication to the Financial Conference held in 1915 at Washington, are these : *' It may readily be acknowledged that our agriculture is still in an embryonic state, and that it is being carried on with no other object in view than that of obtaining from nature what she will give readily. This applies not only to foodstuffs and cattle-breed- ing, but also to the production of rubber by a system that abso- lutely requires reorganization, with a view to establishing planta- tions that will in future be capable of competing against the scien- tifically devised East Indian rubber plantations. The field of arts and manufactures still remains virgin soil. The country may be said to be devoid of manufacturing enterprises in any of the manifold and profitable lines." The distinguished Government Delegate to that conference, Senor Ballivian, writes that all 236 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Bolivia's energies have been employed in establishing a '' com- plete railway net of communication and developing her mineral resources. The agricultural products have been insufficient to meet the demand of her domestic consumption." He adds: ^' Bolivia and Brazil produce the best quality of rubber obtained from the trees of the Hevea or Syphonia Elastica known in the market as Para rubber. But, owing to the foresight and persever- ing endeavors of the English Government to acclimatize those trees in their Asiatic dominions, plantations have spread all through the Orient, causing deadly competition in spite of the superior quality of the South American product. Nevertheless it would be wise for capitalists to undertake similar well organized plantations in the habitat of the rubber tree in Bolivia and Brazil where lands can be easily acquired as well as estates where already exist fully matured rubber trees ready for immediate exploitation. In Bolivia there are new opportunities and inducements for such plantations on account of the recent installation of the railway built with American capital in connection, at Porto Velho, with ocean steamers of 4,000 tons, during four months and of 2,000 tons all the year round." It is true that the vegetation is poor and sickly on the lofty table-lands, but in the valleys which run from the sides of the eastern Cordillera into El Beni, Santa Cruz, Gran Cliaco and the National Territory, it is rich and varied, comprising rubber, quinine, and other valuable products. The vast eastern plains will be the source of abundant agricultural products when the rivers of the Amazon basin and of the Rio de la Plata water- shed can be fully utilized for transportation to the Atlantic. Cacao and coffee are cultivated in the Departments of La Paz and Cochabamba, while other valuable vegetable products are pro- duced in El Beni and Santa Cruz. Coca, from the leaves of which the alkaloid of cocaine is produced, is one of the most valuable products of Bolivia. A large area of the Republic is well suited to the cultivation of wheat, but this crop has been studied but little. The government has imported wheat of superior quality from the United States and Argentina for ihe purpose of supplying a high grade of seed to home growers. Cattle, sheep, and llamas are abundant, and the government maintains a veterinary institute and agricultural school. '■is' Mining Tin and copper are the two minerals most advantageously produced, according to an authoritative Bolivian statement in 1915; and the output of tin, given as 45,000 tons of ore of 60 per BOLIVIA 237 cent grade, showed that Bolivia ranked next to the Straits Settle- ments as a source of this metal. It is proper to mention here the high quality of Bolivian copper-ore, and to note the recent dis- covery of petroleum fields of great extent in the southern regions of the Eepublic. But still more recent information (April 1916) calls attention to other ores with special emphasis. Heavy exportation is reported not only of tin but also of tungsten ores, which have been found in large quantities in various districts of Bolivia. Tungsten ores averaging 70 per cent sold in La Paz for 600 bolivianos ($233.58 at normal exchange) per quintal of 100 pounds; and vanadium and molybdenum are added to the list of mineral assets. In the Monofjrafia de la Industria Minera, which President Villazon caused to be published, there were registered, besides enormous tracts of argentiferous deposits, tin mines num- bering 126; copper, 42; gold, 72; wolfram, 16; and bismuth, 3. There are, indeed, some establishments already equipped with modern machinery; but it is thought that, to some extent, the future prosperity of Bolivia depends upon the granting, to capitalists of the United States or of other countries, of really ample facilities for smelting (especially the tin ores) near the mines. The better plan may be, however, to establish smelters in the United States, and to import the ores or concentrates. Oruro is the centre of the mining industry. Lack of water power and inadequate transportation facilities are the chief factors hindering development on a larger scale. Many mines send their products to the nearest railway by llamas, which carry but 100 pounds and can be successfully handled only by Indians. A few mines have hydro-electric plants. Oil fields near Santa Cruz are being worked at a profit by the Sociedad Petrolifera de Bolivia, a corporation controlled largely by Chilean capital. Consult Pan American Union, Bolivia (Washington 1916), the BoUiviun Memorial and Walle's Bolivia (see Bibliography). Commerce Exports from the United States to Bolivia were valued at $960,189 in 1915, as compared with $805,876 in 1914, and with $962,459 in 1913. A review of Bolivia's foreign commerce as a whole in 1915, published 2 March 1916, shows that the imports were less than one-half of those of 1914, while the exports of 1915 were nearly one-third more in value than the 1914 exports. The favorable trade balance is noteworthy, the value of imports in 1915 having been only $7,676,162, although exports in the same 238 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA year were valued at $33,017,691. The imports of cotton goods average in value about $1,000,000 a year. Tin is the largest item of export. The following table shows the superiority in the value of exports of tin, copper, antimony, bismuth, rubber, silver, and wolfram in the year 1915 : Articles Antimony Bismuth . . Copper. . . Rubber . . . Silver . . . . Tin Wolfram . , 1915 Metric tons Value 13,085 568 17,872 5,488 77 39,312 499 $4,216,050 1,071,125 3,820,821 4,521,032 1,092,647 19,268,862 293,462 1914 Metric tons 186 437 3,874 4,485 72 37,259 276 [Value $11,909 924,649 921,059 3,221,063 984,686 16,524,656 166,608 Careful study of the development of imports and exports during the 10 years immediately preceding the one last mentioned proves the growth in the volume of foreign trade to have been during that decade equal to an increase of 301 per cent. It is interesting to observe that the increase in the national revenues during the same decade was 230 per cent. Valuable information in regard to foreign commerce will be round in Exporting to Latin America, by E. B. Pilsinger (New York 1916), and Proceedings of the First Pan American Financial Conference (Washington 1915). BANKING AND FINANCE The principal banks are: Banco de la Nacion Boliviana (already mentioned). Banco Mercantil, Banco Nacional de Bolivia, and the Banco Francisco Argandoiia. A gold reserve of 40 per cent is required by law. Under an act recently passed relating to the organization of the Bank of the Bolivian Nation, above mentioned, the said bank has been granted the exclusive right to issue notes, the Nacional de Bolivia, Mercantil, and F'rancisco Argandoiia banks having been deprived of such right, and directed to redeem the notes issued by them within five terms of six months each, beginning 1 Jan. 1913. The only foreign bank established in Bolivia is the Banco Aleman Transatlantico — the German bank. The annual dividends declared by the banks vary between 10 and BOLIVIA 239 20 per cent. Four institutions doing business in the country con- fine their operations to loans on real estate, against which they issue mortgage bonds. They are : Credito Hipotecario de Bolivia, Banco Hipotecario Nacional, Banco Hipotecario Garantizador de Valores, and the Banco Hipotecario Mercantil. All banks are compelled by law to issue half-yearly statements of their profit and loss. The three principal banks, at the close of 1916 showed profits for the six months preceding as follows: Banco de la Nacion, $520,025; Banco Nacional, $116,607, and the Banco Argandofia, $44,860. Under a law passed by the Bolivian Congress on 27 Oct. 1916, the banks of Bolivia advanced to the Government the sum of jt:96,500 sterling ($469,600), the amount advanced by each bank being in proportion to its authorized capital. The purpose of this loan was to assist the Government to meet its internal obligations, and especially to meet the interest due on its foreign debt. The amount was to be refunded to the banks not later than 31 Dec. 1916. The 31st having been a holiday, the 4 Jan. 1917 was the first day upon which payment could be made to the banks. On that day the National Treasury of Bolivia transferred to the credit of the banks the sum of 1,206,250 bolivianos, which was the full amount due. The amounts advanced by the four banks participating in the loan were: Banco de la Nacion Boliviana, £45,800 ($222,875); Banco Mercantil, £22,500 ($109,500); Banco Naciopal, £18,800 ($91,475); Banco Argandoiia, £9,400 ($45,750). According to a memorial of the Minister of Finance, the pub- lic debt of Bolivia on 30 June 1916, totaled 53,211,355 bolivianos ($20,715,180 at exchange of $0.3893)— 36,340,595 bolivianos ($14,- 147,395) as external debt and 16,870,760 bolivianos ($6,567,785) as internal debt. The foreign debt is made up of the following items : Morgan loan, existing balance, 5,124,929 bolivianos ($1,995,- 135) ; French loan of 1910, existing balance, 17,486,750 bolivianos ($6,807,590); French loan of 1913, existing balance, 12,117,250 bolivianos ($4,717,245) ; value of warrants issued in favor of the J)an]v. IS of the 1910 loan, 337,500 bolivianos ($131,390) ; National City Bank loan, 1,274,166 bolivianos ($496,035). Referring to this last-named obligation, the Minister of Finance gives account of the important operation effected by the Government, which, taking advantage of the high rate of inter- national exchange, transferred the National City Bank debt to the Banco de la Nacion Boliviana. On 1 June 1916, the latter institu- tion paid the balance due the former, 1,390,000 bolivianos ($541,- 125), and the Government is therefore under obligation to pay the 240 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Banco de la Nacion the monthly sum of 115,833 bolivianos ($45,095) in currency. The internal debt on 30 June 1916 comprised the following items : Compensacion Militar Acre y Pacifico, balance of bonds in circulation, 1,902,200 bolivianos ($740,525) ; Acre indemnity, 177,600 bolivianos ($69,140) ; internal debt, 1,419,100 bolivianos ($552,455); 1914 bonds, 9,788,000 bolivianos ($3,810,470); gold banking loan, 1,206,250 bolivianos ($469,590) ; Banco de la Nacion, Koening Bros., and other obligations, 1,050,000 bolivianos ($408,- 765) ; Banco de la Nacion, advances on customs warrants, 1,327,- 610 bolivianos ($516,840). The National budget for 1915 estimated the receipts at 16,985,000 bolivianos (say, $6,607,165) and the expenditures at 21,453,938 bolivianos (say, $8,345,271.88). Bolivia is ranked among the gold-standard countries, although no gold has as yet been actually coined. To the theoretical monetary unit, the boliviano, are assigned 100 centavos representing 0.63904 grammes of gold .91666 fine, or say .58579 grammes of fine gold (B12.50 to the £ sterling). Its par value in terms of currency of the United States is $0.3893, and the value therefore of $1.00 U. S. currency, expressed in terms of Bolivian currency, is Bs 2.5685. The normal rate of exchange in Bolivia for 90-day drafts on London fluctuates around ISi/^d. per boliviano. This rate declined after 1 Aug. 1915 to 14%d. per boliviano, with remittances scarce and difficult to procure even on that basis. The quotations in Bolivia for exchange on New" York are more or less nominal, even under normal conditions, and vary from Bs 2.60 to Bs 2.80 per $1.00 currency of the United States. (Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monetary Systems and Exchange Conditions, New York 1915). In May 1915, the rate for New York sight draft was quoted at Bs 3.30 = $1.00 currency of the United States. RAILWAYS, POST AND TELEGRAPH A plan of railway construction has been adopted, the funda- mental object of which is to facilitate traffic toward both the Atlan- tic and the Pacific by means of branch lines radiating from the principal railway system, the Antofagasta-Oruro-La\ Paz Railway. (We mentioned above the lines from Mollendo and Arica). One of the branch lines, running to Rio Mulato aid Potosi, has been inaugurated. The Oruro-Cochabamba branch is BOLIVIA 241 designed to furnish an outlet for a department in which the soil is most fertile and the climate commendable. The activity of the Bolivian Government at the present time in the construction of railways, the establishment of automobile routes, and the building of new trails leading into the vast agricultural regions of Eastern Bolivia is a subject of much favorable comment both in Bolivia and other South American countries. The present Govern- ment of Bolivia is deeply impressed with the fact that upon the solution of the problem of labor supply must depend the future progress of the mining industry of Bolivia. The labor supply of Bolivia is limited by the fact that the conditions of life are extremely difficult in the regions where the mining centres are located, due to the high altitude of these regions and to the aridity which characterizes the highlands of Bolivia. The purpose of the Government at present is to afford easy communication with the lowlands of Eastern Bolivia, and thus make available a constant and dependable supply of food to the highlands in which the mines are located. The Atocha-Tupiza section of the Uyuni-Tupiza Railway is all that remains to be constructed of the line which eventually will connect La Paz with Buenos Aires, and it is of primary impor- tance in the development of commercial, political, and social soli- darity between these two countries. It is believed that this route will attract a great deal of the business which is at present enjoyed by the Transandine Railway connecting Buenos Aires with San- tiago, the Bolivian route having the advantage of being open throughout the year. A South American periodical says that the saving in time by the Bolivian route in comparison with the Transandine route would be two or three days during the summer months, that is, from September to March or April ; but in winter, when the Trans- andine road is closed, and mails must go by way of the Strait of Magellan, the saving in time would be about 10 days. It is also believed that this through Bolivian route will become an important rival of the Panama Canal, since it will offer quicker and more direct transportation from Europe to the west coast of South America. The completion of the Madeira-Mamore Railway prom- ises to be even more important than the other achievements we have just mentioned, for this line affords an outlet to the Atlantic by way of the Madeira and Amazon rivers, for the forest products of an enormous region. ,^ 17 242 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Bolivia forms a part of the Universal Postal Union. All the large towns are served. In the interior the mail is carried by postilions. Capitals of Departments and some of the rural centres of population are united by telegraph and have telephone service. There are 317 post offices with 732 officials. In 1914, 5,215,501 pieces of postal matter were handled. The extent of telegraph lines, both public and private is 4,259 miles, operated by 216 officers. Wireless telegraph stations are authorized at La Paz, Riberalta or Villa Bella, Cobija, Trinidad, Santa Cruz, Puerto Suarez, and Gran Chaco. Bibliography Adams, A. A., The Plateau Peoples of South Anwrica: an essay in ethnic psychology (London 1915); Americas, The (published monthly, New York 1914r-17) ; Balliyian, A., Bolivia: Memorial from the Gov't-Delegate, Pan American Financial Conference (conclusion dated New York 1915) ; Bandelier, A. F., The Islands of Titicaca and Koati (New York 1910) ; Bolivia and the Opening of the Panama Canal (New York 1912); Brazil and Bolivia Boundary Settlement (New York 1904) ; Bulnes, G., Guerra del Pacifico (Valparaiso 1912-14) ; Fiore, P., Remarks on the Arbitral Sentence Pronounced by the President, etc. (New York 1910) ; Medina, E. Diez de, Bolivia — Besumen (La Paz 1914) ; [Monetary System] : Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monetary Systems and Exchange Conditions (New York 1915), and Gonzales, V., Modern Foreign Exchange (New York 1914); [Travel and Description] : d' Orbigny, A., Fragments d' un voyage au centre de I' Amerique Meridionale (Paris 1845) ; Peixotto, E., Pacific Shores from Panama (New York 1913) ; Post, C. J., Across the Andes (New York 1912) ; AValle, P.— charge de missions, du Ministre du Commerce — La Bolivie et ses Mines (Paris 1913). Other titles are given in the body of the article. POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND CITIES The Republic of Bolivia has now eight Departments, and three national Ten-i- lories. They are as follows: DEPARTMENT Population Capital Population La Paz 517,316 366,395 395,738 210,000 240,720 102,887 160,000 35,816 La Paz 82,000 Cochabamba 45.000 Potosi 25,092 22,002 25,088 Tarija Tarija 8,. 376 25,000 El Beni . Trinidad 15,152 Puerto Sudrez Total 2,028,872 BOLIVIA 243 La Paz This, the most important city of Bolivia, lies in a depression of the Bolivian liighlands at an elevation of about 12,000 feet. It is well-built, and contains many notable buildings. There is a modern electric street-ear line, equipped with American rolling stock. The city has seven daily newspapers, breweries, distilleries, candle factories, spinning and weaving mills, a brick works, a national match fac- tory with a monopoly for making matches for the whole country, and several good banks. Automobiles are now in evidence, modern dwellings are being erected, and many civic improvements have been installed. Of the population about 30 per Street-vendors in La Paz, Bolivia cent are Indians, who perform most of the manual labor, and do most of the carrying as there are few or no vehicles in the city. The water supply is good, but sanitary conditions are not of the best. While Sucre is the legal capital of the country, the headquarters of the Government for many years have been at La Paz. La Paz is connected by rail with the ports of Arica and Antofagasta on the Pacific coast. The line to Arica is 264 miles long, that to Antofagasta is 711 miles. Another route to the Pacific is by rail to Guaqui (59 miles) on Lake Titicaea; from Guaqui 2,000-ton steamers cross the lake to Puno, Peru, the trip taking 12 hours, thence by rail to the port of Mollendo. The whole distance to the coast by this route is 533 miles and is covered going down in about 30 hours. All three ports are regular ports of call of the steamers between Panama and Valparaiso. Mollendo is the terminal port of the Peruvian Steamship Company, the steamers of which can be taken from Panama. Sucre Sucre, the legal capital of Bolivia, is situated in the south, about 300 miles south- east of La Paz, and 120 miles from Coehabamba. It contains a university, several theatres and numerous and fine public buildings, is the seat of the supreme court and of an archbishop. It is 9,300 feet above sea level. Its industries are mining and agriculture. The city as yet has no rail connection with the other cities of the 244 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Republic. An automobile service for passenjjers and freight is in operation between Sucre and Potosi, a distance of about 150 miles. A railway between these cities will soon be constructed under orders of the government. Other Cities Other important cities of Bolivia are : Cochabamba, located in a fine and fertile valley, about 8,000 feet above sea level. It is well laid out and has manufactories of cotton and woolen goods, leather, soap, and earthenware. There is a considerable trade in grain, as the surrounding region is the granary of Bolivia. A railway is being constructed connecting it with Oruro, and electric trolley lines connect it with the more important neighboring towns. Oruro, the centre of the mining district is also the railway centre of Bolivia. The richest tin deposits are about 30 miles to the south. A school of mines is located here. It has electric lights and a street railway system, and there are numei'ous industrial establishments, including a large boot factory. It is a bare and windy city. PoTOSt is famous for its silver mines since early Spanish days. One of its principal buildings is the government mint. It is one of the highest cities in the world, being 13,600 feet above sea level. Many of the mines have been abandoned and a large part of the city is in ruins. However, railways and modern mining machinery are restoring its lost prestige. Infant mortality is so great, because of the altitude, that the population can only be kept up by immigration. Tupiza and Tarija, to the south, and Santa Cruz, to the east, have a mild and pleasant climate. The last named city has an ice factory, tanning mills, and boot and shoe factories, saddlery and blanket factories. There are also cigarette factories, distilleries, saw, flour, and sugar mills. There is an active trade with the Indians of the plains. Cotton and sugar cane are infant industries here, but capable of extensive development. By Marrion Wilcox TOPOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE BRAZIL (Estados-LTiiidos do Brazil, the name, sigiiifyhig at first the land of red dye-wood, derived through the Portu- guese hraza, burning coal), a republic bordering upon all of the South American countries except Chile, and bounded on the east, northeast and southeast by the Atlantic Ocean. It is nearly three times as extensive as any other Latin American country, and its natural resources are very great; but one lesson of the crisis in 1916 was that, even more than its neighbors, Brazil requires, for the development of these resources on an adequate scale, both immigration and new industrial enterprises. The cen- tral fact concerning the vast equatorial and Amazonian regions is that their rank vegetation defies the efforts of casual settlers, and nothing less than a teeming population could properly subdue them to human uses. The country extends between lat. 4° 22' N. and 33° 45' S. and long. 34° 40' and 73° 15' W. and the total area, according to the most recent computation, is 3,292,000 square miles; and this includes the largest compact body of fertile and habitable territory that yet remains unimproved, and even, in part, unexplored. Nearly the entire population of the republic is still found on a comparatively narrow strip of land extending southward along the Atlantic coast from Para, below^ the mouth of the Amazon, to the line of Uruguay, or on the banks of the Amazon aiid its chief northern and southern affluents. In other words, the white people have clung to the fringe of the continent which their ancestors took possession of in the 16th century in [245] 246 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the fashion we shall presently describe; and (except on the south- eastern plateau and along the main water-courses) no civilizing conquest and occupation of the interior, such as occurred in North America, have been eifectively undertaken. The two largest Brazilian states have less than one inhabitant per square mile. (See Population). Mr. Denis, in a recent book (see Bibliography), after caution- ing the reader that great stretches of territory in Brazil are still hardly known and that the total area of the country is 15 times as great as that of Prance, succeeds in giving a description of general physi- cal features which is vivid and, within the confessed limitations, really excellent. We should first picture to ourselves a vast table-land of irregular structure, behind the seaboard of the South Atlantic, running from Cape S. Roque to the neighborhood of the Rio de la Plata, and covering the eastern half of the Republic. Beyond this, proceeding toward the inte- rior across immense plains of sandy soil, we reach the central depression of South America : toward the north [from a low, and very ancient, nearly effaced continental divide or watershed] extends the basin of the Amazon, and toward the south that of the Parana. In the north the Amazon basin belongs to Brazil; in the south the Paraufi and Paraguay rivers are Brazilian only in their upper reaches. South Brazil is limited to the belt of table-land; and thus we note that, while in the north the Amazon, both at its mouths and along the greater part of its basin, is a Brazilian river, to the south Brazil does not even reach the Rio de la Plata, the common estuary of the Uruguay, the Parana, and the Para- guay. The high plains of the interior have never been of economic importance ; the valley of the Amazon has been developed only of late years to a very slight extent, and its population is as yet small. It is therefore the table-land of the AtUmtic seaboard, from Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson, N. Y. President's Palace, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil BRAZIL 247 Ceara to Uruguay, that constitutes the soil of historic Brazil. Through its length of 1,800 to 2,200 miles this table-land presents the greatest variety of aspect and has no hydrographic unity. Its height is greater in the south, where it reaches 3,200 feet ; and this general slope from south to north is revealed by the course of the Sao Francisco. In Brazil the name Borburema is employed to denote the northern portion of the plateau. The dry season there is long : the Borburema gives a scant supply of water to the small seaboard rivers that flow fan-wise into the Atlantic — the plateau in that region sloping gently to the ocean. In southern Brazil, on the contrary, the seaward face of the plateau is a huge bank 2,500 to 3,000 feet in height, separating a narrow strip of coast from the inland regions. This long bank or watershed, the Serra do Mar and Serra Geral, is a barrier which, for a great distance below Sao Paulo, no river pierces : the streams which rise upon its landward side, almost within sight of the Atlantic Ocean, cross the whole width of the plateau before they join the Parana or the Uruguay. Thus the Serra do Mar is not properly a moun- tain range, although from the ocean it has the appearance of one. Beyond the serra is Minas, a confused mass of mountain groups amon^ which it is no easy matter to trace one 's way, either on the map or on the trail itself. The Mantequeira, a colossal backbone of granite, crosses southern Minas. We find the plateau trans- formed, so to speak, when we pass the Sao Paulo frontier: there is no more granite, and the landscape grows tamer. Primitive measures of gneiss and granite, out of which the Serra do Mar is carved, are hidden under a bed of sedimentary rocks. The topography of the country changes with the geologic structure. The outcrops of sandstone which one crosses in traveling west- ward cut the table-land into successive flats. Irregular ranges turn their abrupter slopes toward the east; and these cliffs of sandstone, obviously not mountain-chains, not serras, are locally known as the serrinhas. In Santa Catharina and Rio Grande do Sul great eruptions of basaltic rocks cover a portion of the plateau; the basalt has even reached the seaboard, and south of the island on which Desterro, or Florianopolis, is built, it overlies the granite of the Serra do Mar. The southern flank of the plateau overlooking the prairies of Rio Grande, where the Pampas of Argentina and Uruguay commence, are also basaltic. The various regions of Brazil owe their peculiar character above all to the vegetation, as Mr. Denis says; and he mentions the concentration of the forests in two regions — the Amazon Valley and a long strip of seaboard on the Atlantic coast, from 248 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Espirito Santo southward, where the Serra do Mar, '* receiving the humidity of the ocean winds upon its dripping flanks, produces far to the south the conditions which have made the Amazonian basin the home of the equatorial forest. ' ' The same splendid and impenetrable growth is found everywhere on the slopes of the serra for a distance of 1,200 miles: " It encircles and embraces Rio, seeming to refuse it room for growth." Even far inland, or at a distance west of the coast ridge, the basins of the Rio Doce and the Parahyba, as well as the southern and western parts of Minas Geraes, are afforested. Also in Sao Paulo and Parana (the states) forests are found beyond the serra; and on the plateau they alternate with prairies. Beyond the agricultural regions, as we advance toward the interior w^e enter a region without house or trail, the so-called Sertao. In his ancient but ever delightful Neiv Discovery {Nuevo Descuhrimiento: see BihliograpJiy) Acuna wrote that the climate on the Amazon itself and in all the adjacent country is tem- perate: to such an extent that there is no heat to prove dis- agreeable, no tiresome cold {ni frio que fatigue), nor variations in temperature, to molest one. This favorable characterization of course does not apply to districts in which the mitigating effects of the trade winds are less apparent. It is also neces- sary to remember that, although the whole interior of Brazil has only steady heat, with a very slight range in temperature throughout the year, there are well-defined dry and rainy seasons. Mr. Denis writes: ''At the first rains, which fall in September or October, the wearied vegetation abruptly awakens. Then comes the time of plenty, when earth affords the herds of cattle an abundant pasturage. March brings back the drought to the scorching soil." The vast regions in w^hich the dry and rainy seasons hold sway extend toward the south somewhat beyond the Tropic of Capricorn ; but as we proceed from that line still farther southward the variations of the temperature become more marked. In Brazil's southernmost state frosts occur from June to Septem- ber; and here one notes the re-establishment of winter, as the word is understood in North America and Europe, although of course our warmest months of summer become the moderately cold months of winter on the plains so far below the equator. The ocean side of the serra has no alternation of seasons whatever, for all the months of the year are alike : there are no strictly cool or cold or dry periods. It is proper to revert now, after having noted climatic differ- entiations in the south and the serra, to the much larger and more A. 13 C I> E 10 10 16 1 V I ^> '*-v SOUTH a:m:ebica (NORTHERN PART) . 8CAJ.E 0F MILES ^ 1' ^ ' I I I I ^1 60 100 200 300 400 500 Bailroads :=r::=^^ ' Sabmarine Cables [lanue ^aoies Size of type indicates relative importance of places Principal water routes B«iiimond*B 8 x 11 Uap of South America (Northern Part) I _Co;)yl tihtJ) j C.S.Uammond fc C o ..y.T. "= -A- 80 85 B 75 c to D 65 LOngitudiB 111 Wi Scoenuucli JB BRAZIL 249 characteristic equatorial region. Observing the action of the trade winds on the temperature of the Amazon Valley, Mozans (see Bibliography) writes: ''Although our course w^as almost directly under the equator the thermometer rarely rose above 75° F. One entry in my diary, made near Tabatinga, reads as follows: ' Temperature at 7 a.m. 68° F. ; at 10 a.m. 67° F. — cool enough for a light overcoat.' Another entry, made near Obidos, reads : ' Very cool all day. Temperature from 68° F. in the morn- ing to 66° F. in the afternoon.' Still another observation at 6 o'clock in the evening, on board our steamer in mid-river, gives the remarkably low temperature of 62° F. at Pani, which is some- times supposed to be a place where one gasps in a fierce, uninter- mitting, intolerable heat. The maximum heat encountered at the chief towns between Iquitos and Para is never so high as it often is in New York and Chicago, notwithstanding the difference in latitude of nearly 3,000 miles. ' ' Entries in the diary of the author of this article give, for various points in equatorial Brazil, a some- what higher range of temperatures, with a maximum of 86° F, at noon on a single occasion. The series of temperature records, for both Atlantic and Pacific republics, is given in the article Latin America. Bibliography Acufia, C. de, Nuevo Descubrimiento Del Gran Rio de las Amazonas (Madrid 1641) ; Denis, P., Le Bresil au XX^ Siecle (Paris 1909) and Brazil (trans., with historical chapter by Mr. Miall and a supplementary chapter by Mr. Vindin, London 1911); Hartt, C. F., Geology and Physical Geography of Brazil (Boston 1870) ; Mello, H. de, and Mello, F. H. de, Atlas do Brazil (Rio de Janeiro 1909) ; Mozans, H. J. (pseud, for Zahm, J. A.), Along the Andes and Down the Amazon (New York and Ijondon 1911); Reclus, E,, Nouvelle Geographie Universelle (Vol. XIX, Paris 1894); Roosevelt, T., Through the Brazilian Wilderness (New York 1914). See Bibliographies subjoined to other articles in Brazilian series. HISTORY OF BRAZIL Brazil was discovered in 1500 by a companion of Columbus, Vicente Pinzon, who made no settlement, and, indeed, would not have been justified in doing so. The bull of Pope Alexander VI. (4 May 1493) had bestowed upon Portugal the lands which should be found east of the line of demarcation, and commissioners of Spain and Portugal had agreed, on 7 June 1494, that the position of the line of demarcation should be changed so that it should pass, north and south, 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, 250 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA instead of at a distance of only 100 leagues west of those islands, where the Pope had established it. Accordingly Spain was pre- cluded by her own act from claiming the eastern portion of the continent of South America. A Portuguese commander, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, when on his way around the Cape of Good Hope to the Far East, in 1500, encountered severe storms which drove his vessels from their course ; and through this mischance he reached the Brazilian coast in April. Mass was celebrated there on Easter Day; the country was declared a dependency of Portugal, and a stone cross was erected. There Cabral himself embarked for Avenida Rio Branco, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil India, but first sent a vessel to Lisbon with a report of this important discovery. As soon as practicable after receiving the account of his new possession, Dom Manuel placed three vessels under the command of Amerigo Vespucci, instructing this Floren- tine to make good Portugal's claim to the land which a Spaniard had discovered. Thus, from the beginning, Brazil was marked out as a field for international competition. Vespucci's first voyage being unsuccessful, a second was undertaken with better results. He remained for five months at a point he named "All Saints," and when it became necessarj^ to return left 12 men as a garrison in a small fort. The impression created by the experiences of the early adventurers was not highly favorable. Poor and unat- tractive, indeed, did this land seem in comparison with India iind Africa. During the years that followed Portuguese merchants dispatched vessels to trade for Brazil-wood, and the Portuguese government jealously resisted French and Spanish attempts to gain a foothold or carry on commerce eastward of the line of BRAZIL 251 demarcation; but the court at Lisbon continued to prefer the profits to be won along the course that Vasco da Gama had opened up. The first settlements, therefore, were not made by the govern- ment, but by grantees whom the government induced to colonize by assigning to each leader a splendid possession, or " cap- taincy" — no less than 50 leagues of coast, with feudal powers and the privilege of extending his domain as far inland as he desired. Thus the province of Sao Paulo was settled by an expe- dition under Piratininga ; next Affonso de Sousa explored the coast from Rio de Janeiro (so called because it was discovered 1 Jan. 1531) to the Rio de la Plata. Lopes de Sousa received two allot- ments of 25 leagues each, one being near Pernambuco and Para- hyba. Fernandez Coutinho and Pedro da Campo Tourinho estab- lished themselves near the spot where Cabral landed. Francisco Pereiro Coutinho received a grant of a captaincy, extending from Rio Sao Francisco to Bahia. The captaincy of Pernambuco was given to Duarte Coelho Pereira; and so the most attractive por- tions of the coast were distributed. Cattle and sugar-cane being introduced from Madeira, the systematic cultivation of the latter began; though some authorities maintain that both sugar-cane and coffee are indigenous to Brazilian soil. Enormous difficulties were encountered from the first by proprietors and planters. Only men of large means (including some of those adventurers who had amassed fortunes in India), were able to equip and maintain such a considerable force as was necessary if these undertakings were to be successful. The natives were, as a rule, extremely mistrust- ful, besides being the most savage of their kind, as Southey has shown in his elaborate description of them. {History of Brazil, by Robert Southey, 1810.) In general, the task of civilizing them seemed utterly hopeless. Yet one striking exception to the gen- eral experience may be noted. The first settler in Bahia was Diogo Alvarez, a young man of noble family, who was wrecked on the shoals near that port. *' Part of the crew," says Southey, '* were lost, others were eaten by the nativ^es." Diogo secured the favor of the Indians by recovering things from the wreck. After- ward he led them in battle, using his musket to such good effect that he became their sovereign, and took daughters of the chiefs of the savages to be his wives. ''The best families in Bahia," we are told, " trace their origin to him." By the middle of the 16th century the captaincies of those men whose names have been mentioned, and still other adven- turers, were scattered along the coast from the mouth of the Amazon to the mouth of the Rio de la Plata. The great mineral 252 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA wealth of the country had not been discovered at that time, and the settlements were chiefly devoted to the cultivation of sugar. What with savages surrounding these widely separated posts; Spaniards threatening them from the rear (the Spanish troops then holding the regions afterward to be known as Paraguay and Argentina) ; and the French from time to time attempting to establish themselves on the coast ; it was found necessary to pro- vide for the common defense by concentrating the Portuguese power in the hands of a governor-general. The feudatories had to submit to the revocation of some of their privileges, though they remained on the soil which they owned. The first governor-general w^as Trome da Sousa, and his capital was Bahia. In 1549 he was reinforced by a fleet of six ves- sels with 320 soldiers and officials, 400 convicts, 300 free colonists, and 6 Jesuits. At different times wards of the Crown, female orphans of good family, were sent out, provided with portions from the royal estates, and given to the provincial officers in mar- riage. The establishment of the College of Sao Paulo in Piratin- inga followed hard upon the arrival of the first bishop of Brazil in 1552, and of a number of Jesuits in 1553. Avowed friends and protectors of the natives, these members of the Society of Jesus took upon themselves the pioneers' task, and their college became a centre of influence. Intrusive French settlers at Rio de Janeiro were driven out by the governor, and a Portuguese colony was founded there in 1567. But the progress of Brazil, in so far as it was dependent upon the aid of the mother country, was checked, if not entirely arrested, during a period of 60 years. Philip II. of Spain acquired the crown of Portugal in 1578-80, and the union of the two countries — or rather, the subordination of the weaker nation — continued until 1640. Brazil received little attention during all these years, in part because she was identified with Portugal, but still more for the reason that her inferiority to the Spanish possessions in mineral wealth was taken for granted. The transfer of allegiance invited attack by English fleets. In 1586 Witherington sacked Bahia ; Cavendish, in 1591, burned San Vicente; Lancaster, in 1595, captured Olinda. A futile attempt to found a permanent colony was made by the French (1612-18), and the Dutch dispatched a fleet against Bahia in 1624. The Dutch in Brazil Most important were the efforts made at this time by an asso- ciation of Dutch merchants, the famous Dutch West India Co., which commissioned Count Maurice of Nassau to promote the BRAZIL 253 interests of his countrymen in South America. The enormous power of this corporate company, which, as Bancroft says, was '' given leave to appropriate continents," and, when " invested with a boundless liberty of choice, culled the rich territories of Guiana, Brazil, and New Netherland," was exerted in a large part of the region lying between Maranhao and Bahia. After the revo- lution of 1640, Brazil was, indeed, no longer Spanish, but the new Portuguese executive of the house of Bragan^a was too poor and weak to adopt such vigorous measures as were required. Accord- ingly a suggestion offered by a native of Madeira named Vieyra General View of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (Courtesy of the Pan American Union) was welcomed, inasmuch as this plan relieved the government of the obligation to fight the Dutch West India Co. Vieyra proposed the establishment of a commercial company at Lisbon similar to that which had its headquarters at Amsterdam. The Brazil Co. of Portugal was organized, and in 1649 sent out its first fleet. After five years of severe fighting, the Portuguese merchants overcame the Dutch merchants. For half a century Brazil was permitted to remain at peace. In 1710, however, a French squadron under Duclerc attacked Rio de Janeiro and suffered defeat. On 12 September of the following year Admiral Duguay Trouin arrived off Rio with a new fleet and 6,000 men. The governor was compelled to capitulate and to pay a large sum of money. A great change in the industrial conditions of the southern districts was produced by the discovery of 254 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA diamonds at this time (1710-30), and by the rush to the gold regions opened up by the enterprise of the colonists of 8ao Paulo — a hardy race, doubtless with a large admixture of Indian blood, much addicted to adventurous raids into the interior. Their explorations extended westward into Paraguay and northward into Minas, Goyaz, and Cuyaba in the state of Matto Grosso. Gold was discovered in the regions last mentioned; by the beginning of the 18th century there were five towns of considerable importance in Minas Geraes ; and that state is now, as we shall see, one of the most populous of all. Laborers were withdrawn from the sugar industry by the superior attractions of mining, and Brazil lost her leading position as a sugar-producing country. The conspiracy of Minas in 1789 was the first sympathetic movement in Brazil occa- sioned by the Revolutionary War in North America. Inspired by the success of the English colonies in achieving independence, the inhabitants of Minas formed a project to throw off the Portuguese yoke, but the plot failed, the leader was hanged, and the conspira- tors were banished to Africa, from which continent slaves were being imported in large numbers. It was an unprofitable exchange for America. The French Revolution, among its extraordinary consequences, promoted Brazil from the humble position of a colony to be the seat of government of the Portuguese power, and the only American monarchy. In 1807 the threat of the invasion of Portugal b}^ Napoleon sent the prince regent, afterw^ard King- John or Dom Joao VI, across the ocean (29 November). With him went the queen, the royal family, the great officers of state, and members of the nobility. He created many new offices, and other- wise made the machinery of government in Brazil much more elaborate than it had ever been; and, to meet the increased expenses that these changes involved, at first imposed neW' taxes, and afterward, by debasing the money standard, inaugurated the long period of financial error that has impeded the advancement of the country. On the other hand, Brazilian ports were declared open to the commerce of all nations at peace with Portugal. Thus John favored industrial development and injured it at the same time. Numbers of artisans and manufacturers from England, Germany, France, and Sweden came to take advantage of the new^ opportunity. In 1816 the School of Fine Arts was founded by French painters and sculptors. The occupation of Portugal by French troops was offset in the new world by the incorporation of French Guiana with Brazil (1809) ; but the treaty of Vienna in 1815 restored Guiana to France. On W Jan. 1815, the title of kingdom was conferred upon Brazil ; and an important extension BRAZIL 255 of the domain of this unique American monarchy was effected six years afterward, when Uruguay was united with it under the title of the Cisplatine State. But this union, like the occupation of French Guiana, was destined to be temporary, owing to the policy adopted by Argentina. See Argentina. Independence Proclaimed The general movement in favor of independence that trans- formed the Spanish colonies north, south, and west of Brazil into republics, produced conspiracies and plots in Bahia and Pernam- buco. Troops were brought out from Portugal to restrain every violent manifestation of the republican spirit; meanwhile, how^- ever, in Portugal itself the revolution of 1820 had led to a modifica- tion of the old autocratic system, and the f orcesf rom that country, openly sympathizing with the aspirations of the Brazilian people, compelled King John to yield. The latter withdrew from America soon afterward (26 April 1821), leaving his son, Dom Pedro, to work out the problem in Brazil as best he might. The attitude of the Cortes of Portugal in this crisis was exceedingly unwise: instead of offering concessions, it directed the dissolution of the central government, and ordered Dom Pedro to return to Portugal. Assured of the support of the people of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, who requested him to disobey this command, Dom Pedro proclaimed the independence of Brazil, 7 Sept. 1822. He became constitutional emperor the following month. In the hostilities which ensued the Brazilians were so successful that independence was assured before the end of 1823. The constitution of the empire was adopted on 25 March 1824. But a peculiar situation in the ruling family remained to be disposed of. Since October 1822, Dom Pedro had been emperor of Brazil, while his father was king of Portugal. The dramatic climax occurred 25 Aug. 1825, when a treaty was signed in London by virtue of which King John first assumed the title of emperor of Brazil and then immediately abdicated in favor of his son. As the popularity of Dom Pedro I was due to the disposition he showed at first to accede to the wishes of the liberals, so it is necessary to ascribe his loss of popularity in the years 1826-31 to his unwillingness to trust the people more and more, as their demand for participation in the government steadily increased. The statement found in some recent histories, to the effect that Pedro I w^as a brutal tyrant, whose reign ended in public- disgrace, is positively incorrect, and inculcates false views of this entire period. It w^as his tact that 256 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA saved the monarcliy in 1821 ; but the growth of republicanism in the next decade was much more rapid among the people than at his court, and finally the breach became so wide that no course was left to him but to surrender his crown before the succession of his son, the second Pedro, should be disputed, and to take ship for Lisbon, where it had become a duty to defend the claim of his daughter, Maria II, to the throne of Portugal. At any time after 1810 outrageous tyranny on the part of Portuguese rulers would have thrown Brazil into the advancing column of revolutionary Copyright, Newman Traveltalks and Brown & Dawson, N. Y. The Main Street of Sao Paulo, Brazil states. The significant facts are, that Pedro I was able to post- pone the inevitable change for 10 years, and that Pedro II (whose majority was proclaimed 23 July 1840) succeeded in maintaining the monarchical form in America until 15 Nov. 1889. The regency by which the affairs of Brazil were administered (1831-40) was much like a republican government, especially after 1834. Prob- ably it would have been impossible to revert to a monarcliy if the weakness and misconduct of the regents had not brought discredit upon everything savoring of democracy. The suppression of the revolution of 1848; discontinuance of the importation of slaves, in 1853; and the creditable part taken by Brazil in thwarting the ambitious designs of the Argentine dictator, Rosas (See Argentina) — these are the chief events before 1855. In that year a Brazilian squadron was sent to settle a dispute with Paraguay as to the right of way for Brazilian ves- sels on the Parana River, which, rising in Brazil, flowing beside BRAZIL 257 Paraguay, and finally through the territory of Argentina, should be open to the commerce of all three nations equally. The war- ships failed to accomplish the desired result, and for a decade vexatious restrictions were placed upon the vessels of Brazil, Argentina, and the United States. In 1865 an outrage by Seiior Lopez, the dictator of Paraguaj^, brought on a war in which Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay were allied against the oiTending coun- try. (See Paraguay). This bitter struggle, protracted until 1870, cost Brazil the lives of many thousands of her citizens, and in money about $300,000,000. In the year following the restoration of peace a law was enacted for the abolition of the institution of slavery, the growth of which had been checked, as we have seen, in 1853. It was provided that thenceforth every child born of slave parents should be free. Brazil a Republic A bloodless revolution terminated the reign of Dom Pedro II, and the Federal republic was proclaimed, 15 Nov. 1889. A pro- visional government, instituted for this purpose, published (24 Feb. 1891) the constitution of '* The United States of Brazil," resembling that of the United States of America in nearly every respect, though Brazilian senators serve for nine years, like those of Argentina, while the president's term of office is but four years. Marshal Deodora da Fonseca, head of the pro- visional government, was confirmed in the presidency by the constitutional congress, and Gen. Floriano Peixotto was elected vice-president. The next president (15 Nov. 1894) was Prudente de Moraes Barros. The third president. Dr. Manoel Ferraz de Campos Salles, was elected for the term beginning 15 Nov. 1898. His successor, Sefior Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves, inaugurated 15 Nov. 1902, made a statement of the national policy in his inaugural address which may be summarized as fol- lows : A good financial condition in the republic is of prime importance; but scarcely less essential are reforms in the laws applicable to civil suits and elections. Agricultural and commer- cial conditions must be improved, and endeavors made to attract immigration and capital. Modern systems of sanitation must be installed at the ports, including Rio de Janeiro. The augmentation of the army and navy may be undertaken when the condition of the treasury warrants such expenditures. It will be readily understood that the circumstances to which reference has been made in this sketch — such as the issuance of 18 258 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA large amounts of paper currency, which it was formerly the fashion to call irredeemable; the change from the basis of slave to free labor; the overthrow of the monarchy; foreign wars, and rebellions in one state after another — ^have combined to depress Brazilian credit and retard industrial development. To these unfavorable influences must be added the decline in the prices of coffee, Brazil's staple product, and of sugar, her chief reliance in times past. On the other hand there is observable a tendency toward greater stability in the national policy ; a large amount of paper money was, before 1903, called in and destroyed ; and inter- est has been shown recently in efforts to develop the enormous natural resources of the country and to maintain standards of health in the chief ports. In November 1903 the dispute with Bolivia in regard to the Acre region was terminated, Bolivia sur- rendering her claims to 73,750 square miles on or near the Acre River in return for 886 square miles on the affluents of the Madeira and Abuna, 335 square miles on the left bank of the Paraguay, and the sum of $10,000,000 which Bolivia has expended with excellent results for the construction of railways. Brazil, by virtue of the same agreement (Treaty of Petropolis, Article 7), was placed under an obligation which has been scrupu- lously discharged, namely, " to build on Brazilian territory, by herself or by a private company, a railway ' ' which, in brief, sup- plies an outlet to the Madeira and Amazon for Bolivian products. In June 1914 the dispute with Great Britain over the frontier of British Guiana was ended by the award of the arbitrator, the King of Italy, who gave 14,000 square miles to Brazil and about 19,000 square miles to the other contestant. In 1906 Dr. Alfonso Penna was elected President. An International Conference was held at Rio de Janeiro 23 July to 27 Aug. 1907. The occasion was made memorable by the formal visit of Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United States. President Penna decreed, 13 Jan. 1908, a reduction of the tariff duties on several American products, in return for the favor shown by the United States to Brazilian coffee. An arrangement was made with the Imperial Emigration Company of Tokio for bringing over 3,000 Japanese colonists within two years at the expense of Brazil. (See article Labor.) President Penna died 14 June 1909 and was succeeded by Vice- President PcQanha. Marshal Hermes da Fonseca was elected to the presidency 1 March 1910. On 22 November the crews of the warships Minas Geraes and Sao Paulo mutinied in the harbor of Rio. These vessels were surrendered to the government 27 Novem- ber. Baron Rio Branco died in 1912, and was succeeded as foreign BRAZIL 259 minister by General Lauro Miiller. In 1913 relations between the United States and Brazil were strained in consequence of the action filed by the administration of the former country against the Brazilian committee in charge of the valorization of coffee. After the dismissal of the valorization suit, Brazil restored the preferential tariff on American products, which had been sus- pended during the dispute, and General Lauro Miiller returned Secretary Root's visit. In 1914 Vice-President Wenceslao Braz was elected President. In May 1915 a treaty of alliance was signed at Buenos Aires by representatives of Brazil, Argentina, and Chile. Three months later Brazil was associated witii the United States, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, and Guatemala in efforts to restore law and order in Mexico. In 1916 Brazil con- tiimed to feel, more than other Latin American countries, tlie extremely injurious effect of the scarcity of ships, withdrawal of credits, soaring prices and declining rate of exchange which the European war occasioned. This subject is examined in its proper connection and relations in the articles: Commerce, Commerce WITH THE United States, and Banking and Finance. Bibliography (Early history, modern conditions, exploration and travel, etc.) Aeuna, C. de, Nuevo Descubrimiento del Gran Rio de las Amazonas (Madrid 1641, reprint, 1891) ; the same in Voyages and Discoveries in South America (London 1698) ; Agassiz, L. and Mrs. Agassiz, A Journey in Brazil (Boston 1896) ; Baldaque da Silva, A. A., Descohrimento do Brazil por Pedro Alvares Cabral (In: Acad, real das sci. da Lisboa. — com. portuguesa da Exposiguo Colombina, Lisbon 1892) ; Bates, H. W., Ihe Naturalist on the River Amazon (London 1875) ; Bennett, F., Forty Years in Brazil (London 1914) ; Brazil and Bolivia Boundary Settlement: Treaty signed 17 Nov. 1903 (New York 1904); Brown, C. B., and Lidstone, W., Fifteen Thousand Miles on the Amazon and its Tributaries (London 1878) ; Binice, G. J., Brazil and the Brazilians (New York 1914) ; Bryce, Viscount James, South America; Observations and Impressions (New York 1912) ; Buley, E. C, North Brazil (New York 1914); Buley, South Brazil (London 1914); Clemenceau, G., Notes de Voyage dans I' Amerique du Sud (Paris 1911) ; Cook, W. A., Through the Wilderness of Brazil by Horse, Canoe, and Float (New York 1909) ; Denis, P., Le Bresil au XX'^ Siecle (Paris 1909), and Brazil (trans., with historical chapter by Mr. Miall and a supplementary chapter by Mr. Vindin, London 1911) ; Fabius, A, N. J., Johan Maurits, de Braziliaan (Utrecht 1914) ; Glass, F. C, With the Bible in Brazil (London 1914) ; Grossi, V., Storia delta Colonizzazione Europea al Brasile e delta Emigrazione Italiana (Milan 1914) ; Lange, A., In the Amazon Jungle (New York 1912), and The Lower Amazon (ib., 1914) ; Levasseur, E., avec la collaboration de MM. de Rio Branco, E, Prado. . . Le Bresil (Paris 1889 [1890]) ; Oakenfull, J. C, Brazil in 1913 (Frome, England 1914) ; Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil, Corresp. de D. Pedro Premier avcc le feu Roi de Portugal (Paris 1827) ; Reyes, R., The Txco Americas (New York 1914); 260 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Robinson, G. W., ed., Brazil and Portugal in 1809 (Cambridge 1913); Roosevelt, T., Through the Brazilian Wilderness (New York 1914) ; Southey, R., The History of Brazil (3 vols., London 1817-22) ; Stade, Captivity Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil (Hakluyt Society 1874) ; Tomlinson, H. M., The Sea and the Jungle (London 1912) ; Vespucci, Amerigo, The First Four Voyages (reprinted in facsimile and translated from the rare original edition, Florence 1505-06, London 1893); also Mundus Novus: ein Bericht A. Vespucci's an Lorenzo de Medici iiber seine Beise nach Brasilien in den Jahren 1501-02 (Strassburg i E, 1913) ; Wallace, A. R., A Narrative of Travels on the Amazon and Rio Negro (London 1853) ; Walle, P., An Bresil du Bio Sdo Francisco a VAmazone (Paris 1910), and Au Pays de V or noir (Paris 1909); Whiffen, T. W., The North-West Amazons (London 1915); Wilberforee, E., Brazil Viewed Through a Naval Glass (with notes on slavery, etc., London 1856) ; Woodroffe, J. F., The Upper Reaches of the Amazon (London 1914); Zahm, J. A. (IL .7. Mozans), Through South America's Southland (New York and London 1916). GOVERNMENT OF BRAZIL The system of government established after the bloodless revo- lution of 1889, and under the Constitution of 1891, has already been mentioned and in part characterized ( See History of Brazil) . The official title of the nation, The LTnited States of Brazil (Estados-Unidos do Brazil), conveys at a glance the correct impression that we are dealing with a Federal rather than a centralized Republic; but it is well to repeat here the usual characterization, namely, that its Constitution resembles that of the United States of America, in order to make opportunity for saying that the rights of the States of Brazil are emphasized, probably somewhat over-emphasized; and a situation has been created similar to that which would be found in the United States of America if the question of broad or strict construction of the Constitution, that dividing line between political parties, had been determined chiefly in favor of the States' Rights or strict con- struction party. We shall outline the Federal executive, legis- lative, and judicial branches, and the organization of the States, before examining more closely the all-important subject of governmental tendencies and problems. President and Vice-President are elected by direct vote for a term of four years, and may not be reelected for the term immediately follow^ing. President's salary, 120,000 milreis (or about $38,000). He is assisted by a cabinet of seven ministers whom he appoints. The ministries or departments are : of Justice Interior and Public Instruction, Foreign Relations, the Navy, War, Communications and Public Works, Finance, and of Agriculture, BRAZIL 261 Industry, and Commerce. The legislative power is vested in the National Congress, which embraces the Senate (63 members, three for each State and three for the Federal District, elected by district vote for nine-year terms: membership renewed by thirds every three years) and the Chamber of Deputies (elected in the same man- ner as the senators, but for terms of only three years, and in the proportion of one for every 70,000 inhabitants — no state, however, being represented by less than four deputies). Congress meets annually on 3 May for four months, but may be prorogued or called in extra session by the President. The franchise extends to all male citizens over 21 years of age, duly enrolled, except beggars, illiterates, soldiers actually ■ serving, and members of monastic orders under vows of obedience. The President must be a native of Brazil over 35 years of age. In legislation relating to taxes, the initiative belongs to the Chamber of Deputies. There is a Supreme Federal Court of Justice at Rio de Janeiro, and a Federal judge in each State. The former consists of 15 justices, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate; the Federal judges are appointed upon the Supreme Court's recommendation — justices and judges alike holding office for life. There are also, for purely local or unimportant matters, nmnicipal magistrates and justices of the peace who are elected for four years. State governments resemble the Federal in having separate administrative, legislative, and judicial branches; and the design has been to prevent loss of independence by any one of these, or the subordination of all to the national executive. The latter, accordingly, has not the extensive powers of appointment and control which are exercised by Presidents of some of the more centralized South American republics. Governors of States, as well as members of State Legislatures, hold elective offices, and to the former is assigned the appointment of magistrates who are not removable from office save by judicial sentence. Each State is governed in accordance with its own Constitution and laws. These must, of course, never conflict with the constitutional prin- ciples of the Union; and it is provided that, in case of such infringement by State authorities, the Federal government shall, by force of arms if necessary, intervene to control the offending State. But not otherwise is intervention conceded as a Federal right. The Federal District is administered by a council elected by qualified voters, and the municipal executive authority there is exercised by a Prefect appointed for four years by the President of the Republic. 262 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA The tendencies to which we referred receive considerate treatment at the hands of M. Denis {Le Bresil, etc.). ^' The States — the one-time Provinces" he writes, ^' enjoy a very large degree of independence. Each of them forms an actual nation, with its elected authorities and its autonomous administration," He finds that individual States '' freely negotiate contracts with foreign companies or syndicates for the execution of public works or raising loans. They have their systems of justice, their sys- tems of public education. Some of them have representatives in Europe who play the part almost of diplomatists ; who have been known to hold conferences and to sign conventions without the intervention of any Federal authority. The Constitution has afforded them an important source of revenue in allowing them to establish export duties. I believe there is no State budget which does not place export duties in the first rank among its receipts. The export duty on coffee swells the budget of Sao Paulo, as the export duty on mate swells that of Parana. Thus Brazil has a double line of custom-houses, one facing outwards, one inwards. The duties collected upon foreign merchandise entering the coun- try are a Federal matter, and depend upon the central govern- ment; but the export duties are State property. In equilibrium with the States the Constituti(m erects the Federal government." Now, the Union (if we adopt the shorter name, preferred by the people themselves), by the regulation of monetary questions and by the settlement of the customs tariff, exercises a deeply felt influence over the national life; and although at first very nar- rowly confined to specified functions, a tendency has become mani- fest to exalt its authority and dignity. '' In the first place the Union acquired its own territory — the Territory of Acre, which was ceded by Bolivia (q.v.) by the treaty of Petropolis. This territory is a considerable portion of the Amazonian plain, and one of the chief rubber-producing countries. Instead of making a new State of Acre, it has been kept by the Union as a kind of dower. The Union collects the export duties on rubber, which duties, except in this Federal Territory, go to the treasuries of the States. The revenues of Acre were sufficient in three years to pay off the indemnity to Bolivia. To-day they are added to the other sources of Federal revenue, and form a notable addition to the Union's budget," An indication that the Union has begun to '* find itself " is this: it decided to intervene, or to impose its will upon the more shiftless States, in respect to education and the colonization of immigrants. Viscount James Bryce (see Bibliography) writes that " the immense size of the countrv and BEAZIL 263 its want of homogeneity suggested a federal system, the basis for which already existed in the legislative assemblies of the prov- inces. Since then Brazil has had its full share of armed risings and civil wars. At first the States were allowed the full exercise of the large functions which the constitution allotted to them, including the raising of revenue by duties on exports and the maintenance of a police force which in some States was undis- tinguishable from an army. Presently attempts were made to draw the reins tighter, and these attempts have continued till now." His observations and impressions in this field are to the effect that the national government ^' has latterly endeavoured to exert over the States a greater control than some of them seem willing to accept. Nor is this the only difficulty. While some of the States, and especially the southern, have an intelligent and energetic population, others remain far behind, their citizens too ignorant and lazy, or too unstable and emotional, to be fit for self- government. Universal suffrage in districts where the majority of the voters are illiterate persons of colour suggests, if it does not justify, extra-legal methods of handling elections. One illegal- ity breeds another, and there is perpetuated a distrust of authority and a resort to violence." In many regions it is quite true that the Brazilian Constitution, as M. Georges Ck'menceau writes in his South America of To-day, *' enjoys a chiefly theoretic authority." Viscount James Bryce continues: *' In the Brazilian politics of to-day there are many factions, but no organized parties nor any definite principles or policies advocated by any group or groups of men. Federal issues are crossed and warped by State issues, State issues confused by Federal issues, and both sets of issues turn rather on persons than on general doctrines or specific practical proposals. One source of dissension is, however, absent — that struggle of the church and clericalism against the prin- ciples of religious equality which has distracted the Spanish- American republics. In Brazil the separation of Church and State is complete, and though the diplomatic corps enjoys the presence of a papal Nuncio as one of its members, this adherence to tradi- tion has no present political significance. The absence or the fluidity of parties makes the executive stronger than the legisla- ture both in National and State politics. There are many men of talent, especially oratorical talent, and many men of force, but not enough who show constructive power and the grasp of mind needed to handle the enormous economic problems which a country so vast, so rich, and so various presents. " He concludes, however, that it is too soon to be despondent, inasmuch as the country has 264 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA been free from the taint of slavery only since 1888, and has been a republic only since 1891. Consult Bryce, J., South America (New York 1912). See Bibliographies under History and other titles in the Brazilian series. 5 EDUCATION AND RELIGION IN BRAZIL The centra] government has been hitherto prevented by the constitutional restrictions mentioned above from making educa- tion compulsory in the States ; but some of the latter have them- selves taken this step, and wherever the government can offer it at all and make it free, education is free. Distributed unevenly throughout the States are more than 13,000 schools. Brazil has no university. The excellent schools of law, medicine, and engi- neering in several of the large cities do not supply this deficiency. But all advocates of the establishment of a national university have encountered the opposition of leaders who represent the States' Rights doctrine. The founding and maintenance of a great national university, such as the country needs and would appreciate, are steps toward centralization which State politicians are wholly unprepared to take. The Union, however, occasionally extends pecuniary assistance to States, municipalities, or individ- uals by way of co-operation in the maintenance of industrial schools, or colleges of agriculture. Sao Paulo leads among the States in educational progress : its Faculty of Law and Polytechnic College are both praiseworthy ; and the range of scientific courses carried on at its museum is striking. However, M. Denis says that this State does little for secondary education. " The State of Sao Paulo contains three public secondary schools : one in the capital, one at Campinas, and one at Ribeiraon Preto ; but the pupils are few in number. The fact is that this State by no means has the monopoly of secondary education. There is a host of private schools, many of which are kept by religious orders. The private schools are for the most part boarding-schools " — as a matter of fact, many of them are situated in the country. '^ The educa- tion given in such schools is very unequal and usually second-rate. Not only in Sao Paulo but throughout Brazil the question of secondary education is to-day one of extreme gravity. It is to primary education that the State of Sao Paulo devotes its resources. The budget appropriation is liberal, amounting to $2,000,000, and some of the schools have the appearance of BEAZIL 265 palaces." Mackenzie College at Sao Paulo has an excellent stand- ing among foreign institutions which supplement by their work the State and National systems of instruction; and there are many foreign schools in the Republic. The very great educational value of free libraries has not been overlooked : there are, indeed, many small collections of books; and the National Library in Rio de Janeiro, containing certainly several hundred thousand items — perhaps nearly half of a million manuscripts and printed works — is the most interesting large collection that the writer has visited in any part of Latin America. Finally, as a field for educational endeavors, Brazil has elements of exceptional promise. " The Brazilians, who never forget that they were for a time, during the French invasion of Portugal, their own mother country, and head of the whole Portuguese people, cherish their national literary traditions with more warmth than do the Spaniards of the New World, and produce quite as much in the way of poetry and belles left res as do the writers of Portugal, They have a quick suscepti- bility to ideas, like that of Frenchmen or Russians." Such is the tribute in Bryce's South America; but it is promptly qualified as follows: '' One can hardly be surprised that learning and the abstract side of natural science are undervalued in a country which has no university, nothing more than faculties for teaching the practical subjects of law, medicine, engineering, and agricul- ture." In view of the enormous mass and weight of practical difficulties and problems which we have indicated in preceding pages, we think that a taste for and interest in branches of knowl- edge not directly practical will be extended, not very rapidly, but little by little, as the problems of an oppressively and intensely practical nature are gradually solved. Steps taken in recent years are (I) The decree of 5 April 1911, which conferred upon a Federal Board of Education author- ity to establish primary schools in the various States; (2) The inauguration, on 4 July 1913 of a superior school of agriculture and veterinary medicine at Rio de Janeiro; and (3) The decree of 15 April 1914, which created a class of practical schools of agri- culture and which was followed by other decrees establishing preparatory schools of agriculture and experiment stations. Thus legal provision was made for a great system of agricultural education under the control of the central government. In 10 different, widely separated localities, this pacific invasion of the states by a movement unquestionably beneficial, though also unquestionably in contravention of strict-constructionist theories (see Government) has already taken plac^. 266 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA To the subject of religion we do not give prominence here, because in Brazil it has been, as a matter of fact, subordinated during so long a period that to-day the Churcli and religion exert little influence upon the thought and conduct of laymen. Colonel Roosevelt writes {Through the Brazilian Wilderness) that " the Positivists are a really strong body in Brazil, as they are in France "; and again: '* Brazil possesses the same complete liberty in matters religious, spiritual, and intellectual as we do." But of course laymen in Brazil had never, in the manner of the Puritans, adopted an independent (Congregational) form of church government. The latter were free to exercise their own chosen form of worship ; the former, when the connection between Church and State was abolished, and absolute equality declared among all forms of religion, quite naturally were freed from the restraints and the inspiration of religion to a very much greater extent. The Church has retained its buildings, properties, and income; religious orders share fully in the general toleration; the Brazilian men as a rule are still nominally — and Brazilian ^^ omen as a rule are devoutly — Catholics. High officials of the Catholic Church are : The Cardinal, at Rio de Janeiro, archbishops at Bahia, Rio, Sao Paulo, Para, and Mariana, and 25 suffragan bishops. Consult Report of the Commissioner of Education (Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Education, Vol. 1, Washington 1915), and works by Bryce, Clemenceau, Denis, and others, in which are chapters dealing with present educational conditions. See Bibliography under History. AGRICULTURE AND FOREST PRODUCTS IN BRAZIL Cotfee, rubber, herva matte, sugar and mandioca receive special mention on account of the importance of these Brazilian products ; but the fact is that the southern plateau, in the States of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and Parana, produces all the cereals and fruits of temperate zones and many of those of the tropics as well. We find here wheat, Indian corn, rye, potatoes, and such vegetables as are grown in the United States ; while rice, coffee, oranges, bananas, and pineapples thrive in the lowlands along the coast. In many places grapes are grown, and attention is given in the south to the production of native wines. BRAZIL 267 Coffee The great coffee-producers of the world are the Paulistas — the people of the State of Sao Paulo. The celebrated terra roxa — red earth — in which the coffee-trees flourish especially is found, as the author of Through South America's Southland writes, in other parts of the Republic, but the Paulistas were the first to demonstrate its extraordinary value for coffee-culture. '' The history of what Linnaeus named Coffea Arabica, in its long migrations from the wild forests of Abyssinia and Mozambique to the carefully cultivated fazendas of Sao Paulo, is a most inter- esting one. It is a far cry from its first restricted use as a drug in the East to its present status as one of the world's most popu- lar beverages ; from the time when its production in the West was prohibited, and gave rise to as absurd conflicts as attended the introduction of tobacco into Europe. . . . It is scarcely 80 years since the production of coffee in the State of Sao Paulo received its first impetus. Before that time it was rarely found outside of a drug store. But after that the development of the industry was so rapid and so extraordinary in its proportions that it stands forth as one of the marvels of economic history." Of course the circumstance that in Sao Paulo the coff'ee-trees do not recjuire shading (that is, are not, as in Porto Kico, Mexico, etc., grown and cultivated under the protecting shade of larger trees) contributes to this '' marvellous " success. '' In 1851 the amount of coffee exported from Sao Paulo was something more than 100,000 sacks of 132 pounds each. Thenceforth the export of this staple increased with amazing rapidity until, in 1896-97, the amount produced reached the stupendous figure of more than 15,000,000 sacks. This, with what was collected in other parts of the Repub- lic, gave Brazil 85 per cent of the world's total production. That year the state of Sao Paulo produced fully three times as much coffee as all the other States of Brazil combined. But this enormous crop was more than the market could bear. The supply had gone beyond the demand. The price of coffee fell until it threatened coffee-growers and the State itself with financial dis- aster. But the shrewd Paulistas were equal to the emergency. For it was then, in order to support the market and to protect the coffee industry, that they had recourse to that much criticized measure known as coffee valorization. The operation seemed like a gambler's risk, but there was so much at stake that the govern- ment of Sao Paulo did not hesitate to act. This measure, which achieved the end in view, was only another illustration of that •~7 1 268 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA quick initiative and sturdiness of character which have always distinguished the Paulistas." It is also to be recalled that they began to direct their surplus energy into other channels, culti- vating rice, cotton, etc., and planting such rubber-producing trees as manicoba and mangabeira; establishing new industries and devoting more attention to manufactures. The average annual coffee crop of Brazil is about 12,000,000 sacks of 132 pounds each. In 1915 the estimated produce was 9,497,553 sacks. Cattle Raising Cattle-raising in Sao Paulo is commented upon by Mr. Ling, in The Americas, November 1915: " From the time of leaving Sao Paulo city we passed through a gently rolling country; the characteristics are pastoral and agricultural. In the pastoral section fine bunches of native cattle and of cross-breeds between native and Hereford were seen in such quantities as to give the impression that the number far exceeds the generally accepted statement. Statistics show that the number of cattle, horses, sheep, etc., has more than doubled in the past ten years." Mr. Ling was informed by the large fazenda managers that increased interest was being given to cattle-raising. In 1913 there were in Brazil 30,705,080 cattle, 1 8,399,000 swine, 10,653,000 sheep, 7,289,050 horses, and 3,208,000 mules. Rubber Among forest-products, the first to be mentioned is rubber, — with respect to which the recent publication of the Pan American Union (see Bibliography: Brazil, etc.) has this to say: " India rubber, as it is generally called in textbooks and official reports, is a native of Brazil and grows wild there. Although efforts at cultivation have been successful with the seed in other countries, and even in Brazil, by far the greater part of the rubber exported from the Republic is gathered from the forests of the northern interior of the country; no systematic preparation of the ground has ever been necessary, and the entire care of the rubber gath- erers has been given only to obtaining the juice from the rubber trees and getting it to market. This essential factor of modern industrial life was utilized first by the natives of America, and they found some place for it in their domestic economy as a water- proof covering for clothing, boats, and their kind of bottles. Caucho, or, in the aboriginal, cahuchu, from which comes the cor- ruption caoutchouc, is the earliest word applied to rubber. The BRAZIL 269 Brazilian speaks of borracha, and this refers particularly to the product of the hevea, the rubber tree par excellence. It is indige- nous to the region of the river Amazon and in the tributary areas of Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. Hevea is a large tree, of slow growth and long life. It has been found 12 feet in circumference. It requires low-lying, rich, deep soil, and abundant moisture. It grows wild in Brazil, but not in clumps, being found rather scattered through the tropical forest, but it is well adapted to cultivation and has been planted in the East Indian Islands with success. Manihot produces the Ceani rubber of commerce, but its habitat is a high, stony, and arid country. This also is native to Brazil, but in the region south of the Amazon. ( Castilloa, next to Hevea the best known rubber producer, has its principal range in Central America and southern Mexico]. Other trees, shrubs, and vines (lianas) yield rubber." The writer at this point adds that rubber is not the sap but the " cream from the juice, the milk or latex of these trees, shrubs, and vines." In 1915 the rubber crop was 36,750 tons, and about 37,000 tons in 1916. The total exports of crude rubber from Para, Manaos and Itacoatiara during 1916 amounted to 72,836,393 pounds. Shipments to the United States aggregated 48,874,578 pounds and to Europe 23,961,815 pounds. Mate Another forest product is the mate which to Brazilians is known as herva matte or mate, to other South Americans as yerha or yerha mate, and to foreigners as Brazil or Paraguay tea. The chief mate-producing state, that of Parana, adjoins the great coffee producing state, Sao Paulo, and exports many million pounds of this Brazilian '' tea " annually. The mate tree (in appearance not unlike a small evergreen oak or ilex with a heavy and fleshy leaf) grows freely in the forest, entirely without cul- tivation ; and in the forest the leaves undergo, as soon as they are plucked, a first preparation which both diminishes their weight before transportation and also keeps them from fermenting. They are dried at a fire, and then packed in sacks which are sent to the mills at Curitiba which reduce the leaves to powder and separate the various qualities. Aromatic properties retained in the dried and powdered leaves are extracted by means of infusion. As a stimulating and wholesome beverage habitually used throughout a large part — especially the southern part — of the continent, mate might well be called, not by the competing names Brazilian 270 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA or Paraguayan, but more simply the South American tea. The exportation of this South American tea, then, is to the State of Parana what the exportation of coffee is to the vastly more important neighbor-State: the basis, practically, of economic achievement. In 1915 yerba mate was exported to the extent of 75,885 metric tons. Sugar But the basis of economic achievement in Brazil was formerly the exportation of a product the cultivation of which, on a large scale, was dependent upon slave-labor. Sugar, during a long period, held the position in the country's economic life now occu- pied by coffee, rubber, and South American tea. At the present time, the sugar-cane, beside being grown in the chief sugar cen- tres, is indeed a staple crop, commonly used for the production of an alcohol, or sometimes the crude variety of sugar called rapa dura. We no longer find sugar in the first rank of exports, how- ever; and a study of its decline brings to our attention the most interesting phase of the story of the manumission of slaves. Denis reminds us that the planting of sugar created, as early as the 17th century, not only a long-enduring industry but also long- enduring wealth ; and all over Brazil the cultivation of the sugar- cane was connected with slave-labor. As early as 1875 the decay of the sugar industry had become manifest in all parts of the country, and a severe drought hastened its downfall. Naturally there was a rapid fall in the market value of slaves. "At the same time the provinces of the south, which were then nearing the height of their development, could not obtain sufficient labor, and, while recruiting the first white immigrants, they made a last eifort to renew their staff of slaves. There was thus a heavy exporta- tion of slaves from the north to the south." Now, " as has often happened, the institution of slavery, made less harsh by custom, did not arouse public opinion ; but the spectacle of a commerce in slaves did violently arouse it. The departure of these human car- goes for the south was regarded with indignation." The abolition- ists succeeded in rendering such shipments impossible; and then the value of the slaves, for whom there was no longer adequate employment, decreased rapidly. " When their enfranchisement was determined upon it was possible to buy them out at reduced prices ; less on account of the violent propaganda of the abolition- ists than because [so many of] the sugar plantations had disap- peared." In 1915, 59,074 metric tons (2,204.6 lbs.) of sugar were exported from Brazil. BRAZIL 271 Other Important Crops The cultivation of cotton, cacao, and tobacco may be said to increase very gradually, in view of the extent of the country and the excellence of the products. The wool crop exported reached 4,198,630 pounds in 1912 and was valued at $571,276. In 1915 it fell to 997,630 pounds valued at $193,065. Cotton is grown prin- cipally in Pernambuco, Parahyba, Rio Grande do Norte, Ceara, Alagoas, Maranhao, Sergipe, Sao Paulo, and Minas Geraes. The average cotton crop in recent years is close to 1,000,000 bales of 176 l)ounds each. Exports of cotton have decreased as the home con- sumption has increased. ( See Cotton Industry, p. 694.) Mandioca, or farhina de mandioca, primarily the food of aboriginal tribes, has been to such an extent cultivated that mandioca flour has become actually the staple food of Brazilians. In the Pan American Union's Brazil, mentioned above, we read: "It is a shrub about four feet high which has been induced to change its root into a veritable tuber. In its raw state mandioca is an irritant, not infrequently a deadly poison, but properly prepared it becomes a richly nutritive food, esteemed by Bra- zilians high and low, and forms a staple for bread throughout the country. All Brazil grows the plant, but it is used chiefly along the littoral and on the lower plateaus. From June to September is the best planting season, the root being gathered eight months to two years afterwards." Great care is exercised in treating the root in such a way that the poisonous starchy contents shall be changed into healthful and edible starch. The natives are most expert in their methods of doing this ; and they can not be regarded as procrastinating workers, inasmuch as in the course of a single day — the day on which the tubers are gathered — all the various processes of grating, desiccation, and roasting must be completed. The question of labor, which affects agriculture and the manufacturing industries alike, will be briefly discussed as we pass from the former subject to the latter. Before leaving the subject of agriculture, however, it is absolutely necessary to say that Brazil's achievements, commendable though they seem in certain respects, are still almost as nothing compared with agri- cultural possibilities in a region so vast and singularly favored by nature. The Brazilians realize and repentantly admit their long continued neglect of wholly exceptional opportunities ; and in 1916 the people showed unmistakably that they had been stimu- lated to renewed efforts by the withdrawal of food supplies for- merly received from Europe and by oth^er war conditions. \ 272 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Bibliography Americas, The (New York, published monthly, 1914-17) ; Grossi, V., Storia della Colonizzazioue Europea al Brasile e deUci Emigrazione Italiana nello Stato di S. Paulo (Milano-Ronia-Napoli 1914); Pan American Union, Brazil: General Descriptive Data (Washington 1915); Tear Book, Brazilian (Rio de Janeiro). See also studies of this subject in the books by Denis and Walle mentioned in other articles of the Brazilian series. MANUFACTURING AND MINING INDUSTRIES 7 ^ Labor Labor problems, with good reason and in a very special sense, claim the attention of all those who study intelligently the present conditions of Brazilian agriculture and manufacturing industries. The government, in order to encourage immigration from Europe, guarantees free passage and a homestead to bona fide settlers, the ultimate aim being to build up a class of peasant proprietors whose services may, at least in part, replace the migrating hordes of landless workingmen. Summarizing the supply at present, The Americas (Vol. 1, No. 10) says that in the northern States of Amazonas, Para, Maranhao, Piauhy, Rio Grande do Norte, Para- hyba, Pernambuco, Alagoas, and parts of Matto Grosso and Goyaz, a very large proportion of the food must be imported from abroad or brought up from the southern States, paying high freight rates: the cost of living is therefore high and labor cor- respondingly expensive. In the central States labor is more abundant, the cost of living is not so high, and naturally there is a lower rate of usages. In the three southernmost States the lowest rate of w^ages prevails; labor there is both plentiful and satisfactory; a large part of the working class is of Italian or German origin. In Brazil, as in Latin America generally (and there are very few exceptions), skilled labor, workmen of expe- rience in mechanical industries, are scarce. *■ ' New industries are nearly alw^ays started by means of imported labor under contract, the foreign foreman having to train men for the work which they are expected to do. This is noticeably the case in the textile industry, which to the present day is largely manned by English or other contracted foremen and headweavers. The lighter work of these factories is carried on by women to a large extent. ' ' For the erection of large machinery '^ it has always been the practice for the contractors to send their own engineers and skilled BRAZIL 273 mechanics ; in most cases the buyer contracts with the machinery- maker for the permanent service of one or more competent mechanics." Graduates of those public institutions in Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and other large Brazilian cities in which the skilled trades are taught have seldom been appointed to the high- est positions in the factories. ' ' The Brazilian agricultural laborer is generally the descendant of slaves or an Indian half-breed, and although ignorant is a fairly good worker. ' ' Our own impression of the disposition and natural capacity of the Brazilian laboring classes is favorable ; but within the limits of such natural capacity we must not place the ability to control machinery, and in general the mechanical arift or talent. . &' Manufacturing Industries The restrictions indicated in the foregoing paragraph are, to some extent, offset by the determined efforts of national and state governments, with the co-operation of foreign investors. Resultant achievements, although actually small for a land so great and naturally so rich, have nevertheless attained proportions which surprise visitors from the north. It is already true that the manu- facturing industries of the country as a whole are varied and constantly increasing ; that every city of importance in Brazil has its manufacturing plant of one kind or another. It is only 20 years since the first textile mill was started. That industry has increased remarkably in the two decades, owing to improvement in machinery and to new transportation facilities which bring the mills, the cotton^fields, and the consumers much closer together. ** In most of the large cities the necessaries of domestic life are made in factories, and foundries for simple metalwork exist, but, as a rule, complicated machinery, preserved foods, and the so-called luxuries are still impor4:ed. The textile industry is per- haps making greater progress than any other. Five of the larger cotton mills in the Federal District employ 8,000 operatives and have an output of over 80,000,000 yards. Another mill employs 1,500 operatives and utilizes 1,500 horsepower. Four mills in Petropolis manufacture an average of 18,000,000 to 19,000,000 yards, while 24 mills in Sao Paulo produce 83,000,000 to 84,000,000 yards. In the district of Rio de Janeiro the establishment of new, and the enlargement of existing factories has caused the Rio de Janeiro Tramway, Light and Power Company to enlarge its plant from 50,000 to 80,000 horsepower to meet the increasing demand. ' ' 10 274 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA (Pan American Union, Brazil: General Descriptive Data, Wash- ington 1915). And further, " Sao Paulo is to be compared, to Rio de Janeiro in industrial importance. In addition to the power plant of the Sao Paulo Tramway, Light and Power Company at Parahyba, which has a capacity of 32,000 horsepower, a new plant is being constructed by the company at Sorocabo, for the supply of additional powder to the city of Sao Paulo and neighboring cities and towns. The capacity of this plant is to be 62,500 horse- power. In the State of Parana the lumber industry, while still in its infancy, is making rapid progress:" the explanation of this being the use of modern American machinery in the large sawmills which have been erected recently. Consult Brazilian Year Book and statistical publications already mentioned. Mineral Resources Brazil's mineral resources have from the first been ques- tioned, doubted. Amerigo Vespucci navigated in the course of his third voyage from 5° below the equator to a region well south of the Tropic of Capricorn, practically from Rio Grande do Norte to Rio Grande do Sul, as the regions are now called. He wrote as follows : '^ On this coast we saw nothing of value except an infinite number of dye-wood and cassia trees, and those which beget myrrh, and other wonders of nature which cannot be recounted. . . And seeing that in this land we found nothing whatever of mineral wealth (no trouavamo cosa di minero alcuno) we decided to hasten away." We have shown above (see History) that better luck in this respect attended the efforts of 18th century explorers ; but such thorough exploration and exploitation as took place in the Span- ish South American holdings was impossible in the Portuguese; and regions most shrewdly suspected of concealing mineral treas- ure have remained in a measure to this day Mineral Regions " of Doubt." The best statement of present phases of this question is made by Mr. D. A. Vindin (in Denis's Brazil, English version, supplementary ehapter), who writes that, although there is official record of the production of gold valued at more than $500,000,000 and of diamonds to the value of many millions; and although Brazil also produces silver, platinum, lead, copper, iron, man- ganese, mercury, coal, monazite, graphite, and very many varieties of precious stones and rare marbles; nevertheless the mining industry adds very little to the country's wealth just at present. '' I have no doubt," he says thoughtfully, '' after having made a visit of inquiry and looked up all available information, but that BRAZIL 275 Brazil will within a few years demand considerable attention from mining men, as there are few countries in which there are greater opportunities for profitable investment. Hitherto very little atten- tion has been given to mining by either the Federal or State governments, with the exception of the State of Minas Geraes, the result being an absence of much-needed mining laws for the guidance of those wishing to engage in mining on business lines. I understand that there is a likelihood of the States waking up to the importance of encouraging the development of their latent mineral wealth. Most of the gold won by the early settlers in Brazil came from the banks of rivers or from near the surface of the soil. The amount of development of reefs at any [consider- able] depth has been very slight, and it is this work in the future that promises well. It is the need of capital and the necessity of waiting for returns that disinclines the Brazilians to undertake mining operations : it is consequently to European and American investors that the work will fall. The fact that most of the mining lands are the property of private owners, and that under the Federal and State constitutions all minerals are the property of the freeholders and not liable to any government tax, renders any systematic searching or prospecting for minerals almost of no avail. The owners of these lands are not sympathetic toward mining at the present time; they will not themselves mine, and they will offer no aid to others ; in fact, in most cases, mining pros- pectors would be warned off the ground as trespassers. There appears to be an almost unlimited scope for profitable mining in Minas Geraes, but it is at all times difficult to obtain the right class of men to conduct operations; and in a country like Brazil the success or failure of any mining venture largely depends upon the type of man in charge of affairs. Apart from technical ability, a knowledge of the language and the people and unfailing patience and tact are necessary." The circumstances that in Minas Geraes gold has been mined profitably since 1830, and that Rio Grande do Sul is the scene of recent gold-mining enterprises are men- tioned ; then the account deals with iron in the following terms : ''A number of eminent mining engineers from the United States, Canada, and Europe have visited Brazil in order to examine and report upon the iron deposits of the country, which are considered to be the richest and greatest in the world. The ores are mostly oxides; the carbonates are rare and usually associated with car- bonate of calcium. ' ' They occur in * ' practically all that portion of Brazil lying south of 15° S. In Minas the ore is in some cases found in actual mountains, the analyses of which have yielded 276 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP^ LATIN AMERICA extraordinarily high percentages. Coal exists in Santa Catharina and Eio Grande do Sul at various places." Deposits of talc and kaolin are of frequent occurrence in crystalline rocks, which are of wide distribution in Brazil. Some of these, more favorably situ- ated in relation to transportation and markets, are now being worked. Of these the following may be mentioned : 1. Near Rezende, State of Rio de Janeiro, where a pure white talc is produced, requiring little treatment before being available as a cosmetic. 2. Near Lorena, State of Sao Paulo. 3. Near Santo Amaro, State of Sao Paulo, not far from the city of Sao Paulo. Massive talc, or steatite, occurs in different parts of the coun- try, as near Itaberaba, municipio de Ouro Preto, Varzea near Dores de Boa Esperanga, and near Jacuhy in the western part of Minas Geraes. At these places its principal use is in the manu- facture of cooking utensils, which are turned out on the lathe from the solid block of soapstone. Pans and pots of this material are specially prized in Brazil for cooking rice. It also occurs in Ceara and Goyaz. Classed between common bituminous and the lignite of Ger- many, Brazilian coal contains ash and impurities (20 per cent) and in specimens we have examined, sulphur. " Reports on different samples show that this coal, when made into briquettes, is little inferior to Cardiff coal in the same form." Since the develop- ment of the Kimberley mines in South Africa, diamond-mining in Brazil has received comparatively little attention; nevertheless valuable stones are often found, and " it must be borne in mind that Brazilian diamonds are considered to be of much finer grade than those produced from South Africa." Brazil produces some of the finest specimens of beryl; amethysts and agates are also plentiful. Consult Brazilian Year Book (Rio de Janeiro) and Denis, P., Brazil (trans. Miall, liondon 1911). See general Bibliography under History. COMMERCE OF BRAZIL The new civil code of Brazil which went into effect on 1 Jan. 1917 contains numerous provisions favoring certain classes of American business. The situation deserves thorough study. Mr. 0. P. Austin, after referring to improved commercial conditions in South America generally in 1915, writes (in The Americas, Vol. BRAZIL 277 II, No. 2) that the improvement was less sharply marked in Brazil than in Argentina "by reason of the fact that prices of the articles which form Brazil's chief exports, coffee and rubber," were lower in 1915 than in 1914. Reports covering the seven months ending with July 1915, showed, as the total value of the exports for those months, $132,800,000 against $149,500,000 in the same months of 1914. Imports for the seven months amounted* to but $81,000,000 against $130,000,000 in the corresponding period of 1914, and $199,000,000 in the same months of 1913. " Details of the trade of Brazil, like those of Argentina," Mr. Austin continues, " are more favorable to the United States than to the other countries, especially in imports. The United States is, in fact, the chief country from which the imports show an increase. The total value of imports from the principal countries for the six months' period ending with June 1915, are from Great Britain, $15,375,000 against $25,850,000 in the same months of 1914; from Germany, $1,875,000 against $23,700,000; from France, $3,230,000 against $10,123,000, while from the United States the total for the six months of 1915 was $18,250,000 against $16,300,000 in the corresponding period in 1914. Exports in the six months ending with June, 1915, are to Great Britain, $17,957,000 against $21,500,000 in the same months of last year; to France, $13,180,000 against $11,970,000; to Hol- land, $11,290,000 against $7,100,000; and to Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, $13,400,000 against $1,400,000. To the United States, the exports of the six months of 1915 are $44,500,000 against $49,500,000." The total value of the foreign commerce of Brazil was, for 1912: $671,038,586 (imports, $308,243,736 and exports $362,794,846) ; for 1913, $641,593,196 (imports, $326,428,509 and exports, $315,164,687) ; for 1914, $387,026,430 (imports, $165,556,- 950 and exports, $221,469,480) ; and the tendencies of the country's foreign trade when effects of the European war were most keenly felt are seen when we place these figures in immediate connection with those relating to 1915, as given above. The depression and the reasonably prompt reaction are full of interest. We add now observations made during a longer period, namely, ten months, in 1915, which show a large increase in the proportion of Brazilian trade held by the United States : In 1913, 1914 and 1915, respectively, the United States took 32 per cent, 40 per cent, and 41 per cent (in value) of Brazil's exports. In the same years 16 per cent, 15 per cent, and 29 per cent, respectively, of Brazil's imports were drawn from the United States. Thus, the share of the United States in Brazil's total purchases nearly doubled in 1915. 278 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Official statistics of Brazil's foreign trade for January- September 1916, give the value of the imports during that period as $137,858,200, contrasted \\dth $106,683,400 for the first nine months of 1915 and $149,542,675 during the first nine months of 1914. Exports totaled $187,160,725 in January-September 1916, against $173,446,925 and $168,726,425 for the 'same period in 1915 and 1914 respectively. The principal exports for the 1916 period were : coffee, $96,035,50'0; rubber, $26,507,825; hides, $12,570,175; cocoa, $9,041,950 ; tobacco, $6,822,825 ; yerba mate, $6,686,575 ; manganese, $5,664,600 ; frozen meats, $5,275,275 ; and sugar, $4,019,725. The total imports of wheat flour into Brazil for the first six months of the calendar year 1916 were 143,104,300 pounds, valued at ports of shipment at the equivalent of $4,155,743 United States gold. Of this total quantity Argentina and Uruguay supplied 81,754,134 pounds, value $2,123,205, and the United States 59,783,- 684 pounds, value $1,967,317. The rapid increase in the frozen-meat industry and the perma- nent character of this development are clearly shown by the following figures of exports for the first 11 months of 1916 as com- pared with the corresponding months of 1915 : In 1915, 14,686,280 pounds, valued at $1,159,291, were exported; in 1916, 71,268,556 pounds valued at $6,606,732. Of this total of 71,268,566 pounds 30,832,904 pounds were exported from the port of Rio de Janeiro and 40,435,662 pounds from the port of Santos. The destination of this meat was: To United States, 5,469,220 pounds; France, 9,779,853; Great Britain, 11,935,748; Italy, 33,446,732; Gibraltar (to order) 10,637,013 pounds. Preliminary data of the Republic's commerce for 1916, recently issued by the Brazilian Statistical Bureau, give the value of the exports as $267,706,000 (United States currency) and that of the imports as $196,057,000, making a total foreign trade of $463,376,000, which is larger than in either of the two preceding '' war years." The balance of trade ($71,649,000), however, is lower than in 1915, because of increased importations during the year just ended. We can advance at present only one step farther in the explication of the somewhat involved commercial factors or tangled commercial strands of the period we are examining, and this advance we make by inviting attention to the full statistical details of the trade of Brazil during 1915. These complete details for the entire year show the change in proportional repre- sentation of the United States, England, and Germany in Brazil's inbound and outbound commerce: BRAZIL 279 Imports 1914 1915 United States 17.5 per cent 32.1 per cent England 23.7 per cent 21.9 per cent Germany 16.1 per cent 1.5 per cent Exports 1914 1915 United States 40 . 9 per cent 41 . 7 per cent England 14.4 per cent 12.1 per cent Germany 9.9 per cent The exports of the chief products of Brazil were : 1913 1914 1915 Cotton, tons 37,424 30,434 5,228 Sugar, tons 5,367 31,860 59,074 Rubber, tons 36,232 33,531 35,165 Cocoa, tons 29,759 40,767 44,980 Coffee, 1,000 bags 13,267 11,270 17,061 Hides, tons 35,075 31,442 38,324 Tobacco, tons 29,338 26,980 27,096 Herva matte, tons 65,415 59,354 75,885 The adverse exchange situation cut down Brazil's receipts for her commodities. The value of her money, in commerce, decreased. Her exports, measured by quantity, were larger than those of 1913, but she got only $265,000,000 (round) for all of them, against $320,000,000 in 1913, although, in her own markets, commodities ruled generally higher, and she paid much higher prices for what she imported. The export of meat increased in value from $456,463 for the first eight months of 1915 to $3,905,562 for the corresponding period in 1916. Consult The Americas (New York 1914-17) ; Brazilian Year Book (Rio de Janeiro) ; Pan American Union, Brazil (Washington 1915) ; Filsinger, E. B., Exporting to Latin America (New York 1916). See general Bibliography under History. BANKING AND FINANCE The principal banks in Brazil are: Banco do Brazil, Banco Nacional Braziliero, Branch of the National City Bank of New York, British Bank of South America, Limited, Brasiliansche Bank fiir Deutschland, London & Brazilian Bank, Limited, London & River Plate Bank, Limited, Banco Espanol, del Rio de la Plata, Banco Commercial do Rio de Janeiro, Banco Allemao Trans- atlantico. Banco do Commercio, Banco do Estado do Rio de 280 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Janeiro, Banco Nacional Ultramarino. All of the foregoing are in Rio de Janeiro; the Banco Francesca e Italiana per 1 'America del Sud is in Sao Paulo. The monetary system is nominally based on the gold standard. The milreis, the gold unit, which is divided into 1,000 reis, weighs 0.89645 grammes of gold .917 fine, or say, .82207 grammes of fine gold, and its par value in terms of the cur- rency of the United States is' $0.5463. One dollar, currency of the United States, is therefore the equivalent of 1$831 gold milreis. The reader will notice that the sign .$ for milreis is placed after the units and before the decimals. The circulating medium, and the only legal money in Brazil, consists of Government notes guar- anteed redeemable at the rate of 16d. per milreis. This rate is maintained through a conversion fund known as the Caixa de Con- versao (Compare: Argentina — Banking). The theoretical unit of the paper circulation represents 0.48816 grammes of fine gold, and its equivalent in terms of the currency of the United States is $0.32444. The par value of $1, currency of the United States, is therefore 3$08226 expressed in terms of Brazilian paper cur- rency. The method of quoting exchange rates in Brazil under normal conditions (see Latin American Monetary Systems and Exchange Conditions, by Joseph T. Cosby) is the following: 90 D/S Sight London 16-3/32d.=l$000 London lo-7/8d.=l$000 Berlin 1 Mark= .730 Berlin 1 Mark= .740 Paris 1 Pranc= . 593 Paris 1 France . 600 New York $1.00 U. S. Cy.=3pll3 Exchange fell to 14d. on receipt of the news of the outbreak of the European war. A bank holiday (actually 15 consecutive days) was declared, specie payment was suspended by the Caixa de Conversao, and the rate of exchange remained at 14d. (more or less nominal) until the banks reopened on August 18. After that date the rate declined steadily until early in October, when a low point of lOd. was reached. The principal factors in bringing about this heavy decline were: First, the action to which we have referred, taken by the Caixa de Conversao, second, the closing of London credits in favor of Brazil, and, third, the fact that the Government authorized an issue of treasury notes amounting to $81,120,000 or 250,000 contos (one conto = 1,000 milreis; 1,000 milreis = $324.44 currency of the United States). During Feb- ruary 1916, the rate for bankers' 90 days' sight drafts on London varied from ll/ird. to lliifd., the closing rate on 29 Feb. 1916 being ll%d., as compared with lli/od. on 31 January. The rate for 90 days' sight commercial bills was ll<%d. on 24 April 1916. By executive decree, promulgated 23 Dec. 1916, the exchange of the notes of the Caixa de Conversao (Conversion Office) for BRAZIL 281 gold continues suspended until 31 Dec. 1917. Exception is made of the exchange of notes by order of the Government to attend only to the service of the external debt of the Union. The aggregate cash balances of the principal banks in Rio de Janeiro at the end of February 1916, showed a decrease of about $1,325,000 as compared with those at the end of January. Dis- counts during February in the same year showed an increase of $265,000, approximately. The rate obtainable for first class paper was about 7i/^ per cent. The Federal Treasury 6 per cent (paper) bills, commonly called '' sabinas, " issued in 1915, commenced to fall due. The Government availed itself of its option of renewing the bills for one year, paying interest in cash. Custom House receipts, both at Rio and at Santos showed an increase for the first two months of 1916 as compared with the same period in 1915. The commercial situation in Sao Paulo, 15 Mar. 1916, was reported to be very sound. The large commercial houses in England and the United States who send out agents discovered that the difficulty was rather in the execution than in the obtaining of orders. Credits of three or four months were given, whereas, a year before, practically all business was done on a cash basis. The question of tonnage continued to absorb attention, freights remaining very high. The greater part of the shipments went to the United States. Cotton mills reported progress, several com- panies showing comparatively prosperous situations. Brazil in 1915 confronted the absolute necessity of mending the national finances, but declined to make the mistake of marking up taxes and imposts on the supposition that higher charges would necessarily produce greater revenue. The fact is that, during the five years, 1910 to 1914, inclusive, every year brought a deficit of increasing size. Excellent judgment was shown by those who favored the lowering of export duties and the reduction of the rate of port-charges exacted by companies that have concessions for operating port- works ; the very reasonable position being taken that Brazil's products should be allowed to compete effectively in foreign markets with those of other lands. At this time it was stated that the general expenses of moving goods through certain Brazilian ports were five times to twenty times greater than the expenses of moving goods through North American or European ports. ' The Brazilian budget law for 1917 estimates the general receipts at 116,310,204 gold milreis ($62,807,510) and 327,300,333 paper milreis ($78,552,080) ; the revenue with special application is placed at 12,025,000 gold milreis ($6,493,500) and 12,838,000 282 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA paper milreis ($3,081,120). The total revenue, when expressed in American currency, shows an increase of $7,365,839 over 1916. The budget law^ fixes the expenses for 1917 at 98,532,945 gold milreis ($53,207,790) and 407,426,730 paper milreis ($97,782,408), showing a deficit of $55,995 for the year, and an increase of $8,169,205 over the expenses of 1916. In order to point the way (and we can do no more than that at present) to a thorough comprehension of this part of our sub- ject, w^e must show that the European war did not by any means originate the critical depression. The withdrawal from Brazil of British supplies of capital in the Balkan money stringency (1913-14) had occasioned a financial revulsion before the shock of war was added. '' Brazil was feeling the depression badly in the first six months of 1914," says a writer in The Americas (Vol. I, No. 8, page 33). '' The foreign trade of Santos port, which is typical of all Brazil, showed a decline of 44V1> per cent in imports for those months as compared with the corresponding period of 1913, and the second half of the year showed a drop of 601/3 per cent as compared with the corresponding period of 1913. In exports, the decline of the first half of the year had been only 614 per cent. The drop in the second half — the war period — was 48.2 per cent. Very heavy declines in the imports of machinery of all kinds (60 per cent) show the effect of the cutting off of the European capital supply ' ' — that is, continental as w^ell as British. Moreover, Brazil's chief commodities held a less controlling posi- tion in the markets of the world at that time. ' ' Plantation rubber undercut in price the wild rubber of the Amazon. Coffee dropped sharply in export price from 1912 on. In 1914 it was nearly 40 per cent below the 1912 price. ' ' We have already spoken of the violent swing of exchanges against Brazil; we now add that, in view of the hard facts that the Federal Government had large debt maturities and that its revenues (chiefly derived from imports) had fallen off nearly one-half owing to the derangement of trade resulting from the war, there was nothing to occasion surprise in the circumstance that a settlement was made with the holders of Brazilian securities, by which the maturities were extended for 13 years. Authoritative opinions from The Americas (Vol. I, No. 12), give features of the financial situation in September 1915. Credit was then granted only with the greatest reserve. * ' The Federal, State, and Municipal governments figured in the mercantile credit situation very gravely because it w^as necessary during the most critical part of the months just subsequent to the declarations of BRAZIL 283 war for these to extend official help to the general situation and to finance the orderly continuation of their [own] necessary activi- ties through reciprocal mercantile credits. The Government was said to owe about $75,000,000 among leading business houses over the country, and these were severely handicapped by its [the Government's] inability to settle accounts in a way to permit them to realize without some loss of principal. The Rio de Janeiro Chamber of Commerce held several largely attended meetings in which protesting resolutions were sent to the Government, against the latter 's payment of local accounts for supplies in Treasury notes at face value when these could not be disposed of at more than 75 per cent of face value Professional and party politics were as active in Brazil, and with the same effects, as they have been during like trying times in the United States. It was, however, gratifying to note a distinctively forward movement in which ' measures, not men ' were increasingly sought for by a very important section of the population. Production, with a view to export, was the problem toward which all eyes were turned, as being the chief hope of the Republic. The remarkable part which Argentina has been called upon to play since the outbreak of the war, as a supplier of wheat and frozen meat to the rest of the world, has not been without its lesson." Of course the deprecia- tion of Brazilian paper money in exchange transactions has proved to be highly disadvantageous to her. Thus, the official statement of the Republic's imports and exports during the first five months of 1915, issued by the Director of Commercial Sta;tis- tics, Ministry of Finance, shows the largest credit balance Brazil has had in foreign commerce in five years. But although 7,095,000 bags of coffee were exported, as against 4,643,000 in the corre- sponding period of 1914, and in paper currency of the locality the total value was 253,657 contos, as against 190,328 contos, the real and actual value when converted into dollars (currency of the United States) was only $68,155,000 as against $63,445,000 the year before. The domestic price of rubber was higher, indeed, in terms of the paper currency, but the amount credited in exchange was only $15,665,000 against $20,720,000, a drop of 25 per cent. We read in Proceedings of the First Pan American Finan- cial Conference (Washington 1915), the summary by Hon. John Bassett IVIoore of a very full Brazilian report that dealt with the financing of transactions involving the importation and exporta- tion of goods, with questions of local and commercial banking, and with the various questions of trade and of commerce. It 284 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA recommended in particular, first, that greater prominence should be given in the public schools and other educational institutions of the United States to the study of the Central and South American countries, their geographical location, natural resources, govern- ment, and languages; second, that emphasis should be given to the necessity of greater liberality being exercised in the interpre- tation of customs regulations by the United States and Latin America ; third, the need of more effective protection of trade- marks; fourth, the facilitation of reciprocal business relations between merchants and manufacturers of the L^nited States and of Latin America, the grant of such reasonable credits and business information in both directions as may be safe and desirable; fifth, the establishment of a system of direct exchange between the United States and Latin American countries based on the dollar unit of the United States; sixth (in order to facilitate the inter- change of products adapted to the needs of American countries), the formation of bureaus of standards of the respective countries, to standardize, in so far as possible, the requirements of each country; seventh, the extension of reciprocal tariff concessions between the United States and Latin American countries (such concessions as characterized the famous Cuban reciprocity treaty) ; eighth, the inauguration of a rapid, frequent, and depend- able marine transportation service, to provide adequately for the maintenance and development of commerce between the countries of North, Central, and South America ; ninth, that the postal rates now existing within the United States should be extended to include the Latin American countries and made reciprocal, and that a parcels post and money-order system should be generally established; tenth, the extension of direct telegraphic service, either wireless or cable, between all parts of North, Central, and South America, to be owned, controlled, and operated by American interests exclusively; and, eleventh, to the press of all the inter- ested countries, the establishment of a more comprehensive and reliable system for the exchange of important news items. Bibliography Americas, The (New York, published monthly, 1914r-17) ; Financial Con- ference, Proceedings of the First Pan American (Washington 1915) ; Long Credits and the New Banking Act (reprinted from Bulletin Pan American Union, Washington n.d.) ; Lough, W. H,, Financial Developments in South American Countries (Washington 1915) and Banking Opportunities in South American Countries (Dept. of Conunerce, Washington 1915). For currency, etc., consult Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monetarg Si/sfems and Exchange Conditions (New York 1915), and Gonzales, V., Modern Foreign Exchange (New York 1914). BRAZIL 285 THE ARMY AND NAVY Army Military service is obligatory on all male citizens from the 21st 3^ear to the 44th, inclusive, with numerous exceptions, such as that made in favor of men who demonstrate skill in marksmanship. Instruction by French officers has produced excellent results for the military police of Sao Paulo. Terms of service are : two years in the ranks, seven in the reserve — or, as it is called, the active reserve, seven in the Territorial Army, and the remaining years in the National Guard. The country is divided into military zones, embracing 21 districts. Reservists are called out for one month of training each year; Territorialists for two weeks or more annually. Units of the active army are : fifteen regiments of infantry; twelve of cavalry (of four squadrons) and five of two squadrons besides the cazadores; five regiments of field artillery (nine batteries, each with four guns); nine horse artillery, five howitzer, and six mountain batteries; five battalions of engineers and nine of garrison artillery. Total in the service, 94 batteries, of which 3(i are in fortifications. The Brazilian artillery owes the beginning of its organization to the Conde de Eu, a brilliant officer in the time of the Emperor Dom Pedro. Of more practical and modern seeming, in the engineers' class, are the 17 sections of men skilled in telegraphy, construction of bridges, railways, and aeronautics. The military zones or territorial districts supply men for five strategical and three cavalry brigades which are stationed near the frontiers of Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. The total peace strength of Brazil's land forces is about 32,000, to which may be added a gendarmerie of 20,000. In time of war the number may (it is sometimes asserted) be increased to 60,000 or even five times that number if ecjuipment can be found. Navy The naval contingent is com])osed of 7,500 to 8,000 men in all, and the squadron of the following units : The Dreadnoughts Minas Geraes and Sao Paulo (each having displacement 19,281, principal arm. 12 guns of 12 in. and 22 of 4.7 in., H.P. 23,500, and nominal speed 21) ; the old battleships Dcodoro and Fionano (each with disp. 3,200, prin. arm. 2 guns of 9.2 in. and 4 of 4.7 in., H.P. 3,400, and nom. speed 14) ; protected cruisers Bahia, Rio Grande do Sul and Ceard (each having disp, 3,500, prin. arm. 10 guns of 4.7 in., and H.P. 18,000) ; the old Barrozo (disp. 3,450, 6 286 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA guns of 6 in., 4 of 4.7 in., and 2 torpedo tubes) and Tammandare (disp. 4,500, 10 guns of 6 in., 2 of 4.7 in., and 2 torpedo tubes) ; also 5 torpedo gunboats and 4 first-class torpedo boats, 10 Yarrow destroyers and 4 destroyers, a mine ship of 1,500 tons, a small vessel (1,200 tons) for hydrograpliic service, 3 submarines and other vessels, the total number being 52. The naval school is at Eio de Janeiro. Ladario, in Matto Grosso, has a river arsenal; other arsenals are at Rio and Para. TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION Railways have a total length of 15,248 miles open to traffic. The Government owns and administers 2,188 miles; 5,716 miles are privately leased; 3,447 miles are, by government concessions, granted to various enterprises; and 3,897 miles operated by private corporations under State concessions. The design of the entire system is such that, when completed, the Brazilian lines will connect with the very important railway system of Argen- tina (q.v.), and those of Paraguay and Uruguay. The chief Atlantic ports are: Rio de Janeiro, Santos, Per- nambuco, Bahia, Puerto Alegre, Rio Grande, Ceara, and Parana- gua; the most important Amazonian jjorts being Manaos (strictly on the Rio Negro near its confluence with the great river) and Para. At these ports are registered many transatlantic lines — about 50 in all ; and the merchant navy of Brazil consists, accord- ing to the latest reports available, of 238 steamers of 130,582 tons net, and 290 sailing vessels of 60,728 tons net. Coasting and river vessels must be Brazilian. The Brazilian Lloyd, that has long maintained a monthly service between Rio and New York, has also established a line connecting Portuguese, Brazilian and English ports. State aid has been granted liberally to river and coasting enterprises. Privately owned telegraph lines have a very large mileage. The system under control of the Government comprises 21,393 miles, with 270 offices. Post-offices in 1917 numbered 3,587. The systems of wireless telegraphy have been extended by the addition of five new stations erected on the coast and 15 along the Amazon and Paraguay rivers. Before leaving the subject of transportation, we desire to quote a paragraph from The Americas (VoL I, No. 12). It invites consideration of the inadequacy of existing means of transpor- tation, in the following terms: " Railway development is at an BRAZIL 287 absolute standstill at the moment, owing to the financial stagnation consequent on overspending, accentuated, of course, by the effects of the war. This is, however, but temporary, and with a return to normal conditions the forward movement of railway policy in Brazil, which has always been a prominent one, will be resumed. Many immense districts are still without sufficient and some with- out any communication with outlets for pastoral and agricultural products. The development of these districts will make Brazil one of the most prolific exporters in the world; climate, soil, rainfall, and freedom from some of the more noxious cattle pests encoun- tered elsewhere make the country especiallj^ suited to pastoral pursuits, while there is waiting for the plough and harrow a large extent of country, owing to its vastness scarcely valued at its true worth by Brazilians themselves." POPULATION 'AND ITS DISTRIBUTION The number of inhabitants in the entire country is approxi- mately 24,600,000, the increment being therefore, 10,000,000 in 26 years, the population in 1890 having been 14,333,915 according to calculations and estimates generally accepted as correct. The rate of growth in Sao Paulo is noteworthy. That State had 837,000 inhabitants in 1872; in 1890 it had 1,384,000; in 1900 it had 2,280,- 000 ; and during the next 16 years the increase was over 2,000,000. The State capital, also called Sao Paulo, with only 35,000 inhabi- tants in 1883, grew with the growth of the coffee-trade and the general prosperity of the State; and so rapidly that in 1907 the number of its inhabitants was 340,000, and in 1916 about 400,00 0. The growth of population in Acre Territory's seringa forests is also rapid. But such increment as is noted seems slight in view of the fact, emphasized in Bryce's South America, that '^ taking Brazil as a whole, no great country in the world owned by a European race possesses so large a proportion of land available for the support of human life and productive industry." The same observer is authority for the statement that one can hardly reckon the true Brazilian white nation at more than 7,000,000, the other elements being negro, colored, aborigines of the Amazonian forests, half-breeds, etc.; and, finally, the foreign element, more important by reason of its energy and industry than on account of numbers, since it probably little exceeds 1,000,000 all told. Sub- stantial increase may be anticipated at Porto Alegre, Pelotas, 288 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA and the city of Rio Grande do Sul, the three gateways on the Atlantic coast giving access to the rich agricultural plateau of the southernmost Brazilian state. For abstracts of census reports of population, consult the Brazilian Year Book and publications of the Pan American Union — Brazil, Bulletin, Latin America, etc.; for descriptions of the inhabitants of large cities and towns, and for studies of native races, the accounts of travel or exploration mentioned in Bibliog- raphy under History. POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND CITIES The Federation of Brazil consists of 20 States, the Federal District and the Territory of the Acre. In alphabetical order, with their areas and populations, capitals and populations, they are as follows : STAl'E Population Area (in square miles) Capital Population of capital Alago.is Amazonas Bahia CearA Espirito Santo Goyaz Maranhao Matto Grosso Minas Geraea Pari Parahyba Parand Pernambuco Piauhy Rio de Janeiro Rio Grande do Norte Rio Grande do Sul . . . Santa Catharina S5o Paulo Sergipe Acre Territory Federal District 785,000 387,000 ,000.000 886,000 297,000 280,000 562,000 142,000 ,500,000 568,000 520,000 406,000 ,000,000 400,000 968,000 279,000 ,400,000 353,000 ,500,000 413,000 154,000 1,500,000 22,583 732,439 164,643 40,247 17,312 288,536 177,561 532 , 683 221,951 443,903 28,854 85,451 49,573 116,523 26,634 22,193 91,333 28,632 112,307 15,093 73,009 538 Macei6 Mandos Bahfa, or Sao Salvador. . . Fortaleza Victoria Goyaz Sao Luiz Cuyabd Bello Horizonte Belem do Pard Parahyba Curitiija Recife, or Pernambuco. . . Therezina Nictheroy Natal Po to Alegre Florianapolis, or Desterro Sao Paulo Aracajli Rio Branco, or Senna Madureira Rio de Janeiro 40,000 60,000 280,000 50,000 20,000 16,000 50,000 20,000 50,000 200,000 20,000 50,000 250,000 50,000 50,000 20,000 100,000-150,000 30,000 400,000 30,000 5,000 *1, 500, 000 * If the entire District is included: otherwise about 1,000,000. Rio de Janeiro ' The capital of the Republic, Rio de Janeiro, is the largest and best-known city of the country and the second city of South America. It is located in a Federal district of 538 square miles, on the shore of a bay which runs 17 miles inland from the Atlantic, and is surrounded on all sides by the mountains of the Brazilian coast range. In the older portion of the city the streets are narrow and crooked, and are lined by low buildings. In the new poi'tion, however, the structures and facili- ties are modern. Street railway service is well organized, all kinds of vehicles are found on the streets, including a great many automobiles, but a larg-e part of the carrying is still performed by porters, and food supplies are sold from house to , house. Recently very extensive quays have been built and equipped with cranes, warehouses, and railway tracks, and the harbor has been dredged, so that vessels BRAZIL 289 can load and unload without the aid of lighters. Kio de Janeiro is the chief indus- trial centre of the country. The textile industry is perhaps making greater progress than any other. Five of the larger cotton mills in the Federal District of Rio de Janeiro employ 8,000 operatives and have an output of 75,500,000 meters ( meter = about 1.09 yards). Another mill employs 1,500 operatives and utilizes 15,000 horse- power. Rio also has flour mills, shoe, shirt, collar and stocking factories, a plant for the manufacture of hydrogen gas to be used in welding and cutting iron, a rail- way car assembling works, a fibre plant, steam laundry, furniture, lumber and cabi- net works, hat, umbrella, soap, candle and cocoanut-oil factories, chemical products, rubber, preserved food, beer, chocolate, biscuits, glass, paper, and leather goods works. There are altogether in the Federal District 584 manufacturing establish- ments in operation, with a combined capital of $42,582,000, an annual output valued at $61,598,700 and employing 30,490 operatives. Rio de Janeiro is one of the prin- cipal markets for the coast fishing industry. It takes 35 to 40 i)er cent of all imports into the country, and 19 per cent of the coffee shipped from the country passes through it. It is also the official residence of the United States ambassador to Brazil and the seat of a United States consul-general. From New York there is a departure once a week of passenger steamers, with modern express servJce every 14 days, the schedule to Rio de Janeiro being about 16 days, with'a stop at Bahia. Between Rio and Europe steamers two or three times a wook are available, the time to or from Lisbon being from 11 to 16 days. Sao Paulo The second city of importance in Brazil, Sao Paulo, is situated 210 miles south- west of Rio Janeiro, with which it is connected by rail, at an elevation of 2,500 feet, about 40 miles from the sea, its port being Santos, 45 miles distant. It is the coffee mart of Brazil and, in a sense, of the world. It is a modern city, with a crowded centre, recently improved by new and straight streets and the activities of the State , of which it is the capital give it rather a North American character. There are 14 banks of importance in the city, with aggregate deposits of $60,000,000. Of these four are Brazilian, three English, two (Jennan, one American, one Argentine, one French and Italian, one French and one Italian. The most important is the Banco de Commercio e Industria do Estado de SJio Paulo, with $18,500,000 deposits and about $11,000,000 cash reserve. The city contains several buildings of great archi- tectural merit. The Municipal Theatre, recently constructed, is one of the finest of its kind in the world. The Ypiranga Museum and La Luz station of the Sao Paulo Railway are modern palatial structures. The government buildings are also noteworthy and there are many palatial' residences. In the whole State of Sao Paulo, there are over 300 large factories, with a capital of $50,000,000 and a work- ing force of 30,000, and most of these factories are in the city of Sao Paulo. These include iron foundries, bivweines, flour mills, chemical works, cotton mills, jute mill, silk and linen factories, cotton-seed oil mills, etc. Extensive city improvements are under way or planned, including paving, building of viaducts between the two sections of the city, construction of boulevards, etc. There is a good deal of interest manifested in the methods and products of the United States. It is the centre of the State railway system and is the seat of a United States consular agent. Sao Paulo deserves the close attention of the United States manufacturers looking into the export trade with Brazil, as it is one of the most up-to-date and thriving cities of the continent, is growing rapidly, and is the centre of the most enterprising of Brazilian States. 20 290 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Bahia or Sao Salvador de la Bahia de Todos os Santos This city, the capital of the State of Bahia and the oldest city of Brazil, is situated on the east shore of the Bay of All Saints, from which it takes its name. It is 440 miles southwest of Pernambuco and 738 northeast of Rio de Janeiro, with both of which cities it has steamship and cable connections. The city is divided into the lower and upper cities, the former is the business quarter, and until recently had narrow, close, ill-paved streets. It has recently entered into a comprehensive scheme of reconstruction, with the co-operation of the city, state, and nation, the city having authorized a loan of $7,790,000 and the State one of $4,860,000 to be applied in part to this purpose. Old buildin.^s are being torn down and new ones, including five and six story concrete office buildings and several thousand houses for workingmen, constructed in their i)lace; new streets and boulevards are being laid out; and the water and sewerage systems are being modernized. The upper part is clean and cool and commands a splendid yiew. Hydraulic elevators connect the two parts of the city. Electric railways traverse the city and connect it with the suburbs. It is also the coast terminal of a railway to the interior. Electric light and power are obtained from a plant across the bay from Bahia, the power for which is generated at a near-by waterfall. One of the principal improvements is the construction of new docks, which was begun in 1909 and finished in 1915. They cover 1.33 miles, cost $22,500,000, and provide one of the best ports in South America. Bahia is the port of entry for over 6 per cent of all Brazilian imports. The water alongside is deep enough to accommodate all ocean steamers, and the expense of unloading by means of lighters is avoided. The island of Ita- parica forms a natural breakwater for the harbor. Bahia has numerous indus- tries. It has long been one of the largest producers of cotton cloth, and also a supply centre for shoes, boots and hats. There are also manufactories of furniture, white clothing, chemical products, glass, leather goods, wax, sugar, tobacco, lime and cement, and foundry products. It has a large coast trade, the chief exports being cotton, sugar, coffee, hides, dyewoods, jute wares, and tobacco. Bahia ranks third among the ports of Brazil in value of imports, and trade with the United States in both directions is important. The chief articles of import from the United States are machinery, tools, electrical equipment, typewriters, shoes, office furniture, sewing machines, telephone and electric railway equipment, printing presses, etc. Cacao to the value of $1,500,000 is exported annually to the United States, rubber to the value of $1,000,000, and hides and skins to the value of $600,000. The total import trade of Bahia is about $17,000,000 annually. It is also the chief whaling port of Brazil, the catch in 1912 being the largest for many years because of the use of whaling steamers and harjioon guns. Steam trawlers for ordinary fishing are also used with success. A United States consulate is established here. There is a departure of passenger steamers once a week, with an express service every two weeks from New York to Bahia, the schedule being about 13 days. Para or Belem The capital of the State of Para. The city is situated on the Para River, near the mouth of the Amazon and 55 miles from the Atlantic. The city presents a picturesque appearance from the harbor. The streets are paved with Belgian block imported from Portugal, and there is a good electric-tramway system, electric and gas lighting, waterworks, and a sewerage system. All ships going to or from the Amazon must enter or clear at Para. The city has a fine concrete quay, 4,000 feet long and the river has been dredged so that ocean steamers can load and unload BRAZIL 291 alongside. The Port of Para Company is American, and holds a lease until 1973, or until 1996 if certain conditions are fulfilled, with a guarantee of 6 per cent on its capital. Para is the port of outlet for all the pi'oducts of the vast Amazon territory, mostly nibber, cacao, Brazil nuts and hides. It is one of the leading ports of the world in rubber export, and controls about one-half the supply of Brazil, amounting to about 20,000,000 kilos annually, valued approximately $35,- 000,000. The total exports reach an approximate annual value of $39,000,000 and the imports $16,000,000. Para is the seat of a United States consul. As the city depends for its prosperity on international commerce it is cosmopolitan in character, with most of the whites Portuguese. It is almost on the Equator and the climate is of course hot. The city is growing rapidly and will continue to increase in importance as the thinly settled territory behind it is opened up. Pernambuco or Recife The capital of the State of the same name, situate on the Atlantic coast at the easternmost point of the continent. It is 3,982 miles from New York and 4,065 miles from Liverpool. This port serves the cotton and sugar district of Brazil. There are about 60 sugar mills in the vicinity of the city and within it are cotton mills turning out fustians, drills, fancy oxfords, and other cloth. Pernambuco, like other large Brazilian cities, is in process of reconstruction and development, old streets being widened and straightened and many new houses being built. A new drainage system has also been laid. The city has electric railways, electric and gas lighting. The harbor is undergoing extensive improvements which include a break- water, a stone jetty and a long quay wall bounding an area of reclaimed land at a total cost of $16,000,000. When these are completed the inner harbor will be accessible to ocean steamers. The imports at this port average about $15,000,000 annually, and the exports $5,000,000. A United States consulate is located here. Pernambuco has rail connection with Parahyba in the north, and in the south with Maceio. Santos This prosperous city in the State of Sao Paulo, is situated on the Atlantic coast, 200 miles southwest of Rio de Janeiro, and 45 miles from the city of Sao Paulo. The immense export and import trade of the interior region which it serves has made it the second port of the Republic, the total value of its trade reaching about $251,000,000 annually. The harbor is accessible to the largest vessels. Santos is the largest coffee exporting port in the world, being the outlet for the great coffee- producing state of Sao Paulo. Coft'ee to the value of about $65,000,000 is shipped annually from this port to the United States. The annual export of coffee to all countries from this port has averaged over $120,000,000 for the last ten years. The chief exports from Santos to foreign countries in 1915 were coffee, valued at $113,- 424,679; hides, $539,275; cacao, $289,340; bran, $69,754; and tobacco, $24,254. Exports to the United States in the same year totaled $63,055,465, of which coffee represented $62,431,991; hides, $318,817; and cacao, $292,500. Frozen meat is fast becoming an important export, the value now exceeding $2,000,000 annually, Great Britain, Italy and the United States being the chief purchasers. Bananas rank third in the list of exports, being valued at $500,000 annually and going to Argentina. Santos is situated on an island, protected from the ocean by a larger island, with a channel six miles long between the two. A sea wall, three miles long, has been constructed on the side of the city. This made possible the reclaiming of much pestilential and malaria-breeding swamp land and the city's healthfulness has been increased in consequence. It is the seat of a United States consul. 292 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Maceio or Magayo The capital of the State of Alagoas. Situated on the Atlantic cooma, 60 miles east of Montevideo, which is small, the harbor being formed by two breakwaters and an island. The country back of La Paloma is well settled and cultivated and a railway line connects it with Rocha. Maldonado, 30 miles east of Montevideo, is considered as being on the bank of the river Plate. The harbor has considerable depth of water, but is of little importance as an ocean port. About 250 miles from Montevideo is the port of Fray Bentos, on the Uruguay River, which has a depth of water of about 30 feet, and at which 40 or 50 ocean-going vessels call each year. The most of the cargo is in connection with the Liebig plant, or the estancieros near by, or for the railways in course of construction. It has rail connection with the interior and with Brazil and is important as a distributing centre. Paysandu is also a river port of rising importance. It is situated on the Uruguay, 170 miles north of Buenos Aires; it is the centre of a rich agricultural and pastoral district. The chief industry is the preserving of beef, especially ox tongues. It has regular steamer conmiunication with Montevideo and Avith Buenos Aires. By Marrion Wilcox NATIONAL BOUNDARIES, GEOGRAPHY, ETC. THE republic officially called the United States of Venezuela lies in the northern part of South America and is bounded on the north by the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea, on the east by British Guiana, on the south by Brazil and Colom- bia, and on the west by Colombia. It extends from lat. 0° 45' N. to 12° 26' N. and from long. 59° 35' W. to 73° 20' W., and has an area of approximately 393,976 square miles, divided among 20 states, a Federal District, and two territories (see Political Divisions and Cities, page 434). Topography Nature has established in this land of varied physical char- acteristics five main divisions: (1) The long coast-line with its picturesque harbors; (2) The highlands of all that region south and east of the Orinoco, which may be called Venezuelan Guiana, or Guiana Highlands; (3) The great central area of plains or Llanos, those wide expanses, low-lying, nearly level, grassy but often treeless — with, at most, groups of palms and small trees near river banks; (4) The northeastern branch of the Andes Mountains; (5) the comparatively small regions of the Lake Mara- caibo basin, etc. The coast-line and the Orinoco alone would be sufficient to give Venezuela importance in the world. Concerning the vast, more or less unexplored tract lying on the right bank of the Orinoco and near the headwaters of that river, Mr. Dalton [411] 412 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA has written that ' ' the area is primarily one huge elevated plateau about 1,000 feet or more above the sea, and from this rise a few principal mountain ranges, with some peaks over 8,000 feet high. The highest ground is found on the Brazilian frontier beginning at Mt. Eoraima (8,500 feet), where the three boundaries of Vene- zuela, British Guiana and Brazil meet, and extends thence west- ward and southward to the headwaters of the Orinoco. The whole area (about 294,600 square miles) is well watered," and nearly all is covered with forests " containing rubber, tonka-beans, brazil- nuts, copaiba, and all the varied natural produce of the South American tropics." The Llanos of the Orinoco have a total area of 108,300 square miles. The elevation of the Llanos ranges up to ^ Copyright, Brown & Dawson, N. Y. Principal Street in Caracas, Venezueia 650 feet, and more than this in the mesas of the central region but large tracts are less than 300 feet above sea level. The whole area is traversed by numerous streams and rivers. The fourth great tract, the northeast spur of the Andes, divides it all naturally into three parts — the Caribbean range, along the shores of the sea of the same name, the Segovia Highlands, linking the former to the higher mountains of western Venezuela, and the Cordillera of Merida, or the Venezuelan Andes. The total area occupied by those mountain and hill-tracts is about 41,800 square miles. The fifth division includes, beside the alluvial area of the lake of Maracaibo, the Coro and Paraguana lowlands and the numerous islands in the Caribbean which belong to Venezuela, and the area is estimated as about 27,800 square miles. VENEZUELA 413 From Roraima the Orinoco-Cuyuni watershed extends northward within Venezuela to the Sierra Piaeoa, and thence southeast along the Sierra Imataca to the British limits again. The Sierra Maigualida forms the watershed between the Caura and the Ventuari. This southern and southeastern region is well watered by the upper Orinoco and the Ventuari, with the other great tributaries, the Cuchivero, Caura, Aro, Caroni, and their affluents. And yet, large as these rivers are, they are so broken by rapids that travel along them is possible only in small portable boats or rafts. It is necessary to differentiate carefully the river system of the Llanos region, where, north of the Meta, in addition to many smaller streams which broaden out into marshy lakes or cienagas, we find the navigable rivers Arauca (the main waterway to eastern Colombia) and Apure, flowing from the Andes to the Orinoco in an easterly direction. The Apure receives many tributaries on its left bank from the Venezuelan Andes, most important of which are the Portuguesa and the Guarico — the latter flowing through the state to which it gives its name, and receiving the waters of at least one stream that has its source less than 30 miles from the coast in longitude 6(^° Most important among the Orinoco tribu- taries from the north beyond the Apure ^ is the Manapire. The waters of the eastern Llanos are carried northward by the Unare and Aragua into the Caribbean Sea. About 11,500 square miles are comprised in the famous Delta of the Orinoco, a region of inundated forest, savannah and mangrove swamp, in which the water-courses called canos are not regarded as portions of the Orinoco itself. Climate and Health The marked climatic variations are occasioned chiefly by, differences in elevation, latitude and vegetation. The Guiana Highland region is, however, exceptional on account of its com- paratively uniform elevation, which tends to equalization of tem- peratures, etc. Naturally in those parts of this region where mountain ridges rise above the general level of the plateau the temperature is lower than the average, but these constitute a small part of the whole. There is an important difference in the meteorological conditions in the various river-valleys of the Ori- noco basin, where the '' white-water "—i e., the swiftly flowing but muddy streams, with rocky beds — are always accompanied by a clear sky overhead, and mosquitoes and crocodiles abound; on the " black-water "—the deep and slow rivers — the sky is 414 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA continually clouded, but the air is free from mosquitoes. The Orinoco represents the former type, the Rio Negro the latter. The rainy season in the Guiana Highland region begins in April and lasts till November; the remaining four months are fairly dry. The region of northern Venezuela is divided climatically into three regions, the hot, temperate, and cold zones. The hot zone or Tierra caliente ranges from sea-level to an elevation of about 1,900 feet, where the mean annual temperature varies from 74° Fahr. to 91° Fahr. The intermediate or temperate zone, the Tierra templada, lies between 1,900 and about 7,000 feet above sea-level, and within these limits the mean annual temperature may fall as low as 59° or 60° Fahr. The Tierra fria, or cold zone, including the highest peak in Venezuela, 16,423 feet, has mean annual tem- peratures ranging from 60° to zero. The Tierra caliente includes the greater part of Venezuelan Guiana, the Llanos, the coastal plains, the region of the lake of Maracaibo, the lower slopes and part of the central valleys of the mountains, and the Caribbean islands belonging to Venezuela. On the Llanos the hottest regions are the southern and western; the rainfall is heavy, and the wet season lasts from April to November. Maracaibo has the highest temperature of the cities of the coastal region; there the area around the lake is comparatively free from rain until August and September. The Tierra templada includes the greater part of the inhabited region of the hills. In the eastern part of the Carib- bean Hills the rains last during the same months as in the Llanos, but in the Andes, particularly to the south, the seasons vary, and it is generally considered that there are two rainy reasons (light rains from April to June and heavy rains from August to Novem- ber) ; but this applies rather to the eastern side of the watershed, the western side having an increasing similarity in seasons to the Llanos as one descends toward those plains. Only the higher por- tions of the Caribbean Hills are included in the Tierra fria, but between Tocuyo and the Colombian frontier the greater part of the area is situated above 7,000 feet. There strong winds prevail and the vegetation is sparse. The snow line being normally about 14,700 feet above sea-level, only the peaks of the highest mountains are snow-capped throughout the year. The death rate for the whole republic is somewhat more than 25 per 1,000, and statistical tables show the largest tolls to be exacted by malaria (paludismo), typhoid fever, tuberculosis and gastric or nervous diseases. The Delta region is, of course, unhealthful. Statistics show that the Llanos division is by far VENEZUELA 415 the healthiest, with the Ancles next, and then the Caribbean Hills ; and it is true that, although in some of the coast towns situated near swampy ground the death rate is high, the northern coast as a whole presents conditions favorable to health. Geological History and Mineral Resources Mr. Dalton says that the geological changes which have played their part in the building up of the physical features of the country have left Venezuela in possession of splendid assets in respect to the minerals. The Venezuelan Guiana Highlands are not only formed of the oldest rocks in this republic but represent one of the most ancient land-surfaces in the world. " The great elevated platform from which rise the peaks and mountain chains of Vene- zuelan Guiana appears everywhere to be composed of similar rocks, gneisses, hornblende schists, and granites, all containing evidence of great antiquity in geological time. This complex is considered to be one of the oldest members of the Archaean sys- tem. Into its crevices and joints, dykes of quartz-porphyries and felsite were forced. Later movements of the earth's crust pro- duced a shallow sea or series of lakes over this same region, and in these w^aters a series of beds of red and white sandstones, coarse conglomerate, and red shale were laid down to a thickness of 2,000 feet. Then the area was again elevated into dry land, and again veins or dykes of basalt, dolorite and similar rocks in a molten condition forced themselves into the fractures of gneisses and sandstone alike. The vertical-sided, flat-topped mountains of Gui- ana appear to be the result of protection that caps of igneous rock afforded to the softer sandstones immediately below. Such portions of the softer material as were thus protected from the effects of atmospheric weatJiering remain still as upstanding masses of horizontally stratified material, while surrounding unprotected masses have been denuded from the ancient founda- tion of gneiss. The geological history of the northern part of the country has been eventful in comparatively recent times; for although no vol- canoes, active or recently extinct, are known in Venezuela, the country has repeatedly sustained earthquake shocks. The first important tremor noticed after the discovery of the shores of the Caribbean was that of 1530, which destroyed the fortress of Cu- mana. Earthquake and hurricane visited New Cadiz in 1543 and so disastrous were the results that from that day to the present Cubagua has been a desert island. In the 19th century there were 416' ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA three earthquakes of great severity. In March 1812 a shock destroyed great parts of Caracas, La Guaira, Barquisimeto, Merida, and other towns, and in the capital alone 10,000 people were killed. The other two occurred on 13 Aug. 1868 and in 1894. With justice this part of the world has long held the reputa- tion of being rich in minerals. Placer workings are the chief source of gold in the Guasipati gold-fields in Venezuelan Guiana, but the reefs from which it is derived have been discovered and worked at odd times ; and in British Guiana, where the condi- tions are similar, the gold is generally found along the later intru- sive dykes, the smallest dykes being the richest, while most gold is found where a basalt intrusion crosses one of the older ones. Coal of fairly good quality occurs in more than one of the Cre- taceous and Tertiary groups of strata, near Barcelona, Tocuyo, Coro, and Maracaibo, as well as in the Andes. Iron is found in the gneiss south of the Orinoco Delta. Copper ores are fairly common in the northern cordillera, and the mines of Aroa in Yar- acuy have been worked for years. Asphalt is found in the Peder- nales district and on the shores of lake Maracaibo; and in the state of Monagas the Bermiidez " lake " of asphalt covers 1,000 acres. Other minerals are : Galena, sulphur, marble, kaolin, gyp- sum, calcium phosphate, opal, onyx, jasper, quartz, felspar, talc, mica, staurolite, asbestos, antimony, silver and tin. Fauna and Flora Several species of the prehensile-tailed capuchin monkey are known in Venezuela, and many other kinds are found in the forests, including the black thumbless spider-monkeys and variegated spider-monkey; the banded douroucouli, little squirrel-monkeys and marmosets, etc. Bats and vampire bats are abundant. There are large specimens of the jaguar and puma, and (among other large cats) the ocelot, the jaguarondi, and margay. In the Andes the *' spectacled bear " is found; the raccoon tribe is represented by the kinkajou; the weasels by the tayra, the grison, etc. The Brazilian otter is found in the rivers of the Llanos. The red Bra- zilian and Ecuadorean brockets represent the deer; there are two species of peccary and the manati is not uncommon. We mention also the peculiar tree porcupine and the capybara, or '' water- hog "; the aguti, the sloth, the great-maned ant-eater or ant-bear, the lesser ant-eater, the two-toed ant-eater, and the armadillo; also the opossums called raUpelados and the perrito de agua or water- opossum. Many of the Venezuelan birds are beautiful, but few VENEZUELA 417 have musical notes. Characteristic are : The manikins, with their gay plumage; the beautiful orange-red cock-of-the-rocks ; the umbrella-birds or fife-birds ; the bell-birds which make a noise like the ringing of a bell; jacmars, puff-birds, trogons, the king hum- ming-birds; the great wood night-jars and the oil-birds or gua- charos. There are flocks of green parrots and of blue and red or yellow macaws in the forests. No less than 32 species of falcons or eagles are known, and on the river-courses many water-birds are found — among these the herons or garsas, storks and ibises, rosy white or scarlet flamingoes, curassows and guans, the hoatzins (resembling pheasants), etc. The snakes are very numerous, poi- sonous varieties being the coral-snake, rattle-snake, and * ' bush- master ", and non-poisonous varieties the water-boa and anaconda, the cazadora, and the wood-snake or sipo. There are 11 species of crocodiles; about six genera of frogs and toads represent the Amphibians, and of the former, one emits in croaking a sound resembling a human shout so nearly that * * a number of them give the impression of a crowd at a football match." Among the fish, the well-known carihe, ferocious as its name implies, and the elec- tric eel, or temhlador, certainly receive more than their propor- tionate and appropriate share of attention in travellers' accounts, the life in the seas, rivers and lakes being abundant and varied. Insects of the forest regions (one-half of the entire country) natu- rally resemble those of the Brazilian selvas — the gorgeous butter- flies and brilliant fireflies, the monkey-spiders, etc. Within the vast forests of southern Venezuela, the plants range from the alpine shrubs and reindeer moss of some of the high plateaux and hills to the bamboos and orchids of the river banks. Forest giants and timber trees are : The Mora, with dark- red, fine-grained wood ; the mahogany and a tree resembling rose- wood; the very large ceiba and mucurutu or cannon-ball tree. Specially important products of the forests are the Brazil nut, the tonka-bean (sarrapia), balata, copaiba-balsam, rubber and cin- chona or quinine. In the hot lowlands the chief products are cacao, sugar, plantains, bananas, cassava, maize and cocoanuts, with dye- woods and tanning barks, including dividivi, logwood, mangrove and indigo. In the cooler uplands (lower Tierra templada) coffee, cotton, cocoa, etc., flourish near the fields of wheat and potatoes ; and a single garden may produce both roses and bougainvilleas ; a single orchard, both papayas and quinces. The higher part of the Tierra templada shows us both palms and pines — in brief, a greater variety of plant life than can be found in the hot lowlands. 28 418 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA HISTORY OF VENEZUELA Dr. H. J. Spinden, of the American Museum of Natural His- tory, writes in the Scientific American, 19 Aug. 1916, that the region now called Venezuela '' is generally recognized (by archae- ologists) as the point of departure for the original culture of the West Indies. ' ' It is probable, also, that long before the discovery of the New World the tribes or peoples of the mainland, from the plateau of Bogota to the valley of Mexico, held communication with tribes inhabiting the lower valleys of the Venezuelan Andes and the Caribbean Hills. Nevertheless the aborigines had advanced very little beyond mere savagery when Columbus, on 31 July 1498, coasted along the south side of the Peninsula of Paria. In 1499 Alonso de Ojeda, Amerigo Vespucci and others set sail, and, after landing several times on the peninsula just mentioned, con- tinued the voyage westward to Coquibacoa (lake of Maracaibo), where the Indian pile-dwellings on the shores of the lake attracted special attention, recalling Venice, on a very small scale; and (perhaps by Amerigo's suggestion) the name Little Venice, or Venezuela, was bestowed upon that region. Another group of voyagers in the same year touched at Mar- garita Island and obtained pearls from the natives. In 1500 about 50 adventurers, sailing from Hispaniola, established a settlement on Cubagua Island, near Margarita, and naturally an uncontrolled exploitation of the pearl fisheries began. At Cumana, Manjar and a point near Barcelona on the mainland coast, there were settlements of a different character in 1513, 1518 and 1520: Fran- ciscan and Dominican monks, engaged in missionary work at these continental stations, laid down their lives as martyrs in a noble cause. It was after studying the situation here that Bartol- ome de las Casas used all the force of his great talent for the sup- pression of the traffic in Indian slaves. Nueva Cordoba, the modern Cumana, was founded in 1521 ; Cori in 1527. The rule of the Wel- ser (the bankers of Augsburg to whom Charles V granted the privi- lege of exploiting the province of Venezuela) was endured during two miserable decades, practically ending in 1545, though the grant was not formally withdrawn until 1558. In 1561 occurred the rebellion of Lope de Aguirre. Caracas, or Santiago de Leon de Caracas, was founded in 1567 (presumably, though the exact date has not been recorded) beside the Villa de San Francisco which Faxardo had built in 1560. In 1595 Sir Walter Raleigh first visited these regions of the " Oronoca ", as he wrote the name (compare Archceologia, Vol. XVI, pp. 188-192, London, VENEZUELA 419 Society of Antiquaries, 1812). Berrio y Orufia in 1615 led an expe- dition from San Thome, east of the mouth of the Caroni, in quest of the fabled city of Manoa. In 1656 a station was again founded at Barcelona by Franciscan monks, and organized attempts to civilize the Indians were so largely successful that within 150 years the Franciscans founded 38 towns with 25,000 Indian inhab- itants. Other orders established missions in 1686. The Univer- city of Caracas was founded by Philip V in 1721. The whole of what is now Venezuela (with the exception of the Maracaibo region) was in 1731 included in a new Capitania-General, to which Maracaibo was added in 1777. The first definite attempt at revolt from the mother country occurred in 1797. Its leaders were captured and executed. A Copyright, Brown & Dawson, N Y. The Grand Salon of the Federal Building, Caracas, Venezuela Venezuelan gentleman, Don Francisco Miranda, invaded the colony at Ocumare 25 March 1806. Repulsed by Captain-General Vas- concelos, he retired to Trinidad and about five months later made an unsuccessful landing at Coro. The first Venezuelan congress (44 deputies elected by seven provinces) met on 2 March 1811; the Declaration of Independence by the deputies took place on 5 July 1811. The seven provinces were at that time said to be regarded as forming a confederation of free, sovereign, and inde- pendent states; nevertheless, when leaders of the revolution were sufficiently strong to declare a constitution on 21 Dec. 1811, power was granted by that instrument to the central government to revise the provincial constitutions. On 25 July 1812 Miranda, 420 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA who had been appointed dictator by congress, capitulated with 4,000 men to the royalist leader Monteverde who was in command of only 3,000 ; four years later he died in prison in Spain. In 1813 Simon Bolivar, Venezuelan aristocrat, then 30 years of age, became the leader of the patriots. Initial successes were his; but a rising of half-breeds of the Llanos under Boves, in behalf of the royalists, delayed the conclusion of the struggle for years. Boves with royalist forces defeated Bolivar, who retired to the Antilles ; an expedition of 15,000 men was sent from Spain under Morrilio ; in 1815 the defeat of the patriots seemed, from the viewpoint of their European contemporaries, absolutely assured. But Simon Bolivar had gained a purely American point of view^ — he planned such campaigns as should liberate all of Spanish South America ; and, as a matter of fact, to his brilliant leadership and to the sup- port of the British Legion must be ascribed the prompt liberation of one-half of it. On March 1818 Col. Daniel O'Leary arrived with troops raised in London, consisting largely of veterans of the Napoleonic w^ars — tried soldiers destined to play an all- important part in the liberation ..of Venezuela. Elections were arranged in the autumn, and on 15 Feb. 1819 Congress was installed in Angostura. In June Bolivar set out, accompanied by Col. James Rook and the British Legion, on his famous march to New Granada (Colombia) ; defeated the royalists in the battle of Boyaca on 7 August, and on 17 Dec. 1819 inaugurated the Great Colombian republic, embracing the largest part of northwestern South America. The last stage of the struggle began on 28 April 1821. Bolivar was in Tinaquillo, with 6,500 men. His generals were: Paez, in command of the British unit, and the Bravos de Apure; Cedeho, with one brigade of La Guardia, and the Tira- dores, Boyaca and Vargas battalions; Playa, with a regiment of English rifles, the other brigade of La Guardia, the Granaderos and Vencedores de Boyaca; and Anzoategui, with one cavalry regiment under a Llanero leader. The decisive battle of Cara- bobo, a victory for the patriots, was fought on 24 June 1821 by that force of 6,500, the opposing royalists numbering 5,000 men. The latter occupied a position difficult to reach, and their defeat in such circumstances proved to be such a crushing blow^ that, although casual fighting continued for a while, the end was in sight. On 8 Oct. 1823 the last of the royalist adherents capitulated. Finding her position in the Great Colombia Union unsatis- factory, Venezuela withdrew from it on 13 Jan. 1830. Bolivar, to whom the Congress had given dictatorial power in 1828, retired VENEZUELA 421 from office on 1 March 1830 and died of phthisis on 17 Dec. 1830 at Santa Marta. In April 1831 the new Congress of Venezuela assembled and elected General Paez as President of an inde- pendent Republic of Venezuela; an embassy was sent to Bogota, and Caracas became once more the capital on 25 May. On 24 March 1854, President Jose Gregorio Monagas promulgated a decree abolishing slavery in Venezuela. Public works '' of some magnitude " and a £1,500,000 European loan was authorized in 1863; the new Federal constitution was adopted 28 March 1864. Guzman Blanco, provisional President in 1879, was formally elected in 1880; and it has been said truly that he was " either actually or virtually President " throughout the period from 1880 to 1892. Ex-President Crespo secured re-election as Guzman Blanco's successor; and it was during his administration that the arrest by the Venezuelan authorities of two inspectors of the British Guiana Police on the Cuyuni River brought to a crisis the long-standing dispute in regard to the boundary between the British and the Venezuelan possessions. We should bear in mind here the fact that during many years protests had been made by the representatives of Venezuela against the encroachments of residents aiid officials from British Guiana. The contentions of the two parties were : On the part of Venezuela, that the Dutch, to whom the British were successors, had only claimed jurisdiction on the east side of the Essequibo River; on the part of Great Britain, that the Dutch had in 1759 and 1769 put forward the claim that their territory included, not merely the Essequibo River, but the whole of the basin drained by that river and its tributaries. The British Government refused to consent to arbitration of the boundary, failing agreement by Venezuela that such parts of the Pjssequibo Valley as had been effectively occupied by British colonists should be recognized as British territory. Then came the arrest mentioned above. Crespo appealed to Washington for protection. President Cleveland took up the cause of Venezuela, and in December 1895 sent his famous messages to Congress, in which he declared that any forcible action by Great Britain would constitute a casus belli with the United States. Great excitement prevailed in Caracas, associations being formed for the boycott of British goods and for national defence: but, wiser counsels prevailing on both sides, diplomatic relations were resumed in 1897. Jose Andrade became President in 1898. The boundary matter was submitted to arbi- tration, and finally settled on 3 Oct. 1899 by the award of the tribunal of Paris. 422 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Cipriano Castro, who had assumed the executive power late in October (and did not receive contirmation by a constituent assembly until February 1901), was in office when Great Britain, Germany, and Italy declared a blockade of Venezuelan ports (January 1903) to enforce payments by Venezuela to compensate foreigners for the damage to property sustained by them during various revolutions. Castro's government agreed to the arbitra- tion of the claims by third parties, and protocols with all the countries were signed within a few months. Castro was again elected, with General Gomez as one of the Vice-Presidents, and served two-thirds of his term; but in 1909 he sailed for Europe, and then General Gomez interpreted correctly the preference of his people when by a coup d'etat, he secured without bloodshed his own safety and the presidential power. He was established as Constitutional President by virtue of the election of April 1910. The Gomez government survived two rebellions in 1913, the first an uprising in the State of Trujillo, and the second an insurrec- tion in the southwest in favor of Castro, the Ex-President. The insurrectionary forces were dispersed. On 19 April 1914 Con- gress elected Gen. V. Marquez Bustillos as provisional President of the republic. A new constitution went into effect 19 June 1914. On 3 May 1915 the Congress by unanimous vote elected General Gomez as President of the Republic for the term 1915-1922. GOVERNMENT Venezuela is a federal union of states that retain autonomy in their internal government, certain limited powers only being vested in the federal government. The constitution now in force is that of 13 June 1914. The legislative authority is vested in a congress of two houses — the Senate and Chamber of Deputies — the former consisting of 40 members elected by the Legislative Assemblies of the States for three years, 2 for each state, Vene- zuelans by birth and over 30 years of age ; the latter composed of deputies chosen from each state and the Federal District by a direct vote and for three years, 1 deputy for each 35,000 inhab- itants, and an additional deputy for each additional 15,000. Deputies hold office three years, must be Venezuelans by birth, and over 21 years of age. Congress meets on April 19 of each year, the sessions lasting 70 days. VENEZUELA 423 The executive power is vested in a President and a cabinet of ministers, who act in conjunction with the President. The President is elected by the National Congress for seven years; and must be a Venezuelan by birth and over 30 years of age, and is eligible for the constitutional period immediately following that in which he holds office. During the temporary absence of the President, the office is occupied by the minister of state designated by him. In case there is no president, the power is exercised by the president of the Federal and Cassation court, who must then immediately convene the Congress to elect a new President for the remaining term of the office. The cabinet is appointed and renewed by the President and is responsible to him alone. It is Treasury Department, Caracas, Venezuela (Courtesy of the I'an American Union) composed of seven Ministers, in charge of the Departments of Interior Relations, Foreign Relations, Finance and Public Credit, War and Marine, Fomento (Promotion), Public Works, and Public Instruction. The Federal judiciary comprises the Supreme Fed- eral and Cassation court, and courts of first instance established in the states, the Federal District and the territories. The justices of the Supreme Court, seven in number, are elected by the National Congress for a term of seven years, and the court meets annually. Each of the 22 states has a legislative assembly whose mem- bers are elected in conformity with the respective state institu- tions. The executive power of each state consists of a president and a secretary-general. The states are divided into disti'icts and 424 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA the latter into municipalities, each district having a Municipal Council, and each municipality a communal board. The Federal Territories are administered by governors appointed by the President of the Republic, the governors in turn appointing their secretaries. The Federal District comprises the city of Caracas, the capital of the Republic, together with the parishes of El Recreo, El Valle, La Vega, Antimano, Macarao, Macuto, and El Departmento Vargas. EDUCATION AND RELIGION Attendance at schools of primary grades is compulsory and free. The public schools are maintained by the nation, the state, or the municipalities, according to circumstances. There are about 1,500 elementary schools with an attendance of 50,000 pupils. Of secondary schools there are 102 (58 for boys and 38 for girls, the others admitting both sexes), while Caracas has a normal school for young women and another for young men, for the practical instruction of each sex. There are 34 national schools for higher instruction, and the Government subsidizes 21 other schools of this grade. A degree is given at the end of a four years' course. Caracas has its famous university and Merida the University of Los Andes, both having faculties of political and ecclesiastical sciences. The university at Caracas has faculties of medicine and mathematics, while in the capital there is also a school of engineering. Instruction in the fine arts, in arts and crafts, and military and naval matters, is given in speciaL organizations. Moreover, there are commercial schools in Caracas, Ciudad Bolivar and Maracaibo, in which both day and night classes are held. The Government has established at Puerto Cabello a practical school of naval construction which is main- tained in connection with the docks and shipyards. In the City of San Cristobal there has been inaugurated the Simon Bolivar School of Political Science. At Caracas a school of mathematics with courses in higher mathematics and sciences has been opened ; and there has been added to the School of Commerce at Caracas an institute for the study of modern languages. It is worthy of note that, in spite of the apathy of some of the states and the decreased public revenues during the European war, earnest efforts on the part of the Venezuelan Government to extend the school provision and improve the entire system of VENEZUELA 425 education have been continued. A recent report of the minister of public instruction dwelt upon the need of a new order of rural education. It was pointed out that small model farms should be attached to such schools, the distinguished official observing: '' If this plan is followed throughout the Republic and the small farm schools provided with competent instructors, the benefit in the development of agricultural industry, the basis of new public wealth, will be great." The National School of Arts and Trades for boys maintained at Caracas offers a select course in the general subjects of primary education, together with training for various trades. In the gen- eral course mathematics is extended to include geometry, and lineal drawing forms a special feature. The trade courses are numerous, including typewriting, lithographing, industrial model- ing, bookbinding, metal work, ironwork, carpentry, tapestry, wood- work, forging, electrical engineering, telephoning, management of automobiles, etc. The Woman's School of Arts and Trades, Caracas, is also a national institution, under the control of the minister of public instruction. Applicants for admission to the school as regular students must have completed the five years ' course of elementary instruction as shown by a certificate of proficiency. While Roman Catholicism is the state religion, there is toleration of other forms of worship. The archbishop of Caracas has five suffragan bishops. ARMY AND NAVY Under the provisions of a recent law of the national Congress, the standing army of Venezuela numbers about 9,000 men, includ- ^ V ing commissioned officers. The active army has infantry, artillery, a^ v^ and cavalry. It contains 20 battalions of infantry, with 400 men to a battalion, and eight battalions of artillery. In addition, there are reserves estimated to number about 100,000 men. The Vene- zuelan navy consists of two cruisers, the Mariscal Sucre and General Salom; three gunboats, Miranda, Jose Felix Ribas, and Salias; an army transport, the Zamora, the brigantine Antonio Diaz, and another small craft, the San Carlos. The personnel of the navy comprises about 500 officers and men. ^ 426 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA AGRICULTURE AND CATTLE RAISING Over 200,000 acres are devoted to coffee, on estates in the northern and western zones of the country, and the value of the exports of coffee annually is about $14,000,000 (average of the years 1913-1916, inclusive). Both cacao and sugar are produced, the number of cacao plantations being about 5,000 and the annual output of sugar about 3,000 tons. Cotton is cultivated, and is almost altogether consumed in the textile mills operating in Valen- cia, Caracas and Cumana. The live stock has always been a source of national wealth, and it is thought that the extensive llanos toward the south and in the drainage area of the Orinoco Kiver will, when better util- ized, be regarded as among the best grazing lands in America. Modern refrigerating plants lately established in Puerto Cabello and in Barranco on the Orinoco have given impetus to the raising of cattle for the export meat trade. Estimates of the live stock in 1915-16 were as follows : More than 2,000,000 cattle, about 1,700,- 000 goats, 177,000 sheep, 191,000 horses, etc. The agricultural and pastoral industries employ about 60,000 laborers. A presidential decree of 12 March 1917 created an experiment station of agriculture and forestry, with a gardeii of acclimatiza- tion, to be located on lands near the city of Caracas. The purposes for which it was created were stated to be : The study of improved methods of cultivation of the principal agricultural products of the country; introduction, selection, and distribution of seeds; experiments in reforestation; report upon soils suitable to each kind of cultivation and the crops to each region; and practical work for the training of agricultural foremen and forest rangers. MANUFACTURING INDUSTRIES As a rule, Venezuela imports all manufactured materials that are required ; there are, however, several sawmills and lumber fac- tories, using native woods, and tanning factories where leather of good quality is prepared. Two paper factories have proved com- mercially profitable. The mills of Valencia, Caracas, and Cumana turn out cotton cloth and many finished articles of clothing. In Cumana there has recently been established a factory for the extraction of cocoanut oil and cocoa butter, and exportation of VENEZUELA 427 these products has already taken place. Other products are: Matches, chocolate, beer, glass, cigarettes, etc. Increase in the manufacture of sugar was noted (1916-17) in the States of Zulia and Yaracuy. COMMERCE Venezuela's foreign trade for the year 1915 amounted to $36,874,663, of which $13,470,236 represented imports, and $23,404,- 427 exports. The figures for the preceding year were : Imports, $13,987,465; exports, $21,520,534; total, $35,507,999. The decrease for the year in imports was $517,229, and the increase in exports, $1,883,893, or a net increase of $1,366,664. The latest available statistics show imports (by values and countries) as follows: 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 United States $5,219,558 5,382,388 1,337,044 1,857,564 666,351 597,329 4,465 2,560 $6,832,438 4,433,473 1,671,002 2,616,400 926,445 720,639 11,926 1,545 $6,944,136 4,296,295 1,586,207 1,093,656 722,645 555,633 12,849 838 $6,015,445 2,893,097 1,456,493 777,638 481,687 547,528 14,028 1,833 $7,943,219 United Kingdom Netherlands France Spain 2,906,539 788,433 654,530 651,608 Italy 484,826 Colombia 31,886 Cuba 6,994 Sweden 1,324 Porto Rico 212 209 4,297 319 Argentina 286 Panama 33,795 272 Costa Rica 97 Ecuador 550 China 451 4,261 126,664 Austria-Himgary Belgium 7,316 142,668 1,192 3,199,389 2,032 228,563 1,435 156,488 17,482 1,589,966 Denmark Germany 3,195,945 2,586,986 264 Other countries Total $18,394,889 $20,568,939 $18,030,104 $13,987,465 $13,470,236 In 1916 the value of merchandise imported by Venezuela from the United States was nearly $12,000,000. The principal articles imported during recent years (from all sources, including the United States) were: Agricultural implements and machinery, automobiles and accessories, bagging, butter, cotton textiles, drugs and m-edicines, flour, lard, machinery (other than agricultural), rice, tanned or unmanufactured skins, stearin, thread, and wines. The chief articles noted in February 1917 as imports from the United States were cotton cloths, flour, leather, and iron and steel. 428 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA The exports by countries were as follows : Countries 1911 1912 1913 1914 1915 United States Netherlands France United Kingdom . . . . Spain Italy Denmark Colombia Norway Sweden Cuba Porto Eico Panama Austria-Hungary . . . . Belgium Dominican Republic . Germany Turkey 083,261 063,595 162,172 067,808 308,334 142,505 95,410 153,504 4,681 283,630 50,129 4, Total . 269,211 144 $9,907,604 712,351 6,914,175 1,636,261 1,464,377 212,501 1,276 72,247 4,376 6,171 834 271,260 114,766 '3^942^709 $8,475,531 709,343 9,988,044 2,207,738 1,369,421 252,507 6,398 415,227 1,930 11J386 3J838 395,896 82,762 '5;563i768 $9,378,668 907,636 6,018,826 1,426,946 1,091,498 283,159 100^369 1^332 561 832 366,571 13,173 1,299 1,929,664 13,170,113 3,199,183 2,978,060 2,041,221 1,079,943 523,632 256,346 45,545 44,962 41,687 19,670 2,132 1,933 $22,684,384 $25,260,908 $29,483,789 $21,520,534 $23,404,427 The principal articles of export for 1915, with approximate values, were: Coffee, $12,173,781; cacao, $5,015,429; cattle hides, $1,707,275; balata, $817,952; gold, $1,326,648; goat and kid skins, $263,572; asphalt, $340,702 ; beef cattle, $259,890; sugar, raw, $177,- 699; copper ore, $218,800; rubber, $145,682; dividivi, $94,763; chicle, $322,388; beef, frozen, $280,470; heron plumes (aigrettes), $172,371; pearls. $50,558; tonka beans, $115,273. In foreign trade there is a growing preference for the metric system of weights and measures, which was adopted bv decree of 18 May 1912. MONEY, BANKING AND FINANCE The monetary system is based on the gold standard, the unit being the bolivar, divided into 100 centimes, and weighing 0.32258 grammes of gold .900-fine, or say 0.29032 grammes of pure gold. The par value of the bolivar is $0.19295, currency of the United States, and the par value of $1.00 in terms of Venezuelan cur- rency is B 5.18262. In January 1912, the Government of Vene- zuela issued a decree tixing the value of the foreign gold coin cir- culating in the country and specifying that public offices must receive and pay out these coins at the following rates : VENEZUELA 4^9 Bolivars 20 Franc piece of France, Belgium, Italy, Switzerland, (fractions in pro- portion) 20.00 English Sovereign or £ Sterling (Half-sovereign in proportion) 25.25 Spanish gold onza, onza patriota. Central American onza of any year, Colombian onza, etc 80 . 00 United States twenty-dollar gold piece (fractions in proportion) • ■ 104. 00 German double crown or 20 mark piece (fractions in proportion) 24.75 Double condors of Colombia (fractions in proportion) 100 . 00 Mexican onza, weighing 33.770 grammes .875-fine gold 100.00 Spanish Isabelina of 25 pesetas (fractions in proportion) ■ • 25.00 The principal gold in circulation is Venezuelan gold of the same weight and fineness as that of the Latin Monetary Union. Probably more American gold is in circulation in Venezuela than any other foreign gold coin. The exchange rates as normally quoted in Venezuela are (for checks) : American gold 3-days' sight B 5.22 to 5.25=$1.00 American gold 60-days' sight B 5.15 " 5.18=$1.00 Since the war, foreign exchanges have advanced in value in terms of Venezuelan currency. (Consult Cosby, J. T., Latin American Monet ary Systems and Exchange Conditions (New York 1915). The three principal banking institutions are: The Bank of Venezuela (capital B 12,000,000, headquarters at Caracas and agencies at 14 other points in Venezuela, issue of bank notes con- stantly under $400,000) ; Bank of Maracaibo (capital B 1,250,000) ; Bank of Caracas (capital B 6,000,000, branches in some of the important Venezuelan commercial centres, circulation of bank notes to the amount of about one-tenth of the issue allowed by its charter). In April 1915 Mr. L. Elwyn Elliot wrote : " For the last four years Venezuela has been in the agreeable position of i^ossess- ing a substantial surplus of national revenue over expenditure, and as a part of this ready cash has been preserved in the country's exchequer no doubt it will assist in tiding over such financial disintegration as resulted from the European war out- break. Since the year 1910 this surplus has varied, but there has always been an addition to the national fund; in 1912 it amounted to nearly $2,500,000 gold." The budget estimates for 1915-16 were: Revenue $7,918,900 and expenditures $7,840,480. 430 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA It remains to present the following synopsis of Venezuelan loans and statement of the public debt : 1820. Debt contracted while JCcuador and Venezuela formed part of greater Colombia. It amounted to £547,783, for which debentures were issued. 1822. Loan by Graham & Powels for £2,000,000. Issue at 80 per cent, 6 per cent interest per annum. A portion of this loan was used to cancel the debt of 1820. 1823. Loan of $30,000,000. General revenue and tobacco revenue pledged as a guaranty. 1824. Loan of £4,750,000 by B. A. Goldsmith & Co., of Hamburg. Issue at 85 per cent. Interest rate of 6 per cent per annum. 1834. An apportionment was made in this year for the public debt of greater Colombia, Venezuela assuming 28.5 per cent, or £1,888,396. 1848. (Conversion of active debt interest at the rate of 4 per cent per annum. 1856. Venezuela received $1,140,000 in 4.5 per cent Peruvian bonds, as proportion of debt from Pei'U. 1862. Loan issued at London for £1,000,000, at the rate of interest of 6 per cent per annum, 2 per cent sinking fund. Rate of issue, 63 per cent. Pledge was given of 55 per cent of import duties collected at La Guaira and Puerto Cabello. 1864. General Credit & Finance Co., of London, took loan of £1,500,000, at 60 per cent issue and 6 per cent interest. 1872. Decree by which custom receipts were divided into 100 units, of which 27 per cent was allotted for the service of the external debt. 1889-1891. Public debt of Venezuela is divided into 4 classes: Domestic, diplo- matic, foreign, and bonds. In 1891 the total debt of Venezuela was as follows : Domestic (5 per cent), consolidated $7,595,227 Foreign (3 per cent), external. . . . • • 13,450,675 Diplomatic (13 per cent) 1,000,000 1 per cent monthly debt • • 647,499 $22,693,401 Less than 14 per cent of revenues was pledged for the service of these obligations. 1895. German loan of 50,000,000 bolivars by Diskonto-Gesellschaft, of Berlin, at 80 per cent issue. Bonds bearing 5 per cent interest and 1 per cent sinking fund. 1902. Consolidation of various internal debts by issue of bonds for 65,000,000 bolivars at 6 per cent. 1902. Debt of allied powers, by virtue of protocols signed at Washington, totaling $7,147,386. The annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury of Vene- zuela to the Congress, dated April 1915, gave the following resume of the public debt : VENEZUELA 4S1 Internal debt : I. National internal consol, 6 per cent — Bolivars. First issue 23,927.47 Second issue 16,772 . 12 Bolivars. 40,699.59 II. 1 per cent bonds, eighth issue 38,165.62 III. National internal 3 per cent consol 59,068,721.47 IV. National internal consol, no interest 1,135,644.83 V. Treasury bonds to bearer 349,102. 13 Bolivars. 60,632,333.64 External debt : I. National 3 per cent diplomatic (by diplo- matic conventions) 9,723,291. 61 II. Provisional certificates (Spain) 1,600.00 III, Diplomatic debt (3 per cent), conver- sion and is.sue of 1905 101,267,650 . 00 110,992,541.61 Or a total indebtedness of 171,624,375 . 25 This is equivalent to .$33,000,000, which is a per capita debt of about $11. TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION The total length of railways in operation in Venezuela is 534 miles and the number of lines is 12 (5 national and 7 foreign), with an invested capital of approximately $40,000,000. There are sev- eral points along the coast from which railways extend into the interior, but only in one locality have these lines been connected. In the extreme west there are three lines approaching lake Mara- caibo, but they are independent of each other and serve quite different areas of the country. Passing along the coast there are several short lines, facilitating traffic between the interior and the sea; these, too, bear no relation to each other. The only place in the Republic where an extensive development has taken place is near the capital, Caracas, and in the most populous districts of the country. From the two most important ports on the Caribbean Sea, Puerto Cabello and La Guaira, railways pass to the interior, one to Valencia and the other to Caracas. Between these two interior points a third railway has been built, so that this rich and productive district is well supplied, comparatively, with transportation facilities. 432 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Street railways (electric) are in operation in the capital. The government is giving special attention to the maintenance and improvement of its public roads and highways. At present two important roads are in process of construction, one 31 miles long, from Caracas to Guatire, and the other 36.6 miles long, from Mara- cay to Ocumare. The projected Great Western Highway, more than 700 miles long and designed to link Caracas with San Cristo- bal, is the greatest public work the country has ever planned. It will give access or facilitate approach to vast areas in seven states. The waterways form important means of communication and transportation, there being no less than 70 navigable rivers in the country, with a total navigable length of over 6,000 miles, of which the Orinoco, the third largest river in South America, with its tributaries, furnishes nearly 4,000 miles. Other navigable rivers are the Meta, the Apure, the Portuguesa, the Yaracuy, and the Escalante, all of which are navigated by steamships for consider- able distances. The Zulia-Catatumbo River flows into lake Mara- caibo and is navigable for small steamers, while the majority of the other rivers are navigable for steam launches and flat-bottom boats only. A regular steamship service is maintained on the Orinoco, Apure, and Portuguesa between Ciudad Bolivar, the principal port on the Orinoco, and the interior, as well as points along the coast. Ocean-going vessels enter lake Maracaibo, which covers an area of 8,000 square miles, and is navigable in its entirety. Lake Mara- caibo is connected with the Gulf of Venezuela and the Caribbean Sea by means of a strait 34 miles in length and from 5 to 9 miles wide. Lake Valencia is navigated by small steamers. With its coast line of more than 2,000 miles, Venezuela pos- sesses no less than 50 bays and 32 ports. The most important of the latter is La Guaira. Other ports at which ocean-going vessels call regularly are Puerto Cabello, Carupano, Guanta, and Cumana, Ciudad Bolivar, on the Orinoco River, 373 miles inland, and Mara- caibo, on lake Maracaibo, are the most important inland ports. A regular service is maintained by several lines of steamers between New York, New Orleans, and Venezuelan ports, and European lines to the Caribbean Sea have La Guaira as a port of call. The Fluvial and Coastwise Navigation Company of Vene- zuela has arranged with the government to establish a regular semi-monthly steamship service on the Orinoco River and its tributaries, extending to Port of Spain, Trinidad, as well as VENEZUELA 433 between Ciudad Bolivar and Maracaibo, touching at Cristobal Colon, Port Sucre, Cariipano, Guanta, La Guaira, Puerto Cabello, La Vela, and possibly at intermediate points. There are nearly 300 post offices scattered throughout Vene- zuela, and the telephone and the telegraph are both steadily increasing in use. The number of telegraph stations is given as 211, with wire extending 5,455 miles. The telephone services have about 13,000 miles of wire. POPULATION The number of inhabitants was about 2,850,000 in 1917 — averaging rather more than seven to the square mile. As Mr. Dalton has written, the Indians have in general been absorbed into the Spanish-speaking nation. Aboriginal inhabitants who pre- serve their habits and racial customs unchanged are found prin- cipally or only along the northwest frontier and in the forests of the southeast and south. The Goajiros dwell as an independent tribe among the mountains along the Colombian frontier; the Caribs inhabit forests along the banks of the Caroni and the Upper Orinoco and its tributaries; and in the remote southern regions of forest and highland there are about 16 tribes of other native races. Bibliography Anuario Estadistico de Venezuela (Caracas 1915); Arbitration Tribunal 1897, Boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela (London 1899) ; Beebe, M. B., and C. W., Our Search for a Wilderness (New York 1910) ; Cleveland, G., The Venezue- lan Boundary Controversy (Princeton 1913) ; Dalton, L. V., Venezuela (London 1912); Fortoul, J. Gil, Historia Constitucional de Venezuela (Berlin 1907-1909); Gonzalez Guinan, F., Historia Contempordnea de Venezuela (Caracas 1909-11); Humbert, J., Les Origines Venezueliennes (Bordeaux 1905) ; Humboldt, A. de, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions (London 185^53) ; Pan American Union, Venezuela (Washington 1916) ; Picon-Febres, G., La Literatura Venezolana en el Siglo diez y nueve (Caracas 1906); Ralston, I. H., and Doyle, W. T. S., Venezuelan, Arbitrations of 1903, including Protocols (Washington 1904); Sanchez, M. S., Bibliografia Venezolanista (Caracas 1914); Schomburgk, R. H., Reisen in Guiana und am Orinoko (Leipzig 1841) ; Sievers, W., Zweite Reise in, Venezuela (Hamburg 1896) ; Universidad Central, Caracas, Catdlogo de la Biblioteca de la Universidad (Caracas 1875); Veloz Goiticoa, N., Venezuela (Washington 1904); Venezuelan Arbitration before the Hague Tribunal (Wash- ington 1905). 29 434 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA POLITICAL DIVISIONS AND CITIES Venezuela is divided into a Federal District, 20 States and two Tei-ritories. These, as far as possible with their areas, populations, capitals and populations are given herewith. The total area is about 393,852 square miles and the popula- tion is estimated at 2,816,484. STATES Area (square miles) Population Capital Population Anzodtegui Apure Aragua Bolivar Carabobo . Cojedes Falcon Guarico Lara M6rida Miranda Monagas Nueva Esparta Portuguesa Sucre Tdchira Trujillo Yaracuy Zamora Zulia Federal District TERRITORIES Amazonas Delta-Amacuro 16,703 29,529 2,161 91,868 1,794 5,712 9,572 25,630 7,642 4,361 3,068 11,155 490 5,867 4,554 4,284 2,856 2,740 13,587 25,283 743 108,736 15,517 31,000 19,500 28,000 52,217 139,110 iosiios 124,596 177,855 182,614 Barcelona San Fernando de Apure . La Victoria Ciudad Bolivar Valentia San Carlos Coro Calabozo Barquisimeto MIrida Ocumare del Tuy Maturin La Asunci6n Guamare Cumand San Cristdbal Trujillo San Felipe Barinas Maracaibo Caracas San Fernando de Atabapo Tucupita 13,000 5,000 14,000 11,686 9,452 6,000 13,366 '4^358 4,000 12,225 16,797 10,481 17,959 6,000 34 , 740 90,000 3,000 4,500 Caracas The capital and largest city of the United States of Venezuela is situated on the southern slope of the Coast Range, about 8 riiiles inland and at an elevation of 3,000 feet. It stands on a plain bordered by high mountains, and has a delight- ful climate, the average temperature for the year being about 68° F. It is built on the usual plan of Latin- American cities, with streets crossing each other at right angles, but the otherwise level contour is relieved by three gullies which descend to the Guaire River, flowing at the foot of the city. The streets are narrow but well paved and shaded, and there is a good tramway system, run by electricity obtained from two water-power plants some miles away. The city is subject to earthquake shocks, and the buildings are consequently nearly all built of adobe and are of a single story, with the patio or courtyard in the centre, though in the public buildings being erected reinforced concrete is being used more and more and is increasing in popularity. The greatest objection to the city as a place of residence is the lack of a good sanitation system, and yellow fever prevails there at times. There are no manufacturing industries except a few to supply articles for local consumption. It is, however, the centre of the export trade of the district, which produces cacao, coffee, tobacco, etc. It is^ the residence of the United States minister to Venezuela and the seat of a consular- agent of the United States. The seaport of the city is La Giiaira, with which it is connected by a railway that winds around the mountains for 23 miles. Many good roads are in course of construction in Caracas and the neighboring country. The city is also the terminus of a railway to Puerto Cabello and Valencia. VENEZUELA 435 La Guaira The principal port of the Republic is situated on a narrow strip of land between the mountains and the sea about eight miles from Caracas. Its climate for most of the year is very hot and the average temperature is about 84° Y. for the year. Recent sanitary improvements have lessened its unhealthfulness. It holds first place in point of imports and fourth place in exports. The harbor has a long sea wall which gives good anchorage to ocean vessels, the total number of which is over 380 annually of 645,000 tons. This breakwater has been widened into jetties for loading and unloading cargo. Manufactured goods form the bulk of its import trade and the exports consist of coffee, cacao, and skins. The total value of its foreign commerce is approximately $13,000,000 yearly. The city has manufactures of hats, boots, cigars and cigarettes and other articles for home consumption. Steamship lines connect it with North American and European ports and it is the terminus of a cable to Curacoa. A railway connects it with Valencia and Caracas. A consul of the United States is stationed here. Puerto Cabello The second port of Venezuela is situated on the Golfo Triste, 55 miles west of Caracas, with wliieh it has rail connection. Its climate is hot and unhealthful, but it has a good harbor protected by a chain of islands and fortified. It ranks second in exports and third in imports. The exports valued at several millions of dollars include coffee, cocoa, hides and skins, frozen meat, rubber, sugar, and various other articles; the imports consist of textiles, foodstuffs, and other manu- factured articles. There is a floating dry dock here capable of docking vessels of 4,000 tons, and a shipbuilding plant in which vessels 125 feet long have been built. It is the seat of a United States consul. Its population is estimated at 18,282. Maracaibo The capital of the State of Zulia is situated on a sandy plain on the west shore of the strait which connects the Gulf of Venezuela with lake Maracaibo. It is well built, has tramways, electric lights, telephones and manufactures of hats, shoes, candles, soap and lumber. The climate is hot but healthful. Its principal importance is as a shipping point for the exports of the surrounding region of western Venezuela and a part of eastern Colombia. It has a fine deep harbor and the finest dockyards in the Republic; the entrance, however, is obstructed by a shifting bar. Its foreign trade approaches $3,500,000 annually. The exports include coffee, cocoa, quinine, dyewoods, sugar and hides. The port has steam- ship connection with the United States and is the seat of a United States consul. There is usually one sailing a week for the lake ports of La Ceiba, Santa Barbara, and Encontrados, which serve the States of Trujillo, Merida, and El Tachira, in Venezuela and of Santander in Colombia. Maturin The capital of the State of Monagas is situated on a savanna west of the Delta of the Orinoco, 40 miles inland from the Gulf of Paria. It is connected by a highway with the port of Cumana to the northwest and is the cx)mmercial centre of the plains west of the Delta. The climate is healthful with an average, annual temperature of 80° F. In the surrounding plains stock raising and the cultivation of coffee, sugar cane, cocoa, cereals and fruits are carried on. MEXICO By. John H. Cornyn NATIONAL BOUNDARIES, GEOGRAPHY, ETC. THE United States of Mexico is situated between 14°, 30', 42" and 32°, 42" North lat., and between 86°, 46', 8" and 117°, 7% 31" long, west of the meridian of Greenwich, and embraces 18°, 11', 18" of latitude and 30°, 21', 23" of longitude. Its total area is 767,326 square miles, and its boundaries are the United States on the north, Guatemala and Belize on the southeast, the Pacific Ocean on the south and west, and the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea on the east. Its coast line on the east is 1,772 miles in length and on the west or Pacific side, 4,594 miles. The northern or United States boundary was fiLxed by treaty 2 Feb. 1848 and 30 Dec. 1853, and extends from the mouth of the Rio Grande, on the Gulf of Mexico, following that river a distance of 1,136 miles beyond El Paso, Texas ; thence to a point on the Pacific Ocean, one marine league due south of the southernmost point on the Bay of San Diego. The total length of the northern boundary line is 1,833 miles. The Guatemalan boundary line was fixed by treaty 27 Sept. 1883 and 1 April 1895 ; and the Belize line by treaty iigned 8 July 1893, and ratified 19 April 1897. The length of the southern boundary of Mexico is 642 miles. By the treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo ratified 2 Feb. 1848, and the Gadsden treaty of 30 Dec. 1853, Mexico ceded to the United States 930,590 square miles of her territory, or 163,264 more than half. The first named treaty involved 362,487 square miles of domain now part and parcel of the United States as follows: [436] MEXICO 437 Texas, 265,780 square miles; Colorado (in part), 18,000; Kansas (in part), 7,766; New Mexico, 65,201 ; Oklahoma, 5,740. Under the terms of the second or Gadsden treaty the United States acquired 522,568 square miles, which are now held as follows: Arizona, 82,381; California, 157,801; Colorado (in part), 29,500; Nevada, 112,090; New Mexico, 42,000; Utah, 84,476; Wyoming (in part), 14,320. By virtue of the same treaty a later addition was ceded, consisting of 31,535 square miles to Arizona, and 14,000 to New Mexico. Topography In the length of coast line the peninsula of Lower California leads with 1,864 miles, Yucatan following with 615, Sonora 524, Sinaloa, 317, Tepic and Jalisco 311, Veracruz 286, Guerrero 286, Oaxaca 255, Tamaulipas 249, Campeche 224, Chiapas 137, Tabasco 119, Colima 99, and Michoacan 81. The greatest length of the republic is from northwest to southeast, 1,942 miles ; and the great- est width, east and west, is from the mouth of the Rio Grande to the mouth of the Rio Fuerte, 762 miles, and the narrowest is from the bar at Coatzacoalcos, on the Atlantic side, to San Francisco de mar, on the Pacific, — 134 miles. Mexico, California and Tehuantepec are the principal gulfs on the Mexican coast, the first named being the largest in the world. In the commercial development of this continent they have per- formed and still perform a most important part. Mexico's great mass is the lofty Rocky Mountain plateau, which fills it nearly from ocean to ocean, leaving but a narrow strip of coast. Entering from Guatemala (where a spur connects with the limestone and coral table-land of Yucatan), the system trends west, forming a table- land 150 miles wide at Oaxaca, with a steep descent and slender coast on the Pacific, but a more gradual one by terraces to the Gulf of Mexico in Tabasco and Veracruz. This spreads out and stretches northward to the vast plateau of Anahuac, 4,000 to 8,000 feet high, where the oceanic relations are reversed, the Atlantic side being precipitous and the Pacific terraced. There is no single range corresponding to the Andes or northern Rockies; the so-called cordilleras are merely the outer escarpments of the pla- teau, though often far above its mean level. Loftiest of these is the Sierra Madre of the Pacific, traceable at a mean elevation of over 10,000 feet from Oaxaca to the United States. It skirts the western coast within from 60 to 70 miles of the entrance to the Gulf of California ; thence onward a far wider coast land has silted up. Along the Gulf of Mexico are the correspondent cordilleras 438 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon, 6,000 feet in mean elevation. The southern central plateau maintains its height of 7,000 to 8,000 feet with great persistency to within 40 miles or less of the Atlantic. Through Lower California is a similar ridge some 3,000 feet high. The plateau is not a level surface; railroad elevation north from the capital varies by 4,500 feet, declining northward; while the centre is intersected by short secondary ridges and valleys, mostly with the north-northwest trend. Most important of these is the Anahuac cordillera, surrounding the valleys of Mexico and Puebla; its culminating point is the Nevado de Toluca ('' snow peak "), 15,163 feet. But across this, and generally confounded with it, is a newer transverse ridge from ocean to ocean, traced by five active or recently quiescent volcanoes and several extinct cones, among which are Popocatepetl 17,882 feet and Ixtaccihuatl 17,338 feet in the centre, southeast of Mexico City, and Orizaba, eastward bor- dering Veracruz state, 18,696 feet. On the Pacific side is Colima volcano, 12,989 feet ; and the line runs out to the Revillagigedo vol- canic islands. The sierras of Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Chiapas are nearly parallel to this. The other high mountain peaks of the republic are: The Malinche, between the state of Tlaxcala and Puebla, 14,643 feet; the Coffre de Perote, Veracruz, 14,042; Ajusco, in the southern part of the Valley of Mexico, 13,075; Taucitaro, 12,661 and Petam- ban, 12,300, in Michoacan; Derrumbadas, 11,801, Ocelazin, 11,480 and Penal 10,744, in Puebla; Cempoaltepec, 11,139 Oaxaca; Lanitos, 11,021, Guanjuato; Tzirate, 11,022, Michoacan; Zumate, 10,994, and Navajas, 10,289, Hidalgo; and Laurel, 10,138, Aguas- calientes. The mountains of Mexico are exceptionally picturesque and interesting, affording innumerable views beautiful in the extreme. Rivers Mexico ^possesses comparatively few rivers, and of these not many are large and deep enough to be of commercial importance. Many of those marked on the map of the republic are either wholly or practically dry a part of each year. This is especially true of the northern half of the country. The most important rivers are : The Rio Grande (Bravo del Norte), which forms the northern boundary line of the republic for 1,097 miles, the Panuco, which rises in the mountains of the state of Mexico and empties into the Gulf of Mexico at Tampico, is 360 miles in length; the Papaloa- pan, the source of which is in the mountains of Oaxaca, and which crosses the state of Veracruz, emptying into the Gulf of Mexico at MEXICO 439 Alvarado ; the Coatzacoalcos, which also has its source in the state of Oaxaca, and crosses the state of Veracruz, emptying into the Gulf at Coatzacoalcos, its length being 186 miles; the Grijalva, which rises in Guatemala, crosses the states of Chiapas and Tabasco, to the Gulf of Mexico, is 327 miles in length; the Usu- macinta, which also has its source in Guatemala, crossing the Mexican state of Tabasco and emptying into the Gulf a short distance south of Frontera, its length being 450 miles. Official reports state this to be '' the most navigable river in Mexico." The Tuxpan River, which has its source in the state of Hidalgo, crosses Puebla and Veracruz and empties into the Gulf at Tuxpan. It is navigable for small boats; the Lerma, 457 miles in length, which rises in the mountains of Tenango, in the state of Mexico, crosses Jalisco and Tepic and empties into the Pacific at San Bias ; the Balsas, 428 miles long, the source of which is in Pueblo and which crosses Mexico, Morelos, Guerrero and Michoacan, empties into the Pacific at Zacatula, in the latter state ; The Yaqui, 391 miles long, which rises in the Tarahumari moun- tains, TiTBie state of Sonora, empties into the Gulf of California a short distance below Guaymas ; the Fuerte, 335 miles long, which rises in ^the state of Chihuahua, crosses the state of Sinaloa and empties into the Gulf of California at Bocas de Ahome; the San Pedro, 298 miles; Nazas, 279; Ures, 260, and Sinaloa, 260. Lakes and Lagocns The principal lakes of Mexico, none of which are large, are Chapala, in Jalisco, a beautiful body of water some 51 miles long and 18 miles wide, the shores of which have become a favorite summer resort for wealthy residents of Mexico City, Guadalajara and other parts of the republic; Patzcuaro (in Michoacan), around which there clusters a wealth of historic, artistic and poetic inter- est; Cuitzeo, in the same state; Xochimilco, and Texcuco, in the Federal District and state of Mexico; Tepancuapan, in Chiapas; Tequesquitongo, Coatelelco and Hueyapan, in Morelos ; Catemaco, in Veracruz; Caivel and Carpintero, in Tamaulipas; Encantedo, in Tabasco; Bacular, in Yucatan; Uriria, in Guanajuato, and Mez- titlan, in Hidalgo. The principal lagoons are the Terminos, in Jalisco and Michoacan ; Tamiahua, in Veracruz ; Madre in Tamaul- ipas; Mezcaltitlan, in Tepic; Coyutlan, in Colima; Tecpan and Coyuya, in Guerrero; Superior and Inferior in Oaxaca; Paras, Coyote and Agua Verde, in Coahuila; Guzman, Jaco, Patos, and Santa Maria in Chihuahua; Chalco, Xaltocan, San Christobal, 440 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Mexico City, from Tower of Cathedral Zumpango and Lerma in the state of Mexico; Meztiilan and Apan, in Hidalgo, and Santa Ana, in Tabasco. There are numer- ous other and smaller lakes and lagoons in the republic, which are of much local importance, but which do not appear on the ordinary maps. Valleys The principal valleys of the republic are those of Toluca, Mexico, Cuernavaca, Puebla, Oaxaca, San Francisco and Orizaba, all of w^hich are extremely rich in soil and most favorably situated as to climate and other conditions affecting their products, which include very nearly every article grown in other parts of the American continent. Climate The chief natural glory of Mexico is its climate, which, though not as invigorating as that of some other countries, is one of the most delightful in the world. In few localities is there ever intense cold or intolerable heat. It is seldom that death results from freezing, and sunstroke is practically unknown. In the trop- ics, or hot country, the temperature varies from 77° to 82° Fahr., in the shade, w^hile on the central plateau, w^hich includes the capi- tal city, it is much cooler in summer and warmer in winter than in the United States. In Mexico City the maximum summer tem- perature in the shade is 85°, and winter temperature 72°; in Puebla, 84° and 75° ; in Oaxaca 94° and 83° ; in Jalapa 89° and 87° ; in Queretaro 90° and 80°; in Guanajuato 91° and 82° ; in Pachuca 80° and 77° ; in Saltillo 89° and 76° ; in Merida 103° and 92° ; in MEXICO 441 Mazatlan 91° and 84°. The average night temperature in Mexico City from June to October is about 55°. -The warmest months of the year in that city, are April and May, — the last two months pre- ceding the beginning of the rainy season, which there extends from June to November. In the regions near the gulfs and the Pacific ocean, the rains are much heavier and more frequent, and begin earlier and end later. The average rainfall on the coasts is 44 inches and on the table-lands 24 inches. In Mexico there are but two seasons, — the rainy, or summer, and the dry, or winter. The temperatures of the spring and autumn months differ very slightly, and the seasons merge into each other quite impercepti- bly. The nights are always cool, except in the hot country, where they are seldom uncomfortable, the gulf and Pacific breezes com- pensating for the heat of the day. There are no radical or sudden changes of temperature; no prolonged term of heat or cold or storm; and on the table-lands all seasons are so nearly alike that most persons wear clothing of the same weight all the year. Except in the northern states, artificial heat is seldom provided, either in homes or places of business, even in mid-winter. In few other countries is to be found such diversity of climate as in Mexico, whose west coast littoral extends across 18 parallels of latitude, and where the altitudes of the towns and cities range all the way from 26 feet above the sea at Veracruz, to 8,760 at Toluca, each plateau or step in the ascent illustrating in its fruits, foliage and flowers the influence of every climatic phase and condition. The white peaks of Orizaba, Popocatepetl and Ixtaocihuatl look down upon a broad panorama of indescrib- able beauty to be seen only in this land of perpetual spring. The summer rains on the upper plateaus intensify the green of the verdure, increase the number and beauty of the flowers, develop the fruits, sweeten the atmosphere, and drive away disease. The sun's rays, being always perpendicular, in the middle of the day are very intense. In the shade, however, it is never uncom- fortable. Flora and Fauna The physical conformation of Mexico is most favorable to the development of a wonderfully rich and varied economic flora. In the hot lands or coast regions, from the sea level to an altitude of 1,500 or 2,000 feet, cocoanuts, cacao, vanilla, peppers, nutmegs, ginger, cloves and other spices and all the fruits of tropical coun- tries are successfully and profitably grown; while sugar cane, coffee, rice, cotton, tobacco, hemp, oranges, lemons, limes, bananas. 442 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA mangoes, apples, peaches, papayas, pears, plums, figs, cherries, grapes, zapotes, pineapples, mameys, pomegranates, yams, sweet potatoes, Irish potatoes, most of the edible roots, and, in fact about all the varieties of fruits and vegetables grown anywhere are found and successfully cultivated in altitudes up to and including the valley of Mexico, 7,500 feet above the sea. Wheat, corn and most of the grains of commerce produce crops in some Copyright, C. B. Waite Cacao Trees in Mexico of the states, twice or three times in a year, — notably in Vera- cruz, Tabasco, Chiapas, Oaxaca, Guerrero, Michoacan, Jalisco, Mexico. Fifty-two species of cereals and vegetables, 87 of fruits, 100 of odoriferous flowers, 56 of building woods, 21 of cabinet woods, 8 of gums, three of resins, 12 of forages and 113 of medi- cinal plants reach a high degree of perfection in Mexico. Flowers of almost innumerable varieties, from the gorgeous orchid of quaint and curious form and wonderful combination of colors, to the modest daisy, violet and tuberose, grow wild, in extravagant profusion, all the year round, the range of altitudes meeting the requirements of all the members of the floral kingdom. The flower markets of Mexico City, which are chiefly supplied from the chinampas (gardens in the bed of the half -drained lakes of the neighborhood), are among the objects of interest most enjoyed by the visiting tourist, and they eloquently testify to the beauty and brilliancy of the Mexican flora. This country has been MEXICO 443 deservedly named '' the land of flowers," for everywhere and all the year there are flowers of every hue and color. In the forests of the republic, especially in the tropical lands, are found many varieties of trees the timber of which possesses great value for building or cabinet purposes. Pine of several varieties, balsam, ligimm vitae, Spanish cedar, mahogany, oak, "rosew^ood, mesquite, olive, palm, almond, fir, sesame, cedar, cam- phor, india rubber, copal, cacao, 12 species of dye woods and 17 varieties of oil-bearing trees are among the varied products of the country. The arboreal vegetation of the country embraces 114 different species of woods. Included in the fauna of Mexico are the American lion or puma, jaguar, ocelot, wildcat, wolf, coyote, bear, wild boar, sloth, monkey, hare, rabbit, squirrel, armadillo, deer, beaver, otter, mole, marten, leopard, turtle, which are principally found in the sparsely settled mountains and in the forests of the tierra caliente. None of these are much hunted, the Indians o-f the country having little or no taste for this kind of sport. In the tropics there are many varieties of rich plumaged birds, and song birds are found in all altitudes. Parrots and paraquites abound in the coast regions and are highly prized for their talking qualities and brilliant colors of green, yellow and red. Among the many species of song birds are the zenzontla or mocking bird, the clarin and the nightingale. The birds of prey include the eagle, hawk, turkey buzzard and owl. The cotorra, talking loro, hum- ming bird, sparrow, blackbird, turtle dove, woodpecker, swal- low, magpie, heron, falcon, kite and great numbers of others, which inhabit the forests or fields where there is abundance of insect and other food for their sustenance, are found in Mexico. In all locali- ties where there are fresh water lakes, lagoons, ponds or rivers there are great numbers of wild ducks and geese, and in the forests the wild turkey abounds. Wild bees are nmnerous, and the Indians derive quite an income by securing their honey and mar- keting it in the cities and towns. Of domestic or barnyard fowls the number and variety are very extensive, and their consumption by the people of the country is enormous. The waters of the Mexican gulfs, lakes, and rivers are well stocked with many varieties of fish of excellent quality, the most prized being the red snapper. The markets of Veracruz, Tampico and other coast cities daily display a tempting supply and variety from the gulfs, the Pacific and the accessible rivers, and large quantities are shipped to inland points by railway, in refrigerator 444 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA cars. In the immediate vicinity of Tampico many tarpon of large size are caught. Of reptiles there are many varieties, both venomous and harmless, especially in the southern forests. In the first named class are included boas, covals, and rattlesnakes. There are many varieties of scorpions, tarantulas and lizards, some of the latter being so large as to be utilized by the natives as an article of food. HISTORY OF MEXICO Pre-Conquest Period THE history of Mexico naturally divides itself into three distinct parts, aboriginal Mexico under the domination of its native Indian rulers, from the border land of pre- historic times to 1521; Spanish occupation from 1521 to 1821; and independent Mexico from 1821 to the present. A score of distinct aboriginal tongues and more than 100 dialects still spoken within the confines of the Mexican republic are evidence of the presence of numerous races that overran the coun- try at various periods during its prehistoric existence. These early races seem to have had considerable influence upon the tradi- tions, mythology and customs of the people who followed them into the country. From the confused movement of the shadowy peoples of the past stand forth the forms of several more or less distinctly cultured races whose written and traditional records, legends and folk-lore reach back to the dim border land beyond which all is mythical. During the early semi-historical part of this period the great Nahua race, beginning its many years of wandering from the north, crossed the Mexican boundary in the sixth century and continued southward. These migrations were participated in by numerous tribes or nations. The first of these, the Toltecs, came from the land of Old Tlapallan under the leadership of their high priest and chief, Heumatzin, he of the big hands, and arrived at Tulancingo (a short distance north of Mexico City) in 720, after 176 years of wandering. Soon afterwards they estab- lished populous centres at Tula (San Juan), Teotihuacan, Cholula and numerous other places and extended their power over a wide reach of country. They are said to have been a highly civilized race, to have been builders of great and handsome cities and to have extended organized commerce for hundreds of miles beyond their own territory which, at the height of their power and pros- MEXICO 445 perity, stretched from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific and far southward to th<3 border of the domains of the Maya of Yucatan, Chiapas and Campeche. They had a settled form of government and complicated, far-reaching codes of laws, which included mili- tary, political, social and religious regulations; and these, in their turn, were supported by racial customs and dogmas. While the Nahua held the central portion of what is modern Mexico, the Maya and other kindred races occupied the south, stretching from Campeche, Yucatan and Chiapas, south and west to the Pacific and into Guatemala, where they established a civili- zation rivaling that of the Toltecs. Between the Maya on the south and the Toltecs on the north lay the Zapoteca and the Mixteca, almost as far advanced as they in the arts and sciences and the principles of government. All four peoples were skilled workers in metals and excellent makers of pottery and woven fabrics. They recorded their histories, traditions, religious formulas, tribute rolls and important events in complicated hieroglyphics, which varied with the different races. They were good agricul- turists, excellent builders and organizers and they maintained extensive and well apportioned armies and systems of public instruction. All education was in the hands of the priests and administered from the temples, thousands of which, rising from high, truncated, pyramidal structures, covered the land. These temples were specially immerous and of notable magnificence in the Aztec land and Yucatan. Civil wars, internal dissensions, famine and plague are given as the causes of the disruption of the Toltec empire which came to an end in 1116, after nearly 400 years of existence. A part of the Toltec population is said to have migrated southward and to have entered the land of the Maya. It is certain, however, that many remained behind and lost their identity in the Chichimeca and other less cultured races who occupied the Valley of Mexico and surrounding country. From this union sprang the famous Texcocans, whose capital, Texcoco, on the lake of the same name, preserved the civilization of the early Nahua and finally became the most noted centre of culture in the Mexican empire. The Aztecs, Texcocans, Tepanecas, Chalcos and Tlaxcalans are the most notable of the Nahuatl tribes who took possession of the country deserted by the Toltecs. Of these the most important are the Aztecs, who began their wanderings from Aztlan, their old home in the north, about a century after the Toltecs. Six hun- dred years later they arrived in the Valley of Mexico, where they eventually, after many struggles and privations, established them- 446 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA selves on two little islands in Lake Texcoco, and founded their capital, Tenochtitlan, the Place of Tenocli, their priestly leader and mighty warrior, or Mexico, the Place of Mexitli, their war god. The Aztecs prospered, grew in numbers and extended their power over the Chalcos and other tribes bordering on the lakes of the Valley of Mexico and, forming an alliance with the Texcocans and the Tepanecas, carried their conquering arms from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific and, from some distance north of Mexico City, southward past the isthmus of Tehuantepec almost to the border of modern Guatemala, where they encroached upon the land of the Maya. The creation of this vast empire which, in extent and power, outrivalled that of the Toltecs, was due to the skill, intelligence, executive ability and warlike prowess of a line of kings which began with Acamapitzin, Prince of the Eeeds (1376-1404), 50 years after the founding of Tenochtitlan. The other Aztec rulers in succession, up to the arrival of Cortes, were : Huitzilihuitl, Hummingbird's Feathers (1404—17), Chimalpopoca, Smoking Shield (1417-27), Ixcoatl, Obsidian Knife (1427-40), Moctezuma I, Wrathy Chief (1440-69), Axayacatl, The Fly (1469-81), Tizoc, Lame Leg (1481-86), Ahuizotl, Water-rat (I486- 1502) and Moctezuma II (1502-20), all of whom worked zealously for the upbuilding of the Aztec empire and the beautifying and extension of their capital. From the beginning of the reign of Moctezuma II Spanish navigators had been exploring in the neighborhood of the Mexican coast and several had touched on the mainland of Yucatan and Campeche. In 1519 Hernan Cortes, inspired by the dream of conquering a great and rich land, of which reports had been brought to Cuba, set out with a small military force on his daring expedition to the uplands of Mexico. On the way he defeated the Tlaxcalans, ,an independent nation, and the Cholulans, who formed a semi-dependent province of the Aztec empire. From these he recruited a considerable native army, with which he con- tinued his march to Mexico City, where he was reluctantly received by Moctezuma II and quartered in one of the royal pal- aces. He finally succeeded in making a prisoner of the Aztec ruler, who was killed a short time afterwards (30 June 1520) either by the Spaniards or by the Mexicans themselves. The presence of the Spaniards in the city, the death of the emperor and the profanation of the shrines of their deities enraged the Aztecs to such an extent that they rose against Cortes and he was forced to leave the city by night. In the retreat he lost his cav- alry, artillery and most of his infantry. After recruiting a new MEXICO 447 army and obtaining- additional war equipment, Cortes returned and laid siege to the City of Mexico wliich he captured (13 Aug. 1521) and continued the conquest of the domains of the Moctezumas. Under Spanish Rule Immediately after the surrender of Tenochtitlan the govern- ment of Mexico fell into the hands of the conquistadores who, being purely military governors, administered the affairs of the land by means of military law. Gradually the large cities were granted local government similar to that of Spain and the prov- ince was divided into districts controlled by the central govern- ment in Mexico City. In 1528 auditors (oidores) were introduced to keep a check on the Captain General, Cortes. They soon suc- ceeded him and continued to govern the country until 1535, when Antonio de Mendoza became the first viceroy. He was a very earnest and capable man and at once proceeded to replace with an orderly and settled form of government the hap-hazard methods of the oidores and military leaders. Spain monopolized the trade of Mexico, or " New Spain "; commerce to and from the colony could be carried only in Span- ish bottoms; nothing was permitted to be grown in Mexico that might in any way come into competition with products from Spain. Only native-born Spaniards could hold office under the government in New Spain. The establishment of manufactures of all kinds was discouraged or prohibited. Yet Spain gave her colonies a strong government and one that was thoroughly under- stood by the mass of Indians and mestizos who composed the greater part of the population of Mexico, for it was much like the kind they had been accustomed to for centuries under their native rulers. The encouragement of literature and art, the beautifying of the cities and towns, the extension of great highways of com- merce, the improvement of harbors, the establishment of high schools, colleges, and a provincial university and the practical eradication of the native religion with the human sacrifices were far-reaching benefits which Spain bestowed upon Mexico. But the evils of her administration outran the good — for example, in the establishment of peonage and the concentration of the Indians in centres, towns, camps or ranches under the pretence of civil- izing and Christianizing them. The masses of the population, their aboriginal laws and codes of morality gone by the board, soon lost their pride of race and descended to a condition of slavery bringing with it debauchery, a loss of interest in life and 448 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA a consequent loss of ambition. These and scores of other abuses created discontent throughout the viceroyalty, which was des- tined to show itself in vigorous protests and insurrection against Spanish authority. An unsuccessful revolutionary plot in the cap- ital in 1808 was followed by the uprising of Hidalgo, the patriot priest of Dolores, on 16 Sept. 1810. Hidalgo, after a wonderfully successful initial campaign which brought him, with an army of 100,000, almost to the gates of the capital, was finally defeated, captured and executed the following year. The w^ar of liberation dragged on with varying success until 1821, when the life of independent Mexico began. Independent Mexico The first government of independent Mexico consisted of a council of six, with Gen. Augustm Iturbide, the commander of the revolutionary army, as president. On 19 May 1822 Iturbide was proclaimed emperor; and on 21 July he and his wife were crowned in the cathedral of the capital. But dissensions soon set in and Iturbide was forced to abdicate and to leave the country. On returning to Mexico in 1824, he was arrested, tried and shot as a traitor. Then followed many kaleidoscopic political changes in which the personal ambition of military leaders played the foremost part. Santa Anna, who became President in 1833, was looked upon as a good soldier, took the field against the Texas revolutionists with an army of 6,0(X) trained men. Successful at first, he was defeated in 1836, captured and taken to the United States, but was allowed to return to Mexico the following year. For more than a generation, from the first days of the republic to the middle of the 19th century, the figure of Santa Anna appears ever in the foreground of the political life of Mexico guiding the destinies of the nation or watching political moves from either voluntary or forced retirement. Shortly after his return from the United States the French government sent a squadron, to Vera Cruz to enforce the payment of claims against Mexico held by French citi- zens. Santa Anna, who had gone into one of his periodical retire- ments, came forth and placed himself at the head of a force to oppose the French, who finally withdrew. Santa Anna claimed the honor of having driven them from the country. This claim and the fact that he lost a leg in the encounter, made him once more a national figure and a popular hero, although Mexico had been forced to comply with the French demands. MEXICO 449 Bustamante, recalled from exile, became President in 1837, on the outbreak of the revolution in Texas. The struggle between ambitious military leaders became more intense. Santa Anna, Parades, Bustamante, Farias, Herrera, Nicolas Bravo and others played their several parts on the constantly changing stage. The admission of Texas to the American Union as a State 29 Dec. 1845 roused the resentment of Mexico against the United States to a high pitch. James K. Polk, who succeeded Tyler as President of the United States, was an ardent expansionist and included in his plan of expansion the acquisition of California, Arizona, and New Mexico, then Mexican territory. Claims amounting to several million dollars were held by American citizens against the Mexican government, which was unable to meet them. Polk proposed to settle these claims in exchange for Mexican territory, paying in addition to Mexico $25,000,000 in cash. In November 1845, John Slidell was sent as diplomatic representative to Mexico City, with instructions to press the matter of the cession of Mexican territory to the United States. But the Mexican authorities, having learned in advajice of Slidell 's commission, did not receive him. Polk was ready to ask Congress to declare war against Mexico in May 1846 when the news reached Washington that armed Mexicans had already crossed the border and killed a number of Americans. War was declared against Mexico, 13 May. General Taylor, in com- mand of American forces on the Rio Grande, was ordered into Mexico. In September 1846, he defeated a Mexican army and cap- tured Monterey and, on 22 February, he fought a drawn battle at Buena Vista (Angostura). A month later Gen. Winfield Scott arrived at Vera Cruz, which he captured, 29 March, and began the long and toilsome march toward the upland plateau and the capital of Mexico, which he reached six months later. After the capture of Molino del Rey, Churubusco and Chapultepec, fortresses defending the capital, Scott's army entered the City of Mexico. In the meantime American forces had taken possession of California and New Mexico without opposition. In February 1847, a treaty was signed at Guadalupe Hidalgo, near the Mexican capital, between representatives of Mexico and the United States by the provisions of w^hich California and New Mexico were ceded to the United States. Santa Anna, who had again become dictator of Mexico while the country was at war with the United States, retired to Jalapa, and General Herrera became President, 3 June 1848. He was 30 450 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA succeeded (January 1851) by General Arista, who was forced out of office by Santa Anna. A new constitution for the republic which became law on 5 Feb. 1857 figured in every conflict during more than half a cen- tury. Comonfort repudiated it, thus estranging his own following without gaining the support of his opponents. He was forced to flee the country, and his departure gave rise to internal dissen- sions not finally settled for years. Benito Juarez, president of the Supreme Court, claimed the presidency in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. War divided the people and devastated the land and the reactionary party forced Juarez from the capital. In tlie midst of all this civil trouble, a real danger threatened the republic from without. In 1861 England, France and Spain entered into an agreement known as the Treaty of London, by which they were to send a three-fold fleet to Vera Cruz to demand of Mexico guarantees for the payment of her for- eign debt and for the safety of their subjects in Mexican territory. This fleet, which appeared at Vera Cruz on 8 Dec. 1861, captured the port and proceeded to Orizaba, where a conference was held with Juarez ; who agreed to comply with the demands of the powers. England and Spain at once withdrew their troops from the coun- try. But the French, who had a secret understanding with the Mexican reactionary party, at the head of whom was Miramon, who had disputed the presidency with Jutirez, remained in Mexico with the avowed purpose of settling its social and political difficulties. The French army soon began its march toward the uplands ; but it was defeated before the walls of Puebla and forced to retreat to Orizaba. The Archduke, Maximilian of Austria, and his consort, who had been selected by Napoleon III as emperor and empress of Mexico, arrived in Vera Cniz 24 May 1864. In the capital they were welcomed and crowned with great ceremony. The protest of the United States compelled the withdrawal of French troops from Mexico, and Maximilian, left to his fate, was compelled to surrender at Queretaro in 1867. He was tried, found guilty of treason to the Mexican people and shot on the Hill of the Bells iiear Queretaro together with his two generals, Miramon and Mejia, 19 June 1867. The concerted action of the Army of the North under Escobedo and the Army of the East under Porfirio Diaz defeated the Imperialists ; Mexico City surrendered to Diaz 21 June, two days after the execution of Maximilian; and on 15 July Juarez returned to the capital amid the rejoicing of the popu- lace. But opposition to the Juarez government soon developed and MEXICO 451 his administration was troubled by constant uprisings and disaf- fection. Juarez died suddenly 19 July 1872, shortly after he had been re-elected President. He was succeeded by Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, who served one term and was forced out of office shortly after his re-election by Gen. Porfirio Diaz who defeated the Lerdist party at the battle of Tecoac, marched upon the capital and was there proclaimed provisional president, 24 Nov. 1876, and later constitutional president. At the expiration of his term of office, 30 Nov. 1880, he was succeeded by Gen. Manuel Gonzalez, who continued the Diaz policy of encouraging the construction of rail- ways and increasing the efficiency of the rural police charged with the protection of the country from revolutionary and robber bands. Diaz succeeded Gonzalez in the winter of 1884 and, for more than a quarter of a century, he continued to be the one great power in Mexico. He found the country in debt and the income of the administration inadequate to meet the demands on it. He increased the revenue of the nation over 400 per cent; he built railways, highways, roads and harbors; he drained the Valley of Mexico and made the pest-ridden coast towns places of resort. He encouraged foreigners to settle in or invest in the country and to contribute their part to his program of expansion and develop- ment ; and he created a credit for the nation and steadily increased and improved it. He introduced system and encouraged honesty in the public service and prevented, to a very great extent, malver- sation of public funds, which had been so noticeable during pre- vious administrations, by the introduction of a rigid and modern system of accounting and by holding the heads of the departments accountable for the funds passing through their hands. With Diaz the Indian and mestizo elements, constituting fully 85 per cent of the population, began to come into their own. Thus a new social life was created in Mexico under his regime, and in it the mestizo, for the first time, began to play a prominent part. Diaz found public instruction neglected and practically non- existent and he set to work to remedy this defect. Training schools for teachers were established and the higher schools and colleges were increased and improved with a view to supplying, through them, the teaching body for new primary and secondary schools. Though lack of funds hampered this work, the results achieved bore* fruit in the rapid increase of the standard of intelligence in the larger towns and cities. Under Diaz the resources of the country were developed; commerce threw off its provincialism and became national and international, and new 452 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA industries sprang up throughout the land. But, with a govern- ment which had absolute control of the affairs of the country so long as that of Diaz, abuses were bound to creep in. About the President had grown up a strong personal party the members of which, while professing intense admiration for him and his gov- ernment, succeeded in enriching themselves, their relatives and friends through concessions and privileges secured through their close connection with the administration. The spread of public instruction and the rise of the Indian and mestizo to public prom- inence introduced into the political equation a new and restless element which Diaz had constantly, throughout his long regime, to curb, control and discipline. The discontent increased; Mexican exiles in the United States used every means in their power to hasten the overthrow of the man they characterized as autocratic and tyrannical. Ramon Corral, the vice-president, who was looked upon as the leader of the sinister influence at work in the party surrounding the president, was singled out as the special object of attack of the anti-government agents. Diaz, in the face of the impending storm, supported Corral, who was re-elected in 1910. During the month of September 1910, the one-hundredth anniversary of the declaration of Mexican independence was cele- brated throughout the republic with great pomp and ceremony and special representatives of foreign nations gathered in the capital to lend dignity to the occasion. But scarcely had the month of national rejoicing ended when political unrest began to show renewed activity. Francisco I. Madero, who had presented himself as a candidate for the presidency in opposition to Diaz and had been arrested on the charge of sedition and finall}' released from prison and ordered to leave the country after the elections had been held, furnished the necessary leader to the exiles in the United States and their many sympathizers in Mexico. The active revolutionary propaganda already begun was intensified and agents of the insurgent party spread their doc- trines throughout Mexico and induced uprisings in Vera Cruz, Puebla, Chihuahua, Durango and other cities and -towns of the republic; and, as Madero crossed the border to head the insur- gents, similar outbreaks took place south of Mexico City while revolutionary bands gathered in force in the north near Torreon, Gomez Palacio and Parral. The inauguration of Diaz as Presi- dent 1 Dec. 1910 increased the revolutionary centres and quick- ened their activities, thus compelling the government to weaken its strength by distributing its forces over a large and constantly increasing area of territory. Radical changes were effected in the MEXICO 453 Diaz cabinet and attempts were made to meet the demands of the revolutionists, as American troops were ordered concentrated along the Mexican border ; for this move was taken in Mexico to mean a threat of intervention. The government otfered to enter into peace negotiations with the insurgents, but attempts made to this end proved abortive and w^ere suspended 6 May. Juarez fell to the insurgents 10 May, and Diaz, urged to save the country from further bloodshed and the danger of intervention, resigned, 25 May, and was succeeded in office by Francisco de la Barra, secre- tary of foreign affairs, as president ad interim pending an elec- tion. Two wrecks later Madero entered the capital where he was enthusiastically received. So powerful was his influence that the de la Barra administration was forced to consult him in every important move made. On 15 November Madero was unani- mously elected President of Mexico ; but scarcely had he assumed office when opposition began to develop and revolutionary intrigue to show itself within his own party. Zapata revolted in Morelos and Gen. Bernardo Reyes attempted an unsuccessful insurrection. Gen. Pascual Orozco, one of the foremost revolutionary leaders, rebelled and captured Juarez 12 Feb. 1912. Gen. Felix Diaz took Vera Cruz, but was himself captured, tried and condemned to be shot — a sentence which was commuted to confinement in the penitentiary near Mexico City. In the meantime Madero found himself unable to control the turbulent characters who surrounded him, to establish a stable governjiient or to carry out the prom- ised reforms. GeneralMondragon, backed by his own troops and the students of the Military Training School at Tlalpam, a suburb of the capi- tal, rose against the government, 9 Feb. 1913, marched to the military prison and set free General Reyes, and from there to the penitentiary and liberated Gen. Felix Diaz. Practically unop- posed the three generals entered the capital, where Reyes was. killed in an attack on the National Palace. The revolutionists seized The Citadel, a strong fortress and ammunition depository, while the Madero forces took possession of the National Palace, Chapultepec and other points in and around the city. Both fac- tions bombarded one another almost continuously for 10 days, when Gen. Victoriano Huerta, commander-in-chief of the govern- ment forces, brought the conflict to a dramatic close by the seizure of Madero and Pino Suarez, the vice-president, who were forced to resign their respective offices. Pedro Lascurain, minister of foreign relations, succeeded to the jjresidency. He appointed Huerta his minister of foreign relations and resigned in his favor. 454 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Thus, in one day, Mexico had three presidents. On the morning of 23 February Madero and Pino Suarez were murdered, pre- sumably by agents of the Huerta government. For this act, Venustiano Carranza, governor of Coahuila, disavowed the new government and issued the Plan of Guadalupe which called for reforms in the administration, equitable taxation, extension of the educational system and the solution of the land problem (March 26). President Wilson dispatched John Lind to Mexico City as his personal representative with a view to bringing the opposing parties together; but Huerta 's refusal to be eliminated as a presi- dential candidate and his arrest and imprisonment of 110 con- gressional deputies and the forcible dissolution of Congress (10 and 11 October) made any compromise impossible. A new elec- tion held on 26 October, under pressure, resulted in the selection of Huerta as President. The new congress, which met on 15 November, in view of a protest from Washington, declared void the election of President and Vice-President but confirmed Huerta in the office of Provisional President. The Constitutionalists determined to make no compromise with Huerta, and the war went on. Villa took Juarez 15 November; other important places fell and, early in 1914, Villa captured Ojinaga, after the Federal garrison of 4,600 had retreated across the American border. Then turning southward he took Torreon in April, while Mazatlan and Tampico surrendered to the Constitutionalists in May, and Car- ranza set up his government in Saltillo. Huerta found himself in constantly increasing difficulties on account of his defiance of the United States. These difficulties had culminated when sailors from the U. S. S. Dolphin had been arrested in Tampico 10 April and marched through the city under armed guard. For this insult Admiral Mayo demanded that the Mexican government should order a salute to the American flag. This Huerta refused to concede; and President Wilson laid the matter before Congress 20 April, requesting authority to use the forces of the nation to enforce Mayo's demand. While Congress was debating this request American marines were forcibly landed in Vera Cruz to prevent the entrance at that port of a shipment of arms from the steamer Ipiranga. At this juncture Argentina, Brazil and Chile, known as the A. B. C. powers, offered to serve as mediators. The offer was accepted and the diplomatic repre- sentatives of these powders at Washington met at Niagara Falls, Canada, 20 May to 24 June, without being able to find a solution for the troubled conditions in Mexico. On the day they adjourned Gonzales took Zacatecas and, two weeks later, Obregon entered MEXICO 455 Guadalajara; and in July, San Luis Potosi, Manzanillo and several smaller places fell to the Constitutionalists. Huerta, forced to resign, 15 July, was succeeded by Francisco Carbajal, minister of foreign relations, who at once entered into communication with the Constitutionalists and resigned in favor of Carranza, 13 August. Two days later Obregon took possession of the capital, where Carranza arrived on 20 Aug. 1914. With the elimination of Huerta and the success of the Con- stitutionalists, bitter dissensions appeared in the heterogeneous elements composing the party. A convention of generals called to meet in Mexico City on 1 October served only to intensify the trouble and the convention was moved to Aguascalientes, where, dominated by Villa, it disallowed the claims of Carranza and elected General Gutierrez Provisional President. It was also decided to march upon Mexico City and compel Carranza to bow to the will of the Convention, In the face of this threatened danger, the latter went to Puebla and, from there, to Vera Cruz on the w^ithdrawal of the American forces from Mexico 23 November. Zapata and Villa at once occupied the capital and Gutierrez set up his government there (3 December). In January 1915 the Conven- tion, disowning Gutierrez, proceeded to govern Mexico City in its own name ; but the approach of Obregon with a strong force com- pelled the Convention to abandon the capital, which was occupied (28 January) by the Carranza commander, who in turn was forced to retreat before a Zapatista horde, 10 March. Two weeks later Villa recognized as Convention Provisional President Gen. Roque Gonzalez Garza. One of the dramatic incidents of the year was the siege of Naco, Sonora, by General Mayortena. Five Americans were killed and 50 or more wounded by shots coming across the border. Washington warned both the contending parties to refrain from firing into American territory. Early in January General Scott, representing the American government, and Villa held a conference at which it was agreed to withdraw the contend- ing forces from Naco. In the meantime the Convention party was faring badly in the north. Guadalajara fell to Carranza and Villa was defeated at Celayo in March. Other disasters followed and finally Washington notified the Constitutional and Convention parties, 2 June, that unless peace were restored soon, the United State would be compelled to support some man or group of men capable of bringing order out of chaos. Meanwhile raids were being frequently made across the Texas border by bands from Mexico and finally, on the night of 9 March, 1916, an armed band 456 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA of Villistas attacked Columbus, N. M., killing eight soldiers and a number of civilians. Washington at once acted, 17 March, and sent into Mexico 12,000 troops under General Pershing with orders to take Villa dead or alive. Carranza refused a request from the American government for permission to ship, over the North- western Railway, supplies to Pershing's forces which were finally compelled to come to a halt at Parral, where several American soldiers were killed and others wounded in a surprise attack. In April General Scott, Chief of Staff, who had been sent to the Mexican border to report to Washington on the situation, held a conference with General F nston, commander of the American forces on the frontier, and General Obregon, Mexican Minister of War. The latter insisted on the withdrawal of the American punitive expedition from Mexico, and this was conditionally agreed to, 2 May. Carranza, charging the American government with bad faith and asserting that the presence of United States troops in Mexico proved a constant source of irritation and weakened the hands of the Mexican authorities, refused to ratify the agreement. Washington replied by reviewing the course of events in Mexico and charging that the Mexican government apparently did not wish to see the border raiders captured. On 18 June the American militia was ordered to the Mexican border two days after General Trevino had been enjoined by Carranza to prevent the movement of the Pershing expedition in any direction except homeward and to oppose the entrance of further American troops into Mexico. In pursuance of this order an American force of some 90 troopers was attacked at Carrizal and a number of officers and troopers killed and 17 taken prisoners. On a peremptory demand from Washington the latter were released, 22 June, 1916. Carranza began to show a more friendly front, and proposed the naming of commissioners by the American and Mexican governments to consider the issue between them, 12 July. This proposition was accepted and Luis Cabrera, Minister of Finance, Ignacio Bonillas, Minister of Communica- tions and Alberto Pani, head of the National Railways, represent- ing Mexico, met in New London, Conn., with Franklin K. Lane, Secretary of the Interior, Judge George Gray and Dr. J. R. Mott. After many subjects had been discussed Carranza declined to approve any form of agreement, and finally the troops of the United States were withdrawn from Mexico without having accomplished any definite result. A constituent assembly whose members were chosen at elec- tions supervised by the Carranza army met at Queretaro. That assembly made radical changes in the constitution of 1857 which MEXICO 457 were promulgated on 5 Feb. 1917 and went into operation 1 May 1917. A congress was elected and began its sessions on 15 April 1917, on which occasion Carranza declared that the nation would continue to be neutral in the European conflict. Bibliography Carson, W. E., Mexico, the Wonderland of the South (revised ed., New York 1914) ; Cortes, H., Letters of Cortes (New York 1908) and Cartas; Diaz del Castillo, B., Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Enpana (Mexico 1870), True History of the Conquest (translated from the original Spanish, London 1908), and The Mastering of Mexico, Told by Kate S' phens (New York 1916) ; Franck, n. A., Tramping through Mexico (New York l916) ; Fyfe, H. H., The Real Mexico (London 1914); Hagar, G. J., Plain Facts about Mexico (New York 1916); Humboldt, A. de. Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (London 1811); Lane, F. K., The President's Mexican Policy (New York 1916); Lumholtz, C, Unknown Mexico (New York 1902), and New Trails in Mexico (New York 1912) ; MacHugh, R. J., Modern Mexico ( Ivondon 1914) ; Preseott, W. H., History of the Conquest of Mexico (New York 1847) ; Rowe, L. S., The Scope and Limits of our Obligations toward Mexico (American Academy of Political and Social Science, Annals, Vol. LIV, pp. 219-235, Philadelphia 1914) ; Terry, T. P., Terry's Mexico (City of Mexico 1909), and Mexico; an Outline Sketch of the Country, its People and their History (Boston 1914) ; Winter, N. 0., The Fundamental Causes of the Present Situation in Mexico (Clark University, Latin America, New York 1914). GOVERNMENT The constitution of Mexico is based upon that of the United States which it very much resembles. The republic is formed of free and sovereign states which, for administrative matters con- cerning the interests of the nation as a whole, are united under a federal government. In virtue of the constitution of 5 Feb. 1857, the national power resides in the people, who are the source of all public authority. The administration of the affairs of the country is carried on by the national government, for the federation, and by each state government for its own state. But no state law may conflict with the general good as expressed by the laws of the federation. Slavery is prohibited by the constitution and all persons born in the republic are free and equal in the eyes of the law, and every one has a right to freedom of thought, profession and occu- pation. In so far as it is consistent with private rights and the exigencies of state, the press is free. In Mexico one may publish As^hat he pleases, for there is no press censorship; but the citizen 458 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA and the government are protected by libel laws. Newspaper, magazine and other presses cannot now, as formerly, be confiscated as instruments of crime. . The right to associate together for any lawful undertaking, ' business or enterprise, and the complete individuality of every law-abiding citizen of the republic or resident therein are recog- nized and all may leave or enter the country without passport. Mexico being a republic, hereditary honors and titles of nobil- ity are not recognized and no one is permitted to accept or wear them unless by special act of Congress. Arms may be carried for lawful personal defence in certain parts of the country, whereas in others a permit to do so must bo obtained; for the law recognizes that in mining camps, wild moun- tainous regions and unsettled parts of the republic, arms are necessary for self-protection, and here a permit is not exacted. Search without warrant is prohibited, and a policeman may not enter a private house without authorization from the police court, unless it be in pursuit of a well-known criminal or one caught in the act of breaking the law. Privileged tribunals such as were customary during the Spanish occupation of the country are strictly prohibited; and every man, be he priest or layman, citizen or administrative offi- cer of the government, is ruled and governed by one common law. The passage of laws contrary to the interests of the nation is pro- hibited, and no treaties can be made with foreign countries for the extradition of political offenders. According to the constitu- tion and the law of the land offences against law and order are K\V ^^^^^^^ i^^^o ^^0 great classes, civil and criminal. J No one may be / imprisoned for offences coming under the first of these heads This provision includes debts and other monetary obligations, provided there is nothing criminal about their contraction. A person once arrested must be brought to trial within three days and just cause shown for his detention, or he must be set free. Whipping, torture, mutilation and other punishments of a like nature, common enough in previous periods of the history of the country, are declared contrary to law. All punishments except those of a correctional nature must be administered by judges of the criminal courts. The death penalty is practically never exacted in Mexico in times of peace; it is stipulated in the con- stitution, however, that it may be applied in cases of high treason, premeditated murder, parricide and highway robberies ; but never for political offences, except in time of war. In practice, how- ever, about the only cases in which it is exacted, in normal times, MEXICO 459 Copyright, C. B. Waite Post Office, Mexico City are those of offences of a most serious nature against military authority. In all legal actions one may appeal from a lower to a liigher court until the supreme court of the nation is reached and giv^es its decision, which is final. But in cases of the death pen- alty, an appeal may be made to the clemency of the President of the Republic. Once a man has been tried and acquitted he cannot be tried again for the same offence. In conformity with the principles of democratic government no spying upon the privacy of the people of the land is permitted and, on the same principle, all private correspondence is declared inviolable. The quartering of soldiers upon private individuals in time of peace is prohibited, and even in time of war it can be done only in conformity with certain regulations of Congress and through special orders issued to fit the exigencies of the occasion. Patents may be issued for a certain stated time on inventions of use to mankind, although the constitution states that no monop- olies shall exist in the country except such as the government may take to itself for the general good of the nation ; as, for instance, the coinage of money and the control of the postal system. In the case of serious internal disorder of whatever character, which threatens the safety of state or government, the President has the right to suspend the constitutional guarantees ; as he also lias in the case of foreign invasion. But this can be done only with the consent of his cabinet and Congress, or of the congressional committee when the Congress is not in session. 460 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA All children born of Mexican parents, whether in Mexico or in a foreign land, are, in the eyes of the law, Mexican citizens; and foreigners may become Mexican citizens by naturalization by making application to the department of foreign relations, pro- vided they have resided five years in the country. All persons acquiring land in Mexico, become by virtue of this acquisition Mexican citizens, unless they distinctly state in their deed of acquisition that they reserv^e their right to the citizenship of their jiative land. One of the radical changes of the Queretaro con- vention (31 Jan. 1917) is the provision that only Mexican citizens, by birth or naturalization, may acquire landed properties or water rights or obtain concessions to exploit mines or combustibles ; but the state may concede such right to foreigners who appear before the secretary of foreign relations and agree to be considered as Mexicans, in so far as the titles involved are concerned, and agree not to invoke, in regard to the same, the protection of their respective governments, under penalty, for violation of these pro- visions, of losing the titles thus acquired, which automatically revert to the nation. All Mexican citizens, whether native born or naturalized, are liable to military service. All persons resi- dent within the republic are guaranteed the protection of the laws of the land. The state government is divided into three branches, execu- tive, legislative and judicial. The chamber of deputies and the senate, constituting the Congress of the union, are the legislative bodies, and by them alone can laws for the government of the country be enacted. Tm^o sessions of Congress are held each year. The first, which begins on the first day of April, lasts from two to two and a half months ; and its primary business is to audit all accounts of the previous year and to arrange the estimates for the incoming fiscal year. The second, which begins on 16 Sep- tember, lasts for from three to four months. The law provides for the election of a President of the Republic who shall serve for a term of four years and shall not be re-elected, and a cabinet composed of the following departments: Fomento (promotion), Foreign Affairs, Interior, Justice, Finance, Communications and Public Works, and War and Marine. The Constitutional party, recognizing that the constitution of 1857, with the various amendments thereto, was unsuited, in cer- tain important respects, to the conditions under which the Mexican people live,, decided to make such changes in it as seemed neces- sary for the welfare of the nation. To this end a convention was held in Queretaro (December 1916). After two months' delibera- MEXICO 461 tion, it closed it labors on 31 Jan. 1917, having reformed, in a radical manner, a number of the most important sections of the basic constitution. According to these changes, the office of Vice-President of the nation is done away with and the filling of that of President, in case of the death or absence of the chief executive of the nation, is left in the hands of Congress. The age of compulsory primary education is raised to 15 years and all parents or guardians are under obligation to see to it that their children or wards receive primary, secondary and military edu- cation. Instruction in all government schools and in all primary private schools must be laic, and no ministers, priests or officials of religious organizations or societies may establish or own schools or teach in Mexican schools. This abolishes the church schools which, before the revolution of 1910, ministered to fully two-fifths of the educational needs of the country. To make up the deficiencies in educational facilities thus caused, the new reforms in the constitution declare it obligatory upon all agricul- tural, mining and industrial companies, resident outside of towns, to establish and maintain schools for the education of the children of the people in their employ or resident on their property. All schools, whether official or private, must submit to official inspec- tion and follow the government program of studies. The constitutional amendments of 31 Jan. 1917 provide for V the subdivision of large landed estates, aiming in this way to solve the land problem, which formed one of the causes of the revolution of 1910. Each state or territory- is empowered to fix the largest amount of land which any person or company may hold; and all landed properties in excess of this amount must be subdivided and sold off within a certain stated time, and in accord- ance with official regulations, otherwise they are subject to con- fiscation. One of these conditions provides that at least 20 years shall be allowed to the purchaser in which to acquire prop- erty rights by making stated yearly payments. During this time no mortgage can be placed on the property thus acquired and the interest charged cannot be greater than five per cent. No lien of any kind can be placed upon homestead properties nor can they be seized for debt or other causes. In theory all land, minerals and other resources of the country are the property of the nation ; and this position is maintained by the constitutional amendments of 1917, and the theory itself is put forward as a justification for the subdivision, by order of the legislature, of large landed estates and the national control of oil, mineral and water rights, with a view to the more equal distribution of the wealth of the nation 462 ENCYCLOPEDIA OP LATIN AMERICA and the encouragement of small landed proprietors. To hold min- ing properties it is necessary to work them ; and no company may acquire and retain possession of more land than is actualh^ neces- sary for the carrying on successfully of the business of the con- cern, whether it be mining, agricultural or industrial. There is complete separation of church and state in Mexico (since 1873) ; and the reforms made in the constitution in 1917 reaffirm with great emphasis the fact that the church, of whatever creed or denomination, is constantly under the most strict govern- ment inspection and that all ecclesiastical buildings, lands and A Fiesta in Guadalupe, IVIexico Copyright, C. B. Waite other property belong to the nation, which extends their use to the church. So, therefore, no religious order or denomination can acquire landed or other property or mortgages on the same. This prohibition extends to school and college buildings, asylums, charitable institutions and residences of ministers and priests and even to the property collected within the walls of the churches and other ecclesiastical buildings. Gifts of movable property may be made to the church ; but even these at once automatically become the property of the nation. Every church or religious society occupying property must elect an official head to repre- sent it before the government and to become responsible for the national property in its possession. All ministers of whatever cult must be Mexican by birth. The provisions of the reforms made in the constitution in 1917 shut out of Mexican religious institutions fully 2,500 Spanish priests of the Catholic Church alone, hundreds of French priests, employed principally in schools MEXICO 463 and colleges, and the Protestant ministers, mostly American, who had established numerous churches and opened many schools throughout the land. While all religions not inimical to the inter- ests of good government and the laws of the land are allowed to exist and to exercise their functions in Mexico, yet all public religious observances and ceremonies must be carried on within the church property and are subject to official inspection and regu- lation. The law" does not recognize the personality of any sect. , The legislature of each state is empowered to regulate the maxi- mum number of churches and ministers within the state. No minister shall have the right to vote, to hold any public office, or to be voted for, nor is he permitted to take part, in any way, in public affairs. The establishment of monasteries and nunneries and the taking of monastic vows are prohibited by the constitu- tion which asserts that the state may not permit the fulfillment of any contract, pact or agreement the object of which is the curtail- ment, loss or irrevocable sacrifice of the liberty of man, whether for the purposes of work, education, or religious vows. Marriage is a civil contract and no other marriage ceremony except the civil one is legal. Therefore there are generally two marriage ceremonies performed in Mexico, the civil one by a magistrate appointed for that purpose by the government, and a second by the priest or minister of the church of which the contracting par- ties are adherents. ■ . As the Constitutionalist party, when it rose in arms against the Diaz government, proclaimed the rights of the Mexican people to govern themselves in a direct and democratic manner and demanded the immediate solution of the agricultural questions facing the nation, proclaiming, at the same time, the rights of the masses, naturally these reforms find a prominent place in the changes made in the constitution by the convention of 1917. i / These are radical and far-reaching. The new labor laws provide for an eight-hour day with six days' labor a week; while night work is restricted to seven hours and when it is of a dangerous and unhealthy character, it is altogether prohibited for w^omen and children under 16 years of age, while children under 12 may not be employed in any contract work. Commercial establishments may not work their employees after 10 p.m.; and children between 12 and 16 must not be worked for more than six hours a day. Women shall not be required to do hard labor for three months before childbirth, and they may not work for one month after; but they shall be paid for this month and they shall retain their positions and all the rights of their contracts. They 464 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA shall also be allowed two rest periods eacli day during the time they are nursing. The minimum salary in every district of the country shall be such as to provide for the necessities of life, the education of children and honest amusements. In all farming, commercial, manufacturing and mining enterprises the employees have the right to participate in the profits of the business ; and the percentage of such participation shall be fixed, in each commu- nity, by a commission acting under the Central Commission of Conciliation which, by law, is established in each state. There shall be no distinction in salary by reason of sex or nationality, for the same work. Farming, mining and industrial companies must provide, outside the cities and larger towns, proper sanitary dwellings, markets, hospitals and other conveniences necessarj^ to the life of the community ; and when the employees number 200, municipal buildings and recreation grounds shall be provided within which no intoxicating liquors shall be sold or gambling permitted. Employees may lawfully form combinations to protect their interests and the right to strike and to close down is recog- nized. The workmen must, however, give 10 days' notice to the Commission of Conciliation and Arbitration before striking; and they are not allowed to use violence of any kind in the attempt to enforce their demands. An exception to this rule is, however, made in the case of government employees in ammunition facto- ries, which are under the authority of the army and thus subject to military discipline. A complete close-down shall be legal only when the excess of production makes suspension of work neces- sary to maintain prices at a reasonable rate; but approval for such close-down must first be obtained from the Committee on Conciliation and Arbitration, which shall be formed of an equal number of representatives of capital and labor together with one additional member representing the government. Any employer refusing to submit his case to the commission or to abide by its decision forfeits all right to any contracts already made with his employees and becomes obligated to pay them three months' salary. Should the workmen refuse the offer of the commission, their contracts automatically become void. An employer Avho discharges an employee because he has joined a union or taken part in a legal strike, or without any just cause, shall be obliged, at the option of the workman, to pay three months' salary or to continue the contract. The law provides for free municipal employment bureaus and stipulates that, when a Mexican work- man contracts to go to work outside Mexico, the contract thus made must be approved by the municipal authorities and viseed MEXICO 465 by the consul of the country to which he is about to go; and one of its provisions shall be that the employer must provide the means for the return of the workman to his native land. No part of a salary may be retained as a fine, as was formerly the case ; no salaries may be paid in a saloon or place of amusement ; and no w^orkman may renounce his rights to indemnity for acci- dent. No labor contract can be for more than one year, and, in such contracts, the laborer cannot renounce any of the rights guaranteed him by law. The only redress for the violation of a contract on the part of the employer or employee is a civil action. LITERATURE Mexican literature begins with the Spanish conquest of New Spain in 1521. There seems to be little doubt that the Aztecs, the Mayas of Yucatan, the Mixtecas and other cultured races of Mexico were possessed of literatures, partiallj^ written and par- tially handed down from generation to generation by priests and story tellers of which there were many in the lands constituting, at the time of the conquest, what is now modern Mexico. Texcoco, the capital of one of the three nations forming the Mexican con- federacy in the time of the Montezumas, was the centre of the literary cult of the Mexican empire. Netzahualcoyotl, the famous poet king of Texcoco, surrounded himself with orators, poets and scientists, and his reign has ever since been looked upon as the golden age of literature and learning of Mexico in pre-conquest days. The siege and conquest of Tenochtitlan (Mexico City) in 1521 overthrew the vast political system of the Aztecs and dis- rupted their social, religious and other institutions. In the fierce struggle for the possession of the capital of the Mexican empire, the foremost nobles and leaders of the people perished, the city itself was left in ruins and more than half of it was literally leveled to the ground. Immediately after the fall of Tenochtitlan the conquerors began the erection of a new capital on the ruins of the old; and with this new city came new institutions and a new literature, partially Spanish and partially native. Indian influences, local customs, climatic conditions and racial attitude form the ear-marks that have distinguished Mexican from Spanish literature for nearly four hundred years. 31 466 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Early Mexican Writers The early Mexican writers after the conquest were almost exclusively Spaniards for the natives were unable to speak Spanish and could write their own languages only in hieroglyphics inadequate for the requirements of a serious literature like that of Spain, then in the fore rank of literary nations. These early writers included priests, monks, soldiers and adventurers who found a wonderful field for their literary activities in a land where everything was new and strange. Hernan Cortes wrote a series of letters to the King of Spain, in which he gives his own account of the conquest. While these letters somewhat glorify the deeds of the Spaniards, they are filled with information invaluable for the history of the conquest and for a proper conception of conditions then existing in Mexico. Las Casas, bishop of Chiapas, the defender of the Indians against the rapacity and cruelty of the Spaniards, has written a vivid account of the condition of the Indians, giving invaluable data covering a wide field of observa- tion and investigation in the years following the conquest. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a captain in the army of Cortes, has left a very interesting and intimate history of New Spain covering the same period (to 1540). Fernando de Alva Ixtlixochitl, in his History of the Chichimeca and other works, deals with the preconquest period of Mexican history in a vivid, sympathetic and interesting manner. This work, with all its faults, is of inestimable worth to the historian of early Mexico. Francisco de Burgoa, Account of the Dominicans (1597) ; Alonzo Franco Ortega, History of the Preaching Order (1645) ; Agustin de Vetancurt, Teatro Mexicano; Antonio Tello, History of Neiv Galicia (1650) ; Antonio de Solis (1610-86), History of Mexico; J. Viliagutierrez Soto Mayor, History of the Conquest of the Mayas; Toribio de Benevente Motolinia, History of the Indies; Geronimo de Mendieta, Indian Ecclesiastical History; Francisco Lopez de Gomara (1510-60), Conquest of Mexico; Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc, CronicaMexi- cana (1598), Pietro Martire d'Anghiera (1455-1526), Story of the Conquest, furnish much information relative to the history of Mexico, from prehistoric times to the end of the 17th century. This, in turn, has been studied, digested and presented in attractive literary form by the historians of the following century, the most notable of whom, with their best known works, are: Francisco Javier Alegre (1729-88), History of the Jesuits in New Spain; Lorenzo Boturini Benaducci (1702-50), General History; Andres Cavo, Spanish Government in Mexico (1766); Francisco Saverio MEXICO 467 Clavijero (1731-87), Ancient History of Mexico; Granados y Galvez, Indian History; Antonio Lorenzana, History of New Spain (1770) ; and Jose Berislain (1756-1817), Biographies. The historians of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have con- tinued to dig deeply into the wealth of documents relative to the early history of Mexico and more interesting histories have been added to the nation's already formidable list. Among the best of these later historical writers are Lucas Alaman, Carlos M. Busta- mante, Luis Gonzales Obregon, Carlos Pereyra, Anselmo de la Portilla, Jose Maria Vigil, Agustin Rivera, Francisco Sosa, Manuel Rivera Cambas, Jose Maria Iglesias, Justo Sierra, Jose M. Roa Barcena and Francisco Bulnes Literary life was very active in Mexico during the latter half of the 16th century. The writers were, for the most part, native Mexicans of white, Indian or mixed blood. This activity, within certain bounds, was encouraged by the Spanish government, by the viceroy and his court and by the ecclesiastical authorities; and numerous literary contests were held under favor of the Church and the government, at which hundreds of contestants for literary honors presented themselves. Of the writers of this period one of the best is Antonio Saavedra Guzman, author of El Perigrino Indiano (1599), a 20-canto poem in which he sings the deeds of Cortes and his followers. Fernan Gonzalez de Eslava, popular in his day, wrote many autos sacrenientales, religious dramas in high favor in Spain and her colonies, Francisco Terrazas, Juan Arista, Pedro Flores, Bernardo Llanos, Francisco Placido, Eugenio Sala- zar, Carlos Samano, Juan Perez Ramirez and Bernardo Balbueno, writers belonging to this period, were all held in high esteem by their contemporaries. To the latter of these we are indebted for most of our knowledge of the literary activity of the century which he gives in detail in his Mexican Greatness. The autos sacramentales began as a species of miracle play intended to teach the natives what it was considered necessary they should know of the dogmas and history of the Catholic church. The priests, who were the first writers of autos, continued to be their most prolific producers : but the popularity of the autos and the call for new ones almost daily made the demand greater than the church could supply and lay writers were invited to enter a field which, from the start, proved a paying one. Thus the church became the patron of literature, as she became that of art, in Mexico. Many of the earlier autos were written in Aztec and performed by Indians. Those intended for the Spanish residents of the capital were the work of literary men; and for the 468 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA eneourao-emeiit of these latter and the more extensive and ambitious religious dramas which grew out of them, the ecclesiastic cabildo and the city council offered prizes for the best literary composi- tions. The popular canciones divinas or sacred songs, although not dramatic in form, are to be classed with the autos, as their object was the same. The best literary men of the day gave them their attention, with the result that they fall little below those of Spanish writers in the same field. Seventeenth Century With the encouragement given by the ecclesiastical and state authorities, the 17th century opened with very notable literary activity which continued into the following century. Latin verse and composition were sedulously cultivated and their influence upon Mexican literature was very marked. The period is char- acterized by strong intellectual activity expressed in an exagger- ated Latinized style known as Gongorism or culturism whose distinguishing features are pomposity, grandeur of language and stateliness of versification, extravagance, obscurity of diction and ornate descriptions overloaded with classical references. Among the poets of this century are: Antonio Morales Pastrina, Fran- cisco Bramon, Jose Lopez Avilez, Carlos de Segiienza, who sang the glories of the national saint. Our Lady of Guadalupe and Luis Sandoval y Zapata, who wrote fervid religious poems. All this extensive literature is touched with the strange, passionate long- ing of the Indian for his vanished past; and one ever feels in it the presence of that ancient Mother of the Gods whose spirit, for the Indian at least, hovers over the rocky heights of Guadalupe. Most of the Mexican poetry of the 17th and 18th centuries is inspired by the religious spirit of the age. Pedro Munoz de Castro and Juan de Guevara wrote canciones divinas and other religious poems, and Francisco Ayerra, Francisco Cochero Carreno, Agus- tin Salazar, Eusebio Vela, Antonio Ramirez Vargas and Sor. Juana Inez de la Cruz turned the autos and canciones into real drama, and going beyond them, appropriated profane subjects for the stage. In Mexico Sor. Juana Inez de la Cruz (1651-94) is still looked upon as the greatest native poetical genius of the seven- teenth century. She plays upon all the passions of the human heart in lyrical, amatory, devotional, epic and dramatic verse, so well that she is universally known as " the tenth muse." While she has most of the defects of her age, she rises above them in spite of them. Gaspar Villagra and Pedro Arias Villalobos wrote rhyming MEXICO 469 histories, the latter of Mexico and the former of New Mexico; Pedro Avendaiio espoused the cause of the Mexican criollos, wrote and preached in favor of them and thus became the father of a new literary and political movement and of an illustrious brood of intensely national writers whose elf orts are still active. Eighteenth Century In the eighteenth century Latinism and Gongorism began to lose ground and the last noted disciple of the old school was Jose Abad (1727-79). P^rancisco Ruiz de Leon, who goes back to the conquest for the inspiration of his poem La Hcrnandia, is superior to his predecessors in those elements of plot and style which go to make up a great poem. Jose Manuel Sartorio and Francisco Soria, prolific in the extreme, still continue to write religious poems ; but they are less academic and more modern. They reflect the life around them and while they are not dramatists, the temper of their work is dramatic. It is in the drama that the most char- acteristic marks of the period are to be found. Jose Arriola, Caye- tano Cabrera Quintero, Manuel Soria and Manuel Zumaya are all dramatists of note v/ho have galvanized into life the old miracle plays. Manuel Navarre te (1768-1809) restored true lyrical and descriptive poetry to his native land. His work, natural, philo- sophical and elevated in style, shows a keen appreciation of the beauties of nature and rises above the prosiness and mediocrity of his age. His Divine Providence, his Odes and his religious poems are his best work. Jose Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi (1771-1817) forms the bridge between the Mexican writers under Spanish domination and those of the republic. He is the herald of independence and the keenest thinker of his day; so he is known in Mexico as El Pensador Mexicano (The Mexican Thinker). El Periquillo Sar- miento, his most famous work, is as well and favorably known in Spain as in Mexico. Lizardi has left a vast mass of literary mate- rial treating of a wide variety of subjects, most of them intimately connected with the activities of the age in which he lived. Manuel Carpio (1791-1860), Manuel Eduardo de Gorostiza (1789-1851), Manuel Sanchez Tagle (1782-1847), Jose Joaquin Pesado (1801- 61), Jesus Diaz (1809-46), Jose M. Heredia (1803-39), Manuel Alpuche (1804-41) and Fernando Calderon, (1809-45) form a bril- liant array of poets whose activities embrace the first half of the 19th century and cover every field of literary endeavor. Of these Gorostiza and Calderon were dramatists of such note that they 470 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA attracted attention in Spain. They were the contemporaries of three other noted dramatists, Juan Wenceslao Barquera, Anas- tacio Ochoa (1783-1833) and Francisco Ortego (1793-1849), all of whom w^ere very popular. Calderon has the honor of being the leader in the production of a new national drama, in which he w^as ably seconded by Ignacio Rodriguez Galvan (1816-42). Republican Literature The dramatic incidents of the revolution against Spain found expression through a new school of poets who emphasize the human elements in life. To this school belong Ignacio Ramirez (1818-79), Guillermo Prieto (1818-94), Jose Maria Vigil (1829- 1908), Ignacio M. Altamirano (1834-93), Vicente Riva Palacio (1832-96) and Rosas Moreno (1838-83). Of these the greatest, most popular, most human is Prieto who was the prophet of the revolution against unbearable conditions in Mexico, of which he and Ramirez have been called the firebrands. Their activity was never ceasing and they heralded the fierce, national struggle against privilege and the French intervention with a trumpet sound that reached the furthermost fastnesses of the land. Jose T. Cuellar (1823—), Isabel Prieto (1833-76), Manuel Payno (1822-89), Ramon Aldema (1832—), Jose Peon Contreras (1843- 1904), Juan A. Mateos (1851-), Alfredo Chavero (1841-1904), Ireneo Paz, and Juan de Dios Peza (1852-1909) repeated the suc- cesses of the dramatists of the preceding three centuries. They continued the work of Calderon and Rodriguez Galvan, building up a truly national drama w^hich is next, in the Spanish tongue, in importance to that of Spain. All these dramatists were very popular and a new play by any one of them insured a crowded house for weeks in the capital. Mateos and Riva Palacio are also novelists of note who have made national subjects and characters wonderfully popular. Peza, who is called the Longfellow of Mexico, is, after Prieto, the most popular poet of the last half century. To this period also belong Jose M. Esteva (1818-98), Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta (1825-94), Antonio Garcia Cubas (1832—), Jose Maria Roa Barcena (1827-1906), Eduardo Ruiz (1832-1906), Luis G. Ortiz (1835-94), Melisio Morales (1838—) and Rosas Moreno, all of whom have touched the national note and reflected the conditions, aspirations and tendencies of the nine- teenth century. They have thrown behind them Gongorism and the Classical spirit which dominated the three preceding centuries. MEXICO 471 Peon Contreras, one of the greatest dramatists of Mexico, must also be classed with this latter group ; for he sounds the national note loudly and well and constantly sustains it throughout his exceedingly active life in a large body of excellent epic, descrip- tive and pastoral poetry. Eosas Moreno disputes wdth Lizardi the honor of being Mexico's most successful writer of fables. Manuel Acuiia (1849-73), the Chatterton of Mexico, exercised a wonderful influence over the poets who followed him. He was endowed with a vivid imagination and an extreme poetic sensitiveness which reminds one much of Poe. Ignacio Montes de Oca (1840 — ), Manuel Gutierrez Najara (1850-95), Salvador Diaz Miron (1853—), Manuel Jose Othan (1858^1908), Luis G. Urbina (1868—) and Justo Sierra (1828- 1911), are brilliant names of the literary period covered by the Diaz regime (1876-1910). They are all essentially poets; Sierra is also an excellent historian and he and Montes de Oca are good essay- ists. To this period belong Antonio Zaragoza, author of several volumes of fervid religious poetry, Francisco Icaza, a classical poet, Jose M. Bustillos, who sings the glories of the ancient Indian empire of Mexico, Zayas Enriques, biographer, historian, poet and essayist; Enrique Fernandez Granados the high priest of purity of style and artistic treatment of poetical subjects, Antonio Plaza, an extreme radical but popular poet, Joaquin D. Casasus, a distinguished writer on political and economical subjects, Julio Guerrero, an investigator of social conditions whose Genesis of Critne in Mexico has become a text book for social investigators, Jose Juan Tablado, a poet oriental in richness of imagination and depth of coloring, Jesiis Valenzuela, Balbino Davalos and Amado Nervo. Among the most talented women writers of Mexico of the 18th century are Heraclia Badillo, Dolores Guerrero, Teresa Vera, Josefina Letechipia and Isabel Prieto Landazuri, the latter of wiiom has already been mentioned among the dramatists. Bibliography Consult Maudslay, A. P., Bibliography of Mexico Alphabetically Arranged (in Diaz del Castillo), The True History of the Conquest of New Spain (London 1908); Medina, J. T., La Imprenta en Mexico (Santiago de Chile 1907-12); id., La Imprenta en la Puebla de los Angeles (id. 1908); Pimentel, F., Conde de Heras, Historia critica de la Lit erat lira y de las Ciencias en Mexico (Mexico, 1883) ; Obras Completas de D. Francisco Pimentel (ib., 1903-04) ; Starr, F., Readings from Modern Mexican Authors (Chicago 1904). 472 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA EDUCATION The early history of education in Mexico is particularly inter- esting. In 1529, the College of San Juan de Letran was established in the capital and threw its doors open to Spaniards and Indians alike. The first university was opened in 1553 by special permis- sion of the King of Spain. In 1573 two colleges, — San Gregorio and San Ildefonso, — were opened, two others and a divinity school were established a few years later. Thus seven institu- tions of higher education were in operation in Mexico before the close of the 16th century. It was not, however, until 1578 that the science of medicine was recognized as meriting a place among the branches of higher education, the first chair of medi- cine being established in that year. Twenty-one years later another medical professorship was founded, and in 1681 anatomy and surgery were added. The Royal College of Surgeons established in the City of Mexico in 1768, still exists as the Na|iiiii4l_School of Medicine, a name adopted in 1845. Its home is the building made famous as the residence of the Spanish Inquisition. The Mining College, or School of Engineering, estab- lished in 1793, occupies an edifice built by the famous Spanish architect Manuel Tolsa, at a cost of $3,000,000, and is in a most flourishing condition. Although the heartless conquerors of the Aztecs, one of the noblest and most ancient races of the world, seem to have been inspired by avarice, cupidity, and brutality in their treatment of them, they were sincerely devoted to the cause of higher education, contributing most liberally from public reve- nues and private fortunes to its advancement. In the City of Mexico was founded in 1551, by the Spanish crown, the first university in North America,— 200 years before the independence of the United States. The National Academy of Art occupies a building on the site of which was the home of the first European school of the new world, a school for Indians; the first normal school for males and its companion school for females occupied^ historic buildings completed respectively in 1678 and 1648; the Jesuit College of San Ildefonso, erected in 1749 at a cost of $400,000, is now the home of the National Preparatory School; the^tional Library, with its more than 400,000 volumes, was formerly the Convent of San Augustin ; the building in which is now located the National Museum dates back to 1731 and cost $1,000,000 and The College for Young Women now occupies a roomy structure completed in 1734 at a cost of $2,000,000. Thus MEXICO 478 are education and history closely intertwined in Mexico City. In 1824 Humboldt wrote: " No other city of the new continent, not excepting those of the United States, possesses scientific estab- lishments so great and so solid as those of the capital of Mexico." In most of the states, schools for the care and instruction of orphans are maintained at the public expense ; in these both sexes are given the advantage of a primary education ; boys are taught the ordinary trades, and girls are instructed in the various occu- pations pertaining to the sex. In these, as well as throughout the entire educational machinery of the republic, modern methods have been adopted, and system, progress, and thoroughness pre- vail. Everywhere there is manifested the deepest interest in the uplifting of the masses through the most effective of all agencies — education. When General Porfirio Diaz was first elected President in 1876 there were only about 4,000 public schools in the entire repub- lic. From the coming of the Spaniards the chief interest in education had been confined to the higher branches, — to the estab- lishment of seminaries, colleges, and universities, — and the pri- mary or fundamental branches were neglected. Under Diaz there resulted a noteworthy increase of schools and attendance. In the period between 1876 and 1891 schools of all classes had increased from 4,250 to more than 10,000 and the total attendance from 160,000 to 649,771; the attendance of mestizos (half-breeds), from 16,000 to 235,000, and of Indians from about 8,000 to 170,000. In 1891 the entire cost of maintenance was $4,068,300, which sum was paid by the federal and state governments, the average cost per capita being $5.63, In 1907, the number of primary schools sup- ported by the federal or state governments was 9,710 and by municipalities, 2,230; total, 11,940; and the attendance was 776,622, There were 34 secondary and preparatory schools sup- ported by the federal and state governments, w^ith an attendance of 4,231 ; of which 3,793 were males and 438 females. Number of private schools, same year, 2,499 with 152,917 pupils. In 1913-14, $13,926,000 was spent in education. The number of public libraries in 1913 was 151 ; number of museums 45, of which 11 were archaeological, seven scientific, eight natural historj^, one geological and metallurgical, five agri- cultural, one medical and anatomical, one industrial, two commercial, and nine miscellaneous. There were 164 scientific and literary societies. A law was enacted in 1888 but not put into force until 1896, making elementary education compulsory and compelling the 474 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA establishment and maintenance of at least one public school for every 4,000 inhabitants. Under the provisions of this law the advance in education and educational methods throughout the republic was rapid. The National Library, which has a delightful and very con- venient building and location in the capital, is a noble institution. In its collection of more than 400,000 volumes are many rare ])ooks and manuscripts. Among these are works by early Span- ish historians and scholars written before the art of printing was known. A very large proportion of the volumes in this library was originally the property of the church or of the priesthood and the books were confiscated by the government during the progress of the war of reform. Naturally most of them deal with religion, literature, language, or history. Of similar character are most of the libraries which have been assembled in, and are supported by, the several states. While there are some 45 public museums in the republic many of which are quite extensive and all of which are exceedingly inter- esting and instructive, far greater importance attaches to the National Museum in the City of Mexico, than to all others com- bined. Although it has occupied its present quarters in the National Palace only since 1865, it was established in 1831, with the collections previously belonging to the Conservatory of Antiqui- ties founded by Emperor Iturbide in 1822, and to the Royal University, to which Viceroy Bucareli y Ursula had in 1775 trans- ferred the remnants of a most valuable collection of maps, iiieroglyphs on skins, manuscripts, etc. These were consolidated under the name of the National Museum. Here the student of archaeology, of ethnology, or of any other department of the ancient history of the American continent, or of the peoples who have at different periods dwelt upon it, may find greater wealth of material for investigation and study than exists in any similar institution in the western world. While there are also a number of very important art collec- tions in the principal state capitals, the National Gallery, in the CAty of Mexico, holds unquestioned pre-eminence. Of literary and scientific societies there are many in Mexico. Every considerable community is the home of one or more of these associations, some of which have been in existence many years. The Revolutionary party of 1910 was unreservedly committed to the education of the masses ; but they unloaded the burden upon the individual states and communities over which the Federal government retained supervisory rights but with no central con- MEXICO 475 trol. The Constitutional party has shown itself strongly opposed to church control of schools of any kind, whether public or pri- vate. (See Government, p. 457.) In Mexico the city schools are fairly good, while those of the towns and villages and the country districts are very elementary and poor. This is due to lack of funds for the maintenance of public schools and the diffi- culty of getting capable teachers for the salaries paid. The plan of organization of the Mexican schools is more French than American. Primary instruction covers four years and the high school course two. Four years of preparatory^ school studies leads to the university, which is much more academic in its form than it is in the United States; so much so, in fact, that the work covered by the National University, as it is now constituted, was known, previous to 1913, as " the course of higher studies." But the Revolutionary party did away with the cabinet office of Minister of Public Instruction, giving to the arts department of the univer- sity its old name of the National Preparatory School and erect- ing the post-graduate school into a university. Whereas previous to this all education had been without charge, the new educational law exacts a fee of $5 a month in both the preparatory school and the university with all their affiliated schools, like those of medi- cine, law, dentistry, engineering, etc. (17 Jan. 1916). For some years past the tendency of Mexican public education has been toward the practical at the expense of the academic; and this tendency has been accentuated by the changes recently made. Military instruction is made obligatory; French and English have been reduced from a three to a two year course, and much attention is paid to manual training. To the General Direction of Public Instruction of the Depart- ment of the Interior, re-established in 1914, is entrusted all educational matters pertaining to the Federation, which were originally handled by the Department of Public Instruction and Fine Arts. The General Direction of Fine Arts of the Depart- ment of Fomento (Promotion) has charge of all public libraries, national monuments, historical, archaeological, artistic and other I'emains; the National University, preparatory, normal and I)rimary instruction, including the teaching of agriculture, com- merce, industry, geology and manual training in the Federal Dis- trict and in the territories. Rudimentary education and state colleges and schools are in the hands of the local authorities which have their own governing bodies for this purpose. All companies having charters from either the Federal or State authorities are, by virtue of this concession, obligated to 476 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA provide schools and teachers for the children of the people in their employ. The same law applies to plantations, ranches and agricultural enterprises in general. This new law has worked well and has been instrumental in increasing largely the number of schools throughout the republic. In the state of Yucatan alone there were, in 1917, nearly as many school buildings as there were in all the republic in 1876. In others of the states under the con- trol of the Constitutionalist Party, the number had, in 1917, been doubled since 1910. The National Preparatory School in Mexico City (the olrl arts department of the National University) is now, what its name indicates, purely a school to prepare pupils to enter upon the study of some one of the professions. It is a little higher than an American college and considerably less than an American university. The National University includes the School of Higher Studies and the institutions of law, medicine, engineering and odontology. It is governed by a university council at the head of which is the rector. Owing to the unsettled condition of the country due to the revolution, definite educational statistics are not available for the past six years; but the general reports issued by the Constitutional government show a steady increase in the efficiency of the public school system and an encouraging decrease in illiteracy in about two-thirds of the states of the union. More and better trained teachers, however, are urgently needed to carry on the work of general national instruction and the fight against illiteracy now under way. But the battle is an uphill one ; for the illiterates still count about 70 per cent of the total population of the country. AGRICULTURE AND STOCK RAISING Although Mexico is probably the oldest country agriculturally in the New World, yet so unfortunate has been its fate since the overthrow of the Aztec empire in 1521, that it is to-day much more backward, in this respect, than many very much younger nations. The policy of Spain, for 300 years, which saw in her American colonies only so many large estates of the crown from which to obtain revenue for the maintenance of the court exerted a disastrous effect upon the agriculture of Mexico. This was increased by the belief that the one great wealth of the world was to be found in the precious metals and the settled policy of pro- hibiting the growth or manufacture in the colonies of evervthing MEXICO 477 that came into competition with the products of Spain. In the days of the Aztecs the agriculture of the country was highly organized and was based, for the most part, on the recognition of communal interests. The destruction of the Indian ruling classes, the enslavement of the native races and the disorganization of the pre-Columbian systems of government and society destroyed, in a short time, the very life of the agricultural activity of the coun- try without replacing it with a new organization advantageous to the interests of New Spain. Vast tracts of country under culti- vation in Aztec times were, under the Spaniards, allowed to become jungle, forest and waste lands. The Indian population rapidly decreased until, finally, had Spain desired to restore to Mexico her ancient extent of land under cultivation, she could not have done so. This decrease of population contributed to make the fate of the unfortunate Indian and mestizo worse from year to year as the pressing needs of laborers forced the owners of great estates and mines to increase the bondage of the natives in order to assure to themselves the necessary labor. The feudal condition of the country, the virtual slavery in which the native races found themselves and the restrictions placed by Spain on the development of Mexican agriculture caused it to lie in a niore or less dormant condition throughout the 300 years of Spanish domination. The constant revolutions which followed the overthrow of Spanish rule prevented the agricul- tural development of Mexico ; and the political and military lead- ers were so occupied with their own quarrels and personal and party interests that they found little time to give to the condition of the masses which constituted then, as now, 85 per cent of the population. True the Indians and mestizos squatted on lands or were granted certain communal rights, which were, however, being constantly interfered with in various ways; but the condition of the great mass of the laboring population was little better than it had been under Spanish rule. The dependent condition of the masses and the consequent cheapness of labor; the existence of vast estates and of a landed aristocracy and the isolation of the country all contributed to the retardment of the development of modern agricultural methods in Mexico. To such an extent is this so that even to-day agricultural methods are very primitive throughout a very large part of the country. Mining is still looked upon as the greatest source of national wealth in Mexico. This is true on the surface, because most of the ore produced in the country is exported while the agricultural products are nearly all consumed at home. The value of cattle raised in Mexico in 478 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA normal times is considerably over $200,000,000; and this alone exceeds the value of the yearly mining output of the country. There are about 120,000,000 acres of land in Mexico devoted to grazing as against 30,000,000 used for cultivation and 44,000,000 classed as forest. On account of the broken nature of the country, the various mountain ranges, the elevated table-lands and its situation, for the most part, within the tropics, Mexico produces almost every product grown in the tropical and temperate zones. In this very ancient land of agriculture, rice, corn, barley, wheat, peas, oats, lentils, rye, peanuts, peppers of various kinds, beans and Irish potatoes are grown abundantly almost within sight of the hotland- plantations of the coast country where tropical fruits, tobacco, henequen, vanilla, cocoa and sugar flourish ; while, lying between the home of these different products of distinct zones, is a great inter- mediate land where many of the products of both zones flourish. This is the home of the pineapple ; here excellent tobacco is culti- vated and corn and sugar cane flourish by the side of the orange, lemon, cacao and coft'ee plantations from the midst of which peep forth the ever-present chile or native pepper. Over vast tracts of the uplands the maguey haciendas furnish the native drink, pulque, mezcal and a great variety of rope, cordage and cloth for sacks. Here too the frijol or native bean flourishes and forms, with corn, the chief food of fully 30 per cent of the population. Ilahas and garhanzas are also extensively cultivated, and both are highly esteemed in Spain, which takes practically all the output not con- sumed at home. In normal times the chief agricultural product of Mexico is Indian corn, which is valued at from $80,000,000 to $100,000,000 a year ; yet, owing to the unscientific methods of cultivation still in use, it often happens that corn enough is not grown in the country for its own needs ; in which case the government is forced to throw off the duty and, in extreme cases, to import corn itself in large quantities and to sell it to the masses at cost. The next most val- uable product of Mexico is henequen which is valued annually at about $40,000,000. As the greater part of this product is exported, it constitutes the chief wealth of Yucatan, which has grown to be, for its size and population, the richest state in the republic, though it was once the poorest. Although Mexico has never been looked upon as a wheat-producting country, yet the owners of large estates have lately come to realize that its capacities in this direction are practically unlimited and an annual output of wheat valued at over $20,000,000 is not uncommon, while this figure is sometimes MEXICO 479 exceeded. One of the products of Mexico which have become of national importance within very recent years is rubber (including guayule), the output of which was over $33,000,000 in 1911, with vast extents of young rubber plantations rapidly coming into bearing. The following statistics of the growth of this industry are eloquent. Year ' Rubber Guayule 1906-07 $6,679,000 $61,225 1907-08 8,892,000 1,233,000 1908-09 8,719,000 4,541,000 1909-10 16,760,000 9,468,000 1910-11 21,188,000 11,797,000 In the fiscal year ending 30 June 1911 the exports of hene- quen were valued at over $25,000,000; the cattle exports were $4,438,000, which did not include vast numbers which left the country without the knowledge of the government or from those parts of the country under the control of rebel factions. Some of these went to Guatemala, but the greater part to the United States. In the same year the value of the hides exported reached nearly $10,000,000 from the territory controlled by the then exist- ing government. In normal times the value of the products of sugar cane (sugar, alcohol, rum, molasses and cognac) is second only to that of corn, reaching, as it does, usually over $40,000,000 a year. This is a branch of the native industries which is capable of great expansion, since Mexico possesses vast extensions of land suitable to the cultivation of sugar cane. The first years of the revolution showed a very considerable increase in the exports of coffee, rubber, chicle, tropical fruits, guayule, henequen, ixtli, dyewoods, cabinet and building woods, tobacco and vanilla. Owing to the fact that the revolutionists had gotten possession of the great sugar state of Morelos the sugar cane output decreased to less than one million pesos and the industry became practically paralyzed, from which condition it has not yet recovered princi- pally because the production of the sugar cane and its products calls for the investment of heavy capital and the employment of skilled labor in certain departments. Chief Agricultural Industries A brief reference to the chief features of the agricultural industry of the country will prove instructive and interesting. Sugar. — The greater part of the cane is grown at altitudes above 2,000 feet, but the best results are obtained in the lower country, where it matures sooner, and where it may be cut twice 480 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA annually without necessitating replanting more than once in upwards of ten years. In the Cuernavaca valley, state of Morelos, the first sugar estates were cultivated by negro slaves, bought at Veracruz, at from $300 to $400 each. But the experiment proved unsatisfactory, and free labor was soon substituted. Now the plantations are worked chiefly by Mexican labor, and the mills are supplied with modern machinery. Tobacco. — This industry is also developing great possibili- ties. The climatic and soil conditions, especially in the tropics, are very favorable to the best results, and whereas in Cuba the soil, after 400 years of constant use, has become comparatively unproductive, in Mexico no artificial stimulant is needed, and the flavor and aroma of the tobacco are conceded to be equal to those of the Cuban product. The chief tobacco states are Veracruz, Oaxaca, Hidalgo, Tabasco and Chiapas. ■ India Rubber. — While there has been much unsatisfactory experimentation with the rubber tree, the failures have generally been chargeable to lack of knowledge or experience or to the introduction of illegitimate speculation at the expense of practical results. There now exist in Southern Mexico a number of large and very successful rubber plantations, which have already proven that cultivated rubber can be made a paying proposition. These are chiefly in Veracruz, Chiapas and Oaxaca. Agave or Maguey. — This plant, from which is extracted the drink known as pulque, which the natives use in immense quanti- ties, is perhaps the most important feature of the agricultural interest of the central plateau. Although pulque contains only about 7 per cent of alcohol, it is intoxicating when drunk in large quantities. It possesses important medicinal qualities, is a tonic and very nutritive. From 350 to 700 agaves or magueys to the acre are planted. They mature in 8 years and give sap for a period of about five months, producing from 125 to 160 gallons of pulque each. The plants cost about $2 each by the time they have matured, and give a return of from $7 to $10 each. The pulque is secured by making a cavity in the centre of the plant, from the top, large enough to hold a few quarts, which are drawn out by rude syphons once a day. The leaves of the plants sometimes grow to be 12 feet long and weigh from 25 pounds to 100 pounds each. Banana. — This fruit is successfully grown everywhere in Mexico between sea level and an altitude of 5,000 feet. It is easily cultivated and very profitable. Frequently a return of $1,000 is realized from an outlay of $500 in a single season. A plantation of MEXICO 481 1,000 plants, costing $500 will, under favorable conditions, earn this amount, even though the methods used be faulty, the care exercised insufficient, and the variety poor. A favorable feature of banana growing is the fact that the ground occupied by the plants may also be utilized at the same time for the cultivation of coffee or other profitable products. Few other tropical fruits develop and become profitable as quickly as does the banana. Especially agreeable are some of the smaller varieties, although they may not be as much sought after as the larger and more pretentious ones. Their flavor possesses qualities not found in any other known variety. Orange. — The oranges of Mexico are rapidly and surely win- ning favor in the markets of the north. Their true worth has only recently come to be understood and appreciated by consumers. Although the orange finds favorable conditions in all the tropical and sub-tropical states, the best results thus far have been attained on the shores of Lake Cliapala, in the state of Jalisco, and in Vera- cruz, Michoacan, Sonora, Morelos, Durango, Nuevo Leon, Oaxaca and Puebla. The leading producers in 1914 were: Jalisco, Yuca- tan, Michoacan, Sonora, Morelos, Durango, Nuevo Leon, Oaxaca, Puebla, Sinaloa, Hidalgo, and Veracruz. Although the oranges of La Barea, in the state of Jalisco, are considered the best in the republic, they have already found competitors in the products of Michoacan, Veracruz, Morelos, and other localities equally fav- ored by nature. The best results in orange growing are secured at elevations below 2,500 feet. The trees begin bearing when three or four years old and increase until the 12th or 15th year. Frost never occurs in any of the orange growing regions of Mexico. Lemon. — It is doubtful if any product indigenous to the soil of Mexico has been as sadly neglected as the lemon. So largely has it been relegated toward the lower end of the list of tropical fruits, in favor of the lime, that it can with difficulty be obtained in the markets, and when found is generally unsatisfactory in quality. And this, notwithstanding the existing very favorable conditions of soil and climate and the increasing demand in the world's markets. A very considerable part of the lemon crop of Mexico consists of wild fruit which, in many sections and especially on the Pacific coast, is large and of excellent quality. It grows in the forests and jungles of the semi-tropical lands, at about the same altitude as the orange. Limes. — This successful rival of the lemon, in Mexico, is grown chiefly in the states of Guanajuato, Puebla, Michoacan, 32 482 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA Mexico, Jalisco, Oaxaca, Guerrero and San Luis Potosi. Twenty- three states produced $342,214 worth in 1913. The lime of Mexico is of very excellent quality, but like the lemon and the orange, can be greatly improved by the adoption of proper methods of cultiva- tion and the exercise of reasonable care. Pineapple. — In the production of this fruit Mexico excels and is constantly improving her output. The towns of Cordoba and Amatlan, in the state of Veracruz, have long been noted for the size and quality of the pineapples grown in the regions round about them. The fruit is also successfully raised in the states of Puebla, Hidalgo, Tabasco, Chiapas, Oaxaca, Morelos, Guerrero, Michoacan, Colima, and Jalisco, and the territory of Tepic. It thrives best at elevations of 2,000 to 3,000 feet. It was cultivated before the conquest. Its leaves have for centuries been utilized to a greater or less extent in the manufacture, though by crude meth- ods, of rope, tmne, thread, mats, bagging, hammocks, paper, and cloth of various colors. The value of pineapples grown in 1913 is given as $642,382, the chief producers named in the official reports being the territory of Tepic and the states of Hidalgo, Veracruz, and Tabasco. Other Products. — Included in the general category of agricul- tural products and of the numerous other articles closely allied to them, which are or can be successfully cultivated in Mexico, may be mentioned the yucca, or starch plant, which is said to contain six times as much nutritive matter as wheat, and which is grown principally in the states of Veracruz, Oaxaca, Chia- pas, Tabasco and Yucatan ; chicle, or chewing gum, of which over $4,340,000 worth has been exported to the United States in a single year; the mango, one variety of which (the Manilla) seems to combine about all the more delicate and delicious flavors of the choice fruits of the world ; being very perishable, it cannot be transported a great distance without suffering serious depreciation in value. The apple, peach, and pear are all grown in various parts of the republic, but none has yet been brought up to anything like the standard of excellence reached in the United States, notwithstanding that almost all the natural conditions are exceptionally favorable to their cultivation. Stock-raising.— The plains of northern Mexico and the val- leys of the southern portion offer most favorable opportunity for profitably engaging in the live stock business. The climatic and other conditions are very favorable, the grasses are most nutri- tious. The transportation rates and facilities are such that cattle can be raised in Mexico and shipped to the markets of the United MEXICO 483 States at a good profit. An idea of the increase of this industry in Mexico may be gained from the reports by the government of the number of cattle exported annually. These show a regular and very considerable increase in noraial times. The Para grass of the southern Mexican states is always green, grows luxuriantly and is very nourishing. It is estimated that an acre of this will feed two head of stock the year round, and that three acres in pasture will fatten four head. Because of the great number of flies and ticks in the low country, very young stock thrives better on the higher plains of Durango, Chihuahua, Michoacan, etc. Mexico has an abundance of sustenance to provide for an enormous increase of her present supply of live stock of every kind. The states of Durango, Sonora, Chihuahua, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, Sinaloa, Tamaulipas, Veracruz, and Michoacan constitute an admirable field for the carrying on of the cattle industiy. As far back as 1883, there ** roamed over an area of 300,000 square miles in the northern part of the country," according to a well known writer, '' 1,500,000 cattle, 2,500,000 goats, 1,000,000 sheep, 1,000,- 000 horses and 500,000 mules, and there Avere 20,574 cattle ranches in the republic, valued at $515,000,000." Between the cities of Jalapa and Veracruz, and between Veracruz and Cordoba, great numbers of cattle were to be seen from passing railway trains, their sleek and well rounded sides testifying to the excellence of the indigenous grasses before the revolution came to partially destroy an industry that promised to become very much greater in the near future. The future of agriculture in Mexico is now apparently brighter than it has ever before been. The Constitutionalist government has attempted to settle questions which have long been calling for solution; and among these none is of more importance than that of the division of land. The law of the republic calls for the sub- division of the large estates of the country and for the creation out of the Indian and mestizo population of a gradually increasing agricultural class which shall grow into a great middle class in the not distant future. COMMERCE From 1874 to 1904 the exports of merchandise from Mexico to the United States increased from $4,346,334 to $43,633,275 ; and the imports from the United States increased from $5,946,839 to $45,844,720. In the fiscal year 1912-13 the imports from all 484 ENCYCLOPEDIA OF LATIN AMERICA countries amounted to $195,772,000. Of this sum $16,466,000 con- sisted of animal substances; $31,285,000 of vegetable substances; $46,711,978 of mineral substances ; $21,281,571 of dry goods ; $12,- 074,088 of chemical and pharmaceutical products; $6,744,083 of spirituous liquors and other beverages ; $5,120,770 of paper and its applications ; $23,383,811 of machinery and its parts ; $4,600,890 of vehicles; $5,388,344 of arms and explosives, and $9,604,897 of mis-cellaneous articles. In the same year the exportation totaled $300,405,000, the principal articles being: gold in various forms, $39,591,000; silver in various forms, $91,293,000; copper, $56,522,000; vegetable products, $85,963,000; animal products, $29,838,000; manufactured products, $3,549,000; miscel- laneous, $2,917,410. Increase over the previous year, $2,416,000. Of the total importations $97,287,000 were from the United States ; $25,220,000 from Germany; $25,900,000 from Great Britain; $18,338,000 from France ; and $10,530,000 from Spain. The hene- quen exports, in the same period, were $30,134,000; uncured hides, $11,170,000; vanilla, $3,315,000; beans, $1,160,000; cattle, $7,552,- 000; leaf tobacco, $1,003,000; chicle (chewing gum) $4,342,000; fresh fruits, $1,019,000; zacate, $1,960,000; woods, $3,365,000; ougar, $860,562 ; Panama hats, $557,423 ; miscellaneous, $2,471,000. Of the total exportations $232,350,000 were to the United States ; $31,147,000 to Great Britain; $16,438,000 to 'Germany; $7,151,000 to France ; $2,182,000 to Spain. In the previous fiscal year the importations were $182,866,000, and the exportations $297,989,000. In the fiscal year 1894-95 the imports were only $66,200,000 and the exports $95,000,000, a remarkable record of progress in the brief period of 18 years. The following table of exports and imports serves to show the progress of Mexican commerce during a very active decade of its history: Year 1903-04 . Imports Exports iqni n- $177,861,000 $210,312,000 iQn^~^p 178.205,000 208 , .')20 , 000 iQfftZn- ■• 220,005,000 271,139.000 ta 7 i 2.32,230,000 248.018,000 I'ani no 221,757,000 242.740,000 iimu i<> 156,533.000 231 . KH .(M)0 1Ql7r 11 194,866,000 2H(),(I4(;.