LIBRARY ONIVCRSITY OP CALIFOfiNIA ^ IAN DIESO V3 n ;j THISBOOK E *^^ WAS RIVES BY THE ^^ I %s-M\ii of i\)t lalc !{tb. Dr. fm) I i CLERICAL LENDING LIBRARY m ; /;/ f/ic County of C^^^TZ:..'^, p ::|:; .-7;^./ 7;/^^^^ of (2:?^ri^r:^.f^.. % ■ ;", - '£^^>-^ 1 8 ^ See Paliieh's OrUjines Lilimj. i. 15.3. NEALEaiul Forbes' Oallkan Liturgies. FnvEMAti's Principles of Divine Service, ii. 399. an IDistorical S'ntromiction another in that of the Gauls ? " This diversity becomes even more prominent in the words which Augustine addressed to the seven Bishops of the ancient Church of England, when they met in conference at the place afterwards called St. Augustine's Oak. "You act," said he, "in many particulars contrary to our customs, or rather, to the customs of the universal Church, and yet, if you will comply with me in these three points, \iz. to keep Easter at the due time; to perform the administration of baptism, by which we are bom again to God, according to the custom of the holy Roman and Apostolic Church ; and jointly with us to preach the Word of God to the English nation, we will readily tolerate all your other customs, though contrary to our own." The answer of St. Gregory contained wise and Catholic advice ; and to it we owe, under Providence, the continued use of an independent form of Divine Worship in the Church of England from that day to the present. " You, my brother," said Gregory, " are acquainted with the customs of the Roman Church in which you were brought up. But it is my pleasure that if you have found anything either in the Roman or the Galilean or any other Church which may be more acceptable to Almighty God, you carefully make choice of the same ; and sedulously teach the Church of the English, which is at present new in the Faith, whatsoever you can gather from the several Churches. For things are not to be loved for the sake of places, but places for the sake of good things. Select, therefore, from each Church those things that are pious, religious, and connect; and when you have made these up into one body, instil tliis into the minds of the English for their Use." [Greg. Opera, ii. 1151, Bened. ed. ; Bede's Eccl. Hist. L 27.] The Liturgy of the Roman Church spoken of in this reply is represented by the ancient Sacramentary of St. Gregory, to which such frequent references are given in the following pages : that of the Galilean Church is also partly extant,^ and has been shewn (as was mentioned before) to be derived from the Liturgy of the Church of Ephesus. The words " any other Church " might be supposed to refer to an independent English Liturgy, but there is no reference to any in the question to which Gregory is replying, and he evidently knew nothing of England except through Augustine. From other writers it seems that the Liturgy of England or Britain before this time had been the same with that of France ; but the native Clergy always alleged that their distinctive customs were derived from St. John. Being thus advised by St. Gregory, the holy missionary endeavoured to deal as gently as possible with those whose customs of Divine Worship differed from his own ; but his prepossessions in favour of the Roman system were very strong, and he used all his influence to get it universally adopted throughout the country. Uniformity in all details was not, however, attainable. The national feeling of the ancient Church steadily adhered to the ancient rite for many years ; while the feeling of the Church founded by St. Augustine was in favour of a rite more closely in agreement with that of Rome. As collision was the first natural consequence of this state of things, so some degree of amalgamation as naturally followed in course of time ; that which was local, or national, mingling with that which was foreign in the English devotional system, as it did in the English race itself Some attemi:)ts were made, as in the Council of Cloveshoo [a.D. 747], to enforce the Roman Liturgy upon all the dioceses of the country, but it is certain that the pre^nious devotional customs of the land had an exceedingly tenacious hold upon the Clergy and the people, and that no efforts could ever wholly extirpate them.- At the time of the Conquest another vigorous attempt was made to secure uniformity of Divine Service throughout the country, and with the most pious intentions. St. Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, The "Use "of Sails- ^^d Chancellor of England,^ collecting together a large body of skilled clergy, *""^- remodelled the Offices of the Church, and left behind him the famous Portiforium or Breviary of Sarum, containing the Daily Services; together with the Sarum Missal, containing the Communion Service ; and, probably, the Sarum Manual, containing the Baptismal and other " occasional " Offices. These, and some other Service-books, constituted the " Sarum Use," that is, the Prayer Book of the diocese of Salisbury. It was first adopted for that diocese in a.d. 108.5, and ' See the names Menard, Muratori, and Mabillon, in the List of Authorities. The Gregorian and Gallican Liturgies are also printed in Hammond's Liturgies, Eastern and Western, Oxford, 1878. ' See Maskell's Ajicient Liturgy of the Church of England , Preface, p. liv. Bishop of Salisbury [a.d. 1078-1099] after the foundation of that diocese by the consolidation of the Sees of Ramsbury and Sherborne in a.d. 1058 and 1075. St. Osmund was tlie principal builder of the Cathedral of Old Sarum, a small fortified hill a few miles distant from the present city. This cathedral was taken down, and that of New Sarum, or ' St. Osmund, who was canomzed in a.d. 1456, was a ] Salisbury, the existing cathedral, built in the place of it, in nephew of Wilham the Conqueror, being the son of the king's | a.d. 12*5: the remains of St. Osmund being removed sister Isabella and Henry, Count of S('ez. He was tlie second ' thither. to tfje Iprapcc TBoofe was introduced into other parts of England so generally that it became the principal devotional Kule of the Church of England, and continued so for more than four centuries and a half: " the Church of Salisbury," says a writer of the year 125G, " being conspicuous above all other Churches like the sun in the heavens, diffusing its light everywhere, and supplying their defects." ^ Other Uses continued to hold their place in the dioceses of Lincoln, Hereford, and Bangor, and through the greater part of the Province of York ; though in the diocese of Durham the Salisbury system was followed. At St. Paul's Cathedral, and j^erhaps throughout the diocese of London, there was an independent Use until A.D. 1414. For about a hundred and fifty years before the Prayer Book era there was some displacement of the Sarum Use by Roman customs in Monasteries, Monastic Churches (though not at Durham), and perhaps in Parish Churches served by Monastic clergy : but the " Use " itself was not superseded to any great extent even in these. The Salisbury Use, that of York, and that of Hereford, are well known to modem ritualists." They appear to be traceable to a common origin ; but they differ in so many respects from the Roman Bre\aary, and even from the Missal (with which a closer agreement might have been expected), that the}' clearly derive their common origin from a source independent of the Roman Church. And, whatever quarter they may have been derived from in the first instance, it is equally clear that the forms of Divine Service now known to us under these names represent a system which was naturalized so many ages ago, that it had been entitled to the name of an indepen- dent English rite for at least a thousand years. During all this time the public Services of the Church were said in Latin, for Latin had been Quring some ages the most generally understood language in the world, and was spoken vernacularly in France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy (the modem languages of all which countries were formed from it) down to a comparatively late time, as it is now spoken in Hungary. In England the Latin language was almost as familiar to educated persons as it was upon the Continent ; but the poor and uneducated knew no other tongue than their native English, and for these the Church did the best that could be done to provide some means by which they might make an intelligent use of Divine Service. From the earliest j^eriods we find injunctions imj^osed upon the Clergy that they should be careful to teach the people the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments in their own tongiie. Thus, in A.D. 740 there was a canon of Egbert, ArchbishojD of York, to the effect, " that every priest do with great exactness instil the Lord's Prayer and Creed into the people committed to him, and shew them to endeavour after the knowledge of the whole of religion, and the practice of Christianity." '' About the same time, in the Southern Province, it is ordered " that they instil the Creed into them, that they may know what to believe, and what to hope for." * Two centuries later there is a canon of .ZElfric, Archbishop of Canterbury, enjoining the clergy to " speak the sense of the Gospel to the people in English, and of the Pater noster, and the Creed, as often as he can, for the inciting of the people to know their belief and retaining their Christianity." ^ Similar injunctions are to be found in the laws of Canute in the eleventh century, the constitutions of Archbishop Peckham in the thirteenth, and in the canons of many diocesan synods, of various dates in the media3val period. Many expositions of the Creed, Lord's Prayer, Ten Commandments, and other principal formula?, are also to be found in English, and these give testimony to the same anxious desire of the Church to make the most use possible of the language spoken by the poor of the day." Interlinear translations of some, at least, of the Offices were also provided, especially of the Litany, just as the English and Welsh Prayer Book, or the Latin and English JMissal of the Roman Catholics, are printed in parallel columns in modern times. But in days when books were scarce, and when few could read, little could be done towards givino- to the people at large this intelligent acquaintance with the Services except by oral instruction of the kind indicated. Yet the writing-rooms of the Mona.stcries did what they could towards multiplying books for the purpose ; and some provision was made, even for the poorest, by means of horn-books, on which the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Angelic Salutation were written. The following is an ' At an even earlier date [a. B. 1200] the chronicler Brompton » John.son's ^nj. Canons, i. 18C. flaysthattheCustom-bookof Salisburywasusedalmostallover \ * Ibid. 248- England, Wales, and Ireland. [BuiiMrroN's C//roH. 977.] ■ ^. • . - These three English Uses alone were of sulliiient import- ance to ensure the dignity of appearing in print while they were living rites. Hereford barely secnred that honour, while Salisbury is represented by at least a hundred editions ; tlie Sarum Breviary alone having been printed some forty or fifty ; English instead of Frencl: times between 1483 and 1557. Iljid. 398. " It must be remembered that English wa.s not spoken universally by the upper classes for some centuries after the C'on(iucst. In 13(i2 an Act of Parliament was passed enjoin- ing all schoolmasters to teach their scholars to translate into an I^i0torical SntvoDiiction engraving made from one of two which were found by the present writer under the floor of Over Church, near Cambridge, in 1857. It is of a late date, and has had " In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost," in the place of the Angelic Salutation ; but it is given as an illustration of the traditional practice, and because it is of special interest from being found in a church. II iii:ii b^'lH. \, , tnrvxfti! i-i'/ 'risiau printer, at whose press many of the Breviaries and Missals used in England were printed. Tliey say that, among other books, he had printed English Prymers for forty years, that is, from the end of the fifteenth century. [State Pavers Dom Hen. VIII. i. 589.] -^ ' to tt)C Praper TBoofe. THE LORDS PRAYEE IN ENGLISH OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY. Fader iisser thu arth in Heofnas sic gehalgad noma thin to cymeth ric thin, sie -willo thin suag is in Heofne and in Eortho. Hlaf userne ofer^^■istlic sel us to diBg, and forgef us scyltha usra sua; use forgefon scylgum usum. And ne inlead usith in costnunge. Ah gefrig usich from yfle. THE CREED IN ENGLISH OF THE NINTH CENTUEV. Ic gelji'e on God Freder rehnihtigne, Scyppend heo- fonan and eorthan ; And on Hfehiiid Crist, Sunu his anlican, Drihten urne ; Se the woes geacnod of tham Halgan Gaste, Acrenned of Marian tham mcedene ; Gethrowad under tham Pontiscan Pilate, Gerod faestnad. Dead and bebyrged ; He nither astah to hel warum ; Tham thriddan diege he aras fram deadum ; He astah to heofonum ; He sit to swythran hand God Fseder waes ielmihtigan ; Thonan toweard deman tha cucan and tha deadan. Ic gelyfe Tha halgan gelathunge riht gelyfdan ; Halgana gemoenysse ; And forgyfnysse synna ; FLnesces asriste ; And thaet ece life. Si hit swa. To these early specimens of devotioual English may be added a few taken out of a volume of considerable size, the Primer which was in common use about a hundred years before the present English Prayer Book was constructed.^ iust werkis : jyue to thi seruantis pees that the world may not jeue, that in our heartis jouun to thi com- mandementis, and the drede of enemyes putt awei, owre tymes be pesible thurj thi defeudyng. Bi oure lord iesu crist, thi sone, that with thee lyueth and regneth in the unitie of the hooli goost god, bi all worldis of worldis. So be it. THE lord's prayer IN ENGLISH OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. Fader oure that art in heve, i-halgeed bee thi nome, i-cume thi kinereiche, y-worthe thi wylle also is in hevene so be on erthe, oure iche-dayes bred {if us to day, and forjif us oure gultes, also we forjifet oure gultare, and ne led ows nowth into fondingge, auth ales ows of harme. So be it. THE CREED IN ENGLISH OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. Hi true in God, Fader Hal-michttende, That makede heven and herdeth ; And in Jhesu Krist, is ane lepi Sone, Hure Laverd ; That was bigotin of the Hali Gast, And born of the mainden Marie ; Pinid under Punce Pilate, festened to the rode, Ded, and dulvun ; Licht in til helle ; The thride dai up ras fra dede to live ; Steg intil hevenne; Sitis on his Fadir richt hand, Fadir alwaldand ; He then sal cume to deme the quike and the dede. Hy troue hy theli Gast; And hely * * kirke ; The samninge of halges ; Forgifnes of sinnes ; Uprisigen of fleyes ; And life withuten ende. Amen. Pater Noster. OURE fadir, that art in heuenes, halewid be thi name : thy rewme come to thee : be thi wille do as in heueue and in erthe : oure eche dales breed 5yue us to day : and forjyue us oure dettis, as and we forjeuen to oure dettouris : and ne lede us into temptacioun: but delyuere us fro yuel. So be it. Dumitie, Labia. Lord, thou schalt opyne myn lippis. And my mouth schal schewe thi prisyng. God, take heede to myn help : Lord, hiie thee to helpe me. Glorie be to the fadir and to the sone and to the holy goost : As it was in the bygynnyng and now and euer and in to the worldis of worldis. So be it. Credo in. IBTLEUE in god, fadir almy5ti, makere of heuene and of erthe : and in iesu crist the sone of him, oure lord, oon aloone : which is conceyued of the hooli gost : born of mario maiden : suifride passioun undir pounce pilat : crucified, deed, and biried : he wente doun to hellis : the thriddo day he roos njen fro deede : he steij to heuones : ho sittith on the rijt sydo of god the fadir ahny?ti : thcnus he is to come for to dome the quyke and deede. I beleue in the hooli goost : feith of hooli chirche : communyngc of seyntis : forjyuenesse of synnes : ajenrisyng of fleish, and euerlastynge lyf. So be it. Preie we. For the pees. Deiis a quo. God, of whom ben hooli desiris, rijt councels and [Prai/er fur the Clergy. '\ ALMYGHTI god, euerlastynge, that aloone doost ■' ^ many wondres, schewe the spirit of heelful grace upon bisschopes thi seruantis, and vpon alle the con- gregacion betake to hem : and jeete in the dewe of thi blessynge that thei plese euermore to the in trouthe. Bi crist oure lord. So be it. [Collect fur the Annunciation.^ LORD, we bisechen helde yn thi grace to oure inwittis, that bi the message of the aungel we knowe the incarnacioun of thi sone iesu crist, and by his passioun and cross be ledde to the glorie of his resurreccioun. Bi the same iesu crist oure lord, that with thee lyueth and regneth in oonhede of the hooly goost, god, bi alle worldis of worldis. So be it. [Collect for Whitsun Bay.] GOD, that taujtist the hertia of thi feithful seruantis bi the lijtnynge of the hooli goost : graunte us to sauore rijtful thingis in the same goost, and to be ioiful euermore of his counfort. Bi crist our lorde. So be it. [Colled for Trinity Sunday.] EUERLASTYNGE alrayjti god that 5ave us thi seruantis in knowlechj-nge of verrei feith to ' It will be observed that Latin titles are prefixed to these, as is still done with the Psalms in the Prayer Book. These titles were a guide to the ear when the prayers and psalms were being said or sung in Latin. an ii)i0toncal Jntromiction knowe the glorie of the endeles trinite, and iu the mijt of mageste to worchipe thee in oonliede : we bisechen that bi the sadness of the same feith we be kept and defendid euermore fro alle aduersitiees. Bi crist. \C'ollect /or St. Michad and all Aiigels.'\ GOD, that in a merueilous ordre ordeynedist seruisys of aungcls and of men, graunte thou mercifulli that cure liif be defendid in erthe bi hem that stondcn nyj euermore seruynge to thee in heuvene. Bi crist. The ancient formularies had, however, by change of circumstances, become unsuitable in several respects for the Church of England. They had grown into a form in which they were extremely well adapted (from a ritual point of view) for the use of religious communities, but were far too complex for that of parochial congregations. When monasteries were abolished it was found that the devotional system of the Church must be condensed if it was to be used by mixed congregations, and by those who were not specially set apart for that life of rule and continual worship for which monastic com- munities were intended. The Latin Services had, indeed, never been familiar to the people of England, any more than they are to the Continental laity at the present day. In the place of Service-books the laity were provided with devotional expositions of the Services ; sometimes in English rhyme, like the " Lay Folk's Mass Book,"i and sometimes in prose, like " Our Lady's Mirror."^ When manuscript English Bibles became common in the fourteenth century, they usually contained a list of the Epistles and Gospels, and similar lists are also found in a separate form.^ Such helps and guides would go far to remedy the inconvenience of a Latin Service to those who could or would use them : but probably the number of such persons was never very large. There was, indeed, a popular service which was held about nine o'clock iu the morning on Sundays and Festivals, consisting of the Aspersion with blessed, or holy, water, followed by the Bidding of Bedes, and a Sermon or Homily ; and in this service the vernacular was used long before the disuse of Latin. The Aspersion Service, as given, with the musical notation, in a Breviary ^ belonging to the Dean and Chapter of Salisbury, is as follows : — " Piemember your promys made in baptym. And chrystys mercyfull bloudshedyng. By the wyche most holy sprynklj-ng. Off all youre syns youe haue fre perdun. Haue mercy uppon me oo god. Affter thy grat mercy. Remember your promys made in baptym. And chrystys mercyfull bloudshedyng. By the wycho most holy sprynklyng. Off all youre syns youe haue fre perdun. And acordyng to the multytude of thy mercys. Do awey my wyckydnes. Remember your promys made in baptym. And chrystys mercyfull bloudshedyng. By the wyclie most holy sjirynklyng. Off all youre syns youe haue fre perdun. Glory be to the father, and to the sun, and to the holy goost. As hyt was yn the begynyng so now and euer and yn the world off worlds. So be hytt. By the wyche most holy sprynklyng. (JfT all youre .syn.s youe haue fre perdun."" ' The following is the title of one of these books, ami a sijecimen of the references is annexed : — " Here begyiuieth a rule that tellith in whiche cliapitriy of the bible ye may fynde the lessouns. pistlis and gospels, tliat ben red in the churche aftir the vse of salisburi : markid witli lettris of the a. b. c. at tiie begynnynge of the chapitris toward the niyddil or eende : aftir the ordre as the lettris stonden in the a. b. c. first ben sett sundaies and feriais togidere : and aftir that the sanctorum, the propre and comyn togider of al the yeer : and thanne last the commemoraciouns : that is clepid the temporal of al the yere. p'irst is written a clause of the begynnynge of the pistle and gospel, and a clause of i\iG endynge therof. " ' This commentary on the Mass was published by the Early English Text Society in 1S79 under tlie following title ; " The Lay Folk's JIass Book ; or. The Manner of liearing Mass, with Rubrics and Devotions for the People." It is admirably edited by the Rev. T. F. Simmons, Canon of York and Rector of Dalton Holme. The book is a mediaeval "Companion to the Altar," and was written in the twelfth century. ' This was written aljout a.d. 14.30, and printed in .\. n. 1530. It was reprinted by the Early English Text Society in IS?.*?, with the title, " The Myroure of oure Ladye, con- taining a devotional treatise on Divine Service, with a trans- lation of the Offices used by the Sisters of the Brigittine Monastery of Sion at Islewortli, during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Edited from the black-letter text of 1530, with Introduction and Notes, by John Henry Blunt," etc. It is a commentary upon the Hours, or Services for every day of the Week, and upon the Mass : the whole of the former, and the laymen's part of the latter, being translated. In the library of St. John's College, Oxford, there is also a Processionale [MS. 167] with English rubrics, which once belonged to Sion, and was written in the middle of the fifteenth century. {Mirror, Introd. p. xliv. ] ■The first] Kora-xiii.c. snnenday Vj,jttl,eu xxi. of aduent. \ d. we knowen this ciirfc in tlie lord Ills tyme. ct. n. whanne ihs cam ende. osanna in high nygh. _ thingis." ■• This Breviary, perhaps the finest which has been pre- served, belonged to the Parish Church of Arliugham in Gloucestershire, then in the Diocese of Worcester, and was written in the early part of the fifteenth century. Tlie Aspersion Service was inserted at a later time, the writing being dated by experts of tlie highest authority as belonging to the middle of the century, from a.d. 1440 to 1460. There is a critical paper on this Aspersion by Mr., now Bishop,King- don, in the Wiltshire Archccolorjical Magazine for 1879, pages 62-70, with a photograph of the words and music. ^ At a later date tlir .\spersiou was followed by the dia- to tf)C Iprapcr Xoofe. While this anthem was being sung the priest, with the aqiia3-bajuhis, or holy water-bearer, and the choir walked in procession down the nave of the church, the former sprinkling the congregation with the water ; and it is probable that the whole of the fifty-first Psalm was sung. After this followed the Bidding Prayer in English, several Collects in Latin, and then the Sermon. But although this English Service was evidently in very general use, it does not seem as if the idea of entirely Vernacular Services spread very widely among the clergy and people of England until after the dissolution of the monasteries. Then the gradual but slow approximation to such a system received a great impetus, and Latimer found a very hearty response in the minds of the clergy when, speaking of baptism in his sermon before the Convocation of A.D. 1536, he exclaimed, " Shall we ever- more in ministering it speak Latin, and not English rather, that the people may know what is said and done ?" [Latimer's Sermons, i. 52, ed. 1824!.] The assent to this change was in fact so unanimous among the clergy that Archbishop Cranmer wrote to Queen Mary respecting the Committee appointed for the revision of the Services by Henry VIII., that although it was composed of men who held different opinions, they "agreed without controversy (not one saying contrary) that the Service of the Church ought to be in the mother tongue." [Jenkyns' Granmer's Rem. i. 375.] Ridley also writes to his chaplain that he had conferred with many on the subject, and "never found man (so far as I do remember), neither old nor new, gospeller nor papist, of what judgment soever he was, in this thing to be of a contrary opinion." [Ridley's Works, p. 340.] With this general inclination of the national mind towards the use of the national language alone in Divine Service there arose also that necessity for condensed services which has previously been referred to. There are no means of deciding how far the original Use of Salisbury differed from that which is known to us. The copies remaining belong to a much later period than the eleventh century, and there is reason to think that some accretions gathered around the ancient devotions of the Church of England from the prevalence of Continental influences during the reigns of the Norman and Angevin kings, and from the great increase of monastic establishments : the shorter and more primi- tive form of responsive public service being found insufficient, especially for those who formed them- selves into societies for the purpose of carrying on an unceasing round of prayer and praise in the numerous Minsters which then covered the face of our land. But now that the " religious " of the Church were to be a separate body no longer. Divine Providence led her to feel the way gradually towards a return to the eai-lier practice of Christianity ; the idea of a popular and mixed congregation superseded that of a special monastic one ; and the daily worship being transfen'ed from the Cloister to the Parish Church, its normal form of Common Prayer was revived in the place of the Prayers of a class or the solitary recitation of the Parish Priest. No blame was cast upon the former system for its complexity; but the times were changed, a new order of things was becoming established, and, although the j)rinciples of the Church arc unchangeable, so entire a remoulding of society entailed <>f necessity a corresponding adaptation of her devotional practice, both for the honour of God and the good of souls, to the wants that had come to light. Some slight attempts were made at a reformation of the Sarum Offices in editions of the Breviary which were printed in 1516 and 1531, and a Missal of 1509 is even described as "amended." There was little variation, indeed, from the old forms ; but there was a distinct initiation of the principles which- were afterwards carried out more fully in the Book of Common Prayer of 1540. The rubrics were somewhat simplified; Holy Scripture was directed to be read in order without omission ; and in carrying out the latter direction the Lessons, which had been much shortened in actual u-se [see note to Table of Lessons], were restored to their ancient length. tribution of the eulogia or blessed bread. The two are explained in the ninth of the Ten Articles of A.I>. I53fi in the following words : "As concerning the rites and ceremonies of Clirist's Church ; ... as sprinkling of holy water to put us in remembrance of our Baptism, and the blond of Clirist sprinkled for our redemption ui)on the cross ; giving of holy bread, to put us in remembrance of the .Sacr.ament of the altar, that all Christian men be one body mystical of Christ as the bread is made of many grains, and yet but one loaf : and to put us in remembr.ance of the receiving the holy sacra- ment and body of Christ, the which we ought to receive in right charity : which in the beginning of Christ's Church, men did more often receive than they use nowad.ays to do." [Lloyd's Formul. of Faith, p. 1.5.] The fourth of some injunctions issued by the King's Visitors in .i.D. ir)48, also orders both rites to be used every Sunday, with the words given above. "And in like manner before the dealing of the holy bread these wonls : ' Of Christ's body this is a token, Winch oil the cro.ss for our sins was bniken ; Wherefore of Ills death if yon will be partakers, Of vice and sin ynu must bo forsakers.' And the clerk in the like manner shall bring down the Pax, and standing without the church door shall say boldly to the people these words : 'This is a token of joyful peace, which is betwixt God and men's conscience : ('hrist alone is the Peacemaker, Which straitly commands peace between brother and brother.' And so long as ye iise these ceremonies, so long sh.all ye use these significations." [Ciknkt'.s Reform. V. 18fi, Pocock's ed. ] 8 9n ipistorical 3lntroDuction lu 1531 this revised edition of the Salisbury Portiforium or Breviary was reprinted, and two years later a revised Missal was published; in the latter special care being taken to provide an apparatus for enabling the people to find out the places of the Epistles and Gospels. And though no authorized translation of the Bible had yet been allowed by Henry VIII., Cranmer and the other Bishops began to revise Tyndale's translation in 1534, and encouraged the issue of books containing the Epistles and Gospels in English, of which many editions were published between 1538 and the printing of the Prayer Book.^ A fresh impulse seems thus to have been given to the use of the old English Prymers, in which a large portion of the Services (including the Litany) was translated into the vulgar tongue, and also a third of the Psalms, and to which in later times the Epistles and Gospels were added. In 1540 the Psalter was printed by Grafton in Latin and English [Bodleian Lib., Douce BB. 71], and there seems to have been an earlier edition of a larger size about the year 1534. The Psalter had long been rearranged, so that the Psalms were said in consecutive order, in some churches at least, according to our modern practice, instead of in the ancient but complex order of the Brevia-y. [See Introd. to Psalter.] In 1541 and 1544 other amended editions of the Salisbury Breviary were published, in the title- pages of which it is said to be purged from many enors. By order of Convocation [March 3, 1541] the Salisbury Use was now also adopted throughout the whole Province of Canterbury, and an uniformity secured which had not existed since the days of Augustine. Nor is it an insignificant circumstance that the book was now printed by Whitchurch (from whose press issued the Book of Common Prayer), instead of being printed in Paris as formerly. That these revisions of the ancient Service-books were steps towards a Reformed English Breviary or Portiforium is confirmed by the course of events. Something in the nature of a confirmation is also afforded by a comparison of these attempts with others of a similar kind which were made abroad towards obtaining a Reformed Roman Breviary. Some years after the Convocation of the Church of England had issued the 151G edition of the Salisbury Use, Leo X. gave directions to Zaccharia Ferreri de Vicence, Bishojj of Guarda, in Portugal, to prepare a new version of the Breviary Hymns. This was done, and the volume published under the authority of Clement VII. in 1525, with this prominent announcement of a Reformed Breviary on the title-page: " Breviarium Ecclesiasticum ab eodem Zach. Pont, longe brevius et facilius redditum et ah omni errore purgatiim propediem exibit." The promised reform was actually effected by Cardinal Quignouez, a Spanish Bishop, and was published under the same authority as the Hymnal, in 1535-36. But this Reformed Roman Breviary was intended chiefly, if not entirely, for the use of the clergy and monks in their private recitations ; and its intro- duction in some places for choir and public use eventually led to its sui)pression in 1568. No provision whatever was made (as there had been in connection with the English reform) for adapting it to the use of the laity. During the whole forty years of its use there is no trace of any attempt to connect the Breviary of Quignonez with vernacular translations of Prayers or Scriptures. And, although it was undoubtedly an initiatory step in the same direction as that taken by our own Reformers (who indeed used the Breviary of Quignonez in their subsequent proceedings), yet it was never followed up, nor intended to be followed up ; and the object of the Roman reform throws out in stronger light that of the English." A very decided advance towards the Prayer Book system had been' made in 1536, when in the Province of York, and almost certainly in that of Canterbury also, an Archiepiscopal order was issued that " all curates and heads of congregations, religious and other, privileged and other, shall every holy-day read the Gospel and the Epistle of that day out of the English Bible, plainly and distinctly ; and they that have such grace shall make some declaration either of the one or of both (if ' See the List of Printed Service-Book.s according to the ancient Uses of the English Church, compiled by Mr. F. H. Dickinson, and reprinted from the Ecdesiologiat of Feb. 1850. ' The Reformed Breviary of Cardinal Quignonez was begun under Clement VII. — "ejusque hortatu et jussu " — who ex- latest edition was printed in 1.566, and the Breviary was suppressed in 1568. The title-pages vary, and so do the pre- faces, and if there are not two recensions of the Breviary, there certainly are two of the preface to it ; which, as is shewn further on, was largely used by the writer of the Pre- communicated Henry VIII. It was afterwards approved and face to the Prayer Book of 1549. recommended to the clergy by Paul III. in a Bull dated in a , ForafullaccountofQuignonez's Breviary, sec Claude Jolt's Paris edition of 1536 as issued on February 3, 1535, but in an i De verbis Usuardi Dissertaih, Senonis, 1669, pp. 93-103 ; Antwerp black-letter edition in the Bodleian Library as issued Zaccar. Bibl. Kit. i. 110, 113, 114; Claubii Espenc^i 0pp., on July 3, 1536. It appears to have gone through at least | Paris, 1619, Digresx. I. xi. 156; Ciaconii Vil. Pontif. Eoman. seventeen editions, being printed at Paris, Lyons, Antwerp, ! III. 498, Rome, 1677 ; GrEKAMr.ER's Inatit. Littirg. i. 376, and Rome, in folio, quarto, octavo, and duodecimo. The I 383, and note B ; Christ. Eememh. Ixx. 299. to t&e Praj>cc iBook 9 the time may serve) every holy-day." i lu 1542 a further advance was made by the Convocation, which ordered that the Salisbury Breviary should be used all over England, a canon being passed which enacted " that every Sunday and Holy-day throughout the year, the curate of every parish church, after the Te Deum and Magnificat, shall openly read unto the jDeople one chapter of the New Testament in English without exposition ; and when the New Testament is read over then to begin the Old." - But all the measures which had been hitherto taken by the ecclesiast'ical authorities of England were plainly regarded as being only of a temporary nature. No more Service-books were allowed to be printed than were absolutely necessary for the performance of Divine Worship, as it was seen that a much more thorough alteration of them must take place, and in this session of 1542-43 Convocation entered upon that course of Liturgical revision which resulted in the Book of Common Prayer. At one of its early meetings the president read Letters of Business from the Crown, in which His Majesty directed " that all Mass-books, Antiphoners, Portuises, in the Church of England should be newly examined, cox-rected, reformed, and castigated from all manner of mention of the Bishop of Rome's name, from all apocryphas, feigned legends, superstitious orations, collects, versicles, and responses ; that the names and memories of all saints which be not mentioned in the Scripture or authentical doctors should be abolished -and jJut out of the same books and calendars, and that the service should be made out of the Scripture and other authentic doctors." [Wilkins' Concil. iii. 863.] The Convocation at once set to work on the business thus formally placed before them by the Crown ; and so important was it considered, that no member was allowed to absent himself from their meetings without special leave of absence. A Committee was then appointed for carrying out the details of this work, the original members of it being Shaxton, Bishop of Salisbury, ex officio Precentor of the Province of Salisbury ; Goodrich, Bishop of Ely ; and six proctors of the Lower House. This Com- mittee continued in existence for seven years, and its last work was the Book of Common Prayer published in 1549. But for part of the seven years its jiublic action was restrained by the "Statute of Six Articles,^ which, in point of fact, made such labours highly penal. There is good reason to think that Henry VIII. was himself the author of this statute, and it was certainly passed by his influence. The Bishops had vigorously opposed it in the House of Lords with an eleven days' debate, and their experience shewed them that any reformation of the ancient services must be carried on with extreme caution while this law was in operation under so despotic a monarch.'* But as soon as Convocation met, after the death of Henry, a resolution was passed, " That the works of the Bishops 1 Ap.p. hEE's liijiincfioiis ill Burnetts Hist, of Reform, vi. 199, Pocock's ed. 2 Wii.Klxs' Concil. iii. 863. It is most likely that the Gospels and Epistles were read in Latin first and tlieu in English. There is an interesting anonymous letter to tlie Duke of Norfolk, ■whicli shews that Cranmer had hecome acquainted with tliis plan in Germany : " Although I had a chaplain yet could I not be sufl'ered to have him sing Mass, hut w.as constrained to hear their Mass which is but one in a Church, and that is celebrated in form following. The Priest, in vestments after our manner, singeth everything in Latin, as wc use, omitting sullrages. The Kpistle he rcadeth in Latin. In the mean time the sub-deacon gocth into the pulpit and readetli to tlie people the Epistle in their vulgar ; after they peruse other things as our priests do. Tlien the Priest rcadeth softly the Gospel in Latin. In the mean space the Deacon goeth into the pulpit and readetli aloud the Gospel in the Almaigne tongue. Jlr. Cranmer saitli it was shewed to him that iu the Epistles and Gospels they kept not tlie order that we do, but do peruse every d.ay one chapter of the New Testament. Afterwards the Priest and the (piire do sing the Credo as we do ; the secret and preface they omit, and the Priest singeth with a high voice the words of the t'onsccration. And after the Levation the Deacon turneth to the people, telling to them in Ahiiaigne tongue a long process how they should prepare themselves to the Communion of the Flesh and Blood of Christ. And then may every man come that listeth, without going to Confession. " This letter was written from Nuremberg about 15.'!0. [Ellis' Ori, Keel. Hist. Soc] Somerset, writing to Cardinal Pole, .Tune 4, 1549, and sending him a Prayer P.ook, says that there was "a common agreement of all the chief learned men iu the Realm " in favour of the new "form and rite of service." [State Papers, Dom. Edti: VI. vol. vii.] Edw.ard VI. 's reply to the Devonshire rebels 20 3n Jbistorical 31ntrcriuction going on, among the latter, from the very time when the Book of 1549 had been first brought into use. A Lasco, Peter Martyr, and Martin Bucer appear to have been continually corresponding about the Prayer Book, and plotting for its alteration, although they knew it only through imperfect translations hastily provided by a Scotchman named Aless, living at Leipsic, and by Sir John Cheke. Hooper, also. Chaplain first to the Duke of Somerset, then to the King, and afterwards Bishop of Gloucester, carried on a bitter opposition to it, having returned from Zurich, Avhere he had been living for some years, just at the time that it came into use. Writing to Bullinger on December 27, 1549, he says: "The public celebration of the Lord's Supper is very far from the order and institution of our Lord. Although it is administered in both kinds, yet in some places the Supper is celebrated three times a day. . . . They still retain their vestments ^ and the candles before the altars ; in the churches they always chant the hours and the hymns relating to the Lord's Supper, but in our own language. And that Popery may not be lost, the Mass priests, although they are compelled to discontinue the use of the Latin language, yet most carefully observe the same tone and manner of chanting to which they were heretofore accustomed in the Papacy." [Parker Soc. Orig. Lett. p. 72.] Preaching before Edward \L in the following Lent, Hooper spoke of the Prayer Book as containing "tolerable things to be borne with for the weak's sake awhile," ^ and urged immediate revision. He also told the King and Council that it was " great shame for a noble King, Emperor, or Magistrate, contrary unto God's word to detain and /reep from the devil or his minister any of their goods or treasure, as the candles, vestments, crosses, altars." He also urged the young King to do away with kneeling at the Holy Communion, " sitting were in my opinion best for many considerations." [Hooper's Works, i. .534, 53G, 554 ; Orig. Lett. p. 81.] Bucer was perhaps the most violent of all opponents of the Prayer Book, publishing a "Censure "of it in twenty-eight chapters just before his death in 1551, in which he condemns all ceremonies and customs derived from the ancient Services of the Church of England, from the Consecration of the Holy Eucharist to the ringing of church bells, of which, with the want of imagination and musical ear so common among his class of Reformers, he had a great abhorrence. Meanwhile the Prayer Book had been brought under discussion in Convocation towards the end of the year 1550. The question was sent down to the Lower House by the Bishops, but was jwstponed until the next session. What was done further at that time does not ajjpear, though it is probable that the consideration of the Thirty-nine Articles absorbed the whole attention of Convocation for several sessions, and that the proposition for a revised Prayer Book was set aside, as far as the official assembly of the Church was concerned. The young King had now, however, been aroused by the meddlesome letters of Calvin, by Hooper's preaching, and perhaps by some of the Puritan courtiers, to entertain a strong personal desire for certain changes in Divine Service ; and not being able to prevail on the Bishops to accede to his wishes, he declared to Sir John Cheke — with true Tudor feeling, being then only a little over twelve j'ears of age — that he should cause the Prayer Book to be altered on his own authority. [Strype's Cranmer, ii. 663, Eccl. Hist. Soc. ed.] No records remain to shew us in what manner or by whom this revision was ultimately made. It has been suggested by Dr. Cardwell [Tivo Littvrgies of Edw. VI. xvii. n.] that the Convocation delegated its authority to a Commission appointed by the King, and that this Commission was the same with that which had set forth the Ordinal of 1550, consisting of " six Prelates, and six other men of this Realm, learned in God's law, by the King's Majesty to be appointed and assigned ;" but of which only the name of Bishop Heath of Worcester is recorded. [See Introd. to Ordin. Services.] Archdeacon Freeman considers it to be " all but certain that it was the Ordinal Commission which conducted the Revision of 1552," especially because the Ordinal was affixed to the Act of Parliament by which the revised Book was legalized.^ There is no certain proof that the Prayer Book of 1552, commonly called the Second Book of Edward VI., ever received the sanction of Convocation ; yet it is highly improbable that Cranmer would have allowed it to get into Parliament without it.* Edward's 1 So also on February 10, 1550, John Butler wTote to Thomas I of England by the King's authority and the Parliament, con- Blaurer that some blemishes in the Church of England, "such, | cerning the manner and form of praying and ministering the for instance, as the splendour of the vestments, have not yet ' Sacrament in the Church of England, likewise also the book been done away with."^ [Parker Soc. Orig. Lett. p. 635.] " of Ordering Ministers of tlie Church set forth by the foresaid ' This was Calvin's phrase, "In Anglicana Liturgia, authority, are godly and in no point repugnant to the whole- qualem describitis, multas video fuisse iolernbiles ineptias." some doctrine of the Gospel, but agreeable thereunto, further- [Calvix, /i;);7. p. .tS.J j„g 3,,^^ beautif}'in2 the same not a little: and therefore of ^ See also Heylix .s Reformation, i. 228, 229. all faithful ministers of the Church of England, and chiefly It was sanctioned by Convocation f.r ■post facto in the of tlie ministers of the "SVord, thev ought to be received and thirty-hfth of the forty-two Articles of 1553, which savs : : allowed with all rea intrusted with its revision. Clergy." But the Convocation which sat from January 24th i - Stuype's Ann. i. 120 : ii. 459. Caudwklls Conf. p. 48. 24 an Ipistorical ^ntroDuction was used, however, in the Queen's chapel on Sunday, May 12th, and at St. Paul's Cathedral on Wednes- day, May loth. After the aiDpointed day had passed, a Commission was issued [July 19, 1559] to Parker, Grindal, and others for carrying into execution the Acts for Uniformity of Common Prayer, and for restoring to the Crown its jurisdiction in Ecclesiastical matters. [State Papers, Dora. Eli:, v. 18.] A Royal Visitation was also held in the Province of York, under a Commission dated July 25th. [Ibkl. iv. 62.] It then appeared that the Prayer Book was so generally accepted by the Clergy, that out of 9400 only 189 refused to adopt it; this number including those Bishops and others of the most extreme Romanist party who had been appointed in Queen Mary's reign on account of what in modern times would be called their Ultramontane principles. It is worth notice, however, that the Book of Common Prayer as thus revised in 1559 was quietly accepted by the great body of Romanist laity ; and also that the Pojie himself saw so little to object to in it that he oftered to give the book his full sanction if his authority were recognized by the Queen and kingdom. " As well those restrained," said Sir Edward Coke, " as generally all the papists in this kingdom, not any of them did refuse to come to our church, and yield their formal obedience to the laws established. And thus they all continued, not any one refusing to come to our churches, during the first ten years of her Majesty's government. And in the beginning of tlie eleventh year of her reign, Comwallis, Bedingfield, and Silyarde, were the first recusants ; they absolutely refusing to come to our churches. And until they in that sort began, the name of recusant was never heard of amongst us." In the same Charge, Coke also states as follows : That the Pope [Pius lY.] " before the time of his excommunication against Queen Elizabeth denounced, sent his letter unto her Majesty, in which he did allow the Bible, and Book of Bivine So^ice, as it is now used among us, to be authentick, and not repugnant to truth. But that therein was contained enough necessary to salvation, though there was not in it so much as might conveniently be, and that he would also allow it unto us, without changing any part : so as her Majesty would acknowledge to receive it from the Pojx, and by his allowance ; which her Majesty den\'ing to do, she was then presently by the same Pope excommunicated. And this is the truth concerning Pope Pius Quartus as I have faith to God and men. I have oftentimes heard avowed by the late Queen her own words ; and I have conferred with some Lords that were of greatest reckoning in the State, who had seen and read the Letter, which the Pope sent to that effect ; as have been by me specified. And this upon my credit, as I am an honest man, is most true." ^ It may have been -with the object of making the Pope acquainted with the real character of the Prayer Book that it was translated into Latin in the same year ; and it is, possibly, to the work of translation that a document in the State Paper Ofiice [Dom. Eliz. vii. 46] refers which, on November 30, 1559, mentions the progress made by the Convocation in the Book of Common Prayer.- The Latin Version (differing in no small degree from the English) was set forth on April 6, 1560, under the authority of the Queen's Letters Patent. The only other change that was made in the Prayer Book during the reign of Elizabeth was in the Calendar. On January 22, 1561, the Queen issued a Commission to the Archbishop of Canter- bury, the Bishop of London, Dr. Bill, and Walter Haddon, directing them " to pemse the order of the said Lessons throughout the whole year, and to cause some new calendars to be imprinted, whereby such chapters or parcels of less edification may be removed, and other more profitable may supply their rooms." ^ This commission was issued by the authority given in the 1.3th clause of Elizabeth's Act of Uniformity, which is cited in its opening paragraph ; and in the end of it there is a significant direction, " that the alteration of any thing hereby ensuing be quietly done, without show of any innovation in the Church." In the Calendar revised by these Commissioners the names of most of those Saints were inserted which are to be found in that of our present Prayer Book. But although no further changes were made in the authorized devotional system of the Church during the remainder of the century, continual assaults were being made upon it by the Puritan party, extreme laxity was tolerated, and even sanctioned, by some of the Bishops (as, for example, at North- ampton, by Bishop Scambler of Peterborough), and the people were gradually being weaned from their 1 The LoKD Coke, his Speech ami Charge, London, 1607. See also Camden, Ann. Eliz. p. 59, ed. 1615. Twysden's Historical Vimlicalion of the Chtirch of Emjland, p. 1/5. Validity of the Order.t of the Church of Ewjland, by Humpheet Prideaux, D.D., 1688. Bramhall's Works, ii. So, ed. 1845. Bp. Babincjton'.s Note.i on the Pentateuch ; on Kumhrrs vii. Enrjlish Ordinations, ii. 360, 378. Harrington's Pius IV. and the Book of Common Prayer, 1856. ^ Sir John Mason, however, writes to Cecil, on Augnst 11, 1559, that the Book of Common Service in Latin is ready to print : and also tlie little book of Private Prayers for children and servants. [State Papers, Dom. Eliz. vi. 11.] CouRATER's Defence of the Dissertation on the Validity of ^ Parker Corresjmndence, -p. 1.S2.' [State 'Pajiers, xvi. 7.] to tf)C Prapcc H3oofe. 25 love for a Catholic ritual : while, in the meantime, a great number of the new generation were being trained, by continual controversy and by enforced habit, into a belief that preaching, either in the pulpit or under the disguise of extemporaneous prayer, was the one end and aim of Divine Service.^ In 1592 the Puritans had grown so rancorous that they presented a petition to the Privy Council in which the Church of England is plainly said to be derived from Antichrist; the press swarmed with scurrilous and untruthful pamphlets against the Church system ; and the more sober strength of this opposition may be measured very fairly by the statements and arguments of Hooker in his noble work, the Ecclesiastical Polity. § Some slight Changes made -in the Prayer Book of 1559 by James I. On the accession of James I. [May 7, 1003] the hopes of those who wished to get rid of the Prayer Book were strengthened by the knowledge that the King had been brought uj) by Presby- terians. A petition was presented to him, called the " Millenary Petition," from the number of signa- tures attached to it, in which it was represented that "more than a thousand " of his Majesty's subjects were " groaning as under a common burden of human rites and ceremonies," from which they prayed to be relieved by a redixction of the Prayer Book system to their own standard. The result of this petition was the " Hampton Court Conference," an assembly of orthodox and nonconforming Clergy, summoned by the King to meet in his presence at the Palace of Hampton Court, and discuss the giievances com- plained of This Conference met on the 14th, 16th, and ISth of January, 1003-4, in the presence of the King and the Privy Council ; but the former was so disgusted with reign of James i the unreasonableness of the Puritan opponents of the Prayer Book, that he broke up the meeting abruptly on the third day, without committing the Church to any concessions in the direction they required. Under the same clause of the Act of Uniformity by which Queen Elizabeth had directed a revision of the Calendar, the King did, however, with the advice of a Commission of Bishops and Privy Councillors, cause a few changes to be made in the Prayer Book.^ [1] The words "or remission of sins" were added to the title of the Absolution. [2] The " Prayer for the Royal Family " was placed at the end of the Litany ; and also some Occasional Thanksgivings. [3] Two slight verbal changes were made at the beginning of the Gospels for the Second Sunday after Easter and the Twentieth Sunday after Trinity. [4] An alteration was made in one of the Rubrics for Private Baptism. [See the Ofifice.] [5] The title of the Confirmation Service was enlarged. [G] The latter part of the Catechism, respecting the Sacraments, was added. [7] Some slight changes were made in the Calendar. The book, as thus altered, was authorized by a Royal Proclamation dated March 5, 1604, and it was afterwai'ds sanctioned by Convocation in the 80th of the Canons passed in the same year [A.D. 1604], which ordered that "the churchwardens or questmen of every Church and Chapel shall, at the charge of the parish, provide the Book of Common Prayer, lately explained in some few points by his Majesty's authority, accoi-ding to the laws and his Highness' prerogative in that behalf, and that with all convenient speed, but at the furthest within two months after the publishing of these our Constitutions." In the following year a petition was presented to the King from ministers in the Diocese of Lincoln, in which fifty " gross corruptions " in the Prayer Book were enumerated : and they demanded its total abolition as the only means by which the land could be rid of the idolatry and superstition which it enjoined. But although the Puritans continued to oppose the devotional system of the Church of England in this spirit during the whole of the reigns of James I. and Charles I., it was forty years before they succeeded in bringing about, and then for a few years only, that total abolition of the Prayer Book which they so ardently desired § The Suppression of the Prayer Booh by the Pihritans, The temporary overthrow of the Church of England was effected by the Long Parliament, which met on November 3, 1640, and lasted until April 20, 1653; and the successive steps by which ' These foreign fashions .anil principles were pertinaciously maintained by those who liad fled the country in Queen Mary's days, and returned with wliat Parker called "Ger- manical natures" in Queen Elizabeth's. [SxiiYrE's Parhrr, i. 15G. &<• also Cakdwell's Conf. 117-120, for a strong illus- tration of this in Convocation.] - The Letters Patent rehearsing the authority and enumerat- ing tlie alterations are printed in CAKDWEr.i,'.s Conf. p. 217-22S. 26 an IDistorical 3introDuction this was accomplished are clearly stated by the Speaker of the House of Commons in the address which he made to the King from the bar of the House of Lords on May 19, 1GG2. " In order to this work," he said, " Church ornaments were first taken away ; then the means whereby distinc- tion or inequality might be upheld amongst ecclesiastical governors; then the forms of common prayer, which as members of the public body of Christ's Church were enjoined us, were decried as superstitious, and in lieu thereof nothing, or worse than nothing, introduced." [Journ. House of Lords, xi. 471.] The first movements towards this end were taken in December 1640, when " a petition was brought complaining of the Church discipline in having Archbishops, Bishops, etc., using the cross in Baptism, kneeling at the Communion, as unuseful in the Protestant Church " [Perfect Biurnal, p. 12] ; and when the House of Commons went to St. Margaret's Church as usual to receive the Holy Communion, they directed that the Communion Table should be brought down from the east end of the chancel and placed in the midst of them in the Presbyterian manner customary in Scotland. The House of Lords appointed a large Committee, consisting of ten Bishops and twenty lay peers, with power to add to their number, to consult respecting such alterations in the Prayer Book as would conciliate the Puritan ministers, who Avere persevering in their jjetitions for its abolition ; but although this Committee held many sittings between March 1st and May 1641, their efforts at conciliation were soon found to be useless, a motion "to agree upon some alterations and new additions to be inserted in the Book of Common Prayer" being made and lost in September of the same year, and the opiDonents of the Church going steadily on vnih their measures for its destruction.^ Shortly afterwards the House of Commons ordered that the Communion Table should everywhere be removed into the body of the church, that the rails should be taken away, and the raised east end of the chancel brought down to the same level as the rest of the church ; and this was soon followed by " ordinances " against " innovations," as all the distinctive customs of the Church of England were called, which led to the removal of fonts from the churches, and to the wholesale destruction of Prayer Books, surplices, copes, organs, and all other " monuments of superstition," as these were called by the prevailing party in Parliament. Soon also, on December 29, 1641, most of the Bishops were thrown into prison, and in a few months the Puritans boasted that 8000 Clergy had already been turned out of their parishes. [Pierce's New Discoverer, p. 140.] On July 1, 1643, the " We.stminster Assembly of Divines" was convened by the Parliament, and after some negotiation with the General Assembly of the Scottish Kirk, it accepted from the latter the " Solemn League and Covenant," which was subscribed by the House of Commons in St. Margaret's Church on September 25th, and was afterwards sent to every parish in England and Wales to be used as a Test during the Reign of Terror which followed. This docimient, which was signed with the solemnities of an oath, pledged those who signed it to substitute Presbyterianism and the Scottish " Directory for Worship " for the Church of England and the Book of Common Prayer, in its first two Ai-ticles, which were as follows : — " I. That we shall .sincerely, reallj-, and con.staiitly, through the grace of God, endeavour, in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, woi-ship, discipline, and government, against our common enemies ; the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipHne, and government, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best reformed Churches ; and shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion, confession of faith, form of church government, directory for worship and catechizing ; that we and our posterity after us may as brethren live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us. " II. That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy ' Izaak Walton, in his Life of Bishoj) Sanderson, havina spoken of the discontent respecting the Prayer Book which had been excited in England by the Scotch Covenanters, writes that " their party in Parliament made many exceptions against the Common Pr.iyer and Ceremonies of the Church, and seemed restless for a Picformation : and although their desires seemed not reasonable to the King and the learned Dr. Laud, then Archbishop of Canterbury, yet to quiet their consciences and prevent future confusion, they did in the year 1641, desire Dr. Sanderson to call two more of the Convoca- tion to advise with him, and that he would then draw up some such safe alterations as thought fit in the Service-Book, and abate some of the Ceremonies that were least material, for satisfying their consciences. And to this end tliey did meet together privately tw'ice a week at the Dean of West- minster's house for the space of three months or more. But not long after that time, when Dr. Sanderson bad made the Reformation for a view, the Church and State were both fallen into such a confusion that Dr. Sanderson's Model for Reformation became then useless." [Walton's Life of Sanderson, sign, e .3.] But this statement must be looked upon with some suspicion, for it appears as if Walton were erroneously attriliuting to Sanderson the work of the Lords' Committee. to tl)c Ipragcr leoofe. 27 (that is, Cliurcli government l:iy Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical officers depending on that hierarchy), superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, and whatever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness, lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that the Lord may be one, and His Name one, in the three kingdoms." This pledge was not carried out by Parliament for more than a year, the House of Lords proving for some time an obstacle in the way of the House of Commons, and there being some difficulty in agree- ing upon the form which the Directory was to take. At length, on January 3, 1645, the Directory passed through the two Houses of Parliament, and was issued under the title of "A Directory for the Public Worship of God throughout the three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland. Together with an Ordinance of Parliament for the taking away of the Book of Common Prayer, and for establishing and observing of this present Directory throughout the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales." ' This Ordinance repealed the Acts of Uniformity, and enacted that the Book of Common Prayer should be " abolished " and the Directory " established and observed in all the Churches within this kingdom." But as this was not so generally obeyed as was intended, another Ordinance " for the more effectual putting in execution of the Directory" was passed on August 23, 1645, which forbade the use of the Prayer Book in any " Church, Chapel, or public place of worship, or in any private place or family within the Kingdom of England," and required all copies of the book to be given up. This Ordinance also imposed some severe penaltie.?, enacting that any person who used the Book of Common Prayer in public or private should, for the first offence, pay a fine of £5, for the second offence a fine of £10, and for the third offence "suffer one whole year's imprisonment without bail or mainprize." The refusal to adopt the rules of the Directory was visited with a fine of £2 for each offence, and those who did or said anything against it were to be punished with a fine of not less than £5, and not exceeding £50. These penalties, which are similar in character to those imposed by the Tudor Acts of Uniformity, were rigorously exacted, as is shewn by the Records of the period and by non-official histories.^ For fifteen years the prayers of the Church of England could only be said in extreme privacy, and even then with danger of persecution to those who used them.^ ' The Directory waa a book of Rubrics and Canons and not of prayers, the very few forms that are given being only given as examples of the kind of prayer to be used by the minister. In the place of the Burial Service of the Prayer Book appears the following direction: "When any person departeth this life let the dead body, upon the day of burial, be decently attended from the house to the place appointed for public burial, and there immediately interred without any ceremony." This is still the custom of the Scottish Presby- terian Kirk. - Instances will be found in the Calendars of State Paper.". 1 Bishop Jeremy Taylor published a "Collection of OlHces " for the same purpose. The following n.arrative respecting Bishop Bull gives us a graphic picture of the course adopted by these good men : — "The inicpiity of the times wouM not bear the constant and regular use of the Liturgy ; to supply, therefore, that mis- fortune, Mr. Bull formed all the devotions he offered up in public, while he continued minister of this pl.ace, out of the Book of t'ommon Pr.aycr, which did not fail to supply liim with tit matter and proper words upon all those occasions that required him to ajiply to the throne of grace with the wants of his people. He had the example of one of the brightest lights of that age, the judicious Dr. Sanderson, to justify him in this practice : and his manner of performing the public service was with so much fervour and ardency of affection, and with so powerful an emphasis in every part, that they who were most prejudiced against the Liturgy diil not scruple to commend Mr. Bull as a person that prayed by the Spirit, though at the same time they railed at the Common Prayer as a beggarly element, and as a carn.^l per- formance. "A particular instance of this happened to him while he was minister of St. George's, which, becai^e it shewcth how valualde the Liturgy is in itself, and what unijeasouable pre- judices are sometimes taken up against it, the reader will not, I believe, think it unwortliy to be rel.atcd. He was sent for to b.aptize the child of a ] lisscnter in his p.arish, upon which occasion he made use of the ollice of Baptism, as prescribed by the Church of England, which ho had got entirely by heart ; and he went through it with so much readiness and freedom, and yet with so much gravit)' and devotion, and gave that life and spirit to .all th.it he delivered, that the whole audience was extremely allected with his performance; •and notwithst.anding th.at he used the sign of the cross, yet they were so ignorant of the ofliees of the Church that they did not thereljy discover that it was tlie Common I'r.ayer. But after that he had concluded that holy action, the f.ather of the child returned him a gre.at m.auy th.anks, intimating at the same time with how much greater edification they prayed, who entirely depended upon the Spirit of God for His assist- ance in their extempore effusions, than those did ^\ho tied themselves up to premedit.ated forms ; and that if lie h.ad not made the sign of tlie cross, that badge of I'opery, as lie called it, nobody could have formed the least objection against his excellent prayers. Ujjon which Mr. Ihill, hoiiing to recover him from his ill-grounded prejudices, shewed him the oflice of Bajitism in the Liturgy, wherein was contained every prayer which he had ofl'ered up to God m\ that occasion ; which, with farther arguments that he then urged, so cflfectually wrought upon the good man and his whole family, that they always after that time fref|uented the parish church, and never more absented themselves from ilr. Bull's connnunion.'' [Nelson's Life of BnU, p. 31.] 28 3n Ipistorical 3lntroDiiction THE REVISED PEAYER BOOK OF A.D. 1662. It was quaintly said by Jeremy Taylor, comparing the fate of the Book of Common Prayer to that of the roll sent by Jeremiah to Jehoiakim, " This excellent Book hath had the fate to be cut in pieces with a penknife and thrown into the fire, but it is not consumed " [Taylor's Coll. of Offices, Pref.], and his faith and foresight were rewarded by seeing its full and complete resuscitation. When the Republican form of government collapsed upon the death of Cromwell, the restoration of the ancient Constitution of the country involved the restoration of its ancient Church, and consequently its ancient system of devotion as represented by the English Offices that had been in use for nearly a century before the Revolution. When the time drew near for the return of Charles II. to the throne of his fathers, Prayer Books were brought from their hiding-places, printers began to prepare a fresh supply, and its offices began to be openly used, as in the case of the good and great Dr. Hammond, who was interred with the proper Burial Service on April 26, 1660. Before the end of 1660 the demand for Prayer Books had been so gi'eat, notwithstanding the number of old ones which had been preserved, that five several editions in folio, quarto, octavo, and a smaller size are known to have been printed.^ Charles II. landed in England on May 26, 1660, the Holy Communion having been celebrated on board the " Naseby " at a very early hour in the morning ; probably by Cosin, the King's Chaplain, whose influence was afterwards so great in the revision of the Prayer Book. As soon as the Court was settled at Whitehall, Divine Service was restored in the Chapel Royal. On July 8th, Evelyn records in his Diary [ii. 1.52] that " from henceforth was the Liturgy publicly used in our Churches." Patrick is known to have used it in his church on July 2nd ; and Cosin, who reassumed his position as Dean of Peterborough at the end of that month, immediately began to use it in his Cathedral. From Oxford, Lamplugh (subsequently Archbishoi^ of York) writes on August 23, 1660, that the Common Prayer was then used everywhere but in three colleges," shewing how general had been its restoration in the University Chapels, and perhaps also in the City Churches. By October 1661, Dean Barwick had restored the Choral Service first at Durham, and then at St. Paul's. The feeling of the people is indicated by several petitions which were sent to the King, praying that their ministers might be compelled to use the Prayer Book in Divine Service, the Mayor and Jurats of Faversham (for example) complaining that their Vicar, by refusing to give them the Common Prayer, is "thus denying them their mother's milk."^ The nonconforming ministers at first allowed that they could use the gi-eatest part of the Prayer Book ; yet when requested by the King to do so, with the concession that they should omit such portions as offended their consciences, they declined;^ but on the part of the Laity in general the desire for its restoration seems to have been much greater than could be sujiposed, considering how many had never (as adults) even heard a word of it used in church ; and probably had never even seen a Prayer Book. Before the King had left the Hague, a deputation of Presbyterian ministers, including Reynolds, Calamy, Case, and Manton, had gone over to him to use their influence in persuading him that the use of the Prayer Book having been so long discontinued, it would be most agi'eeablc to the English people if it wei'e not restored ; and especially to dissuade him from using it and the surplice, in the Chapel Royal. The subsequent conduct of the House of Commons ^ shewed that this was a very daring misrepresentation of the state of the public mind on the subject ; but the King appears to have been aware that it was so, for he declined, with much warmth, to agree to the impertinent and unconstitu- tional request, telling them in the end of his reply, that " though he was bound for the present to ' The writer has examined eight copies of 1660 and one of j seized by mistake, supiwsing them to be falsely printed. 1661 in the Library of the British Museum, and also one of a j [StaU Papers, Dora. Charles II. xxxix. 87; xlvii. 67.] very rare edition, similar to a copy which formerly belonged - State Papers, Dom. Charles II. xi. 27. to Mr. Maskell [B. M. ,S407, e\ which was discovered at the I » Ibid, xxxii. 97, 109 ; 1. 22. bottom of the Pariah Chest of Grasmere in the year 1878. ! * Kennett's Register, p. 629. The Museum Library possesses copies of all the sizes men- I "' The House of Lords proposed to insert a proviso in the tioned above. i Act of Uniformity making the use of the Surplice and Sign of Among the State Papers there is a record that John | the Cross optional as "things indifferent," but the House of Williams and Francis Eglesfield printed an edition against Commons emphatically refused, on May 7, 1662, to accept the King's return, and what copies remained in tlieir ware house were seized by agents of Bill the King's printer on November 7, 1660. There is extant also a royal mandate to Bill, dated July 25, 1661, commanding him to restore to R. Royston, of Oxford, a quantity of Prayer Books which he had this proviso, defending the use of it, and declaring that it was "better to impose no ceremonies than to dispense with any," and that it was very incongruous while settling nniformitv to establish schism." [House of Lords' Jovrn. xi. 446.] to tf)C Prater IBook. 29 tolerate much disorder and indecency in the exercise of God's worship, he would never in the least degree, by his own practice, discountenance the good old order of the Church in which he had been bred." ^ As we have already seen, the Prayer Book was restored to use in the Chapel Royal immediately after the King's i-eturn. On July 6, 1660, five weeks afterwards, there was a debate in Parliament respecting the settlement of religion. Some suggested that the restoration of the " old religion " was the only settlement required ; but in the end it was agi'eed to pray the King that he would call an assembly of Divines for the purpose of considering the subject. The King, however, issued a " Declaration " on October 25, 1660, in which he refers to his letter from Breda, jDromising toleration to all opinions, and to the visit of the Presbyterian preachers ; and complains of the intolerant spirit which is shewn towards himself by the Presbyterians in wishing to deprive him of the services in the Chapel Royal, and in much misrepresenting his words, acts, and motives. He states that it had been his intention to call a Synod at once to consider the affairs of the Church, but that personal feeling is so strong as to make such a step unwise for the present. Throughout this Declaration the King assumes that the Church is restored in its integrity; but promises that he will call an assembly of " learned Divines, of both persuasions," to review the " Liturgy of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common Prayer, and by law established ; " again exhorting those who cannot conscientiously use the tvhole of it, to use such portions as they do not object to.- It was in fulfilment of this promise that a Roj-al Commission was addressed on March 25, 1661, to the following Divines, who constituted what is known as the " Savoy Conference," from its place of meeting, in the Master's lodgings at the Savoy Palace or Hospital in the Strand, the Master at that time being the Bishop of London : — On the Church sidt Accepted Frewen, Archbishop of York. Gilbert Sheldon, Bishop of Loudon, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. John Cosiu, Bisshoj) of Durham. John Warner, Bishop of Rochester. Henry King, Bishop of Chichester. Humphry Henchman, Bishop of Salisbury, after- wards of London. George Morley, Bishop of Worcester, afterwards of Winchester. Robert Sanderson, Bishop of Lincoln. Benjamin Laney, Bishop of Peterborough, after- wards of Lincoln and Ely. Brian Walton, Bishop of Chester. Richard Sterne, Bishop of Carlisle, afterwards Archbishop of York. John Gauden, Bishop of Exeter, afterwards of Worcester. On the Presbyterian side. Edward Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich. Anthony Tuckney, D.D., Master of St. John's, Cambridge. John Conant, D.D., Reg. Prof Div., Oxford. William Spurstow, D.D. John Wallis, D.D., Sav. Prof Geom., Oxford Thomas Mnnton, D.D. [oft'ered Deanery of Ro- chester.] Eilmund Calamy [offered Bishopric of Lichfield]. Richard Baxter [oft'ered Bishopric of Hereford]. Arthur Jackson. I Thomas Case. Samuel Clarke. Matthew Newcomen. Coadjutors. Thomas Horton, D.D. John Earle, Dean of Westminster, afterwards Bishop of Worcester and Salisbury. Peter Heylin, D.D., Subdean of Westminster. John Hacket, D.D., afterwards Bi.shop of Lichfield. John Barwick, D.D., afterwards Dean of St. Paul's. Peter Gunning, D.D., afterwards Bishop of Chi- chester and Ely. John Pearson, D.D.,' afterwards Bishop of Chester. John Lightfoot, D.D Thomas Jacomb, D.D. William Bate. John Rawlinson. William Cooper. Clarendon, History of the Great Jiehtliion, iii. 990. ' Cardwell'.s Conf. p. 28fi. ' "And was after by SyiKnl cDininissiuneil to review the Cominon Prayer book " [Fotheroill's MS. York Miuster Lib.]. 30 an It)t0toncal 3lntroDuction Thomas Pierce, D.D. John Collings, D.D. Anthony Sparrow, D.D., afterwards Bishop of Benjamin Woodbridge, D.D. Exeter and Norwich. Herbert Thorndike, D.D. William Drake, As this Conference was the last official attempt to reconcile what was afterwards called the " Low Church party" and Dissenters to the cordial use of the Catholic offices of the Church, it will be desirable to give a short account of its proceedings. The Letters Patent authorized the Commissioners " to advise upon and review the said Book of Common Prayer, comparing the same with the most ancient liturgies which have been used in the Church in the primitive and purest times ; and to that end to assemble and meet together from time to time, and at such times within the space of four calendar months now next ensuing, in the Master's lodgings in the Savoy in the Strand, in the county of Middlesex, or in such other place or places as to you shall be thought fit and convenient ; to take into your serious and grave considerations the several directions, rules, and forms of prayer, and things in the said Book of Common Prayer contained, and to advise and consult upon and about the same, and the several objections and exceptions which shall now be i-aised against the same. And if occasion be, to make such reasonable and necessary alterations, corrections, and amendments therein, as by and between • you the said Archbishop, Bishops, Doctors, and persons hereby required and authorized to meet and advise as aforesaid, shall be agreed upon to be needful or expedient for the giving satisfaction unto tender consciences, and the restoring and continuance of peace and unity in the Churches under our protection and government ; but avoiding, as much as may be, all unnecessary alterations of the forms and liturgy wherewith the people are already acquainted, and have so long received in the Church of England." ' This Commission met at the Savoy in the Strand on April 15th, and its sittings ended on July 24, IGGl : the Session of Parliament and Convocation commencing on May 8th of the same year. "The points debated," writes Izaak Walton, " were, I think, many ; some affirmed to be trath and reason, some denied to be either ; and these debates being then in words, proved to be so loose and perplexed as satisfied neither party. For some time that which had been affirmed was immediatel}' forgot or denied, and so no satisfaction given to either party. But that the Debate might become more useful, it was therefore resolved that the day following the desires and reasons of the Nonconformists should be given in writing, and they in writing receive answers from the conforming party." [Walton's Life of Sanderson, sign. 1.] The " several objections and exceptions " raised against the Prayer Book were thus presented to the Bishops in writing, and they are all on record in two or three contemporary reports of the Conference, of which one is referred to in the footnote, being also printed at length in Cardwell's Conferences on the Book of Common Prayer. Some of these "exceptions" were of importance, one requiring that the whole of the responsive system of the Prayer Book should be abolished, even the Litany being to be made into one long prayer, and nothing said in Divine Service by any one except the Minister, unless it were Amen. Another required the abolition of Lent and Saints' Days. But most of the exceptions were of a frivolous kind, and the remai-ks which accompanied them were singularly bitter and uncharitable, as well as diffuse and unbusiness-like. It seems almost incredible that grave Divines should make a great point of " The Epistle is written in " being an untrue statement of the case when a portion of a prophecy was read and technically called an " Eijistle ;" or that they should still look upon it as a serious grievance when the alteration conceded went no further than " For the Epistle :" or again, that they should spend their time in writing a long complaint about the possibility of their taking cold by sajang the Burial Service at the grave. Yet sheets after sheets of their papers were filled with objections of this kind, and with long bitter criticisms of the principles of the Prayer Book. The Bishops replied to them in the tone in which Sanderson's Preface to the Prayer Book is written, but they seem to have keenly felt what Sanderson himself expressed — mild and gentle as he was — when he long afterwards said of his chief opponent at the Savoy, " that he had never met with a man of more pertinacious confidence, and less abilities, in all his conversation." ^ 1 Cariiwell's Conf. 257-3GS. "Graiul Debate between the most Reverend the Bishops and the Presbyterian Di\Tnes. . . . The most perfect copy." 1G61. iSVc ,ilso Heywood's Documents rdatiiKj to the Settlement of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformit;/ of 1662, published in 1862. - Walton writes. Bishop Pearson "told me very lately that one of the Dissenters (which I could, but forbear to, name) appeared to Dr. Sanderson to be so bold, so troublesome, and so illogical in the dispute as forced patient Dr. Sanderson, who was then Bishop of Lincoln and a Moderator with other Bishops, to say ^vith an unusual earnestness, that he had never met with a man of more pertinacious confidence, and less .abilities, in all his conversation." [Walton's Life of I Sanderson, sign. 13.] to tf)C Iprager 1i5oofe. 31 Perhaps too they were reminded of Lord Bacon's saying respecting his friends, the Nonconfonnists of an earlier day, that they lacked two principal things, the one learning, and the other love. The Conference was limited by the Letters Patent to four months' duration, but when that time had drawn to an end little had been done towards a reconciliation of the objectors to the use of the Prayer Book. Baxter had composed a substitute for it, occupying, as he states in his Life and Times, " a fortnight's time " in its composition ; but even his friends would not accept it as such, and probably Baxter's Prayer Book never won its way into any congregation of Dissenters in his lifetime or after- wards. In Queen Elizabeth's time Lord Burleigh had challenged the Dissenters to bring him a Prayer Book made to fit in with their own principles ; but when this had been done by one party of Dissenters, another party of them offered six hundred objections to it, which were more than they offered to the old Prayer Book. The same spirit appears to have been shewn at the Savoy Conference ; and the ^Jriuciple of unity was so entirely confined to unity in opposition, that it was impossible for any solid reconciliation of the Dissenters to the Church to have been made by any concessions that could have been offered. After all the " exceptions " had been considered and replied to by the Bishops' side (replies again r-plicd to by the untiring controversial pens of the opposite party), the result of the Commission was exhibited in the; following list of changes to which the Bishoi^s were willing to assent : — The Concessions offered by the Bishops at the Savoy Conference. § 1. We are willing that all the epistles and gospels be used according to the last translation. § 2. That when anj^ thing is read for an epistle which is not in the epistles, the superscription shall be " For the epistle." § 3. That the Psalms be collated with the former translation, mentioned in rubr., and printed according to it. § 4. That the words " this day," both in the collects and prefaces, be used only upon the day itself; and for the following days it be said, " as about this time." § o. That a longer time be required for signification of the names of the communicants ; and the words of the rubric be changed into these, " at least some time the day before." ij G. That the power of keeping scandalous sinners from the communion may be expressed in the rubr. according to the xxvith and xxviith canons ; so the minister be obliged to give an account of the same immediately after to the ordinary. § 7. That the whole preface be prefixed to the commandments. § 8. That the second exhortation be read some Sunday or Holy Day before the celebration of the communion, at the discretion of the minister. § y. That the general confessioij at the communion be pronounced by one of the ministers, the people saying after him, all kneeling humbly upon their knees. § 10. That the manner of consecrating the elements be made more explicit and express, and to that purpose these words be put into the rubr., " Then shMll ho put his hand upon the bread and break it," " then shall he put his hand unto the cup." § 11. That if the -font be so placed as the congregation cannot hear, it may be referred to the ordinary to jilace it more conveniently. § 12. That these words, "yes, they do perform these," etc., may be altered thus: "Because they ])romise them both by their sureties," etc. § 13. That the words of the last rubr. before the Catechism may be thus altered, "that children being baptized have all things necessary for their salvation, and dying before they commit any actual sins, be undoubtedly saved, though they be not confirmed." § 14. That to the rubr. after confirmation these words may be added, " or be ready and desirous to bo confirmed." § 15. That these words, "with my body I thee worship," may be altered thus, "with my body 1 thee honour." § IG. That these words, " till death us depart," be thus altered, " till death us do part." § 17. That the words " sure and certain " may be left out. The Conference being ended, and with so little practical result, the work of Revision was com- mitted to the Convocations of the two Provinces of Canterbury and York. On Jimc 10, IGGl, a Licence from the Crown had been issued to the Archliishop of Canterbury [Juxon], cmjiowering the Convoca- 32 an IDistorical 3introDuction tion of his Province to "debate aud agree upon such points as were committed to their charge." ^ Another was issued to the Ai-chbishop of York [Frewen], of a similar tenor, on July 10th [or 2ord]. But little was likely to be done while the Savoy Conference was sitting, beyond preparation for future action. A fresh Licence was issued on October 10th, by which the Convocation of Canterbury Avas definitely directed to review the Book of Common Prayer and the Ordinal,^ under the authority of the Commission sent to them on the 10th of June :'' and on November 22nd a similar letter was sent to the Archbishop of York. This letter enjoined the Convocations to review the Prayer Book, and then to present it to " us for our further consideration, allowance, or confirmation." It is probable that much consideration had been given to the subject during the five months that elapsed between the issue of the first Licence and that of the second, as a Form for the 29th of May had been agreed upon, and also the OfRce for Adult Baptism. When, however, the Convocation of Canterbury met on November 21, 1661, "the King's letters were read," and the revision of the Prayer Book was immediately entered upon with vigour and decision.^ The Upper House appointed a Com- mittee, consisting of the following Matthew Wren, Bishop of Ely. Robert Skinner, „ Oxford. John Warner, „ Rochester. Humphry Henchman, „ Salisbury. George Morley, „ Worcester. Robert Sanderson, ,, Lincoln. William Nicholson, ,. Gloucester. John Cosin, „ Durham. The last named had been invited (with tne Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of Carlisle and Chester) to be present and assist at the previous session of the Southern Convocation ; and was now appointed on the Committee as the most learned ritualist among the Bi.shops. Wren, Warner, and Skinner had been Bishops in the Convocation of 1640." It was necessary that the co-oj)eration of the York Lower House of Convocation should be secured : the Archbishop and three Bishops of that Province, the Bishops of Durham, Carlisle, and Chester, therefore wrote to Dr. Neile, the Prolocutor of York Convocation, saying that they sat in consultation with the Bishojjs of the Province of Canterbury, and adding that as the time was very short for the work in hand, it would much facilitate its progress if some Clergy were appointed to act in the Southern Convocation as Proxies for the Northern. Eight such jDroxies were appointed, three of whom were members of the Lower House of Canterbury Province, the Prolocutor and the Deans of St. Paul's and Westminster, and five of the Lower House of York." The Committee of Bishops met at Ely House ; aud Sancroft, at this time Rector of Houghton-le- Spring, Prebendary of Durham, and Chaplain to Cosin, acted as their Secretai'y. Bishop Cosin had prepared a folio Prayer Book of 1619, in which he had written down in the margin such alterations as he considered desirable : and this volume, which is preserved in the Cosin Library, Durham [D. III. 5], has been thoroughly examined for the present work, all the alterations so made being either referred to or printed in the Notes.^ This volume was evidently used as the basis of their work by the Bishops, although (as will be seen) they did not adopt all the changes proposed by Cosin, and introduced others which arc not found in his Prayer Book. They were thus enabled to proceed rapidly with the work of revision, and on November 23rd sent a poition of their labours down to the Lower House, which returned it on the 27th. The whole Prayer Book was completed by December 20, 1661, and a form ' State Papers, Dom. Charles II. xliii. October 10. I so had about twenty members of the Lower House of - Kennett's Reghfer, p. 50.3. 1661. ' Stale Papers, Dom. Charles II. xliii. October 10. " Kennett's Reijhtcr, pp. 563-56 ■* Kennett's Keghter, p. 5()4. ^ The Bishops returned to tlieir seats in the House of Lords on November 20th, and from that time the junior Bishop s.iid prayers daily as formerly. The Presbyterian minister had been ' ' excused from attendance " on the House of Commons on October 7, IGGO. •^ Archbishop Juxon, Bishops Duppa, Piers, and Roberts, liad also been Bishops in 1640. Four other Bishops in the Upper House of 1661, Sheldon, Floyd, Griffith, and Ironside, had been in the Lower House in 1640, and 8 A fair copy of this volume, written by Sancroft in a Prayer Book of 1634, is preserved in the Bodleian Library [Arch. Budl. D. 28], and has been collated with the original for the present work. Cosin had also written three sets of Notes on the Prayer Book ; and had prepared a fourtli, suggesting amendments which he considered to be necessary, several years before. These are collected in the fifth volume of his Works, publislied in the Library of Anglo-Catholic Theologj-. Some MS. Notes on the Prayer Book, Harl. MS. T311, ai-e also said to be his. {See p. 36, note.] to tU ipraycr IBook. of Subscription was then agreed upon, of wliicli a copy in Bishop Cosin's handwriting is inserted in his Durham Book, and which is also to be found, with all the names attached, in the Manuscript volume originally annexed to the Act of Uniformity. Meanwhile Parliament was busily engaged in elaborating a new "Act for the Unifonnity of Publick Prayers and Administration of Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies : and for establishing the Form of Making, Ordaining, and Consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons in the Church of England " [14 Car. II. c. 4], to which it was necessary to annex a Pi-ayer Book, as in the case of preceding Acts of Uniformity, as the Book to which the Act referred and which was incorporated with it. There is thus not only an Ecclesiastical but a Parliamentary histoiy of the Prayer Book, extending from June 25, 16C1, to May 19, 1CG2 ; and it is very worthy of remark that the desire for the statutory restoration of the Church system of Divine Service was so great as to cause considerable impatience on the part of the Commons at the delay which occuiTcd through the Savoy Conference and through the careful deliberation with which Convocation carried on the work of revision. This Parliamentary history of the Praj'er Book is, however, of so much interest and importance that the details of it, as they appear on the Journals of the two Houses, must be referred to at some length. On June 25, IGGl, the House of Commons ordered, " That a Committee be appointed to view the several laws for confirming the Liturgy of the Church of England ; and to make search, whether the original book of the Liturgy, annexed to the Act passed in the fifth and sixth years of the reign of King Edward the Sixth, be yet e.xtant ; and to bring in a compendious Bill to supply any defect in the former laws ; and to provide for an eifectual confonuity to the Liturgy of the Church, for the time to come." The Bill was brought in on June 29th, and read a second time on July 3rd, a Prayer Book of 1604 being temporarily annexed to it. When the Bill was committed on the latter day an instruction was given to the Committee, a very large one, that " if the original Book of Common Prayer cannot be found, then to report the said printed book, and their opinion touching the same ; and to send for persons, papers, and records." The search for the original Prayer Book proved fruitless, and when the Bill was read a third time on July 9th, " a Book of Common Prayer, intituled ' The Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of the Church of England,' which was imprinted at London in the year 1604, was, at the clerk's table, annexed to the said Bill, part of the two prayers, inserted therein before the reading psalms being first taken out, and the other part thereof obliterated." On the following day the Bill with the Book annexed was sent up to the House of Lords, and was not again sent back to the House of Commons until April 10, 1662, the delay being caused by the proceedings of the Savoy Conference and of the Convocation. The Bill was read a first time in the House of Lords as long afterwards as January 14, 1662 ; and on the 17th it was read a second time and committed. A message was brought from the House of Commons on the 28th urging the Lords to expedition, but on February 13, 1662, the Earl of Dorset reported, " That the Committee for the Bill for Uniformity of Worship have met oftentimes, and expected 9, book of Uniformity to be brought in ; but, that not being done, their Lordships have made no progress therein ; therefore the Committee desires to know the pleasure of the House, whether they shall proceed upon the Book brought from the House of Commons, or stay until the other Book be brought in. Upon this, the Bishop of London signified to the House, ' That the Book will very shortly be brought in.' " In the Letters Patent, under the authority of which the Convocations were acting, the latter were directed, when they had revised the Prayer Book, to present it to the King " for our further considera- tion, allowance, or confirmation." The revision had been completed on December 20, 1661, and the direction given in the Letters Patent was complied with by sending to the King the fairly written Manuscript copy of the new Prayer Book as it had been subscribed by the two Houses of Convocation on that day. It was not to be expected, however, that the King and his Council should collate every page of this volume with the Prayer Book formerly in use, and therefore a folio black-letter Prayer Book of 1636 was also sent, in which the changes were carefully entered by Sancroft.^ Two tables had also been made, on a separate paper, the one of " Alterations " and the other of " Additions," in which the " Old " text and the " New " text were put in parallel columns : at the end of the first table this note being added, " These are all y" materiall Alterations, y^ rest are onely verball or ye changeing of some Kubricks for ye better performing of y^ Service or ye new moulding some of yo Collects." ^ A Privy Council was then summoned, at which four Bishops were ordered to be present. This met on ' A photozincographed facsimile of this volume was "pub- I the Lord Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury," in the liahed for the Royal Commission on Ritual, by authority of | year 1S71. ' See p. 38. 34 3n ipistorical 3lntt:oDuction Febniary 24, 1662, the Bishops of London, Uiirliam, Salisbury, Worcester, and Chester being present : " at which time the Book of Common Prayer, with the Amendments and Additions, as it was prepared by the Lords Bishops, was read and approved, and ordered to be transmitted to the House of Peers, with this following recommendation, signed by His Majesty:" — "Charles ]!. "His majesty having, according to his Declaration of the 25th of October, 1660, granted his commission under the great seal, to several bishops and other divines, to review the Book of Connuon Prayer, and to prepare such alterations and additions as they thought fit to offer : afterwards the convocations of the clergy of both the provinces of Canterbury and York were by his majesty called and assembled, and are now sitting. And his Majesty hath been pleased to authorize and require the presidents of the said convocations, and other the bishops and clergy of the same, to review the said Book of Common Prayer, and the book of the form and manner of making and consecrating of bishops, priests, and deacons ; and that, after mature consideration, they should make such additions or alterations in the said books respectively as to them should seem meet and convenient ; and should exhibit and present the same to his majesty in writing, for his majesty's further consideration, allowance, or confirmation. Since which time, upon full and mature deliberation, they the said presidents, bishops, and clergy of both provinces, have accordingly reviewed the said books, and have made, exhibited, and presented to his majesty in writing, some alterations, which they think fit to be inserted in the same, and some additional prayers to the said Book of Common Prayer, to be used upon jiroper and emergent occasions. "All which his majesty having duly considered, doth, with the advice of his council, fully approve and allow the same ; and doth recommend it to the House of Peers, that the said Book of Common Prayer, and of the form of ordination and consecration of bishops, priests, and deacons, with those alterations and additions, be the book which, in and by the intended Act of Uniformity, shall be appointed to be used, by all that officiate in all cathedral and collegiate churches and chapels, and in all chapels of colleges and halls in both the universities, and the colleges of Eton and AVinchester, and in all parish churches and chapels within the kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and by all that make or consecrate bishops, priests, or deacons, in any of the said places, under such sanctions and penalties as the parliament shall think fit. " Given at our court, at Whitehall, the 24th day of February, 1661 " [New Style 1662]. The Journals add, " The book mentioned in his majesty's message was brought into this House ; which is ordered to be referred to the committee for the Act of Uniformity." Lord Clarendon mentions that the Revised Book, that is, the MS. which the members of Convocation had subscribed, was "confirmed by his Majesty under the Great Seal of England;" and as, being Chancellor at the time, the Seal would have been afhxed by his direction, it seems impossible that he should have been mistaken, though no trace of the Great Seal is now to be found in connection with the volume. A few days afterwards, on March 3, 1662, a conciliatory explanation of the delay was given by the King himself to the House of Commons, as is shewn by the following entry in its Journals : — " [The king having commanded the Commons to attend him in the banqueting-house, Whitehall, on Saturday, 1st March, they did so ; and the speaker read his majesty's speech to the house, on the following ]\Ionday. In the course of it his majesty said : — ] " ' Gentlemen, I hear you are very zealous for the church, and very solicitous, and even jealous, that there is not expedition enough used in that affair. I thank you for it, since, I presume, it proceeds from a good root of piety and devotion : but I must tell you I have the worst luck in the world, if, after all the reproaches of being a papist, whilst I was abroad, I am suspected of being a presbyterian now I am come home. I know you will not take it unkindly, if I tell you, that I am as zealous for the church of England, as any of you can be ; and am enough acquainted with the enemies of it, on all sides ; that I am as much in love with the Book of Common Prayer, as you can wish, and have prejudice enough to those that do not love it ; who, I hope, in time will be better informed, and change their minds : and you may be confident, I do as much desire to see a uniformity settled, as any amongst you : I pray, trust me, in that affair ; I promise you to hasten the despatch of it, with all convenient speed ; you may rely upon me in it. "'I have transmitted the Book of Coumion Prayer, with those alterations and additions which have been pre- sented to me by the Convocation, to the House of Peers with my approbation, that the Act of Uniformity may relate to it : so that I presume it will be shortly despatched there ; and when we have done all we can, the well settling that affair will require great prudence and discretion, and the absence of all passion and precipitation.' " Parliament now proceeded to the completion of the Act of Uniformity without any further delay. The Lords' Committee reported to the House on March 13, 1662, and on that and the following two days the " alterations and additions " were read ;i " which being ended, the Lord Chancellor, in the name, and by the directions of the House, gave the Lords and Bishops thanks, for their care in this > In the original rough Minutes of proceedings taken by I Preface was read." This shews the purpose for which the the Clerks it is stated that "after debate it was resolved that I "printed book" sent with the "fairly written" MS. was the amendments and alterations in the printed book should | prepared. Both books are mentioned subsequently as being be read, which was this day begun accordingly, and so the .sent down to the House of Commons. to tf)e pcagct TSoofe. 35 business ; and desired their Lordships to give the Ukc thanks, from this House, to the other House of Convocation, for their pains herein." On the 17th the " House took into consideration the Bill concerning Uniformity in Public Worship, formerly reported from the committee. And, upon the second reading of the alterations and provisos, and considerations thereof, it is ordered, that this House agrees to the preamble, as it is now brought in by the committee. And the question being put, ' Whether this book that hath been transmitted to this House from the King shall be the book to which the Act of Uniformity shall relate ? ' it was resolved in the affirmative." Alter the Act had been carefully considered clause by clause, it was read a third time and passed on April 9, 1662, and before holding a conference with the Commons on the following day "the House directed that the Book of Common Prayers, recommended from the King, shall be delivered to the House of Commons, as that being the Book to which the Act of Uniformity is to relate ; and also to deliver the book wherein the alterations are made, out of which the other Book was fairly written ; and likewise to communicate to them the King's message, recommending the said book ; and lastly, to let the Commons know, ' That the Lords, upon consideration had of the Act of Uniformity, have thought fit to make some alterations, and add certain provisos, to which the concurrence of the House of Commons is desired.' " The "book wherein the alterations are made" was the black-letter Prayer Book of 1536, which has already been mentioned ; " the other book " which had been " fairly written " out of it was the Manuscript volume to which the membei-s of Convocation had appended their subscriptions, and which was afterwards "joined and annexed" to the Act of Uniformity: both volumes being still preserved in the House of Lords.^ On April 11, 1662, the Act of Unifonnity was again in the House of Commons, and on the 14th " the amendments in ' The Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England,' sent from the Lords ; the transcript of which Book, so amended, therewith sent, they desire to be added to the Bill of Uniformity, instead of the book sent up therewith, was, in part, read." The reading was finished the same afternoon, and on the following day a Committee was appointed " to compare the Books- of Common Prayer, sent down from the Lords, with the book sent up from this House ; and to see whether they difler in anything besides the amendments, sent from the Lords, and already read in this House, and wherein ; and to make their report therein, with all the speed they can. And, for that purpose, they are to meet this afternoon, at two of the clock, in the Speaker's chamber." The Committee sat late and early, and reported to the House on the afternoon of the 16th, receiving the special thanks of the House for their expedition. The question was then put, " Whether debate shall be admitted to the amendments made by the Convocation in the Book of Common Prayer, and sent dowai by the Lords to this House ? " when ninety members voted for and ninety-six against a debate. Afterwards the question was put, " That the amendments made by the Convocjition, and sent down by the Lords to this House, might, by the order of this House, have been debated, and it was resolved in the affimiative." * Much further debate took jilace on the many clauses of the Act of Uuiformity, and on the various amendments made or proposed, but the only other incident specially connected with the Prayer Book itself was the formal correction of a clerical error, which is thus recorded in the Journals of the House of Lords on May 8, 1662 :— " \Vhereas it was signified by the House of Commons, at the conference yesterday, ' That they found one mistake in the rubric of baptism, which they conceived was a mistake of the writer, " persons " being put instead of " children :'" ' Both these volumes were practically lost sight of for i for the Couvocatiou," it was ordered that those members who forty or fifty years, but were discovered iu 18(i7 to liavo been managed the Conference with the Lords should intimate the all the while in safe custody, first on a shelf in the chamber j desire of the House. This was done, and the following entry where the original Acts of Parliament were preserved, and | appears in the Journals of the House of Lords on JLiy 8th : — afterwards in the Lil)rary of the House of I..ords. j " Whereas it was intimated at the conference yesterday, - That is, the bhickdetter folio with M.S. corrections and as the desire of the House of Commons, ' Th.at it be rccom- the fairly written MS. | mended to tlie Convocation, to take order for reverend and ' The constitutional respect of the two Hcnisrs for Convo- j uniform gestures and demeanors to be enjoined at the time of cation is strongly illustrated by an incident which occurred j divine service and preaching: ' on one of these days. A strong desire had been expressed in " It is ordered by this House, and hereby reconmiended to the House of Commons that a proviso should be introduced : the Lords, the Bishops, and the rc-t of the Convocation of into the Act of Uniformity " for being uncovered and for the Clergy, to prejjaro some canon or rule for that j)ur- using reverent gestures at the time of Divine Service. " This ' pose, to be humbly presented unto his majesty for his proviso was twice read, "but the matter being held proper ' assent." 36 an Ipistorical 3introtJuction " The Lord Bishop of Durham acquainted the House, that himself, and the Lord Bishop of St. Asaph, and the Lord Bishop of Carlile, had authority from the Convocation to mend the said word, averring it was only a mistake of the scribe. And accordingly they came to the clerk's table, and amended the same."' The amendments proposed by the House of Commons in the Act of LTniformity all tended to raise the tone in which the Prayer Book was to be used, and to make the provisions of the Act more strict. They especially required, as has already been mentioned, that the Surplice, and the Sign of the Cross in Baptism, should continue to be used. These amendments were all agreed to by the Lords on May 10th ; and thus the Prayer Book, as amended by Convocation, and the Act of Uniformity, as amended by Parliament, both received the Royal Assent on May 19, 1662. In answer to inquiries from the House of Lords, the Bishops had guaranteed (on April 21st) that the Book should be in print and ready for use on August 24th, the Feast of St. Bartholomew, which was the day fixed by Parliament for the Act to come into operation. The printing was done in London by Bill and Barker, the King's Printers, and under the superintendence of Convocation, which, as early as March 8th, had appointed Dr. Sancroft to be Supervisor, and Messrs. Scattergood and Dillingham, Correctors of the press.- The following MS. entry on the fly-leaf of Bishop Cosin's Durham Book, in the Bishop's owti hand, ■\\'ill shew how much anxious thoixght he had taken for this and all other matters connected with the Revision of the Prayer Book :^ — " Directions to be given to the printer. " Set a fair Frontispiece at the beginning of the Book, and another before the Psalter, to be designed as the Archbishop shall direct, and after to be cut in Brass." [A proof copy of this is preserved in the same volume.] " Page the whole Book. " Add nothing. Leave out nothing. Alter nothing, in what Volume soever it be printed. Particularly ; never cut off the Lord's Prayer, Creed, or any Collect with an etc. ; but wheresoever they are to be used, print them out at large, and add [Amen] to the end of every prayer. " Never print the Lord's Prayer beyond — ' deliver us from evil. Amen.' " Print the Creeds always in three paragraphs, relating to the three Persons, etc. " Print not Capital letters with profane pictures in them. " In aU the Epistles and Gospels foUow the new translation." [They are so written in the JIS. annexed to the Act of Uniformity.] " As much as may be, compose so that the leaf be not to be turned over in any Collect, Creed, Verse of a Psalm, Jliddle of a sentence, etc. " Set not your own Names in the Title-page nor elsewhere in the Book, but only ' Printed at London by the printers to the King's most exceUent Majesty. Such a year.'" [These names were erased from the Sealed Books.] " Print [Glory be to the Father, etc.] at the end of every Psalm, and of every part of «•(>. Psalm. " In this Book :— " Where a line is drawn through the words, that is all to be left out. " 'Where a line is drawn under the words, it is to be printed in the Roman letter. " Where a prickt line is drawn under the words, it is not part of the book, but only a direction to the printer or reader. ' This correction was made both in the black-letter copy and in the manuscript, where it is still to be seen. An order for making it had passed Convocation on April 24th. [Kenxett's Reriister, p. CfJK.] A more curious slip of the pen is said to have been corrected with a bold readiness by Lord Clarendon. "Archbishop Tenison told me by his bedside on Monday, Feb. 12, 1710, that the Convocation book intended to be the copy confirmed by tlie Act of Uniformity had a rash blunder in the rnbrick after Baptism, which should have run [It is certain by God's word, that children which are baptized dying before they commit actual sin are undoubtedly saved]. But the words [which are baptizeil] were left out, till Sir Cyril ^Yyche coming to see the Lord Chancellor Hyde found the book brought liome by his lordship, and lying in his parlour window, even after it had passed the two houses, and happening to cast his eye upon tliat place, told the Lord Chancellor of that gross omission, who supplied it with his own hand." [Ibid. p. 643.] This story was fifty years old when it reached Bishop Kennett, but it has an air of probability : and such strange accidents in the most important matters have not unfrequently occurred. So the word "not" was once omitted from the seventh com- mandment in a whole edition [ad. 16.31] of the Holy Bible ; the printers being heavily fined for the mistake. But there is no trace of the error in either the black-letter copy or the manuscript. If it ever existed it was probably in the copy prepared for the printers, of which nothing is now known. - Among Archbishop Sancroft's MSS. in the Bodleian, there is a letter from one of Bishop Cosin's chaplains, written from Bishop Auckland on June 16, 1662, in which he says, "My lord desires at all times to know particularly what pro- gress you make in the Common Prayer." There is also a mandate from Charles 11. to the Dean and Cliapter of Durham among the State Papers, dated June 16, 1662, likewise, and ordering them to dispense with Prebeudary Sancroft's residence, as he "has been for some months, and still is attending the impression of the Liturgy;" and adding that " it is not the meaning of the statutes to require tlie residence of members of the Chapter wdien service of greater use to the Cliurch requires them." [State Papers, Ivi. 61.] ' It is very singular that Burton had alleged, in his Tryall of Frirate Der^otions, that there was "in the great printing house at London a Common Prayer Book," altered with Cosin's hand, to shew "how he would have it altered." Prvnne asserts something similar in his criticism of Cosrx's Devotions, printed in 1626 and 1627. [Brief Cemture of Mr. Cozens and his Cozening Devotions, pp. 92, 104.] These anticipations of Cosin's influence shew that he was marked out for a leader in the work of revision. to the Prapcr T5oo&. 37 " Where this note [ is set, a break is to be made, or a new line begun. " Where a double line is drawn under any words, they are to be printed in Capitals." From this memorandum, and from evidence supplied by the character of the printed copies used for the " Sealed Books " hereafter mentioned, it may be concluded that the " copy " sent to the printing office was a printed Prayer Book with the corrections written in, as in the volume which had been sent with the manuscript to the King and the Houses of Parliament : and it is to be observed that the " prickt " or dotted " line," as well as the other marks spoken of above, all occur both in that volume and in the copy revised by Cosin's own hand. But although great care was used to print the supply of books required for present use according to the Text which had been prepared by Convocation, still greater care was necessary for the production of a printed Text that would so exactly correspond with the Manuscript volume which had been annexed to the Act of Uniformity as to be an accurate representative of the actual Record. While, therefore, the Act of Unifonnity was passing through Parliament, the House of Commons inserted a clause which provided that " a true and perfect copy of this Act, and of the said Book annexed here- unto," should be provided by the Deans and Chapters of every Cathedral or Collegiate Church before Christmas Day, obtained " under the Great Seal of England," and also that similar copies should be delivered into the respective Courts of Westminster, and into the Tower of London, to be kept and preserved as record.s. It was also provided that these books should " be examined by such persons as the King's Majesty shall appoint under the Great Seal of England for that purpose, and shall be compared with the original Book hei-eunto annexed." These Commissioners were to have power " to correct, and amend in ^vl•iting, any error committed by the Printer in the printing of the same book, or of any thing therein contained, and shall certify under their hands and seals . . . that they have examined and compared the said Book, and find it to be a true and perfect Copy." The Prayer Books so certified and sealed with the Great Seal were then to be as good Records as the MS. itself These Commissioners were appointed by Letters Patent, which were issued on November 1, 1662, and were twenty-five in number, although seven or eight of them only signed the books when their work was completed. A sjaecial edition of the Prayer Book was printed for their use in a large folio size with wide margins, and in preparing this some oversights occurred, such as the old page headings instead of those in the Manuscript, together with some printer's errors. Corrections were duly made by the Commissioners, but not with so minute an accuracy as was to be desired,^ in every copy which was to receive the Great Seal, and a Certificate was ajipended to each volume, which was signed by the Commissioners on December 13, 16G2. The Books so certified were afterwards ordered by the Crown to be passed under the Great Seal ; and Letters Patent carrying the Seal were affixed to each of them by the Lord Chancellor on January 5, 1 663.^ One of the volumes was then sent to every Dean and Chapter throughout the country, one to each of the Courts at Westminster, and one to the Tower, to be preserved among the Records. Thus the Book of Common Prayer was carefully guarded through every stage of its preparation, that it might go forth to the people of England with all the authority that law can give, and that a perfect Record might never bo wanting of the true documf;ut by which the .system of Divine Service is regulated in the Church of England. Many of the Cathedral copies, probably all, are still in existence, that of Durham being as perfect as when first received, but the five which were formerly preserved in the Tower, the Courts of Chancery, Queen's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, have been transferred to the custody of the Master of the Rolls and arc now in the Public Record Office. The alterations and additions which were with so great care, exactness, and deliberation, made in the Prayer Book at this last Revision were too numerous to be mentioned in detail, but the more important of them were collected into two Tables, which were sent to the King and Pri\'y Council, and, as has been shewn at p. 34, these Tables were read for the information of the two Houses of ' Every eiuleavour has been used to obtain permission from the House of Lords to make an e-tact coUation of tlie Manu- script volume, but without success. Suthcient examination of it liiis however been allowcil to shew that no important variations occur between the Text of tlie original Record and the Text of the present volume. [January 18S1.] ' Until this w.as done no copies were .allowed to be put into circulation but those which were sent out from tlie ollice of the King's Printers. As soon as the first impression had been published the University of Cambridge began to print from it ; but a sharp Mandate w.as sent to the ^ ice-Chancellor by the King on August L'G, lt)G2, expressing his displeasure .at the contempt of authority thus shewn, and directing him "to order" the University Printers "to forbear, to secure the sheets of the said Books, that none may be (lisjiosed of, and to inquire why former orders were not obeyed." [State Paper.1, Dom. Charles //. Iviii. 42; Ixi. 144: Ixiii. 42.] 9n ^iflftorlcal ^ntcoQuction Parliament. They are here printed at length, both for the sake of their historical interest and also as giving a convenient view of the changes that were made. "ALTERATIONS. OLD. NEW. Litany. Bishops, Pastors, and Ministers. Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. Collect. The 3^' Sunday in Advent. A larger and more proper inserted. For Christmas Day. this day. as at this time [as also in y" Preface at y« Communion], for Easter Tuesday. is put for Low Easter. For Whitsunday. upon this day. as at this time. y'' Epistle. For y<^ Epistle [as often as it is not taken out of an Epistle]. Communion. Rnhrich. Overnight or else in y<^ Horning, before y^ beginning of at least sometime y^ day before. Morning prayer or immediately after. iu y" body nf y'^ Church or in y* Chancel. in y*^ most convenient place in y« upper end of y" Chancel, or of y6 body of y'^ Church where there is no Chancel. northside. north part. Bishops, Pastors, and Curate.s. Bishops and Curates. The l*** and 2'"^ Exhortations are altered and fitted for timely notice and preparation to y" Communion. In y^ 3'' Exhortation this clause [If any of you be a blasphemer of God, an hinderer, etc.] is left out. These words [before this Congregation] omitted. Before y* Confession, for these words [either by one of by one of y'^ ^Ministers, them, or else by y*= Minister]. In y« 1'^ Prayer after Eeceiving, for [in thy mysticall in y"" mj'sticall body of thy Son. body]. In y** last Kubrick but one 'these words [And y'' Parish shall be discharged of such sums of money or other dutyes w'' hitherto they have payed for y'' same by order of their houses every Sunday] omitted as needlesse now. Baptisme. didst sanctify y* flood Jordan and all other waters. in y'' river Jordan didst sanctify water. dost thou forsake? Am. I forsake, doest thou in the name of this childe renounce? Ans. I renounce. Private Baptisme. This Demand [whether thinke you y' childe to be law- fully and perfectly baptized 1] omitted. Confirmation. set before y* Catechism. In y« Rubrick for these words [untill such time as he untill such time as he be confirmed, or be ready and can say y^ Catechism and be confirmed] these. desirous to be confirmed. to tbc Praper T5oofe. 39 Catechisme, y^ King and liis Ministers. y^ King and all that are put in authority under him. Water : wherein y« person baptized is dipped or sprinkled Water, wherein y« Person is baptized in y^ Name, etc. in it, In y* Name, etc. Vea they doe performe them both by their sureties, who Becau.se they promise them both hj their sureties, which promise and vow them both in their name.'s. promise. Matkimony. These words [In Paradise] omitted. depart. do part. children's children unto yi^ 3'^ and 4*'' generation. children christianly and virtuously brought up. loving and amiable to her husband as Racliel, wise as amiable, faithfull and obedient to her husband. Rebecca, faithfull and obedient as Sara. The new married persons, the same day of their Marriage, It is convenient y* y'' new married persons should receive must receive y" Communion. yt Communion at y« time of y"' marriage or at y"" first opportunity after y"' marriage. Visitation of y"^ Sick. In y^ Psalme y'^ 5 last verses omitted. BURIALL. y" Lesson read before they goe to y^ grave. eyes. eares. of resurrection. of y* Resurrection, this our brother omitted, tlieni that be elected. y'- faithfull. Churching. For Psalme 121, 116 or 127. w"!'' hast delivered. wee give thee hearty thanks for that thou hast vouch- safed to deliver, in her vocation omitted. Note y« All y" Epistles and Gospels and most of the Sentences of Scripture are put in y' last Translation of y<= Bible. These are all y^' materiall Alterations. V rest are onely verball, or y^ changeing of some Kubricks for y« better performing of y« Service, or y'^ new moulding some of y*" Collects. ADDITIONS. OLD, NEW. deliver us from evil. For thine is y'^ kingdome, y'^ power and y^ glory, for ever and ever [here and in some other places]. Praise ye the Lord. Ans. The Lord's name be praised. Litany. privy conspiracy and rebellion. heresy and schisme. To y« Prayer in time of dearth another prayer added. in y' of plague. Almighty God w<='' in thy wrath didst send a jilague upon thine owne people in y« wilder- nesse for their obstinate rebellion against Moses and Aaron, and also. didst then accept of an atonement and. Two Prayers for y' Ember weekes. A Thanksgiving for restoring publique peace. A Prayer for j'<^ Parliament. 40 an ll)istorical :jntrotiuction Collects. A Collect for y« 6 Sunday after y'^ Epiphany. Epistle, 1 S. John 3. 1. Gospel, S. Matt. 24. 23. A Collect for Easter Eve. An Antheme on Easter day, 1 Cor. 5. 7. Communion. In y« 3'' Eubrick added, Provided y' every Minister so repelling any as is speci- fied, in this or in y'= next preceding Paragraph of this Eubrick, shall be obliged to give an account of y^ same to y^ Ordinary within 14 dayes after at y^ fur- thest, and y'^ Ordinary shall proceede against y'' offend- ing person according to y" Canon, the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of y« Land of Egypt, out of y" house of bondage. In y^ prayer fur y'' whole state of Christ's Church. to accept our almes and oblations. adversity. And wee also blesse thy holy name for all thy servants departed this life in thy faith and fear ; beseeching thee to give us grace so to follow their good examples that w*'' them wee may be partakers of thy heavenly kingdome. draw neere in full assurance of faith. At y"* Prayer of Consecration Marginall Notes directing y^ Action of y"^ Priest. Baptisme. A fourth demand added here, and in Private BaptLsme. Wilt thou then obediently keepe God's holy will and^ commandements, and walke in y^ same all y^ dayes of thy life? Ans. I will. In y^ prayer after y'' Demands, after these words [y*" supplications of thy Congregation] added. Sanctify this water to y'' mysticall washing away of sin. A ^larginall note added. Here shall y'= Priest make a crosse upon y'^ childe's fore- head. At y« end of y'^ Rubrick is added this Declaration. It is certaine by God's word that persons w<='' are baptized, dying before they committ actuall sin, are undoubtedly saved. An Office for baptizing such as are of riper yeeres added. Confirmation. Then shall y« Bishop say. Doe you here, in y^ presence of God and of this Congregation, etc., and every one shall audibly answer, I doe. After y*" words of Confirmation added, Y« L'> be w"' you. Ans. And w* thy spirit. Y<' Lord's Prayer. After y'^ Collect Another Prayer added. Visitation op V^ Sick. for ever. Ans. Spare us, good Lord, ye od Prayer enlarged. A Commendatory Prayer. A Prayer for a sick childe. A Prayer when there appeares small hope of recovery. A Commendatory at y" point of death. A Prayer for persons troubled in minde. to tt)c H^rapcc Tl3oofe. 41 BURIALL. everlasting glory, at y* end. After they are come into y<^ Church shall be read one or both these Psakus, 39. 90. through Jesus Christ our Lord. y« grace of our L'^ .Jesus Christ, etc. COMMINATION. In y» last prayer, after [looke upon us in y<= merits and mediation of thy blessed Son Jesus Christ our L*"- Amen. Then shall y'^ Minister alone say, Y'^' Lord blesse us, and keepe us, y<= L*^ lift up y" light of his countenance upon us, and give us peace, now and for evermore. Ajnen." § Subsequent Dealings with the Prayer Book. An attempt was made in the reign of William III. to remodel the Prayer Book on principles much less Catholic than those which had been adopted in 1549 and 16G1 ; the two objects being to satisfy the Latitudinariaus by watering down its Theology, and to bring the language of it into agree- ment with the so-called " elegant " English of the period ; but happily the attemj^t was unsuccessful.' In the year 1751 an Act of Parliament was passed " for regulating the commencement of the year, and for correcting the Calendar now in use " [2'4 Geo. II. c. 23], and the effect of this on the Calendar of the Prayer Book is shewn in the Introduction to the Calendar. In 1871 a new Table of Daily and Proper Lessons was compiled by a Royal Commission, approved by Convocation, and authorized by 34 and 35 Vict. c. 37. In 1872 an "Act for the Amendment of the Act of Uniformity " [35 and 3G Vict. c. 85] was also passed, sanctioning the use of a shorter fonn of Mattins and Evensong which had been prepared in a similar maimer. § National Versions of the Prayer Book. The English system of Divine Service was adopted bj' the Cliurch of Scotland in the seventeenth century, and by that of the United States of America in the eighteenth : and although the Churches of both countries are but small bodies, when compared with the numbers of the population, the versions of the Book of Common Prayer adopted by them have an historical claim to be called national versions, — that of Scotland having been adopted under royal and ecclesiastical authority, while that of America was adopted under the most authoritative sanction of the ecclesiastical body to which the original English colonists of the continent belonged. The Reformation was not canied forward in Scotland with the same calm, dispassionate, and humble reverence for the old foundations which was so conspicuous in that of the Church of England. For many years no imiform system of devotion took the place of the ancient offices, The Scottish and it was not until the reign of James I. that any endeavour Avas made to put an Prayer Book, end to that ecclesiastical anarchy which was thinly veiled by Knox's miserable Book of Common Order. The General Assembly of ICIG agreed to the proposal that a national Liturgy should be framed: but King James wished to introduce the English Prayer Book, and it was used in his presence at Holyrood on May 17, 1017. Three years afterwards an Ordinal was published for the use of the Scottish Church ; and the draft of a Liturgy was submitted to the King by Archbishop Spottiswoode. This was revived on the accession of Charles I., and in 1(329 official measures were taken for obtaining its reconsideration and adoption by the Church of Scotland ; although both the King and Laud were an.xious to have the English Prayer Book introdttccd without alteration. Eventually the King gave way to the wish of the Scottish Bishojjs that a national fonn of Divine Service should ' The whole of this proposed Revision of 1689 was printed in a Blue Book by oriler of tlie House of Commons, dated June 2, 1854: and this was reprinted in a very convenient form under the title of "The Revised Liturgy of 1689," by liagster, in 18.5;'). Some account of the progress of the revi- sion will be found in Brsnop Patrick's Autohiographti, pp. 149-153, ed. 1839. As the Revision never had any autliority or influence, it has been considered unnecessary to give any further particul.ars respecting it here. 4i 9n l^istorical ^ntroDuction bo ado])ted : au episcopal committee was appointed (of whom Maxwell, Bishop of Ross, and Wedder- bum, Bishop of Dunblane, appear to have been the most active), and they were engaged on the work for many months, some delay being caused, apparently, by the necessity of communicating with the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury, which had arisen from the altered relations of the two countries. The Scottish Prayer Book of 1C37 was the result of these labours. It has been popularly connected with the name of Archbishop Laud, but it was the compilation of Scottish Bishops ; and all the English Archbishop did was (as one of a commission of which Wren and Juxon were the other two members) to offer suggestions, prevent rash changes, communicate between the Crown and the Scottish Bishops respecting alterations, and facilitate the progress of the book through the press. The Book of Common Prayer so prepared was not submitted to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. As the preceding pages have she\\ai, the English Book was, from first to last, the work of Convocation ; and no doubt the Scottish book ought also to have had the sanction at least of the whole Scottish Church by representation, and not only of the Crown and the Bishops. In the year 1037 it was imposed upon the Church of Scotland by letters patent and the authority of the Bishops : but, as is well kno^vn, its introduction was vigorously opposed by a fanatical faction, which in the end became supreme, and both the Church and the Prayer Book of Scotland were suppressed. That now in use in the Scottish Church was introduced in later times; but the book of 1637 is so much connected with the history of the period, and has, besides, so much liturgical interest, that a fuller notice of it has been inserted in the Appendix at the end of this work. Until the separation of the North American colonies from England, the English Book of Common Prayer was used without any alteration in the American Church. After they became independent, as The American the United States, it was thought expedient for the Church to make some changes, Prayer Book. especially as alterations were being introduced without authority, and there seemed danger of much disorder in Divine wor.ship if a fonn were not adopted which could have some claim to be called national. The first step towards this was taken at the General Convention of the American Church held at Philadelphia in 1785 : during the next four years the various Offices were graduallj" remodelled vmtil they took the fonu in which they are now used, and which was authorized by the General Convention of 1789. Committees had been appointed to prepare an entirely new book : but in the end the English Prayer Book was taken as the basis to be adopted. The language was in many parts modernized, the Communion Office was restored to a fonn similar to that of 1549, a selection of Psalms was appointed as well as our daily order, the use of the Athanasian Creed was discontinued, and some other less important alterations were made. But the Preface declares that the American Church " is far from intending to depart from the Church of England in any essential point of doctrine, discipline, or worship, or farther than local circumstances require." A further account of this also will be found in the Appendix. t) Translations of the Prayer Bool: The Book of Common Prayer arose, in no small degree, from a conviction, on the part of the Clergy and Laity of England, that Divine Service should be offered to God in the vernacular tongue of those on whose behalf and by whom it is being offered. The principle thus adopted in respect to themselves has been carried out as far as possible in all the missionary operations of the Church of England ; and the establishment of her forms of Divine Service in countries where the English language is not freely spoken, has generally been accompanied by the translation of the Book of Common Prayer into the language of those who are being won over to the Church of Christ. A necessity has also arisen for translations into some European languages : while provision was made for rendering it into Welsh and Irish at the time of its first issue. An account of the Latin translation will be found under the rubric relating to the use of Divine Seri'ice in other languages than the English. The following list contains the names of fifty-seven languages and dialects into which the Book of Common Prayer has been translated, but the number is constantly increasing as the missionary work of the Church is developed : — Latin. Greek. Hebrew. Welsh. Irish. Gaelic. Manks. French. German. Dutch. Spanish. Danish. Portuguese Russian. Italian. Polish. to tf)e Iprapcr TBoofe. 43 Modem Greek. Susu. Singhalese. Assamese. Persian. Turkish. Amharic. Telugoo. Indo-Portuguese. Cree. Mandarin, Colloquial. Swahili. Armenian. Armeno-TurkisL Chinese. Hawaiian. Malagasy. Maori. Hangchow. Sesuto. Arabic. Kafir. Maltese. Mota. Bengali. Hindi. Biillom. Yoruban. Ojibbeway. Muncey. Punjabi. Sindhi. Burmese. Malay. Marathu. Bechuana. Mahratta. Tamil. Dyak. Zulu. Esquimaux. Most of these translations have been produced under the auspices of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and of the Prayer Book and Homily Society ; and some guarantee is thus given for accuracy. It should also be mentioned as a fact of interest and importance that the Hawaiian version was made in 1863 by the native king, Kamehameha IV., who annexed to it a Preface which shews a thorough knowledge of the principles of the Prayer BooIl EITUAL INTEODUCTION TO THE PKAYER BOOK. SECTION I. THE PRINCIPLES OF CEREMONIAL WORSHIP. "CpORMS and ceremonies in Divine Service are bodily manifestations of spiritual worship, and the ordinary means by which that worship is expressed before God. The whole scheme of Redemption is based on a principle which shews that God establishes com- munion between Himself and mankind to a great extent through the body and bodily acts, and not solely through purely mental ones, as the exercise of thought or will. For when a perfect and unim- peded spiritual intercourse was to be renewed between the Creator and His fallen creatures, God, Who " is a Spirit," took upon Him a bodily nature, " of a reasonable Soul and human Flesh subsisting," and by means of it became a Mediator, through Whom that intercourse could be originated and maintained. For the particular application, also, of the benefits of His mediation, Christ ordained Sacraments, which are outward and visible signs endowed with the capacity of conveying inward and spiritual grace to the soul through the organs of the body. " Hadst thou been incorporeal," says St. Chrysostom, " Christ would have given thee His incorporeal gifts pure and simple : but as the soul is bound up with a body, He gives thee spiritual things in sensible forms." [Chrysost. on Matt, xxvi.] In analogy with this principle. Ceremonial worship, or Ritual, may be defined as the external body of words and actions by which worship is expressed and exhibited before God and man. As it is ordained that men shall tell their wants to God in prayer, although He knows better than they know themselves what each one's necessities are, so it is also ordained that spiritual worship shall be com- municated to Him by words and actions, although His Omniscience would be perfectly cognizant of it without their intervention. The Divine Will on this subject has been revealed very clearly and fully in the Holy Bible ; from its earliest pages, which record the sacrifices of Cain, Abel, and Noah, to its latest, in which the worship of Heaven is set forth as it will be offered by the saints of God when the worship of Earth will have passed away. Before the origination of the Jewish system of ceremonial, we find customs which indicate the use of certain defifiite fonns in acts of Divine worship. The chief of these is Sacrifice, in which the fruits of the earth were offered to God, or the body of some slain animal consumed by fire on His altar. Such acts of sacrifice were purely ceremonial, whether or not they were accompanied by any words ; and the account of Abraham's sacrifice, in Genesis xv. 9-17, illustrates very remarkably the minute character of the ritual injunctions given by God even before the time of the Mosaic system. The Divine institution of the outward ceremony of Circumcision is another instance of the same kind, and one of even greater force, from the general and lasting nature of the rite as at first ordained ; a rite binding on the Jewish nation for nearly two thousand years. Another ceremonial custom to be observed in the 3 JRitual 31ntroDuction to tbe Iprapcr TBoofe. 45 Patriarchal times, is that of " bowing down the head " when worshipping the Lord [Gen. xxiv. 26, 48] ; another, that of giving solemn benedictions, accompanied by laying on of hands [Gen. xxvii. 27-29; xxviii. 1-4; xlvii. 10; xh'iii. 9-20]; another, that of setting up a pillar, and pour- ing oil upon it [Gen. xxviii. IS ; xxxv. 14] ; another, purification before sacrifice [Gen. xxxv. 2] ; and, to name no more, one other, the reverent burial of the dead [Gen. xxiii. 19; xxxv. 19; 1. 10], which even then was an act of reverence towards God, as well as of respect and affection towards the departed. The introduction of a higher form of corporate worship than that of Patriarchal times was accom- panied by a great developement of ceremony or ritual. Of what was previously in use, we can only infer that it was divinely instituted ; but the Divine institution of the Jewish system of ritual is told us in the most unmistakeable terms in the Holy Bible, and the narration of it occupies more than eight long chapters of the Book of Exodus [xxiv-xxxi.], together with the greater part of the twenty-seven chaj^ters of Le\aticu This system of ritual (sometimes called " IMosaic," but in reality Divine) was revealed with cir- cumstances of the utmost solemnity. After a preparation of sacrifices, Moses, Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, and the seventy elders, went up into the lower part of Mount Sinai, and from thence " they saw the God of Israel : and there was under His feet as it were a paved work of a sapjihire stone, and as it were the body of Heaven in clearness." Moses was then commanded to go up to the summit of the mountain, " and a cloud covered the mount. And the glory of the Lord abode upon Mount Sinai, and the cloud covered it six days : and the seventh day He called unto Moses out of the midst of the cloud. And the sight of the glory of the Lord was like devouring fire on the top of the mount in the eyes of the children of Israel. And Moses went into the midst of the cloud, and gat him into the mount : and Moses was in the mount forty days and forty nights " [ExoD. xxiv. 9-18]. During this awful time of converse between God and His servant Moses, it appears that the one subject of revelation and command was that of ceremonial worship : the revelation of the moral law being recorded in the single verse, "And He gave unto Moses, when He had made an end of communing with him vipon Mount Sinai, two tables of testimony, tables of stone, written with the finger of God " [ExoD. xxxi. 18]. The revelation of God's will respecting forms and ceremonies thus awfully given to Moses, went into very minute particulars, which were chiefly respecting the construction of the Tabernacle, the dress of those who were to minister in it, the instrumenta of Divine Service, and the ceremonies with which that service was to be carried on. The architecture of the structure itself, the design of its utensils, and of the priestly vestments, and that kind of laws for the regulation of Divine Service which wo now know as rubrics, were thus communicated to Moses by God Himself, and in the most solemn manner in which any revelation was ever given from Heaven. And when the revelation was completed, " the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, See, I have called by name Bezaleel the son of Uri, the son of Hur, of the tribe of Judah : and I have filled him with the Spirit of God, in wisdom, and in understanding, and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship. . . . And I, behold, I have given with him Aholiab, the son of Ahisamach, of the tribe of Dan : and in the hearts of all that are wise-hearted I have put wisdom, that they may make all that I have commanded thcc " [ExoD. xxxi. 1-G]. ■ Thus Divine Inspiration was given to the principal architects and superintendents of the external fabric by means of which Divine Service was to be carried on, as well as a Revelation of its structure, and of the ceremonial itself; and no words can heighten the importance and value which Almighty God thus indicated as belonging to ceremonial worship. Nor did this importance and value belong to ceremonial worship only in the early period of the Jewish nation's life. It was not given to them as a means of spiritual education, by which they should be gradually trained to a kind of worship in which externals should hold a less conspicuous position. Nothing whatever appears, in the revelation it.self, of such an idea as this; but the ceremonial is throughout regarded as having reference to Him in Whoso service it was used, looking to the Object of worship, and not to the worshippers. And accordingly, when the Jewish nation attained its highest pitch of prosperity, and probably of intellectual as well as spiritual progress, in the latter years of Da\'id and in the reign of Solomon, this elaborate system of ceremonial worship was developed instead of being narrowed. The magnificent preparations which David made for building the Temple arc recorded in 1 Chron. xxii., xxviii., and xxix.; and those which he made for establishing the service there, in 1 Chron. xvi., xxiii-xxvi.: the descriptions of tli,c structure and of the utensils being almost 46 a JRitual 31ntroDuction as minute and detailed as in the commandments of God on Sinai respecting the Tabernacle. In this more intellectual age of the Jewish nation, and for this developement of ceremonial worship, God vouchsafed to give inspiration to His servants for their work, as He had done to Bezaleel and Aholiab. When the Holy Bible gives the account of David furnishing Solomon with the designs for the Temple and its furniture, these significant words are added, " And the pattern of all that he had by the Spirit." Even more striking are David's own words : " All this the Lord made me understand in writing by His hand upon me, even all the works of this pattern. . . . The Lord God, even my God, will be with thee ; He will not fail thee, nor forsake thee, until thou hast finished all the work for the service of the house of the Lord" [1 Chron. xxviii. 12, 19]. The fulfilment of this prophetic promise is indicated in a subsequent place by the words, " Now these are the things wherein Solomon was instructed for the building of the house of God " [2 Chron. iii. 3] : and the Divine approval of all that was done is strikingly shewn in 1 Kings is.. S; 2 Chron. v. 11-14; and vii. 1, 2. Nor should the fact be over- looked that the most costly and beautiful house of God which the world ever saw was built, the most elaborate and gorgeous form of Divine Service established, by one who was no imaginative enthusiast, but by one whose comprehensive knowledge and astute wisdom exceeded those of any man who had ever before existed, and were perhaps greater than any learning or wi.sdom, merely human, which have since been known. Solomon was a man of science, an ethical philosopher, and a statesman, and with all these great gifts and acquirements he was also a ritualist. Thus the use of Ceremonial Worship in some form is she^vn to have existed even in the simple Patriarchal ages ; and to have been ordained in its most extreme form by God Himself in the times of Moses, David, and Solomon. Let it be reverently added, that it was this extreme form of Ceremonial Worship which our Lord recognized and took part in when He went up to Jerusalem to celebrate the great Festivals, and the restoration of which in its purity He enforced both at the beginning and end of His ministry by His " cleansing the Temple " from the presence of those who bought and sold there. The vain and empty private ceremonies which the Pharisees had invented met with the severe con- demnation of our Lord ; but there is not one act or word of His recorded which tends in the least towards depreciation of the Temple service ; or which can lead to the supposition that the worship of God " in spirit and in truth " is to be less associated with forms and ceremonies when carried on by Christians, than when it was offered by Moses, David, Solomon, and the Old Testament saints of many centuries who looked forward to Christ. The ritual practices of tlie Apostolic age are to some extent indicated in the New Testament, but as the Temple service was still carried on, and Jerusalem formed the religious centre of the Apostolic Church, it is clear that an elaborate ceremonial was not likely to be established during the first quarter of a century of the Church's existence. Yet this earliest age of the Church witnesses to the principle of ceremonial worshij), as the Patriarchal age had done ; and each foreshadowed a higher developement of it. A learned German ritualist has written thus on this subject : " On mature reflection, I am satisfied that the Apostles by no means performed the Divine Liturgy with such brevity, at least as a general rule, as some have confidently asserted. The faithful, whether converts among the Jews -or Gentiles, were accustomed to ceremonies and prayers in their sacrifices ; and can we suppose that the Apostles would neglect to employ the like, tending so greatly as these must do to the dignity of the service, and to j^romote the reverence and fervour of the worshipper ? Who can believe that the Apostles were content to use the bare words of consecration and no more ? Is it not reasonable to suppose that they would also pour forth some prayers to God, especially the most perfect of all prayers which they had learned from the mouth of their Divine Master, for grace to jjcrform that mystery aright; others preparatory to communion, and again, others of thanksgiving for so inestimable a benefit ? " [Krazer, de Liturgiis, i. 1-3.] But there are distinct traces of actual forms of service in the Acts of the Apostles, and in some of the Epistles. In the second chapter of the former, at the forty-second verse, it is said of the first Christians that they continued stedfastly in the doctrine [t« SiSaxfi] and in the fellowship [rfi Koivwvia] of the Apostles; and in the breaking of the Bread [rfi KXuaet tov ciprov], and in the prayers [rak Trpoaeuxnh] ', the two latter expressions clearly indicating settled and definite ceremonial and devotional usages with which the writer knew his readers to be acquainted. St. Paul's reference to a Sunday offer- tory [1 Cor. xvi. 1] ; to the obsenance of decency and order in the celebration of Divine Service [1 Cor. xiv. 40] ; to the ordinances, or traditions, which he had delivered to the Corinthians, and which he had received from the Lord Himself [1 Cor. xi. 2] ; and to the Divisions of Divine Service in his words, " I to tt)e Ipragcr TSoob. 47 exhort, therefore, that Urst of all, supplications [oej/o-eiy], prayers [irpoa-evx^'s], intercessions [evrev^ei?], and Eucharists [evxapicrriail, be made for all men " [1 TiJl. ii. 1], — these shew that an orderly and formal system was already in existence ; while his allusion to " the traditions " [ret? Trapaooa-et';], seems to point to a system derived from some source the authority of which was binding upon the Church. [See also Introd. to Liturg}'.] Such an authority would attach to every word of our Blessed Lord ; and when we know that He remained on earth for forty days after His Resurrection, and that during that period He was instructing His Apostles in " the things pertaining to the Kingdom of God " [Acts i. 3], it is most natural to suppose that the main points of Christian ritual were ordained by Him, as those of the Jewish ritual had been ordained during the forty days' sojourn of Moses on Sinai. It is to be remembered also that there are forms and ceremonies in use by the Church which were undoubtedly ordained by Christ, such as the laying on of hands in Ordination, the use of water and certain words in Holy Baptism, and the manual ceremonies at the Holy Communion. At a later period, when the Temple service had nearly or quite come to an end, when the tem- porary dispensation of a miraculous Apostolate was drawing to a close, and when the Church was settling into its permanent form and habits, St. John (the last and most comprehensive of the Apostolic guides of the Church) wrote the Book of the Revelation ; and several portions of it seem intended to set forth in mystical language the principles of such ceremonial worship as was to be used in the Divine Senacc of Christian churches. In the fourth chapter, the Apostle is taken up to be shewn, as Moses had been shewn, a " pattern in the Mount ; " and as that revelation to Moses began to be made on the Sabbath of the Old Dispensation, so it was " the Lord's Day " on which St. John was " in the Spirit," that he might have this new revelation made to him. As, moreover, the revela- tion made to Moses was one respecting the ritual of the Jewish system, so there is an unmistakeable ritual character about the \'ision first seen by St. John ; the whole of the fourth and fifth chapters describing a scene which bears a close resemblance to the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, as it was celebrated in the early ages of the Church, and as it is still celebrated in the East. The form and arrangement of churches in primitive times was derived, in its maiia features, from the Temple at Jerusalem. Beyond the porch was the narthex, answering to the court of the Gentiles, and appropriated to the unbaptized and to penitents. Beyond the narthex was the nave, answering to the court of the Jews, and appropriated to the body of worshippers. At the upper end of the nave was the choir, answering to the Holy Place, for all who were ministerially engaged in Di\'ine Service. Beyond the choir was the Bema or Chancel, answering to the Holy of Holies, used only for the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, and separated from the choir by a closed screen, resembling the organ screen of our cathedrals, which was called the Iconostasis. As early as the time of Gregory Nazianzeu, in the fourth century, this screen is compared to the division between the present and the eternal world [Carm. xi.], and the sanctuary behind it was ever regarded with the greatest reverence as the most sacred place to which mortal man could have access. " When," said St. Chrysostcjm in one of his sermons, " thou beholdest the curtains drawn up, then imagine that the heavens are let down from above, and that the Angels are descending." [Chkys. in Eph. Hom. iii.] The veiled door which formed the only direct exit from it into the choir and nave was only opened at the time when the Blessed Sacrament was admini.stercd to the people there assembled, and thus the opening of this door brought into yiew the Altar and the Divine mysteries which were being celebrated there. And when St. John looked through the door that had been opened in Heaven, what he saw is thus described : " And behold a Throne was set in Heaven, . . . and round about the throne were four and twenty seats ; and upon the seats I saw four and twenty elders sitting, clothed in white raiment ; and they had on their heads crowns of gold : . . . and there were seven lamps of fire burning before the Throne, . . . and before the Throne there was a sea of glass like unto crystal." Here is exactly represented an arrangement of the altar familiar to the whole Eastern Church, to the early Church of England, and to the Churches of Italy, France, and Germany at the present day, in which it occupies the centre of an apse in front of the seats of the Bishop and Clergy, the latter being jjlaced in the curved jmrt of the wall. And, although there is no reason to think that the font ever stood near the altar, yet nothing appears more likely than that the " sea of glass like unto crystal " mystically represents that lavcr of regeneration through ^^•hich alone the altar can be spiritually approached.^ Another striking characteristic of the ancient Church ' Neale says that reservoirs to supply water for use in Divine Service are sometimes found in the eastern part of Oriental churches. [Neale's Introd. to Holy East. Ch. p. 189.] In his Additions and Corrections he also says, " There is a well open rather in front of the place where the altar once stood in the Church of St. Irene in the Seraglio at Coustan- 48 a iRitual 3lntroriuction was the extreme reverence which was shewn to the book of the Gospels, which was always placed upon the altar and surmounted by a cross. So " in the midst of the Throne, and round about the Throne," St- John saw those four living creatures which have been universally interpreted to represent the four Evangelists or the four Gospels ; their position seeming to signify that the Gospel is ever attendant upon the altar, penetrating, pervading, and embracing the highest mystery of Divine Worship, giving " glory and honour and thanks to Him that sat on the throne, Who liveth for ever and ever." In the succeed- ing chapter St. John beholds Him for Whom this altar is jirepared. " I beheld, and lo, in the midst of the Throne, and of the four living creatures, and in the midst of the elders, stood a Lamb as It had been slain, having seven horns and seven eyes, which are the seven spirits of God sent forth into all the earth." It cannot be doubted that this is our Blessed Lord in that Human Nature on which the septiformis gratia was poured witliout measure ; and that His appearance in the form of " the Lamb that- was slain to receive power, and riches, and wisdom, and strength, and honour, and glory, and blessing," represents the mystery of His jjrevailing Sacrifice and continual Intercession. But around this living Sacrifice there is gathered all the homage of an elaborate ritual. They who worship Him have " every one of them harps," to offer Him the praise of instrumental music ; they have " golden vials full of incense, which are the prayers of saints," even as the angel afterwards had " given unto him much incense that he should offer it with the prayei's of the saints upon the golden altar which was before the Throne :"i they sing a new song, mingling the praises of "the best member that they have " with that of their instrumental music ; and they fall down before the Lamb with the lowliest gesture of their bodies in humble adoration. Let it also be remembered that one of the Anthems here sung by the choirs of Heaven is that sacred song, " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God Almighty, Which was, and is, and is to come," the Eucharistic use of which is traceable in every age of the Church. These striking coincidences between the worship of Heaven revealed to St. John and that which was and is ofifered at the altars of the Church on earth, wan-ant us in considering this portion of the Kevelation as a Di\dne treasury wherefrom we may draw the principles upon which the worship of earth ought to be organized and conducted. And the central point of the principles thus revealed is that there is a Person to be adored in every act of Divine Worship now, as there was a Person to be adored in the system which culminated in the Temple Service. This Person is moreover revealed to us as present before the worshippers. And He is further represented as our Redeeming Lord, the " Lamb that was slain," He Who said respecting Himself to St. John at the opening of the Apocalyptic Vision, " I am He that liveth and was dead, and am alive for evermore." This Presence was promised by our Blessed Lord in words which the daily prayer of the Church interprets to have been spoken with reference not only to Apostolic or Episcopal councils, but also to Divine Service : " Where two or three are gathered together in My Name, there am I in the midst of them " [Matt, xviii. 20]. It is cjuite imjiossible to view this promise in the light of Holy Scripture, and especially of that part of the Revelation which has been referred to above, without seeing that its fullest and most essential meaning coimects it with the Eucharistic Presence of Christ, the "Lamb as it had been slain." This truth so pervaded the mind of the ancient Church that in its primitive ages Di\ine Service consisted of the Holy Eucharist only ; ^ and the early Liturgies speak to Christ in such terms as indicate the most simple and untroubled Faith in the actual Presence of our " Master " and Lord. 3 Hence the Ceremonial Worship of the early Church was essentially connected with this Divine Service ; and to those who were so imbued with a belief in the Eucharistic Presence of their Lord the object of such ceremonial was self-evident. The idea of reflex action upon the worshipper probably never occurred to Christians in those times. Their one idea was that of doing honour to Christ, after the pattern of the four living creatures, the four and twenty ciders, the angels, and- the ten thousand times ten thousand and thousands of thousands who said " Worthy is the Lamb : " after the pattern of those who, even in Heaven, accompanied their anthems with the music of harps, and their prayers with the sweet odour of incense. The mystery of our Lord's Presence as the Object of Divine Worship lies At the root of all the tinople. This church," he adds, "is a splendid specimen of part of Christian worship. The "hours of prayer," now Byzantine architecture, and contains three or four rows in the ■ represented by our Mattins and Evensong, were derived synthrouus of the magnificent apse." ; from the Jewish ritual; and the Christians of Jerusalem ' It is observable that the incense is not a symbolical figure for prayer, but is said to be offered in combination with prayer. [Rev. viii. 3, 4.] * The Holy Eucharist was the only distinctively Christian evidently " went up to " those of the Temple Service while it lasted. ' See a prayer "for the King, " from the Liturgy of St. Mark, but addressed to the First Person of the Blessed Trinity. to tbe Prapcr IBook. 49 ceremonial practices of the Church : and a conviction that this Presence is vouchsafed chiefly through the Holy Eucharist causes the latter to become the visible centre fi'om which all ritual forms and cere- monies radiate. It is true that there are some ceremonies which may be said to belong to the organiza- tion of Divine Ser\ice ; but even that organization is linked on to acts of worship, since it is in the service of God, Who enjoins order, and exhibits it in all His works. But this latter class of ceremonies is not large, and scarcely affects the general principle which has been jJrcviously stated. There are, again, some ceremonies which may bo called educational or emotional in their purpose, but they are so only in a secondary degree ; and such a character may be considered as accidentally rather than essen- tially belonging to them. The principles of Ceremonial Worship thus deduced from Holy Scripture may be shortly applied to some of the more prominent particulars of the ritual of the Church of England, leaving exact details for the two subsequent sections of this Introduction, and the Notes throughout the work. 1. The local habitation pro\'ided for the welcome of our Lord's mystical Presence is provided of a character becoming the great honour and blessing which is to be vouchsafed. It is the House of God, not man's house ; a place wherein to meet Him with the closest approach which can be made in this life. Hence, if Jacob consecrated with the ceremony of unction the jDlace where God made His cove- nant with him, and said of it, " This is none other but the house of God, and this is the gate of heaven ; " so should our churches be set apart and consecrated with sacred ceremonies making them holy to the Lord. So also, because they are to be in reality, and not by a mere stretch of language, the Presence chambers of our Lord, we must regard them as the nearest to heaven in holiness of all places on earth by the virtue of that Presence. And, lavishing all costly material, and all earnest skill upon their first erection and decoration, we shall ever after frequent them with a consciousness that " the Lord is in His holy Temple," and that all which is done there should be done under a sense of the greatest reverence towards Him. 2. Hence too, the furniture of the House of God, the utensils or instrumenta necessary for Divine Service, should all be constructed with a reverent regard to the Person in Whose service they are to be used. Costly wood or marble, precious metals and jewels, used for such an object, do not minister to luxury, and have no direct and primary reference at all to those who will use them or look ujjon them. But as ministering to the honour of Christ our Lord they cannot be too freely used : nor need we ever fear of expending wealth or skill too abundantly when we read of the manner in which God accepted all that Solomon had done for His holy Temple at Jerusalem, and all the beauty and splendour with which He ,.is worshipped in Heaven. The same principle applies with equal force to the apparel in which the ministers of God carry on His Divine Worship ; surjDlice and albe, cope and vestment, all being used in His honour, and for no other jjrimary object whatever. If they are not necessary for the honour of God, the greater part of them are not needed at all. 3. The use of instrumental music, of singing, and of musical intonation, instead of colloquial modes of speech, arc all to be explained on the same ground. Universal instinct teaches that the praises of God ought to be sung, and that singing is the highest mode of using in His service the organs of speech which He has given us. An orderly musical intonation is used by priest and people in their prayers, that they may speak to their Maker otherwise than they would speak to their fellow-men, acknowledging even by their tone of voice that He is to be served with reverence, ceremony, and awe. 4. And, lastly, the gestures used in Divine Service are used on similar principles. Kneeling in prayer, standing to sing praise, turning towards the East or the Altar when saying the Creeds, using the Sign of the Cross, humbly bowing the head at the Name of Jesus or of the Blessed Trinity,^ — these are all significant gestures of reverence towards One Who is really and truly present to accept the ^ " When I enter a place of common pr.-vyer, as y" choir of a collegiate churcli or tlic bo