.■^ 1 ALVMNVS BOOK FVND i^l/^ uaZn^ A* ^din^^^fl^' icent'BrociksjjUi HUGH O' NEILL, EARJi OF TYRONE. THE -^ -^^ '^' FATE AND FORTUNES 6!;' ^2^^^ OP HUGH O'NEILL, EARL OF TYRONE, AND RORY O'DONEL, EARL OF TYRCONNEL; THEIR FLIGHT FROM IRELAND, THEIR VICISSITUDES ABROAD, AND THEIR DEATH IN EXILE. BY THE EEV. C. P. MEEHAN, M.R.I.A. DUBLIN: JAMES DUFFY, 15, WELLINGTON-QUAY; LONDON: 22, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 1868. >'"', ■^ t^^ ^ -% >^ /^-^/;/> /i/^^-n/70S DUBLIN : 6 & 7, Great Bkunswick-stkeet. THIS VOLUME IS MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED TO THE RIGHT HON. THOIVIAS O'HAGAN, ONE OF THE JUDGES OF HER MAJESTY'S COURT OF COMMON PLEAS IN IRELAND, MEMBER OF HER MAJESTY'S MOST HONORABLE PRIVY COUNCIL, REPRESENTATIVE OF THE ANCIENT JUSTICIARIES TYRONE. SS. Michael akd John, Dcblix, December, 1867. 389901 PEEFACE. ?NE autumn evening, many years ago, the author of the following pages, then a youth, accom- panied by some fellow-students of his own age, after contemplating the magnificent panorama of Rome from the Janiculum, entered the Franciscan church that crowns that historic height, there to kneel awhile, and view the famous frescoes of Sebastian del Piombo. On leaving, a companion told him that he had read on two flag-stones, inserted in the floor of the sacred edifice, the names, O'Neill, O'Donel, Dungannon, Yalla- dolid ; and hearing this, we obtained leave to return and examine the inscriptions.* After a careful perusal, all we could learn was, that beneath those marbles lay the remains of E-oderic, Prince of Tyrconnel, Calfur- nius, his brother, and Hugh, Baron of Dungannon ; who, having fought on Irish soil for the Apostolic Faith, abandoned their ancestral domains, made a pilgrimage to the most celebrated sanctuaries of France, Flanders, and Italy ; and then came to Rome, See Appendix. VI PKEFACE. where Paul V. gave them cordial welcome, and subse- quently honoured graves. These scant details, however, far from satisfying our anxiousness to know more of those personages, only served to intensify it ; and .when we questioned some who we presumed should be fami- liar with the subject, who were those banished princes ? what interests did they represent ? what caused them to flee their native land ? how did they escape from its shores ? under what pressure did they depart ? with what hopes of returning? what were their acts and adventures abroad? what consequences followed their exile and death ? they could tell us nothing more than what the epitaphs recorded. To add to our perplexity, a part of the inscription on the tomb of prince Koderic related to his brother, Hugh, who died at Valladolid, and was there interred, by command of Philip III, with more than usual solemn pomp. When we asked who this Hugh might have been, and what he had done that a great monarch should have interested himself about him living or dead, the only reply we could get was, that the few Latin lines told all that had been ascertained of his personal history. This being unsatis- factory, it was suggested that some ancient Handbook of Rome might probably yield the desired information, and explain how it came to pass that those illustrious Irishmen were buried so far away from their own land. The oldest work, however, of that class, Schotto's and Capugnano's ItineraHum Italice Regionum* was si- lent on the subject of our solicitude; but it told us that the Janiculum was called Mons Aureus, or Montorio, * Published 1610. PREFACE. Vll because of the golden colour of its sand ; that the con- vent church held among others the uninscribed tomb of Julius III. ; and that the Spanish ambassador at the Roman Court had recently — in 1605 — built a terrace on the brow of the hill, that the pilgrim standing there might behold many a feature of the same scene which so charmed his Excellency's countryman, Martial,* what time Nero swayed the destinies of the universe. After frequent visits to Montorio, a venerable member of the Franciscan community showed us the Necrology of the church; but all it contained in reference to the Irish princes, was the meagre entry of the year and day of their burial. The kind old man, however^ hinted that the particulars we sought might in all likelihood be found in the library of another house of his order, that of S. Isidoro, so famous in the seven- teenth century for its learned Irish annalists, and the large collection of Gaelic manuscripts with which they patriotically enriched their archives. But, as for the latter, we had neither time nor capacity to examine them, and least of all that particular one which the Guardian of those priceless treasures pointed out to us as the history of the Flight of the Earls, written in Irish by O'Keenan, one of their associates, the year after they arrived at Rome. More than the span allotted to a generation has passed since that day of awakening research, and seldom in the interval has the writer ceased seeking for answers to his first inquiries, through every channel he could * *' Hinc septem dominos videre montes, Et totam licet estimare Romam." — Epigram Ixiv. viii PREFACIT. possibly reach; often under sad discouragements of many sorts, often with inadequate resources, but always with a single desire to unearth a secret kept over two cen- turies, and to make known the truth. In printed books, even of the best historians, and the scarce brochures* published in England shortly after the flight, he could discover no satisfactory elucidation of the subject he had so much at heart. From the living learned, foremost among whom was the late John O'Donovan, he received some valuable hints, but nothing conclusive; and he thereon bethought him, that only from the mysterious recesses of old libraries, at home and abroad, he might be enabled to evoke clear, intelligible responses to the inquiries which had so interested him in boyhood, and fastened so impressively on him in maturer years. Many before him, and, doubtless, better qualified, have devoted much space and time to clear away the mystery which has hitherto surrounded the departure of the Irish earls from Lough Swill y ; but, strange to say, none of them had recourse to the original documents bearing on this subject, still preserved in the State Paper Office, London ; in Lambeth ; in the Burgundian Library at Brussels ; and in the Archives of S. Isidoro, where O'Keenan's narrative has lain till now unread. It is almost unnecessary to state that those documents * The most noticeable of these are Gainsforde's " True Exemplary, and Remarkable History of the Earl of Tirone," and bishop Carleton's " Thankful Remembrance ;" the former published in London, 1614, and the latter in 1624. Both teem with gross misrepresentations, which betray an utter disregard for truth. PREFACE. IX shed a strong light on that epoch, when, with the close of the Scottish dynasty. Great Britain first came under the dominion of one crown, and Ireland was generally sub- jected, for the first time, to the operations of British law. The tragical history of the great earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, chiefs of the most eminent Celtic tribes remaining in this kingdom, is an essential contribution to the right understanding of that critical and eventful period of history, British as well as Irish ; and the present writer would fain felicitate himself that he has gleaned from the repositories already mentioned many important facts that have been overpassed by other toilers in the same field of research. If he should have succeeded, even ever so little, in enlightening a dark and most momentous period, he will be to some extent repaid his labour; and the more so, when he reflects that this volume will be perused by friends who, nearly a quarter of a century gone, revived, in prose and verse, the love of Celtic lore, and have since made their names familiar sounds wherever the Irish exile finds a home — beneath the southern constellation, or in the cities and forests of America. Some of them, whose lot has been cast in opposite hemispheres, have lately visited Rome ; and their letters not only described their emotions, while musing in the shadows of Montorio, but re- minded the writer of a promise made long ago, that he would do his utmost to rehabilitate the memory of the Irish nobles who repose there. Those friends will now see that he has striven to realise their wish, per- haps inadequately, but certainly with untiring earnest- ness. Looking to the past, as far as this subject is con- X PREFACE. cerned, his chiefest regret is, that the documents he laboured to collect were not forthcoming at an earlier period, when they might have been turned to better account by some other — even the least gifted of his associates ; for indeed — " They were a band of brethren, richly grao'd With all that most exalts the sons of men, Youth, courage, honour, genius, wit well plac'd — When shall we see their parallels again ? The very flower and fruitage of their age, Destined for Duty's cross or Glory's page." Having alluded to the sources from which the ma- terials for this work have been derived, the author deems it right to state, that, with the exception of the documents already published in Secretary Winwood's Memorial of State Papers, and a few others elsewhere, none of the rest has appeared in print till now. He would also advertise the reader that it is not meant to be a biography of the great earl of Tyrone, or of his compa- nion in misfortune, Rory, earl of Tyrconnel, while engaged in camp or council, — situations in which both have been vividly depicted by the graphic pencil of John Mitchel ; but rather a succinct narrative of that interval which ex- hibits those illustrious personages disarmed, entangled in harassing lawsuits, suspected and dogged as con- spirators, while each was the victim of the most sub- dolous and cruel plotting of those in power, who had set their hearts on getting possession of their princely patrimonies. Extending over three viceroyalties, the volume will be found to contain incidents of biography and history, ecclesiastical and civil, hitherto unpublished, PREFACE. XI and most important for illustrating the times of lord Mountjoy, sir George Carey, and sir Arthur Chichester, the aim of whose policy was to exterminate the Celtic race, and establish a modern schism on the contem- plated ruin of the ancient Church. Having entered into this undertaking with the view of supplying a page to his country's history, the author may be permitted to say that he has left nothing undone, either among State Papers, or other likely quarters at home or abroad, that could throw light on one of its darkest episodes, opening at Mellifont, and closing on the Janiculum. It will be seen that the publisher has taken special care to enhance the work with portraits of some of the remarkable personages who figure in its pages. That of the great earl of Tyrone has been carefully copied by B. Mulrenin, esq., R.H.A., who justly ranks among the most eminent Irish painters of past or present times ; that of O'Sullivan Bear is from a faithful photograph of the original, still existing in the Irish College, Salamanca ; that of Peter Lombard, archbishop of Armagh,* from the original, in the Mu- seum at Louvain ; and that of Florence Conry, the celebrated archbishop of Tuam, from the fresco in the cloister of S. Isidore, Rome. The vignette on the title is a fac-simile of the signet of Owen Roe O'Neill, discovered by Rev. J. Graves, in * The copy of his ^^Commentarius de Regno Hibernice,^^ published at Louvain, abounds in typographical errors, and is, moreover, de- fective in many respects. A new edition of this important work, collated by the learned P. F. Moean, D.D., with the original MS. presented by the author to Clement VIII., is now going through the press. Xll PREFACE. the Evidence Chamber of Kilkenny Castle, and pub- lished in vol. V. of the Journal of the Kilkenny Archaeo- logical Society. The biography of Owen Roe has not yet been written ; but some notices of him are here pre- sented to the reader, together with a few of his letters, and the last production of his hand, addressed from his deathbed, to the great duke of Ormond. In conclusion, the author respectfully thanks sir B. Burke, U.K.A. ; sir W. Wilde ; J. P. Prendergast, esq. ; J. T. Gilbert, esq. ; D. F. McCarthy, esq. ; the reverend Michael Malone, C.C., Limerick ; the reverend J. O'Hanlon,* SS. Michael and John; and the reverend T. Carey, O.S.F., for valuable assistance given him during the progress of his labours. The gentleman, however, to whom he is especially indebted, is H. R. Hamilton, esq., barrister-at-law and Record-Agent; whose acquaintance with the ancient documents ex- isting in the State Paper Office, Lambeth, and other English repositories, is at once both extensive and profound. * Author of *'The Life of St. Malachy O'Morgair," "The Life of St. Laurence O'Toole," and other works of rare merit. COIfTENTS, CHAPTER I. PAGB Position of O'Neill after defeat of Kinsale — Hugh O'Donel and Florence Conry despatched to solicit succours from Philip III. — Death of O'Donel — Instructions received by Mount joy from Elizabeth— Death of the Queen — Surrender of Tyrone — His submission before Mount joy — Conditions of his par- don — Proclamation of James in Dublin — Description of Ulster — Account of the O'Cahans — Donald Ballagh O'Cahan opens communications with sir Arthur Chichester to betray Tyrone — Stipulation between O'Cahan and sir Henry Docwra — Interview between Mount joy and Docwra on behalf of O'Cahan — Eetribution on Nial Garve O'Donel — Conduct of Catholics on news of James' acces- sion — Mount joy's controversy with father White — Manifesto of O'Neill to Catholics of Ireland, 1 CHAPTER II. Mount] oy created lord lieutenant, with sir George Carey as lord deputy — Proceeds to London, accompanied by Tyrone and O'Donel — Wanstead — Sir John Harington's jealousy — Reception of Mount joy and the Ulster chieftains by the king — Powers granted to Tyrone and O'Donel — Suspicions of Tyrone's fidelity — Report of Atkinson — Plot against Tyrone's life — Tyrone and O'Donel return to Dublin — O'Donel invested with the title of earl of Tyrconnel— His marriage — Social condition of Ireland — Sir Arthur Chi- chester appointed lord deputy — His antecedents, character, &c. — His mode of extending English influence— Disarming of natives of Ireland — Revival of the penal laws — Remon- strances of Tyrone and Tyrconnel — Intrigues to prevent the promotion of Tyrone's son, Henry— Outrages on Tyrone and Tyrconnel — Cuconnaught Maguire — Means employed by Chichester to procure evidence to found an indictment of treason against the earls — Chichester's relation of sir Toby Caulfield's interviews with countess of Tyrconnel and Bartholomew Oweu— Chichester and sir J. Davys' " visita- xiv CONTENTS. PAGE tion" of Ulster— Arrest of Caconnaught Maguire — Bishop Montgomery espouses O'Cahau's quarrel— Tyrone and Mont- gomery—Altercation between Tyrone and O'Calian before privy council — Petition of O'Calian — Tyrone's answer and letter to the king 35 CHAPTER III. Report of privy council on O'Cahan's petition — Resolution of Tyrone to appeal to the king in person— Application of Chichester for presidentship of Ulster — Letter from Chi- chester to earl of Salisbury on anonymous letter and Howth's revelations — Anonymous letter to sir William Usher — Antecedents and informations of Christopher St. Lawrence, twenty-second baron of Howth — Character of the informations — Escape of Caconnaught JVIaguire — Warn- ings received by the earls of James' purpose to arrest them — The ship arrives in Lough S willy, 92 CHAPTER IV. Controversy of Tyrone with primate Usher — Refusal of Chi- chester to pardon Tyrone's nephew — False report commu- nicated to Tyrone of Chichester's appointment as president of Ulster — Interview of John Bath with Tyrone and Tyr- connel— Tyrone's farewell to sir Garret Moore — Travels from Mellifont toXough S willy, a^nd embarks with Tyrcon- nel for Spain — List of persons who accompanied the earls — O'Keenan's "Narrative" — Sufferings of the exiles from tempestuous weather — Driven to land in France — Generous conduct of Henry IV. to the fugitives — Their journey to Brussels, and reception there by the archdukes — Banquet given to Tyrone in Brussels — Departure for Louvain — Letter of Chichester to privy council on flight of the earls — Salisbury's reply to— Sir John Davys' letter — Remarks on, . 115 CHAPTER V. Ovations to Tyrone throughout Belgium — Excitement at court of England on report of his reception on the Continent — Letter of sir Charles Cornwallis, enclosing particulars of an interview with Philip's secretary — Letter of earl of Salisbury to sir C. Cornwallis, directing manner of intro- ducing James' proclamation — Proclamation of James touching the earls of Tyrone and T3rrconnel — Notice of — Letter from James to archbishop Bancroft, soliciting a grant of money from the clergy — Letter of Daniel O'Carroll — Letters from archbishop Lombard to Maguire, O'Donel, and Florence Conry— Successful intriguing of Cornwallis at Spanish court— Determination of the earls to send James a justification of their conduct — A brief collection of the ex- actions, wrongs, and grievances, by which the earls found themselves *' grieved and abused" — Character of James, . 161 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER VI. PAGE Privy council at Eathfarnham — Proclamation from — Its effects — Arrest of Delviu — Chichester's summary of Delvin's in- formations — Committal of Howth to the Tower — Treatment of Delvin by the peasantry on his escape from Castle of Dublin — Proclamation of Chichigster on seizure of lands of the fugitives — Letters of countess of Tyrconnel and countess- dowager of Kildare to Chichester— Examination of father Thomas Fitzgerald— Countess of Tyrconnel — Character and number of informations about this period — Examinations of James Roche and father John Cronin — Letter of sir Geoffry Fenton, suggesting confiscation of Ulster, ... - 229 CHAPTER VIT. Narrative of Tyrone's journey from Louvain to Rome— Corn- wallis' letter to privy council on his reception at Milan, and extract from Salisbury's reply to — Distinguished honours conferred on the earls by the Holy See — Death of Tyrconnel — Montorio — Death of Caffar O'Donel and the baron of Dungannon— Sympathy evinced by Irish exiles in Spain — Death of Maurice O'Multully and O'Carroll of Moydristan — Death of MacMahon and Cuconnaught Maguire at Genoa- Grief of O'Neill, 262 CHAPTER VIII. Possession taken by the crown of the earls' estates — Caulfield's account of the manner followed by Irish chieftains in levy- ing their rents— Chichester's forecastings of the ends aimed at by the fugitive chieftains— Frames bill of indictment of treason— Description of sessions held at Lifford and Stra- baue— Sir John Davys' "rhetoric" to the jurors — Persons included in the bill — Rebellion of sir Cahir O'Dogherty — State of Ulster — Arrest of O'Cahan and Nial Garve O'Donel — Chichester's "progress" of Ulster — His precautions against return of Tyrone, 282 CHAPTER IX. Fate of O'Cahan and Nial Garve O'Donel— Anecdote of duchess of Buckingham — Chichester's persecution of the Catholic clergy— Father Drea's informations— Vigilance of Adams, bishop of Limerick and Kilfenora— Reports submitted to privy council of Tyrone's projected invasion of Ireland — Martyrdom of bishop O'Devany and father O'Loghran — Rich's account of their execution — Remarks on, . .316 xvi CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. PAGK Death of Cecil — Sketch of Carr, earl of Somerset— Tyrone's letter to— State of Irish on the Continent — Betrayal of Ty- rone by captain John Bath and Robert Lombard — Kindness of the archdukes to the families of the exiles, . . . 354 CHAPTER XI. Object of parliaments held in Ireland — Chichester summons a par- liament to pass bill of attainder against the earls — Remon- strance of nobles of the pale against — How the parliament was formed— Scene at election of sir J. Davys as Speaker — Deputation of Catholic members to James to protest against the election — James' answer to — The bill introduced by sir John Everard — Florence Conry's Remonstrance — Copy of bill of attainder — Sir J. Davys' letter to privy council on course of procedure in the parliament — Episodes con- nected with, 374 CHAPTER XII. Resolve of Tyrone to win back his lands — Rinuccini's im- pressions of Celtic character — Watchfulness of Chichester — Tyrone's prospects of success — Supplemental informa- tions of Lombard — Chichester summoned to London to confer with privy council on state of Ireland — Persecutions continued — Retirement of Chichester from the deputyship — Jones and Denham, lords justices— Account of Tyrone's "" courtship and marriage with Mabel Bagnal— Fears of Eng- land — System of espionage maintained by — Cause of failure of Tyrone's design — Specimen of his table-talk, in a letter from Dr. Doyne — Letter of Chichester to privy council on con- spiracies in IJlster — Illness and death of O'Neill — Burial of — Death of Henry O'Hagan — Efforts made to effect release of Tyrone's son, Con — Father Mooney's account of murder of Bernard O'Neill — Sketches of after-life of Henry and John O'Neill and Hugh O'Donel— Owen Roe O'NeiU— Brief ac- count of career of — Conclusion, 399 Appendix, . . : 437 FATE AND FORTUNES OF THE EARLS OF TYRONE AI^D TYRCOI^T^EL. CHAPTER I. II^BOUT the middle of March, 1602, the lord deputy 1^ MountjoY, in obedience to instructions he had recently received from queen Elizabeth's privy council, set out at the head of a considerable force from Dublin to the borders of Ulster, to effect, if he could, the arrest of Hugh, earl of Tyrone, known to his followers as the O'Neill ; or, failing in the attempt, to induce that cele- brated personage to surrender himself to the queen's mercy. Tyrone was then in Glenconkeine, a strong fast- ness in the present county of Londonderry, where, with some five hundred of his adherents, he still kept the Red Hand flying, for, although beaten, it was riot vanquished by the disaster of Kinsale. Ever since that memorable defeat of the Irish and Spanish con- federacy, Tyrone comforted himself with the assurance that Philip the Third would send another expedition to Ireland, to retrieve the honour of his flag, and avenge the humiliation it had sustained, owing to the incompetency or treachery of Don Juan d'Aquila, who. ^^ 2 : ' [/[ '',.ijLT^"'i$T> fFOflTtfNES OF on his return home, was committed to prison till a court-martial should pronounce on his very doubtful conduct. Tyrone, indeed, had good reason to count on Spanish aid, for Elizabeth's moral and material support was then maintaining rebellion in the Low Countries, and Philip, were he so disposed, might easily embar- rass her majesty by sending another armament to the shores of Ulster. That the king was inclined to do so there can be no question, for Clement VIII., then reigning in the Vatican, pressed it upon him as a sacred duty which he owed to his coreligionists in Ireland, whose efforts to free themselves from Eliza- beth's tyranny the pontiff pronounced to be a crusade against the most implacable heretic of the day. The individuals deputed by O'Neill to solicit king Philip's armed intervention, were Florence Conry, a Franciscan friar, celebrated in the schools, and some- what famous as a diplomatist, and Hugh Roe O'Donel, chief of his name, prince of Tyrconnel, — a soldier nowise inferior to the ablest of his time. The king, indeed, gave friendly ear to their joint prayer, and at their instance abolished certain abuses which they represented as existing in an institution founded by his majesty at Salamanca, for Irish secular ecclesiastics, and then dismissed O'Donel to Corunna, to wait there till another flotilla was equipped for Ireland. Meanwhile, O'Donel, irritated by delays, and brooding over hopes deferred, was seized with fever, and Conry, instead of accompanying him back to Ire- land, followed his corse to the Franciscan church of Valladolid, where it was buried* with all the honours due to one who had left such a splendid name in the * September, 1602. See in Appendix Mangan's metrical description of his .ftineral, and also the memorial relating to the Irish college in Salamanca. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 3 annals of his unfortunate country. The intelligence of his decease reached Tyrone in Glenconkeine, and thenceforth he began to despair of the promised aid. Some, also, of his most trusted officers, whose friend- ship, like the dial-shadow, vanishes with the sun, were falling away from him; and at such a crisis he saw that nothing remained but to make the best terms he could with the majesty of England, which he had so often imperilled, nay humbled. It is a curious, and, perhaps, suggestive fact, that queen Elizabeth, while gasping on her cushions at Richmond, and tortured by remembrances of her latest victim, Essex, often directed her thoughts to that Ulster fastness, where her great rebel, Tyrone, was still defying her, and disputing her title to supremacy on Irish soil. But of this, however, there can be no doubt ; for in February, while she was gazing on the haggard features of death, and vainly striving to penetrate the opaque void of the future, she commanded secretary Cecil to charge Mountjoy to entrap Tyrone into a submission on diminished title, such as baron of Dun- gannon, and with lessened territory, or, if possible, to have his head before engaging the royal word. It was to accomplish any of these objects that Mountjoy marched to the frontier of the north ; but finding it impossible to procure the assassination of "the sacred person of O'Neill,* who had so many eyes of jealousy about him," he wrote to Cecil, from Drogheda, that nothing prevented Tjrrone from making his submis- sion but mistrust of his personal safety, and guarantee * Among those employed to murder O'Neill in cold blood, were sir Geoffrey Fenton, lord Dunsany, and Henry Oge O'Neill. Mount- joy bribed one Walker, an Englishman, and a ruflS^an calling himself Richard Combus, to make the attempt, but they all failed. — See Life and Letters of Florence MacCarthy^ by D. MacCarthy, esq. 4 FATE AND FORTUNES OF for maintenance commensurate to his princely rank. The granting of these conditions, Mountjoy conchided, would bring about the pacification of Ireland, and Ty- rone, being converted into a good subject, would rid her majesty of the apprehension of another Spanish landing on the Irish shore. It is possible that this proposed solution of the Irish difficulty may have reached Rich- mond at a moment when Elizabeth was more intent on the talisman sent her by the old Welsh woman, or the arcane virtues of the card fastened to the seat of her chair, than on matters of statecraft ; but be that as it may, the lords of her privy council empowered Mount- joy to treat with Tyrone, and bring about his submis- sion with the least possible delay. The deputy, therefore, commissioned sir Garret Moore to treat and parley with Tjo-one, his adherents and fol- lowers ; and at the same time he issued a protection guaranteeing the safety of his person, and commanding all officers in her majesty's service to forbear acts of hostility against him and his, that he might repair to his Excellency's presence. The warrant and commis- sion were intrusted to sir Garret Moore and sir William Godolphin, on the 24)th March; and in the afternoon of that day, Mountjoy, accompanied by a brilliant retinue, comprising among others his secretary, Fynes Moryson, whose ten years' travels in foreign lands gave him wonderful eclat at the period, rode from Drogheda to Mellifont, where sir Garret Moore had made grand preparations for entertaining such a high and mighty guest. The host, doubtless, was well acquainted with his visiter's epicurean tastes; and we may therefore assume that the gardens and pleasure-grounds of the secu- larized monastery were in perfect trim, the mansion itself richly furnished, and the "rooms of retreat," in which Mountjoy took such delight, amply provided TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 5 with the recent productions of Shakspere and Ben Jon- son, since his secretary tells us the deputy was passion- ately fond of " play-books." Angling, too, was one of his lordship's weaknesses; and, were he so disposed, the Mattock, that winds through the lovely glen in which Mellifont stands, abounded in red trout, and might have given ample sport to his rod. Indeed, there was no lack of entertainment for him and his suite ; and surely, if the disembodied spirits of the Cistercians tarried about their ancient house, they must have been scandalized at the masks and carousings which then profaned their cloisters, chapter-room, and once sober refectory. Little, however, did the revellers trouble themselves with memories which the place might well awaken — how it was founded five centuries previously by O'Carroll, king of Oriel, in honour of God and for the good estate of his own soul — jpro remedio animce suce ; how Devorgilla, MacMurrough's paramour, endowed its altars with golden chalices, and how she passed the residue of her years there in repentance, till she died and found a grave within its precincts. Other thoughts employed them, or, if they reverted to the past, it was only to toast the name of the eighth Henry, who dis- persed the monks, seized their sacred gold and silver vessels, rifled the rich shrine containing the canonized bones of St. Malachy,* and bestowed the monastery on an ancestor of sir Garret Moore, by whom it was trans- formed into " a fair mansion," half palace, half fortress, to overawe the Irish bordering on the pale. But the festivities, we may presume, must have been of short duration; for, on the twenty- seventh of the month, a courier, who had travelled with more than ordinary speed from London, arrived in Mellifont, at * See Rev' J. O'Hanlon's Life of St. Malachy, p. 193. 6 FATE AND FORTUNES OF midnight, and informed Fynes Moryson that the queen had departed this life three days previously. This momentous news was immediately imparted by Fynes Moryson to Mountjoy, and both agreed that it should be kept a profound secret till it was officially announced, lest, perchance, Tyrone, who was ignorant of the event, might refuse to surrender his person to one who had no power from the succeeding sove- reign to treat with him, or receive him to mercy. Another reason for this precaution was, that Tyrone might, in the then unsettled state of the kingdom, hold out longer in rebellion, or, by "coming in" of his own accord between two reigns, ingratiate himself with the new king by a voluntary submission, than which nothing could have been more acceptable to James the First. Influenced by these considerations, the lord deputy sent word to sir William Godolphin and sir Garret Moore to lose no time in pressing on Tyrone the expediency of accepting the protection in the queen's name, and causing him to repair to Mellifont. Indeed, Tyrone had already sent his secretary, Henry O'Hagan, to advertise the lord deputy that he was about to come to his presence ; and accordingly, on the 29th of March, at nine o'clock in the morning, he surrendered himself to sir William Godolphin and sir Garret Moore at Tougher, within five miles of Dungannon. On the following evening, Tyrone, and the commis- sioners having charge of him, reached Mellifont, when, being admitted to the lord deputy's presence, he knelt, as was usual on such occasions, and made penitent submission to her majesty. Then being invited to come nearer to the deputy, he repeated the cere- mony, if we may credit Fynes Moryson, in the same humiliating attitude, thus : " I, Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone, do absolutely submit myself to the queen's TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 7 mercy, imploring her gracious commiseration, imploring her majesty to mitigate her just indignation against me. I do avow that the first motives of my rebellion were neither malice nor ambition ; but that I was induced by fear of my life to stand upon my guard. I do, therefore, most humbly sue her majesty that she will vouchsafe to restore to me my former dignity and living. In which state of a subject I vow to continue for ever hereafter loyal, in all true obedience to her royal person, crown, and prerogatives, and to be in all things as dutifully conformable thereunto as I or any other nobleman of this realm is bound by the duty of a sub- ject to his sovereign, utterly renouncing the name and title of O'Neill, or any other claim which hath not been granted to me by her majesty. I abjure all foreign power, and all dependency upon any other potentate but her majesty. I renounce all manner of dependency upon the king of Spain, or treaty with him or any of his confederates, and shall be ready to serve her majesty against him or any of his forces or confederates. I do renounce all challenge or intermeddling with the uriaghts,* or fostering with them or other neighbour lords or gentlemen outside my country, or exacting black-rents of any uriaghts or bordering lords. I resign all claim and title to any lands but such as shall now be granted to me by her majesty's letters-patent. Lastly, I will be content to be advised by her majesty's magistrates here, and will assist them in anything that may tend to the advancement of her service and the peaceable government of this kingdom, the abolishing of barbarous customs, the clearing of difficult passes, wherein I will employ the labours of the people of my country in such places as I shall be directed by her majesty, or the lord deputy in her name ; and I will * V 8 FATE AND FOETUNES OF endeavour, for myself and the people of my country, to erect civil habitations, and such as shall be of greater effect to preserve us against thieves and any force but the power of the state." To this act of submission Tyrone affixed his sign- manual, and handed it to the deputy, who told him he must write to Philip III. of Spain to send home his son Henry, who had gone with father M'Cawell* to com- plete his studies in Salamanca. The deputy also in- sisted that he should reveal all his negotiations with the Spanish court, or any other foreign sovereign with whom he maintained correspondence ; and when the earl assured him that all these requirements would be duly discharged, the lord deputy, in the queen's name, pro- mised him her majesty's pardon to himself and followers, to himself the restoration of his earldom and blood, with new letters -patent of all his lands, excepting the country possessed by Henry Oge 0'Neill,-|- and the Fews,| belonging to Tirlough MacHenry O'Neill, both of whom had recently taken a grant of same to be holden immediately from the queen. It was further covenanted that Tyrone should give 300 acres of his land to the fort of Charlemont, and 300 more to that of Mountjoy, as long as it pleased her majesty to garrison said forts. Tyrone assented to all these conditions, and then received the * He was afterwards promoted successor to Peter Lombard in the see of Armagh, but died when about to return from Rome to Ireland, 1626. He is buried in S. Isidore, where John, earl of Tyrone, placed a tablet to his memory. For the voluminous works of this learned Franciscan prelate, see Ware's "Writers of Ireland." t In the barony of Dungannon, and vicinity of Mulnagore. J A mountainous region, the name of which survives in the baronies of the Upper and Lower Fews, mearing the counties of Louth and Armagh. The whole was excepted out of Tyrone's lordship, and granted to Tirlough MacHenry and his heirs for ever, by the service of one knight's fee, the rent of a horse, and two pair of spurs, or 40s. Irish, on the election of said Henry. — P. R. Jac. I. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 9 accolade from the lord deputy, who, a few months before, had written to queen Elizabeth, that he hoped to be able to send her that ghastliest of all trophies — her great rebel's head ! On the fourth of April, the deputy and Tyrone, escorted by a numerous retinue of the lords of the pale and divers troops of horse, set out for Dublin ; and on the road his Excellency conferred knighthood on the gentleman whose courier had brought him intelligence of the queen's death. As for Tyrone he held an honoured place in that long cavalcade; but we may easily imagine how he felt when passing the historic mansion of the Barnwells at Turvey, where he wooed and won his second wife, Mabel, sister of his mortal enemy, sir Henry Bagnal, slain in the memorable fight of the " Yellow Ford ;"* but above all, when he called to * The battle of the Yellow Ford [Bellanathabuidh] was fought in August, 1598 ; and such was the consternation of the lords justices when the news of O'Neill's success reached them, that they wrote to the queen " they had only 600 townsmen to impede his approach to the metropolis." For the despatches relating to this signal victory, see the original documents published in the Kilkenny Journal of Archaeology (v. iv.), by Daniel MacCarthy, esq. In the same volume willbe found the romantic incidents of Tyrone's marriage with Mabel Bagnal, collected by the same learned gentleman. The courtship commenced at Turvey, and the marriage was performed at Drum- condra, by Jones, bishop of Meath, who got into an imbroglio with queen Elizabeth for his share in the transaction. Turvey (built 1565, by Christopher Barnwell and Dame Marian Sherle) is still standing, and the tomb of the Barnwells may be seen near the round tower of Lusk. We may also remark, that English libellers of his time asserted that Tyrone had a multitude of wives, whom he treated after the fashion of a Turkish pasha ; but this statement is satisfac- torily refuted by archbishop Lombard, who has left the following valuable information in his *' De Regno Hib.," p. 383: — "Dicitur quod tres quasi uxores simul retineret, sed maligna haec calumnia. Habuit quidem ille tres uxores, at legitimo matrimonio singulas sibi copulatas : primam omnium lectissimam foeminam ex familia O'Don- nellorimi, ex qua suscepit plures proles : inter quas duo filii optimse 10 FATE AND FORTUNES OF mind that five years previous he might, had he so willed it, have entered the metropolis at the head of his army, flushed by " the greatest overthrow the English ever sustained since they first set foot in Ireland."* In the afternoon of the next day, the lord deputy and suite crossed the only bridge that then spanned the Liffey, and proceeded through the Skinners' Row to the castle, where he was met by sir Henry Davers, who arrived a few hours before with a letter, in the king's hand, dated Holyrood House, March 28, and others from the lords in England, announcing the queen's death. The king's letter to Mountjoy autho- rized him to remain in Ireland as deputy, and to take the oath of allegiance of all his majesty's counsellors, governors, and others bearing office in that realm, to the end that the rumour of the queen's decease might brew no alteration there. The intelligence of this event astounded Tyrone, on whose face all men's eyes were cast ; and he wept so copiously that his tears could not be concealed; but, says Moryson, although he insinuated that the loss of the late sovereign touched his tenderest sympathies, there needed no (Edipus to divine that he repented his precipitate submission, or, at all events, grieved that he did not postpone it a few days, and thus fasten great merit on the new king. Be that as it may, he repaired with the deputy, lords indolis, nunc adolescentes, Hugo et Henricus. Ea defuncta aliam duxit uxorem Britanis parentibus in Hibernia natam, sororem Mares- calli totius regionis, qu£e quomodocunque apud suos de religione primum docta, constat quod posteaquam uxor huic principi facta, in sedibus suis a Catholicis sacerdotibus tam bene instituta fuerat ut et religiosissime vixerit, et sanctissime obierit, Ab hujus itaque morte postremo inde loco tertiam habet uxorem ex familia Magnesiorum, aitate quidem juuiorem, sed educatione, moribus, prudentia, pietate maturam." * Camden. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 11 spiritual and temporal, officers of arms, mayor, sheriffs, and Ulster king-of-arms, through the few dozen narrow streets on the south bank of the Liffey of which the metropolis then consisted, to the High Cross,* where, with flourish of trumpets, proclamation was duly made, " That since it had pleased God to call to his mercy out of this transitory state, the high and mighty princess Elizabeth, late queen of England, France, and Ireland, the imperial crown of the realms aforesaid are now absolutely come to the high and mighty prince James Sixth of Scotland, lineally and lawfully descended from the body of Margaret, daughter to the renowned prince Henry VII., his great grandfather — a just prince, adorned with all the rarest gifts of mind and body,-(- and blessed already with a most happy and royal pos- terity, to the infinite comfort of all his people, who is now become our only lawful, lineal, and rightful liege lord, James the First, king of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and soforth."J The day after the king was proclaimed, Tyrone repeated the submission made at Mellifont, the name of the sovereign only changed, and despatched a letter to the king of Spain, stating that he had held out as long as he could, in the vain hope of being succoured by him ; and finally, when deserted by his nearest kinsman and followers, * See Gilbert's Dublin, v. i. t It was Mount joy, doubtless, who suggested this piece of flattery, of which he was a consummate master ; for all his biographers agree that James — to say nothing of certain vices in which he indulged, and at which we must only hint — was a slovenly pedant, of dis- gusting habits, a coward, grotesque on foot as well as in the saddle, faithless, addicted to swearing and the grossest sensuality. His cha- racter and personal appearance have been faithfully described by Dr. Vaughan, in his Revolutions of English History, v. iii. t The Catholic lords wbo subscribed the proclamation were : Tyrone, Gormanstown, Killeen, Trymbleston, Slane, and Dunsany. 12 FATE AND FORTUNES OF was enforced, as in duty bound, to declare his allegiance to James I., in whose service and obedience he meant to live and die. He concluded by thanking Philip for his princely usage of his son Henry, to whom he wrote to return home, as he was anxious to see him settled during his lifetime; but without effect, for Henry remained in Spain till afterwards promoted to command a regiment of Irish in the service of Albert and Isabella, joint sovereigns of the Netherlands, to whose memory the Catholics of Ireland owe a lasting debt of gratitude, for countless favours they bestowed upon them — laymen as well as ecclesiastics. Having thus reduced the country to peace by Tyrone's submission, Mountjoy despatched sir Henry Da vers with letters to the king, narrating his success over the "chief rebel," the "comingin" of others, suchas O'Rourke and Rory,* brother of Hugh O'Donel, recently deceased, and praying that he might be either relieved of the deputyship, or allowed to go to England to kiss the royal hands. He also sent one of his secretaries to inform the king, that if he were pleased to continue him in the government, he would accept the office, with the title of lord lieutenant and two-thirds of the deputy's allowances, as no one could bear the charges of that place unless he had other large fees and emoluments. In short, the secretary was charged to procure a new patent to Mountjoy, with the title of lord lieutenant, and authority to leave sir George Carey to be lord deputy, that his Excellency might proceed to London without delay, to solicit money and munitions for the garrisons ; * In November, 1602, sir Paul Gore was sent by the lord deputy, witb the queen's protection, to Rory O'Donel, who had petitioned to be admitted to mercy, with directions to bring him to the deputy, then in Connaught. Accordingly, on the 14th December, Gore brought him to Athlone, where, with O'Conor Sligo, he made his submission to the queen. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 13 to restore the coinage* to its purity; and to obtain power to pass estates to the Irish lords. As for Tyrone, he was to inform his majesty that he, Mountjoy, had allowed him to return to his own country after renewing to him the royal protection for a longer time, till he could sue out his pardon at the foot of the throne. Little reason, indeed, had Mountjoy to anticipate that any of his requests would be refused by James, who was well aware of his complicity in Essex's plot, when that ill-fated nobleman urged the king of Scots to march into England and aid him in an attempt to compel Elizabeth to declare his majesty her successor, promising, at the same time, that Mountjoy would bring over 5,000 soldiers from Ireland to effect the same object. In fact, there was no man in the British realms at the period who had less cause to regret the queen's death than Mountjoy ; for, had she lived another * At the commencement of her reign, Elizabeth set about establish- ing the coinage on a satisfactory basis, and paid some attention to that of Ireland, which was seriously debased. A special coinage of Irish shillings, value ninepence, was issued to pass in Ireland for twelve- pence ; and a popular ballad of the time mentions the fact thus : — '*Let bonfires shine in every place ; Sing and ring the bells apace ; And pray that long may live her grace To be the good queen of Ireland. The gold and silver that was so base, That no man could endure it scarce, Is now new-coined with her own face, And made go current in Ireland." Sing, however, as they might, the Irish were badly treated, for the base money called in in England was exported to Ireland, and recoined to pass current there at double its real value. To supply the want of small change, traders and shopkeepers issued tokens of halfpence and pence, which were made of lead, tin, and leather. On the accession of James I. it was determined to establish the relative value, for the purposes of exchange, of the English, Irish, and Scotch coinage ; but the abuse, arising from private monopolies, survived tiU after the wars of the Commonwealth and during the campaign of James II. 14 FATE AND FORTUNES OF year, it is more than probable he might have shared the fate of unfortunate Essex * Tyrone set out for the north with directions from the lord deputy to restrain his former partisans, whose fields had been ravaged during the late war, till the whole region became a scene of revolting desolation. Carcasses strewed the ground between Newry and Dungannon, and it was no uncommon spectacle to behold " children gnawing the entrails of their dead mothers, upon whose flesh they had fed twenty days past, and having eaten it all, from the feet upwards, to the bare bones, roasting it by a slow fire."-|- Kites, hawks, horseflesh, and other obscene aliments were dainties to the unfortunate people of Ulster at that period ; and one might be disposed to attribute these horrors to their own turbulence or improvidence, if we were not assured by an ej^e-witness that he had seen * It is supposed that Tyrone and Essex conspired to dethrone the queen at their conference held in September, 1599, at the ford on the Lagan, now Anaghclart-bridge, the place chosen for their meeting by O'Neill's secretary, Henry O'Hagan. Essex's toleration of the Catho- lics and their worship, was, doubtless, meant to secure the sympathy and, perhaps, the co-operation of the great northern chieftain. At all events, the queen was much displeased with Essex's truce and parley, and wrote to him that "to trust Tyrone was to trust a devil upon his religion." A letter written by M. Boisisse, the French ambas- sador, to M. de Eohan, dated London, March 4, 1600, lends some colour to Tyrone's compHcity with Essex : "Essex had secret intelli- gence with Tyrone in Ireland, entertained Jesuits, sold London to the Infanta, and meant to usurp the crown," In the same year sir H. Nevill, ambassador in the Netherlands, writes to secretary Cecil : " The Irishmen here and in the Low Countries giv^e confident bruits of the great weakness of her majesty's forces in Ireland and the strength of the rebels ; of Tyrone's resolution to pursue the war till he have established the Catholic religion ; and of his purpose to approach the war to the gates of Dublin. Their intelligence they receive from Jesuits, and namely from one father Fitzsimons, residing in Dublin." t Fynes Moryson. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 15 •the English troops, when not otherwise engaged, up- rooting the growing crops with their swords, and employing fire to consume whatever the natives had laid up in their barns.* It was the policy suggested by Spenser, styled the "gentle," and it was carried out with unrelenting ferocity. To remedy, as far as im- poverished means would allow him, this sad state of affairs, was Tyrone's first care ; but he had scarcely begun to discharge his duties to the inhabitants of his own immediate lordship, when he found himself en- tangled in difficulties in a quarter where he might have least expected them, with his own son-in-law, Donald O'Cahan, distinguished by the agnomen "Ballagh," f redded; who sought, by virtue of a compact which he had made with sir Arthur Chichester, governor of CarrickferguR, to repudiate all claim Tyrone had on him as his uriaght or chief vassal. As the conduct of this individual influenced events which were destined to involve Tyrone and himself in ruin, we must here glance, although rapidly, at his ante- cedents, and at the territory which he and his held for centuries as vassals to the princes of Tir-Owen. The tribe of O'Cahan, or, as they were called by the Irish, Oireachta-O'Cathain, inhabited the district that stretches westward from the Foyle to the east of the Bann, and is bounded on the north by the sea, and on the south by the hills of Munterloony. The whole region is now comprised in the baronies of Tikeeran, Keenaght, and Coleraine. It was, at the period of which we are writing, a most fertile tract of country ; abounding in springs, brooks, and rivers, especially fitted for rearing cattle, red deer, sheep, rabbits,-|- squirrels, martins, hemp, * F. Mooney's MS. History of Irish Franciscans, t All these articles of traffic are mentioned by Hakluyt, Voyages, 1437, and by Guicciardini, Descriz. de' Paesi Bassi, 16th century. 16 FATE AND FORTUNES OF and flax; while its vast forests, Glenconkeine and Killi- tragh, yielded, says sir John Davys, " the goodliest and largest timber, that might compare with any in the British dominions." Its sea and river fishings were not surpassed by any in Ireland, and the pearls found in the Foyle and on its sea-board, were eagerly sought by native and foreign merchants. The castles of the O'Cahans were Ainoch, situated in Lough Ena West, Dungiven, and Limavady,* which stands upon a time- worn cliff, a hundred feet above the point where the river Roe forms a cataract of exceeding beauty. Great benefactors to the Church, too, were the O'Cahans ; for they founded and endowed the monastery of the Regular Canons of St. Augustin at Dungiven,-)- where the sculp- tured tomb of the greatest of their race, Cooey-na- gall,J still exists; and the ancient annals relate how the O'Cahan of Creeve caused the door of the refectory of Dubh-Regles Columbkill, the black abbey church of Derry, to be carved at the request of its abbot, 0'Henesy.§ But, as we have said, the O'Cahans held their lands as creditors of service or feudatories to the O'Neill, to whom they served homage, and paid certain tribute, as having been sent from Ireland to Brabant, then the great emporium of the north of Europe. We may also observe, that Philip II. of Spain made a treaty with O'Cahan for fishing on his coast, * Anglice, the Dog's-leap. t A.D. 1100. J The Four Masters record the death of this chieftain, whose agnomen signifies "hunter of the foreigners " — the English — in 1385 ; and the late Dr. Petrie describes his tomb as possessing much archi- tectural beauty, situated south of the chancel, and representing him in armour reclining, with one hand resting on his sword, above six warriors in relievo. Dungiven is to this day the burying-place of the O'Cahans, whose numerous monuments exhibit considerable sculptural skill. § A.D. 1192. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 17 called cios-righ or cess, yearly ; and the chief of the sept was also a high functionary whenever the O'Neill was inaugurated on the royal hill of Tullaghoge, for it was his office to cast th| gold shoe over the head of the prince elect, while O'Hagan,* O'Neill's steward and justiciary, presented the straight wand, and then fas- * The chief residence of the O'Hagans was within the rath of Tullaghoge, where stood the Leac-na-righ, or chair of coronation, and they assumed a gold sandal in their armorial bearings, because they placed it on the elect chief's foot. The ceremony had a decidedly Eastern aspect, as appears by Deut. xxv. , where taking the shoe off the foot was, among the Jews, a mode of disgracing a man ; and Ruth, iv., where giving the shoe is mentioned as a testimony of cession of right. A Lapide, commenting on this passage, observes : "Christiani hsereditatem domus ad eum per clavium acceptionem, agri vero per pedum positionem. " The rite was, in many respects, the same as that observed by the Carinthians, a Celtic tribe north of the Adriatic, when inducting their prince or archduke, as may be seen in Lynch's Camb. Evers. The O'Hagan, so worthily repre- sented by the learned judge of our time, had broad lands in the vicinity of Tullaghoge, as chief law-officer of Tyrone, but he was destined to share the hard fortune of his lord and chief. Hugh, earl of Tyrone, was the last of his race crowned at Tullaghoge, and the fact was communicated to the cabinet of Elizabeth by his mortal enemy, sir Henry Bagnal, in a letter dated September 14th, 1595, thus : " The traitor is gone to the stone to have himself called O'Neill upon some ceremony used ; and hath given charge to all his forces to meet him there in two hosts." Fynes Moryson adds that Mountjoy " spent five days in the neighbourhood, 1602, and after spoiling the corn of the whole country, smashed the chair whereon the O'Neills were wont to be created." It may not be out of place to observe, that Turlough O'Hagan was sent by Tyrone to escort Hugh E.oe O'Donel from Glenmalure to Donegal, after that chief escaped from Dublin Castle, 1592; and that the same Turlough "commanded 500 men on the retreat from Kinsale, and was slain with all his company excei)t twenty, whereof eleven were wounded, and of them seven died the eighteenth day after their return." — F. Moryson's Ireland. The O'Hagans are still to be found in the neighbourhood of Tullaghoge, whereof they were once, as the bards sang, " Strong chief rulers — lords of fair avenues ;" and with the traditional reverence of the old Celtic race for the burial-place of their fathers, they to thia day inter in the ancient cemetery of Donaghrisk. 18 FATE AND FORTUNES OF tened the gold sandal on his lord's foot. The subordinate officers in this angust ceremony, the origin of which may be traced to the patriarchal times, were O'MuUan and O'Mulholland, the custodiaiae of the Bell* of St. Patrick, who always assisted with that venerable relic on the mount of installation. A more serious service, however, was to be rendered by the O'Cahan to his liege lord, whenever the latter made war ; for the contingent he was obliged to furnish at such emergency, amounted to 140 horse and 400 foot, kern and gallowglass; in modern phrase, light and heavy infantry. Without going back to those internecine conflicts so common among the Irish chieftains in the remoter periods of their history, and in which the O'Cahans acted their part, we find them in the ranks of Shane O'Neill, sumamed the Proud, when that prince swept the Eng- lish pale with fire and sword, and burnt down the cathedral of Armagh, because primate Creagh,-]- a native * For an account of this ancient bell, now in possession of Rev. Dr. Todd, see the Antiquities of Down and Connor, where the learned Dr. Reeves describes its vicissitudes. t Dr. Creagh was a most disinterested prelate ; for, although living at a time when he could not promote a relative to the meanest place under the crown, he still continued a true and good subject to England. No man ever suffered more either in the Castle of Dublin or in the Tower of London. He describes his prison in the former place as a "hole where, without candle, there was no light; and with candle [when I had it) so filled with smoke, that, had there not been a hole in the next door to draw breath with my mouth set upon it, I had been undone." And yet this archbishop, when trans- ported to the Tower of London, where he is said to have been de- spatched by poison, wrote to the lords of the privy council (Feb. 22, 1564) : " My poor purse was always spent to serve the crown of England, as of duty I was bound, knowing the joyful life that Irish- men have under England, nothing so oppressed as other princes' sub- jects are, if they were good and true in themselves." Strange that Creagh's goodness and loyalty could not get him clear of the Tower ! TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 19 of Cork, who was very zealous for the extension of Eng- lish rule in Ulster, denounced him for not submitting himself to queeu Elizabeth. Two years after the assas- sination of Shane, &n act of parliament* was passed attainting him, his confederates, allies, and the O'Cahans; but as English law had not then supplanted Brehon jurisdiction in Ulster, they continued to till their fields, hunt the dun deer in their forests, and export salmon, beeves, fells of kids, conies, and hawks, to Brabant, taking from the Antwerp merchants in exchange, finely tem- pered sword-blades and strong wines of Spanish vine- yards. In fact, so little were the O'Cahans affected by the act vesting all Tyrone in the crown, and abolishing the name of O'Neill, which has been styled the great title- deed to the lands of Ulster, that a chief of the sept was present at sir John Perrot's parliament, held in Dublin, 1585 ; for even then English power was not able to make the territory of Cianachtaf shire ground. Two years afterwards, however, the queen thought it ex- pedient to grant a charter, creating Hugh O'Neill earl of Tyrone for life, with remainder to Hugh, his son, his son Henry ; remainder to Cormac, brother of the earl, and to his heirs male ; also the title of baron of Dun- gannon for life. And in order that he might the better maintain this dignity, she granted him all the lands, tenements, advowsons of churches, and other posses- sions which he held in Tyrone, saving the castle near the Black water, and 240 acres adjacent to it. Finally, as Turlo Lynogh O'Neill, chief or captain of Tyrone, had " superiority for his expenses and other accustomed duties over Maguire and O'Cahan, according to agree- * 1569. t An ancient name of the territory held by the O'Cahans. 20 FATE AND FORTUNES OF ment with the earl of Essex,* and for the due perform- ance of the premises, namely, of the captaincy of Tyrone and of the superiority over O'Cahan and Maguire, hei- majesty directed a grant to be made to him of the pre- mises/'-f- Acknowledging this supremacy of O'Neill, as he was bound, the O'Cahan paid all accustomed duties to Turlo Lynogh during his life; and when he passed away, and Hugh, the earl, succeeded to the captaincy of Tyrone, O'Cahan swore to render him the same man- service, and to hold himself in readiness, with his contingent of horse and foot, whenever his liege-lord called him to the field. And faithfully, indeed, did Donald Ballagh O'Cahan perform his duty to Tyrone, after the escape of Hugh Roe O'Donel from Dublin Castle ; for he signally distinguished himself in all the engagements with the queen's troops, from Clontibret:J: to Belanathabuidh, at Kinsale, and in the retreat from that " disaster," till O'Neill was obliged to take refuge in the great fastness of Glenconkeine, expecting, but to no purpose, that O'Donel would one day sail up the Foyle with men, money, and munitions from Philip III. of Spain. As soon, however, as O'Cahan saw that all * Walter, earl marshal of Ireland, whose attempt to plant English rule in Ulster signally failed, died in Dublin, 1576. t It is worth observing, that her majesty gave away what she never possessed, and still more noteworthy that she allowed advow- sons to remain in the gift of the popish O'Neills. We may also observe, that the religious houses in Ulster- were not dissolved till the accession of James I. t See Mitchel's Life and Times of Hugh O'Neill, where there is a vivid description of the defeat of sir Henry Bagnal at the Yellow Ford, and also of the duel between O'Neill and Segrave at Clontibret, where, as appears in a letter from sir Ralph Lane, dated Monaghan, June 9, 1595, Tyrone wore a jack given him by Hatton, Elizabeth's dancing chancellor, and the son of O'Cahan struck off Segrave's arm with his sword. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 21 hope of such succours had vanished, he resolved to act the traitor's part ; and, yielding to the impulses of sordid egotism, he lost no time in signifying to sir Arthur Chichester, governor of Carrickfergus, that he was ready to withdraw himself from Tyrone, who, although a large price had been set upon his head, could not be forced out of that strong fastness till this act of treachery was consummated. This perfidy, which shows that Donald O'Cahan was a cruel-hearted man — an invariable characteristic of all traitors and informers since the days of Iscariot — was opened by a word-of- mouth message to Chichester, which the latter took down in writing, and which has fortunately survived the wear and waste of time : — "Donald O'Cahan ofFereth to give her majesty his loyal service, rent, and rising out, for assurance of which he will put in pledges, desiring he may not be deluded, and to know speedily whether he shall be accepted, to the end he lose not O'Neill's favour by his submission to her majesty, and be refused of his desire." This, indeed, was a tempting proposal — one which Chichester could not refuse at such a crisis, when none of all Tyrone's people could be found " to bring in his head " for the sake of the price at which lord deputy Mountjoy estimated it. Sir Arthur, hov/ever, replied that the traitor should write to him before he would give more than consideration to the offer ; and O'Cahan thereon sent him a letter, written in Irish, which, translated by some Celt in Chichester's pay, runs thus : — " The commendations of O'Cahan to the governor of Carrickfergus, and I do trust my business, my body, and my counsel unto you, because I heard it is not 22 FATE AND FORTUNES OF hurtful for me to trust to you ; and, therefore, I do ask you to be true to me, and to every one of my people, till you send the lord deputy's answer unto me ; until which time I will not do hurt to any of the queen's forces or her garrisons ; (and to leave that) do not slack my business, for fear I should not get them done as I would to my liking with reason. And the service I would do for myself and O'Neill I will leave undone, but will believe what you write to me, I have such confidence in you. And so long as I was against the true prince, who ought to be over me, be it known unto you, that I could not choose but do so, since I was between O'Neill, O'Done], and the Scots,* and it may be I was not able to defend myself against any of them; but what word soever I give you, let it be betwixt me and God if I break iff Having thus sold himself body and soul to Chichester, the latter referred him to sir Henry Docwra, governor of Lough Foyle, who, overjoyed at his defection, agreed to accept his services ; and on the 27th of July made, with the lord deputy's consent, a stipulation, that so much of his country as lay between the rivers of Faughan and Lough Foyle, should be left to her majesty's disposal; that a piece of ground should be allotted for maintenance of a garrison on the lower Bann ; and for the rest he should have her majesty's letters-patent to hold to him and his heirs.j O'Cahan was far from being satisfied with this arrangement, but there was now no remedy ; and he began to think that he was deluded, contrary to his expectation, by the man in whom he had so much confidence. Be it told to the * Those settled in Antrim, and aiding O'Neill. t The original of this letter, dated June 21, 1602, and subscribed " O'Cahan," is in the S. P. 0. X Docwra's Narr., Miscell. of the Irish Arch. Soc. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 23 credit of his people, however, that when led by himself and Docwra to force O'Neill from the fastness of Glenconkeine, they mutinied, refused the service, and dispersed to their homes, disgusted, as well they might be, with the turpitude of their fallen chief. His de- fection, however, was the turning-point of Tyrone's career, for it compelled him to surrender himself to Mountjoy, and, as we have already said, prematurely. From these particulars we now return to Tyrone, whom we left making whatever provision he could for the benefit of his people, so awfully beset by dearth and pestilence, caused by the destruction of the crops, and the unburied carcasses that lay festering about the country. Ignorant of, or perhaps setting little value on, the contract made by O'Cahan with Docwra, he sent sundry of his men and their wives to be cessed upon the former, and demanded of him his accustomed dues. O'Cahan, however, refused to comply, alleging that whatever land he now held had been given him by the crown, and that he was no longer his uriaght or sub-lord, and would continue to deny him all duties, such as cios-righ, cuttings, and spendings, which he was wont to pay of old. Sir H. Docwra countenanced this line of conduct, and proceeded to Dublin to lay the matter before Mountjoy, with the hope of being able to secure that personage's sympathies for his pro- teg^. The deputy, however, did not sanc^on his views ; but, on the contrary, told him that Tyrone was " taken in," i.e., accepted to pardon, with promise to be restored to all his lands, honours, and dignities, and that O'Cahan' s country was his, and must be obedient to his command. In vain did Docwra produce the cove- nant to which he had set his hand, guaranteeing that O'Cahan should hold his lands immediately from the crown ; for all he could get from the deputy was, " that 24 FATE AND FOETUNES OF O'Cahan was a drunken fellow, unable to do good or harm; that he, the deputy, should have care for the public good, and give contentment to lord T3nrone, upon which deioended the 'peace and secwrity of the whole Jcingdom." Once more Docwra urged the written agreement, alleging that he had nothing to say about O'Cahan's drunkenness or disability to do harm ; but the deputy, waxing warm, replied, that what he did was by the consent of the council of the kingdom, with approbation of the deceased queen as also of the reign- ing king, and wound up by swearing " that O'Cahan must and shall be under my lord Tyrone*' Greatly chagrined with the result of his mission, Docwra, who was a blunt, honest old soldier, returned to Derry, sent for O'Cahan, and repeated to him what the deputy had said. O'Cahan grew furious, appealed to his treachery, challenged any one to show that he had done anything contrary to what he promised since he deserted his liege lord, protested that he was undone by being forced to live under Tyrone; and then, turning to Hugh, Tyrone's son, who was present, shook him by the hand — the hypocrite ! — " and bade the devil take all Eng- lishmen, and as many as put their trust in them.'^* Thus, to all intents and purposes, was Tyrone restored to all his lands and honours ; and thus was the old bill of attainder, in all respects, except assuming the title of O'Neill, once more rendered a dead letter, by the absolute decision of king James' deputy and lieutenant- general of Ireland. About the same tinie-f* another false knave, Nial Garve O'Donel, who was also instrumental in crushing Tyrone, met sterner retribution at Mountjoy's hands; for that wretched man, who, we are told, combined the * Docwra's Narrative. t May, 1603. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 25 venom of an asp with the daring of a lion, thinking to exalt himself in the esteem of his employers, presumed to take the style and title of " O'Donel/' with the usual ceremonial, in the old church_ of Kilmacrenan * This proceeding was a capital offence in the eyes of the deputy; and were it not for Docwra, who discovered that the act, making it treason to revive ancient titles, was levelled at none but the O'Neill, he would doubt- less have got rid of Nial by hanging him, as he de- served. Mountjoy was well disposed to do so ; for he knew that the execution of such a miscreant, whose crimes caused his own wife, Nuala,*!* to abandon him, would have been hailed with delight by every honest man in the north. But the deputy found another way of punishing him, namely, by transferring to Eory O'Donel letters-patent of all Tyrconnel, which were intended for Nial as the reward of his defection. A warrant was then issued for his arrest, but he fled into the woods of Kinnaweer, and remained lurking there till he was allowed to go to London, where the king made him a grant of the lands he held while in amity with the late Hugh Roe O'Donel — the tract of country that stretches from Laght,J westwards, to Sheskinloo- banagh,§ lying on either side the river Finn. On the evening proclamation was made in Dublin of the king's accession, Mountjoy despatched copies of the same verbose document to all the principal cities and towns in Ireland, with directions to have them * A Franciscan church founded by the O'Donels, who were there inaugurated by O'Freel. The woods of Kinnaweer were in the north of this parish. t Sister of Red Hugh and Rory O'Donel. X A townlaud in parish of Donaghmore, barony of Raphoe. § A marsh in townland of Croaghonagh, on the borders of county Tyrone. 26 FATE AND FORTUNES OF duly published by the mayors and sheriffs within their respective jurisdictions. This was accordingly done in Waterford, April 12th, and in Cork on the 16th, by the mayor, who wrote to the deputy, by way of excusing himself, that he had deferred carrying out his order tiU then, that it might be done with greater solemnity. As soon, however, as the news of the queen's death reached the southern towns, the Catholics, foolishly imagining that their religious disabilities would be removed by the accession of the new king, forced open the gates of the ancient churches, rehabilitated them with all usages of the ritual, re-erected the altars, and celebrated mass publicly, and to the great satisfaction of the people, who had hitherto been obliged to assist at same in private houses, on hill-sides, and in secluded glens, where they could not be molested by the queen's bailiffs, who, like sleuth-hounds, were ever on the trail of the clergy. Indeed, priests and people had formed the most erroneous ideal of king James ; for they, one and all, said to themselves, that the son of a mother who sealed her devotion to the Catholic religion with her blood, must have large sympathies with the profes- sors of that faith ; and the popular songs of the time lent semblance of truth to this persuasion, for, accord- ing to the genealogists and bards, the blood of the old Celtic monarchs circulated in king James' veins. As for the clergy, they had still stronger reasons for supposing that religious persecution, and that odious word toleration, had been buried in the late queen's grave ; for they knew that James VI. of Scotland had often received supplies of money from the Roman court, and, above all, that Clement VIII.,* then reigning, had * He sent to congratulate James on his accession, and subse- quently the latter proposed to him to hold a general council. Clement VIII. founded the Scots' College at Rome. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 27 $uit made to him by the king himself, to favour his title to the crown of England, which the pontiff guaranteed to do, on condition that James promised not to persecute the Catholics* But pope and clergy were speedily disillusionized, and taught that the monarch, from whom they hoped to receive some benefit, was utterly destitute of principle, and faithless to his word. Meanwhile, however, intelligence reached Mountjoy, from Waterford, Limerick, Cork, and elsewhere, that the cathedrals, churches, and oratories had been seized by the people and clergy, and that father White, vicar-apostolic of Waterford and Lismore, had, with approbation of the towns-people, and Nicholas Walsh, chief justice of the king's bench, inaugurated this new state of things; hallowing St. Patrick's on 11th April, the church of the Trinity on the day following, and singing high mass there on Wednesday in passion week. The same zealous, but not very discreet clergy- man, used the same rite in Kilkenny, Clonmel, and Ross ; while another, enthusiastic as himself, performed the like function in all the churches of Wexford. A father Rafter had the boldness to reconcile the glorious old edifice on the rock of Cashel, the presence of the centenarian apostate, Miler Magrath,-(* notwithstanding; and^ he found active assistants in father Mead, who purified the churches of Cork and Cloyne, and Richard Arthur, who officiated in the same manner in the cathedral and all the churches of Limerick. Reliedous enthusiasm, however, and cooljudgment rarely combine in the same individual; and all concerned in those proceedings were soon to be made aware of that truth. Affecting to be scandalized at such performances, * Bellarmin asserts this, and the king admits it in his * ' Triplici Nodo." See Craik's Romance of the Peerage. I For particulars regarding this pseudo archbishop, see Appendix. 28 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Mountjoy despatched sharp letters to the mayors of thet southern towns, declaring them seditious and mutinous, for setting up "the public exercise of the popish religion," and charging them at their peril to cease from the exercise thereof. All remonstrances of the mayors and people, who made great capital of their sworn allegiance to the new king, were unavailing ; and Waferford, the centre of the religious movement, was warned by the lord deputy, that he meant to pitch his tents, with as little delay as possible, within bow-shot of their walls, "to suppress insolencies, and see peace and obedience maintained." The deputy kept his word ; and on the 4th of May, 1603, he appeared before Waterford at the head of 5,000 men, officered by sir K Wingfield* and others who had distinguished themselves during Tyrone's war. The citizens at first refused to allow any of the troops to enter the town, however willing to welcome the king's deputy; but some of the chief among them, at his request, went to the camp, and brought with them, under safe-conduct, father White and a friar of St. Dominic's order, both wearing their clerical habits, and preceded by a cross-bearer. The soldiers witnessing this strange sight, jeered the sacred symbol, which they stupidly designated an "idol;" and when father White repudiated such indignity, sir Richard Wingfield, who seems to have belonged to the school of muscular theologians, threatened to put an end to the controversy by running father White through with his sword. The deputy, however, was a "bookish" man, at one period of his life inclined to Catholicity,"f* * There is among the family pictures at Powerscourt, a portrait of this distinguished old warrior, whose lineal descendent, the present noble lord, has always proved himself most generous to his Catholic tenantry. t Moryson. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 29 and he listened patiently to father White on the right of resisting or disobeying the natural prince ; but when the latter quoted some passage thereanent in the works of St. Augustin, Mountjoy caused to be brought to him out of his tent the identical volume, and showed, to the amazement of the by-standers, that the context ex- plained away all the priest had asserted. That camp surely was the last place in the world where one might hope to hold an amicable discussion; and notwith- standing a long and learned vindication of Catholic doctrine and usages, poor father White heard from the deputy's lips that he was a "traitor," and worthy of condign punishment for bringing an idol into a Christian camp. Being asked by whose authority he opened the churches, father White* replied, "by the pope's;" and thereon the deputy ordered them to be closed again by the mayor and city magistrates, in whose hands the wardens had placed them to save effusion of blood. Father White appeared in the camp a second time that day ; fell on his knees before the deputy, begging liberty of conscience, free and open exercise of religion, pro- testing that the people would be ready to resist all foreign invasion were that granted ; and, finally, be- seeching that some of the ruined churches might be given to the Catholics, who were ready to rebuild them, and pay for them a yearly rent into his majesty's ex- chequer. But the deputy was inexorable ; and all he could grant was leave to wear clerical clothes, and celebrate mass in private houses, without molestation from that class of bailiffs, then and afterwards known as priest-hunters. On May 3rd, Mountjoy's army entered Waterford ; the citizens repeated their oath of allegiance ; and the * He made his escape to Rome. See an interestiDg narrative of his adventures in Duffy's Irish Catholic Magazine, Dublin, 1848. 30 FATE AND FORTUNES OF churches were made over to the Protestants, who, apart from this triumph of bigotry, would have been more warmly devout in less spacious edifices. From Water- ford, the lord deputy despatched letters to some of the other towns, commanding the Catholics to close the churches; and, doubtless, he must have laughed at the simplicity of the sovereign of Wexford, when that functionary wrote to him, as an excuse for his conduct, that he thought king James was a Catholic ! The de- puty raised his camp. May the 5th, and marched to Cork and Limerick, where he rated mayors and magistrates for their conduct in this business of the churches, and signified to them that none but the king could grant liberty of conscience — a moral sense which his majesty did not possess — but gave them the same privileges he had so graciously bestowed on the people of Waterford. From Cork he wrote to the earl of Tyrone to meet him in Dublin, and hold himself in readiness to accompany him to London ; and then prosecuting his journey to the metropolis, through Cashel and other towns, he undid all that the clergy had done with the impulsiveness so inherent in the Celtic character, leaving, perhaps, to future statesmen, living above the atmosphere of effete prejudices, the duty of restoring to the Catholics of Ireland those grand old temples, whose proportions were never meant to accommodate a fragment of its people.* But certainly nothing could have been more ill-timed than the conduct at which we have barely glanced, and which, although characterized by the deputy as a "revolt and a mutiny," was nothing more than a sort of insur- rection known to schoolboys as a barring out. That * Among the other churches specially mentioned in the deputy's despatches, is the "Black Abbey," Kilkenny, which has lately been restored by the Dominican friars. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 31 it was inopportune is quite certain, for the southern cities and towns, any time within the preceding five years, might, had they wished to do so, have established their altars on broader and deeper foundations, by following the advice of Clement YIII.,* who offered them the same indulgences granted to those who fought in Palestine for the ransom of the holy sepulchre, pro- vided they furnished no recruits to the queen's army, and incorporated themselves in that of "the mag- nanimous prince O'Neill." But they were influenced by inveterate prejudices; and no matter what the pontiff said, or the doctors of Salamanca propounded, about the mortal guilt of taking up arms against O'Neill, the antipathies of the southerns to their coreligionists of the north predominated, and they consequently could not perceive the right moment for striking a decisive blow. No one w^as more conscious of this want of cohesion and of the irresoluteness of his countrymen than the great chieftain of the north, and no man of his time could have deprecated it more energetically than he did, in the following manifesto,-!* which he caused to be published extensively through the southern provinces, and about Dublin : — " To the Catholics of the Towns in Ireland" " Using hitherto more than ordinary favour towards all my countrymen who generally by profession are Catholics, and that naturally I am inclined to affect [esteem] you, I have for these and other considerations * In 1599, when he sent a crown of peacock's feathers (the symbol of glory) to O'Neill, and a long letter, extolling his services to religion. The opinions of the Salamanca theologians are given in O'Sullivan'a Hist. Cath. Hib. See also Cardinal Cintio's letter to O'Neill, in Appendix. tMS. Kooin,T.C.D. 32 FATE AND FORTUNES OF abstained my forces from tempting to do you hindrance, and because I did expect that you would enter into consideration of the lamentable state of our poor country, most tyrannically oppressed, and of your own gentle con- sciences, in maintaining, relieving, and helping the enemies of God and our country, in wars infallibly tending to the promotion of heresy. But now seeing you are so obstinate in that which hereunto you continued of necessity, I must use severity against you (whom otherwise I most entirely love), in reclaiming you by compulsion. My tolerance and happy victories, by God's particular favour doubtless obtained, could work no alteration in your consciences, notwithstanding the great calamity and misery whereunto you are most likely to fall by persevering in that damnable state in which hereunto you have lived. Having commiseration on you, I thought it good to forewarn you, requesting every of you to come and join with me against the enemies of God and our poor country. If the same you do not, I will use means not only to spoil you of all your goods, but, according to the utmost of my power, shall work what I may to dispossess you of all your lands, because you are means whereby wars are main- tained against the exaltation of the Catholic faith. Contrariwise, whosoever it shall be that shall join with me, upon my conscience, and as to the contrary I shall answer before God, I will employ myself to the utmost of my power in their defence, and for the extirpation of heresy, the planting of the Catholic religion, the delivery of our country of infinite murders, wicked and detestable policies, by which this kingdom was hitherto governed ; nourished in obscurity and ignorance, maintained in bar- barity and incivility ; and consequently of infinite evils which were too lamentable to be rehearsed. And seeing these are motives most laudable before any men of >► TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. S3 consideration, and before the Almighty most meritorious, which is chiefly to be respected, I thought myself in con- science bound, seeing God hath given me some power, to use all means for the reduction of this our poor afflicted country into the Catholic faith, which can never be brought to any good pass without either your destruction or helping hand ; hereby protesting that I neither seek your lands nor goods ; neither do I purpose to plant any in your places, if you will adjoin with me ; but will extend what liberties and privileges that heretofore you have had, if it shall stand in my power, giving you to understand, upon my salvation, that chiefly and princi- pally I fight for the Catholic faith to be planted through- out all our poor country, as well in cities as elsewhere, as manifestly might appear by that I rejected all other conditions proflered to me, this not being granted. I have already, by word of mouth, protested, and do now hereby protest, that if I had to be king of Ireland without having the Catholic religion, which before I mentioned, I would not the same accept. Take you example by that most Catholic country of France, whose subjects, for defect of Catholic faith, did go against their most natural king,* and maintained wars till he was constrained to profess the Catholic religion, duly sub- mitting himself to the apostolic see of Rome, to the which, doubtless, we may bring our country, you putting your helping hand with me to the same. As for myself, I protest before God and upon my salvation, I have been proffered oftentimes such conditions as no man seeking his own private commodity could refuse ; but I, seeking the public utility of my native country, will prosecute these wars until that generally religion be planted throughout all Ireland. So I rest, praying the * Henry IV. 34j TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. Almighty to move your flinty hearts to prefer the com- modity and profit of our country before your own private ends."* But no ; not even the dint of that manifesto, with the ring of true steel in its every line, could strike a spark out of their hearts, for they were chalky. They turned pale at the sound of poor old Elizabeth's name while living; dreamed of a crisis that was never to come; suffered the right moment to pass ungrasped; and laid hold, as we have seen, of that avenging angel, who, the poets say, is ever attendent on the goddess they called "Opportunity." * This document, now for the first time published, is dated Dun- gaunon, Nov. 16, 1599, and subscribed "O'Neill." ■■ ■' *n n 11 II n n n ii ii ii i N ,1 „|,,, 1,1,11 II -"^ ^ I ^ " " " " ^' " ■» " " " " '^ ■■ i'' CHAPTER II. J|K^AY was far advanced when the lord deputy re- ^j^ turned to Dublin; and while on his way thither, y he received letters from the king, signifying that he had been chosen one of the privy council in England, and created lord lieutenant of Ireland, with two-thirds of the deputy's allowance assigned to him. Sir George Carey, treasurer at wars, was named deputy during Mountjoy's absence, with the other third part of the deputy's salary and his own pay as treasurer for his maintenance. The king also instructed Mountjoy that the royal pardon* had been passed to Tyrone under the great seal, and likewise all other grants which he, Mountjoy, by. covenant or otherwise, had yielded to him; and concluded by re- questing that "he would induce Tyrone to repair per- sonally to London, as we think it very convenient for our service, and require you so to do; and if not, that at least you bring his son." Along with this letter came a protection for Tyrone and such of his as should come in his company, with instructions to all officers, minis- ters, and subjects to permit and suffer him and his to have and enjoy benefit of said protection, without re- straint or molestation. The king, in fact, was most anxious to meet Tyrone, for the latter had done him * Pardon by the king makes the offender a new man, and acquits him of all forfeitures and jienalties annexed to the offence for which he is pardoned.— Stephens' Com. on Blackstone. 56 FATE AND FORTUNES OF good service in Ireland during the late queen's reign ; so much so, that, after the victory of the Blackwater, he sent his secretary, O'Hagan, to Holyrood, to signify to his majesty, that if he supplied him with money and munitions, he would instantly march on Dublin, pro- claim him king of Ireland, and set the crown upon hi^ head. James, however, was too timid about the suc- cession to the English throne to accept the offer.* Everything having been made ready for the voyage; Mountjoy, followed by a brilliant suite, and accompanied by Tyrone and Rory O'Donel, embarked at Fyan's Castle, in the harbour of Dublin, on a fine evening at the close of May, 1603, on board his majesty's pinnace, Tramontana, and sailed for Holyhead. Mountjoy was anxious to salute the new sun, then just risen in the political horizon, and to bestow on him the same flatteryl* he had lavished on Elizabeth four years pre- viously ; and surely nothing could be more gratifying to his self-pride, than to conduct to the foot of the throne the ablest man, now vanquished and disarmed, who had ever presumed to dispute English rule on Irish ground. The Tramontana made a rapid passage, for early next morning the coast of Wales was sighted, and captain Floyd, the master, and F3nies Moryson, congra- tulated each other on their fortunate voyage. Their felicitations, however, were nigh proving premature ; for an hour had scarcely elapsed when the sky became overcast, and a dense fog rising from the sea, enveloped every object in utter darkness. The pinnace, however, * Craik's Romance of the Peerage. t Just three years before the queen's death, Mountjoy wrote to her thus : "If, by all that I have, I may stop the gulf of these wars, by throwing myself to be swallowed up therein, I shall die a happy and contented Curtius ; and one gracious thought of yours thrown after me, shall be more precious than all the jewels of the ladies of Eome ; but, while I live, let me live in your favour." TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 37 kept on her course, running swiftly before the wind with all sail bent, when a flight of gannets, screaming and whirling about the rigging, attracted the attention of the officer of the watch, who, concluding that the vessel was making right on to a dead lee-shore, called to the steersman to put the helm up. The stentorian voice in which the command was delivered, terrified the stoutest heart aboard ; but happily the man at the tiller was equal to the occasion, and obeyed the order coolly and promptly. Not a moment too soon, however ; for as the Tramontana went about and gathered fresh way, so near was she to the Skerries, that the boat hanging at her stern davits was stove in and dashed to pieces. Never had Mountjoy run greater risk at sea — not even when serving against the Armada ; and, indeed, if those quick-eyed sea-birds had not given the alarm when they saw the pinnace bearing down on their desert habita- tion, he and his shipmates must have shared the fate of lord Thurles* and his companions, who perished on that same reef some sixteen years afterwards. As the fog rolled away, and the great black rock became visible, the people on board the Tramontana were astonished at the narrowness of their escape ; nor did Mountjoy recover his equanimity till the noon of that eventful day, when the vessel dropped anchor close to Beaumaris, where boats were waiting to take him and his suite ashore. Thence they rode rapidly to Chester, where they were entertained by the mayor; and, resuming their route, after spending the night in that city, they set out for London, escorted by detachments of horse at various intervals, according to the directions of the king, who, as we have said, had concerned him- self about Tyrone's personal safety. Nor was this *■ Lodge. 38 FATE AND FORTUNES OF precaution unnecessary ; for whenever the latter was recognized, in city or hamlet, the populace, notwithstand- ing their respect for Mountjoy, the hero of the hour, could not be restrained from stoning Tyrone, and flinging bitter insults at him. Indeed, throughout the whole journey, the Welsh and English women were unsparing of their invectives against the Irish chief; nor are we to wonder at this, for there was not one among them but could name some friend or kinsman whose bones lay buried far away in some wild pass or glen of Ulster, where the object of their maledictions was more often victor than vanquished. Having reached London,* Mountjoy tarried there some hours, and then, with Tyrone, repaired to his seat at Wanstead, in Essex, to recover from his fatigue, and await the king's order to appear at court. The few days they passed at Wansteadf were spent in revelry; for the gentry and nobility assembled to congratulate the conqueror of the Irish and their Spanish auxiliaries, and to feast their eyes on that once redoubtable Tyrone, who was now the guest of Mountjoy. Some four and twenty years antecedent, the profligate Leicester entertained queen Elizabeth under that very roof ; and among those who witnessed the pageants got up for her amusement, was Hugh, earl of Tyrone, then a young man, and to all appearances the sworn champion of English sovereignty in Ireland. But nearly all those whom he met there in his prime had passed away — meteors of the hour ; and it is reasonable to suppose that as he paced the halls and galleries of that historic mansion, his memory must have teemed with visions of Essex, Burghley, * According to Stowe, on 4th June. t After Leicester's death it passed to his widow, who married sir C. Blount, and on decease of lord Devonshire the manor passed to the crown. James I. spent some days there in 1607. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL- 39 Hatton, and others, in whose society he cultivated those qualities of mind and body that distinguished him in the council, court, and camp, and were thought worthy of being immortahzed by the classic pen of Camden * On the 6th June, a royal messenger from Hampton Court summoned the lord lieutenant to attend there on the day following, and to bring with him Tyrone and Rory O'Donel. Meanwhile, proclamation was made that his majesty had restored the latter to his favour, and that they should be of all men honourably received.^ Nothing, indeed, could have been more gracious than the reception which the king gave those distinguished Irishmen ; and so marked was the royal courtesy to both, that it stirred the bile of sir John Harington, who speaks of it thus : — " I have lived to see that damnable rebel, Tyrone, brought to England honoured and well- liked. Oh, what is there that does not prove the in- constancy of worldly matters ! How I did labour after that knave's destruction ! I adventured perils by sea and land, was near starving, eat horse-flesh in Munster, and all to quell that man, who now smileth in peace at those who did hazard their lives to destroy him ; and now doth Tyrone dare us, old commanders, with his presence and protection !"| This, indeed, was unworthy the first English translator of Ariosto,§ who had been * Corpus laborum, vigilise, et inedisB patiens, industria magna, auima ingens, maximisque par negotiis, militise multa scientia, ad simulandum animi altitude profunda, adeo ut nonnuUi eum vel maximo Hibernise bono vel male natum tunc prsedixerint. — Annal. Keg. Eliz. A.D. 1590. t Stowe. X Letter to Dr. Still, bishop of Bath and Wells. § Describing a visit to Tyrone in 1599, sir John tells us that the earl's sons, Hugh and Henry, were between 13 and 15 years of age, dressed in English clothes, with velvet jerkins and gold lace, of good cheerful aspect, freckled, not tall, but strong, well set, and acquainted with the English tongue. With the vanity of author- 40 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Tyrone's guest in the little island of Lough-Gall * and there gave him a copy of his work ; but we may presume that he echoed the sentiments of many others envious as himself. Jealousies and grumblings notwithstanding, Tyrone and Rory O'Donel were treated with all out- ward show of attention by the king, and both were present in the great hall of Hampton Court when Mountjoy was created earl of Devonshire.-f* Tyrone was now restored in blood, or, as the jurists term it, made " a new man," His majesty also ordered that the 240 acres, mentioned in a former patent to be adjoined to the fort at the Blackwater, should be restored to him, in recompense of 600 acres, to be reserved to the other two forts of Gharlemont and Mountjoy. But as restoration to all his lands without power to punish criminals would not have enabled him to plant and re- inhabit his country, the lords of the privy council, with the king's consent, gave him authority for martial law,J ship sir John adds, that *' he read for Tyrone and friar Nangle some stanzas of the 45th canto, with which the earl was so pleased that he swore his sons should read the book over to him. The dinner in this island habitation of O'Neill, was spread on a fern table, nnder the stately canopy of heaven ; and O'Neill's guard were beardless boys, who, in the frost, waded as familiarly through the rivers as water- spaniels. With what charm," concludes sir John, "such a master makes them love him, I know not ; but, if he bid come, they come ; if go, they go." — Nugse Antiq. Harington was appointed (2 Jac. I.) seneschal of the O'Byrne's country, with power to pursue rebels with tire and sword. He was also charged to banish bards and rhymers out of his limits, and to whip them if they did not quit after proclamation duly made. Any bard or rhymer found tarrying in the pleasant glens or woodlands of Wicklow, twenty days after said proclamation, was to be tried by court-martial and executed. Hard usage for the bai'ds of Glenmalure and Ballynacor, and surely too much authority for one of the same "irritable" profession! * Co. Armagh. f 21st July, 160.S. X That is, absolute power for restoration of order and lawfully delegated authority, even by putting to death. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 41 " to be executed upon any offenders that shall live under him, the better to keep them in obedience." Finally, it was ordered that the garrisons adjoining the earl's country should not meddle with him or his people ; that all garrisons in Tyrone, except Charlemont or Mountjoy, should withdraw ; and that Armagh should be held by English troops only for a time so long as it might be thought expedient. As for O'Donel, it was signified to him that he and his heirs male should hold all the country of Tyrconnel, with remainder to his brother Caffar and his cousin Douald Og O'Donel, which his ancestors had many years pctst, with all the lands and rights of ancient time belonging to the lands thereof, excepting abbeys and other spiritual livings, the castle and town of Bally- shannon, and 1,000 acres adjoining the fishing there. It was further provided, that O'Donel should renounce all claims upon sir Cahir O'Dogherty's and O'Connor Sligo's countries ; and in lieu thereof, " because he had received so large a country as Tjrrconnel for his inheri- tance," the king thought fit to grace him with the name, style, and honour of earl of Tyrconnel, to hold to him and his heirs male, with remainder to his brother Caffar, and that the heirs male apparent should be created barons of Donegal.* Another suitor for royal favours at this period was sir Cahir O'Dogherty, and to him was passed a grant of all manors, castles, advowsons, passed by patent to his father, sir John O'Dogherty ;-f- ex- cepting some spiritual livings, with moiety of all felons' goods, " wayfes and strayes ;" to hold by a * To said Rory was granted at same time a custodiam of all abbeys, &c. , within county of Tyrconnel, till we shall otherwise dispose of them. The aforesaid grants were all given under privy seal, at Tottenham Court, Sept. 4, 1603. t 15th June, 30 Eliz. 42 FATE AND FOETUNES OF kniglit's fee to him and his heirs, with remain- der to John and E-ory O'Dogherty, brothers of said sir Cahir; reserving payment of an annual rent of thirty beeves, and "rising out" of twenty foot and six horse ; reserving also the castle of Culmore and three hundred acres adjoining, and the whole fish- ings of Culmore ;* allowing him and his heirs four salmon per day during fishing time, with promise, in time of peace, that he and his heirs shall have a custodiam of said castle, lands, and fishings, without rent or duty. While these weighty matters were in progress, Tyrone was closely dogged at every step he took by one Robert Atkinson, chief of a gang of murderers, who, during the queen's lifetime, was employed by Cecil and sir George Carew,"!* president of Munster, to assassinate him ; and as the report which Atkinson made before a notary- public, and which, of course, was duly presented to Cecil,t throws considerable light on Tyrone's movements before returning to Ireland, and the suspicion with which he was still regarded by the ministers, we deem this the fitting place for its insertion: — * The custodiam of Culmore was granted to Henry Harte (3 Jac. I.), with all fishings thereunto belonging excepted out of sir Cahir O'Dogherty's patent, to hold for twenty-one years, at the rent of ten shillings, to maintain said castle, buildings, &c. — Erck's Inrolments. t He wrote from Cork, June, 1601, to sir R. Cecil, thus : — "MacThomas, to redeem his own life, promises to get me Tyrone, alive or dead, and I have put him in confident hope that, upon that service done, the queen will be gracious to him." X The character of this wily politician is drawn by sir E,. Weston, lord high treasurer to James I. , thus : — ' ' Owning a mind of dismal ends, As traps for foes and tricks for friends." — Weldon's Mem. of Eliz. and James I. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 43 " At his majesty's last being at Hampton, where he [Atkinson] was a suitor, he saw one called father Archer* alight from his horse, whereon he was well mounted, at the earl of Tyrone's lodging in Kingston, whom he forthwith saw entertained by one of the earl's servants, and conducted up to his lodging, wherein his lordship then was, and thither Archer often afterwards fre- quented, as he had formerly done at the earl's being lodged at Chelsea, some whiles following the earl to the court, and in company-keeping of those Irish knights and gentlemen which are in the Tower, and sir Chris- topher Plunkett, sir Edward Fitzgerald, and others of that nation, in divers kinds of apparel, sometimes like a courtier, and other whiles like a farmer or chapman of the country. " Him he well knew in Ireland, where he saw him as chief commander over the Irish troops of rebels, horse and foot, for his own guard, commanding as many as himself pleased, and for any murders, burnings, spoils, or other bloody actions that were to be exploited upon any of the English nation or favourers of the English government, called commonly the pope's legate and archprelate over all others in the provinces of Leinster and Munster, and also the O'Neale's, or of others called Tyrone's confessor, as he had been the archduke's-|- confessor of Austria, and in England is said to be the earl's massing priest, daily to execute his function of in Jesuit for masses, absohition, and such like, as for others the knights and Irish gentlemen with whom he is * A Jesuit, and chaplain to O'Moore of Leix, 1600. He was pre- sent at the arrest of earl of Ormond by O'Moore, same year. Archer was in England, 1603, collecting money for the Irish seminary in Salamanca, and is reputed author of a little book, entitled '* II Cap- puccino Scozese." The O'Moore of Leix is now represented by Rt. Hon. Moore O'Farrell. t Albert married Isabella, daughter of Philip II. of Spain. 44 FATE AND FORTUNES OF conversant, howsoever near unto the king's court they may happen to be lodged. "By this traitorous priest, Archer, the earl of Ormond was taken prisoner, in a day of parliance the earl of Thomond held with the O'Moores and O'Connors in Leix, most perfidiously, against all laws of arms, and notwithstanding that he was born an obliged follower of the earl's in Kilkenny, yet he practised much cruelty against him and sought his death ; and of all the priests that ever were, is held for the most bloody and treacherous traitor ; sure unto none in friendship that will not put his decrees into action, by warrant of his apostolical authority, as he calleth it, by bull from the see of Rome, from time to time renewed at his pleasure. And is grown to be so absolute powerful, in holding the greatest lords in awful obedience, as none dare or will, for anything, gainsay him ; but, notwithstanding what- soever oaths, vows, and conclusions are passed from Tyrone unto the king's majesty during his being here, at their returns to their countries, it is verily believed that he will, and can, divert Tyrone and all the rest from the king, and thrust them again into actual rebel- lion, as formerly he and doctor Creagh* did, not only Tyrone, but also the viscount Mountgarrett, the viscount Roche, and many thousands that would gladly live at rest, and cannot, for their restless workings; but, as sheep, are chased by such Romish wolves to their utter destruction, are still laboured to run into rebellion, and so would do in hatred of the English nation and govern- ment, albeit they might have their unlawful desires for toleration of religion, wherein, without controlment, * Bishop of Cork, who, it seems, was protected by Miler Magrath, the apostate bishop of Down, and afterwards queen's archbishop of Cashel. Sir George Carew, writing to Cecil, October, 1600, says : " Cahir can deliver doctor Creagh when he lists." TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 45 they run their own courses, without feeling of penal laws. "At Kingston, also, he often saw, in company of the before-named knights and gentlemen in the Tower, and that are their countrjonen at liberty, a secular priest, called father Hussy, well-horsed, and in their companies, with feathers in his hat, as gallantly attired as any knight in the court, for whose apprehensions the honour- able sir George Humes, chancellor and treasurer of the exchequer, directed a warrant to one William Atkinson, a kinsman of this relator's. Howbeit this relator, for some friendly respects he bar© unto some of the knights in whose companies it w^as intended he should have been apprehended, whereof they might have received discredit or trouble, gave such forewarning thereof to one of the knights as he escaped, and is thought to be returned, in sir Christopher Plankett's company, for Ireland, or to be with Archer, following of Tyrone, and, by policy, may be surprised together, either about the court or at their taking of shipping, about Westchester, for Ireland. He is also of opinion, that not only these Romish priests, but also many others, in their disguised manners, following of Tyrone, do much frequent the Spanish and French ambassadors', to pry into the secrets of states and foreign legations, with whom and their priests there is overmuch correspondency, for better directing of their bad actions, and there may they be in some likelihood surprised. "All which he leaveth, for discharge of his duty, to the honourable consideration of such unto whom the premises do most appertain, with confirmation of his subscription to be made good against Tyrone, if he shall stand upon the denial, as it is not unlike, as being un- willing to forego his confessor or ghostly father, no less able than ready, as they take it, for dispensing with 46 FATE A2^D FOKTUNES OF any oaths, or other execrable impieties; in one day being of ability to put into actual rebellion many more thousands than, by all the queen's forces and means used, have been recalled and repressed in many years, during whose suffrances, therefore, they may thus range amongst English or Irish subjects there, and be no hope of settled peace, in Ireland especially. "Archer is in stature somewhat tall, black, and in visage long and thin ; born in Kilkenny. "Repeated and certified before me, by setting his name to every page as appeareth. " lur presence of "William Harrison."* Another assassin of Atkinson's class, named Bird, who followed the same infamous calling in Ireland, wrote to lord Devonshire, offering, if he were paid for doing so, to waylay the Jesuit Archer, " who," says this unscrupulous scoundrel, "hath been a most harmful traitor, and hath drawn more English blood than all others of his sort in Ireland." As for the earl of Tyrone, Bird would follow him to Chester, and kill him too, if ordered to do so ; " for," concludes this menda- cious hireling, " if he, Tyrone, had been disciplined by the laws, for strangling, with his own barbarous hands, his cousin-german,-f* then had his rebellions been pre- vented. Seeing, therefore, that neglect of good laws for respectiveness to persons, either for greatness or religion (for the rich devil hath ever more friends than poor Christ), has been the cause whereby Ireland was * S. P. 0. Sept. 1603. t Tyrone refuted this odious calumny, which has been perpetuated by Camden, in a letter to the lords of the privy council. He did cause Hugh na-Gavaloc, one of Shane O'Neill's sons, to be executed for various murders ; but he brought hangmen from the county Cavan to finish the laio. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 47 far hazarded ; so it is the more to be hoped that your lordship will set forward the cutting off such unpos- tumate members."* But Devonshire would not give Bird a commission to murder ; and Tyrone and O'Donei reached Dublin safely about the middle of August, 1603, dissatisfied, all outward show to the contrary notwithstanding, with the reservations specified in their respective patents, which took from them a large amount of the customs, duties, and rents, which from immemorial time their forefathers were wont to receive from their vassals. On the 29th September, Rory O'Donei appeared in the old cathedral church of the Holy Trinity, Dublin, and there, in presence of Loftus, the king's archbishop, and sundry noblemen, heralds, and other officials, was duly invested with the style and title of earl of Tyrconnel, and empowered to have a place and seat in all parliaments and general councils in Ireland. It was the first time the people of Tjrrconnel ever heard of such a title borne by any of their chiefs, and it seemed to them nowise comparable to the old name of " O'Donei," which his forefathers were wont to take upon them after solemn inauguration in the church of Kilmacrenan. Soon after his installation,*!* he formed an alliance with the most noble family of Kildare, by marrying Brigid, daughter of Henry, twelfth earl of that name, and then repaired to his own country, where he immediately set about rebuilding the old Franciscan convent, which had been destroyed during the late war by his brother-in-law, Nial Garve, and his English allies.J * S. P. 0. t On the same occasion Richard, baron of Delvin, was knighted. X Father Mooney, for an account of whose valuable history of the Irish Franciscans, see "Noctes Lovanienses," in DufiFy's Hib. Mag., 48 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The social condition of Ireland, on the return of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, was most deplorable, for its government had fallen into the hands of a deputy, whose former occupation of paymaster-general to the forces made him a thorough adept in sordid peculation. In fact, he was a grinding money-lender, who availed himself of the base currency of the period to enrich himself and his followers, by setting up offices of exchange in the large towns of the island; and a proclamation, issued in the last days of Elizabeth, forbidding the circulation of silver coin in Ireland, and commanding all payments to be made in the debased coinage, helped him and his underlings to make large profits, since every article of consumption was trebled, and oftentimes quintupled in price. The army, not yet disbanded, was mutinous; the country half ruined; but sir George Carey gave himself little trouble about soldier or civilian, so long as he could turn his place to profitable account. On the question of religion and toleration, he echoed the sen- timents of the king, had a holy dread of a Spanish landing, and an utter abhorrence of the pope, Jesuits, comments on the new title of O'Donel thus: "Rodericus creatus est comes Tirconnellise, eratque primus families suae qui comes dictus est, nee tanti faciebant populi terrse suae Domen illud quanti facie- bant nomen O'Donel," He also tells that Rory set about restoring the convent, but, owing to embarrassments, was not able to complete the work. The "Noctes Lovanienses, " almost literally translated from F. Mooney's MS., contain an accurate history of the venerable edifice, from its foundation to its fall; and it is almost unnecessary to state that the Annals of the Four Masters were compiled in the vicinity, if not within the ruins of that celebrated house. Five years after earl Rory's flight, Montgomery, the king's bishop of Derry, suggested the erection of a college for educating such as could not maintain themselves in the college of Dublin, and wrote : "The king hath now in his bauds the abbey of Donegal, lately re-edified in part by Tyr- connel, which, with less charge, may be made fit for that purpose." — Mem. of Templemore. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 49 an^ seminary priests from beyond the seas. Nothing, however, can throw more light on the state of Ire- land during his short administration, than the follow- ing letters, which reflect so vividly his avarice and intolerance : — " To the lords of the privy council. " Most honourable and my very good lords, — I have received your lordships' letters of the 14th of the last, signifying thereby that I should give my lord of Tyrone, or his assign, a bill of exchange for £600, which, under your lordships' good favour, I am unwilling to perform ; and do humbly beseech your good lordships to pardon me therein, for having formerly received your lordships' com- mandment not to give out any more bills of exchange, and so have answered all men accordingly, which is very grievous to the servitors [soldiers], and would be more discontenting unto them if they should understand that I give bills of exchange to my lord of Tyrone and others, that have no entertainment of his majesty, and shall refuse to do the like favour to his majesty's poor servitors, that have no means to live but of such entertainment that they receive of his majesty's pay, which now stands them in no stead, since they are barred from the benefit of exchange. I wish your lordships did understand what persuasions and means I use to give content unto them in their miseries, assuring them that his majesty, by your lordships' good means, will speedily give them relief. I honour and love my lord of Tyrone, being now a good subject ; but if I should perform what your lordships command me in this case, I should presently draw a general discourt upon? me of all the servitors in the kingdom. They conceive hardly enough of me already in these businesses, and therefore I do most humbly beseech your lordships not to impose too mucl 50 FATE AND FORTUNES OF distastefulness upon me ; for when they shall see that others are more respected than they, their discontent- ments will be the greater. By the living God, I swear to your lordships if I had money, I had rather leave the money out of my own purse than to breed myself such dislike. And, again, here is already such a mass of this base money brought into exchange, that it grieves my heart to see it ; and in the end I shall be found an un- profitable servant, and your lordships may be pleased to understand that now the king's highness hath no means to reutter this new money. His majesty doth lose in every £600 £450, which his highness were as good to pay in sterling, by the way of gift out of his coffers. Thus hoping your lordships will not take any offence to my doings, do in all humbleness take my leave. " Dublin, this 13th of August, 1603. " Your lordships' to commandment, "George Carey." " To the lord Cecil, haron of Essenden. " This country of late so swarms with priests, Jesuits, seminarists, friars, and Romish bishops, that I assure your lordship that if there be not speedy means used to free this kingdom of this wicked rabble, which labour to draw the subjects' hearts from their due obedience to their prince, much mischief will burst forth in very short time ; for there are here so many of this wicked crew, that are able to disquiet four of the greatest king- doms in Christendom. It is high time they were ba- nished from hence, and none to receive, or aid, or relieve them. Let the judges and officers be sworn to the supremacy ; let the lawyers go to the church and show conformity, or not plead at the bar ; and then the rest TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 51 by degrees will shortly follow * Here will be much ado at Michaelmas, when this great caste of 4,000 shall be. I would God the king had some use of their services in some other place, for here will they live upon spoil and to do mischief; labour will they never, and rob will they still. The heavenly God bless your lordship always, and give me grace to deserve your favour. " Dublin, September 3, 1603. " Your lordship's always to do you service, "George Carey." Little more remains to be told of this deputy, except that he made the first sheriffs for Tyrone and Tyrconnel, when sir E. Pelham, chief baron, and sir John Davys,-|- were the first justices of assize that went into these counties ; and that he reduced Wicklow, which so long had been a " thorn in the side of the pale," into shire ground, and laid open its "passes." He held the deputyship about nine months, and returned to Cock- ington, Devon, with a large fortune, which he amassed by transmuting brass and leather tokens into sterling bullion. Surely sir George must have found the phi- losopher's stone ! J Before Carey left Ireland, the king selected sir Arthur * When news of the defeat of the Armada reached Ireland, Adam Loftus commanded the Catholic lawyers to assist at Te Deum in the Protestant churches ; but they refused, and left the city, although, says Loftus, it was term time. t He came to Ireland as solicitor-general, November, 1603, and was made attorney-general soon after. X His nephew, sir Edward Carey, of Marldon, Devon, was a most steadfast Catholic, and suffered severely for his religion. R. S. S. Carey, Esq., of Torr Abbey, Torquay, is now head of the family, which ranks among the first of the English Catholic gentry. The author has advisedly abstained from dwelling here on sir George's gross in- justice to Tyrone and Tyrconnel, as a succinct account of his miscon- duct will be given hereafter. 52 FATE AND FOETUNES OF Chichester to fill the deputyship ; and as this remark- able personage was destined to act a leading part in the drama we have attempted to exhibit, a brief sketch of his antecedents will not be thought out of place. The family of Chichester was of great antiquity in Devon ; and one of them, Walleran de Cirencester, was bishop of Exeter in 1128. Arthur, the future deputy, was second son of sir John Chichester and Gertrude Cour- tenay, and was bom at Kaleigh, an ancient inheritance of their house. He studied at Oxford, but being con- victed of robbery while there, he gave up books for the sword, and took service in queen Elizabeth's army. That he distinguished himself in the field there can be no doubt, for Henry lY. of France conferred on him the honour of knighthood. He also commanded a ship of war in queen Elizabeth's time, 1587, and served under sir Francis Drake in Portugal and the West Indies. He came to Ireland with the earl of Essex ; and on that deputy's retirement, served in various actions under Mountjoy in Ulster, till April, 1603, when he was named a privy councillor, appointed governor of Carrickfergus, admiral of Lough Neagh, and commander of the fort of Mountjoy, &c., &c. During these services he often had reason to own that he had been foiled by the military genius of O'Neill, who regarded him as a very poor general ; and this will account for the contempt they entertained for one another. Sir Arthur, indeed, was deficient in depth of intelligence, but thoroughly skilled in intrigue and every species of low trick, malignant, cruel, and utterly devoid of sympathy, because solely intent on his own aggrandizement.* His physiognomy was most repulsive and petrifying, so much so, that * Lloyd, in Ms State "Worthies, says of Chichester: — "The devil brought the bashful man to court, where none succeeds but he who can ask eno' to be granted, and eno' to be abated. " TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 53 looking at his engraved portrait, one is inclined to wonder that he ever sat to a painter. Hie religion, if what he professed deserve the name, was Puri- tanism of the most rigid character, which he learned in the school of the fanatical Cartwright ; and with these qualifications king James regarded him as the fittest man he could find to carry out his policy in Ireland, of which he was appointed deputy-general, early in February, 1603, to hold during pleasure in the absence of the lieutenant-general, Mountjoy, with the third part of all allowances made to same. Chichester inaugurated his deputyship by sending justices of assize into Conna Light, and retrieving the circuit of Munster, which had been discontinued over two centuries — thus causing the influence of English jurisdiction to be extended far beyond the boundaries of the pale, reducing Irish countries into shire ground, abolishing such ancient rents as cuttings, cosheries * spendings, and banishing the O'Moores, Lawlors, and other old Irish septs of the Queen's county, out of * Revenues of chieftains, consisting of provisions consumed in their own or their vassals' houses during visitations. It must be borne in mind, that money-rent was little known in Ireland in the time of James I. ; and the description sir John Davys has left us of Maguire's mensal lands, throws a strong light on the menage of an Irish lord at that period: "Maguire's mensal lands yield a large proportion of meal, butter, and other provisions for his table." He also tells how an old Brehon drew a parchment roll from his bosom, showing how many vessels of butter, measures of meal, how many porks and other such gross duties did arise to Maguire out of his mensal lands. Besides this, Maguire received annually 240 beeves from the seven baronies under him, and had about 1,000 acres in demesne around Enniskillen, which his churls cultivated for him. The earl of Tyrone's mensal lands lay about Dungannon, Benburb, and Strabane ; and Fynes Moryson says of the latter, that he levied taxes, during his war, of £80,000 per annum in Ulster ; and that his principal tenant, O'Cahan, paid him tribute in the shape of cattle, salmon, &c., and paid homage at his inauguration, and served him in the field. 54 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the whole province of Leinster, into Munster and Con- naught. As to the Irish lords and gentlemen who formerly were made, under the great seal, chieftains of the respective countries, which they held by tanistry, he resolved to make no such grants, but, on the contrary, obliged the said lords and gentlemen to surrender their lands and titles, and take new estates by letters-patent from the crown. Such a course as this, which may be termed an innovation on the policy of his predecessors, made Chichester still more detestable to the old Irish lords and landholders ; and, as if to intensify their dis- gust, he set about what he terms a "reformation of religion," by directing all his evil energies against the professors of that faith, of which one of his own blood was a bishop, in the reign of king Stephen* In all these refoTTnations he was materially assisted by sir John Davys, who suggested the plan of finding titles for the crown through the instrumentality of suborned agents, to whom commissions were granted to inquire for all wards, marriages without licence of the crown, concealments, forfeitures, and the like ; so that no man, high or low, of the Irish, no matter how old his title might be, could claim estate in his lands till it pleased the deputy and his chief adviser to acknowledge it. Davys himself, in a letter to Cecil, has given us a lively picture of the knaves who were employed to do this work, with the deputy's commission in their hands : — " They retire," says he, " into some corner of the counties, and in some obscure village execute their commission ; and there, having a suborned jury, find * Sir Arthur employed Daniel, the king's archbishop of Tuam, to translate the Book of Common Prayer into Irish, and compelled the Irish of every parish to rebuild the ruined churches for the benefit of the Protestants, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 55 one man's land concealed, another man's lease forfeited for non-payment of rent, and another man's land holden of the king in capite. This being done, they never return their commissions ; but send for the parties and com- pound with them, and make a booty upon the country."* Much reason, indeed, had the Irish lords to complain of Chichester's conduct in this particular, for he left them completely at the mercy of escheators, surveyors, and such like, whose object was to take away their lands by forgeries, erasures of records, perjuries, and other devices, which must have sounded wondrous strange to Irish ears. With such harpies hovering on their borders, and only waiting the deputy's permission to swoop down on them, Tyrone and Tyrconnel must have had reason to apprehend that their possessions, diminished as they were by the loose patents recently passed to them", ran great risk of being similarly visited. The time, how- ever, had not yet come for dealing so sharply with them, for Ulster swarmed with armed men who had served in their ranks, and there was still some reason for imagin- ing that Philip III. of Spain might, by way of retaliation for James' support of the revolted provinces of the Netherlands, send another expedition to the Irish shores.-f- With the dread of this contingency hourly troubling his mind, Chichester resolved to disarm the native Irish. * One of these agents was Francis Shane, who, using his special knowledge of the country to search out such cases, was afterwards knighted. Shane accused the celebrated Boyle, first earl of Cork, of malversations of this sort, in a paper styled "Abuses conunitted by Boyle and Capstock, an English lawyer." t James concluded a truce with the king of Spain, August, 1604, six months after date of Chichester's proclamation, by which it was stipulated that neither of the monarchs was to give countenance to the revolted subjects of the other. 56 FATE AND FORTUNES OF and thus render them powerless, whether the Spaniards came or stayed. To effect this, he issued a proclamation,* forbidding " the kernesf to carry swords, targets, pikes, shot [fire-arms], head-pieces, horsemen' s-staves, long- sheares, and other warlike weapons ;" and commanding same to be delivered into the hands of the officers of the various garrisons, who were directed to make a re- turn of such arms, every two or three months, to the governor of the countries or forts next adjoining. All Irishmen violating this order were to be arrested, and committed to jail, without fine or mainprise, for five days ; and the officers seizing said arms were to have one moiety of their value in money, to be paid by the treasurer, on certificate of the governor of the nearest fort. There was a reservation, however, in favour of the lords of the English pale, loyal merchants and other good subjects, who, by writing to the deputy, or gover- nors of the garrisons near which they resided, could obtain licence to carry arms, either about their own houses, or while travelling through the country. This exceptional policy was well calculated to spread discon- tent, by showing the northern Irish that they were regarded as an inferior class, unworthy the privileges enjoyed by their coreligionists of the pale, and not to be trusted with weapons of defence, at a time when same were as much part of a man's attire as was his hat or mantle. But nothing can prove more clearly how little the * See it in Appendix. t They were lightly-equipped infantry, armed with bow, spear, sword, and skein. Thus Shakspeare— * ' The merciless MacDonnell, From the Western Isles, Of kernes and gallowglasses is supplied." A body of kernes served at the siege of Boulogne, 1544. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 57 king and his deputy thought of harmonizing their policy with the conscience of the Irish people, who, though conquered, were not yet subdued, than their intolerance of the old religion, and the despotism with which they visited those whom they could not induce to swear the oath of supremacy. In fact, the indecent haste with which James revoked his solemn promise, of allowing Catholics the exercise of their religion in private, so shocked their susceptibilities, that they began to think they could place no reliance on the word of one so faithless, and that the act of oblivion, published on his accession, was merely a piece of statecraft devised to compass their extirpation. Such an inference was not wholly illogical ; for early in 1605, Chichester, by the king's order, published a proclamation which revived the old statutes of Elizabeth, with their execrable tariff of penalties to be inflicted on Momanists, or such as presumed to remain firm in the ancient faith, instead of conforming to that of a monarch who, while delighting to hear himself styled "the modern Solomon," was steeped to the lips in every species of grossest sensu- ality.* Even at this distance of time, it is easy to realize the astonishment with which the Irish Catholics of cities, towns, and hamlets must have perused that proclamation commanding them to assist at the Church of England service ; proscribing priests and other eccle- ^ siastical persons ordained by authority from the see of Rome; forbidding parents to send their children to seminaries beyond the seas ; and all Catholics, noble or gentle, to keep, as private tutors, other than those licensed by the Protestant archbishop, bishop, or other guardian of the spiritualities of the diocese in which * For James' true characteristics, see sir J. Harington's "Nugfe Antiquse," where the abominations of his court are vividly depicted. 58 FATE AND FORTUNES OF they lived. As for the mass, it was a treasonable offence ; and whosoever celebrated it was liable to a fine of two hundred marks and a year's imprisonment ; and any one who dared to go over to the Romish Church, since the king had utterly refused to allow freedom of conscience, was to be deemed a traitor, and subjected to a like penalty. Churchwardens were to make a monthly return of all who absented themselves from church, and, on presentment of same, when the party was in- dicted or convicted of absence, said wardens, constables, and others of that calling, were to have a reward of 40s., to be levied out of the recusant's estate [and goods. We have here only glanced at a few sections of the king's ordinance, and, without dwelling longer on such out- rageous despotism, it will suffice to remark that it left the Irish Catholic no alternative save that of abjuring either his faith or his country.* Chichester lost no time in executing the- royal will ; for he summoned sixteen of the chief citizens and alder- * The oath of abjuration was of this tenor : " You shall swear that you shall depart out of this realm and out of all other his majesty's dominions; and that you shall not return hither but by licence of our sovereign lord the king and his heirs. So help you God. " Wilkinson has given another form of abjuration, thus : "I, , in the county of , am a Popish recusant ; and in contempt of the statutes and laws of this realm of England, I have, and do refuse to come to hear divine service there read and exercised ; I do, therefore, according to intent and meaning of the statute (35th Eliz.), abjure the land and realm of James, king of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland ; and I shall hasten towards the port of , which you have as- signed to me ; and that I shall not go out of the highway leading thither, nor return back again ; and if I do, I will that I be taken as a felon ; and that, at the port of , I will diligently seek for a passage, and I will tarry there but one flood and ebb, if I can have passage ; and unless I can have it in such place, I will go every day into the sea up to my knees, essaying to pass over. So God me help, and his holy judgment." — Cawley's Laws of Elizabeth, James, aud Charles I. concerning Jesuits, &c. London, 1G80. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 59 men of Dublin before the privy council, where nine of the aldermen were censured for their recusancy — six of them being fined each in £100, and the other three in £50 each, after being sentenced to imprisonment in the castle during pleasure. The king congratulated his deputy on this tyrannical conduct, and told him " that he hoped many, by such means, would be brought to conformity in religion, who, hereafter, will give thanks to God for being drawn by so gentle a constraint to their own good." It was also decreed by the privy council, that no citizen could be eligible to any office under the crown till he had conformed ; and when the old Catholic families of the pale remonstrated against such severity, the chiefest of them were flung prisoners into Dublin Castle ; and sir Patrick Barnwell, their agent, was sent, by order of the king, to London, where he was committed to the Tower for contempt. At this time, Henry Usher* was the king's arch- bishop of Armagh, and being, of course, very zealous " for the extension of true religion," he published the proclamation, forbidding all papists in Dungannon, and throughout his diocese, to assist at mass, on pain of forfeiture of their goods and imprisonment ; adding, that 'jio ecclesiastic should hold any cure or dignity unless he took the oath of supremacy, and resorted to the reformed churches : those refusing to conform, being actually deprived of their dignities, benefices, &c. The earl of Tyrone was indignant; and he instantly de- spatched a temperate remonstrance to the lord deputy, and his agent. Usher ; but it was treated with scorn by both, for it was their duty to enforce the king's pleasure. At this period, also, the same proclamation was published through the diocese of Raphoe, where, in the absence * Uncle to the learned James, subsequently archbishop of Armagh. 60 FATE AND FORTUNES OF of Montgomery * the king's bishop, a posse of mis- creants, sent thither by Chichester, hunted the priests like wolves, and forbade the exercise of Catholic worship in the earl of Tyrconnel's residence. He, too, remon- strated, but was told by the deputy, while sitting at his table, in presence of divers noblemen and others, that he should resolve to conform, or else be forced to do so. Tyrconnel observed, that the king had given his royal word for toleration of Catholic usages in private ; but Chichester replied, that his majesty had made up his mind to disallow liberty of conscience, and, consequently, that he and his people should, whether they liked it or not, repair, as the proclamation required, to the Protestant churches. Apart from the folly of the king, who had taken into his head that an entire nation should, at his bidding, apostatize from the creed of their fathers, the publishing such a manifesto in Dungannon, Donegal, and elsewhere, was a bitter insult to the northern chieftains, whose wars were crusades — the natural consequence of faith — stimulated * He was brother to the laird of Braidstanes, who got into James' favour before his accession to the crown of England, and was soon afterwards created lord Montgomery of Ards. He held the deanery of Norwich, but seeing that " a good fortune might he made in Ireland, ^^ he had interest enough to get himself created bishop of Deny, Clogher, and Raphoe, in 1605, *' which three dioceses," says sir John Davys, "comprise the chief est part of Ulster, now united for one man's benefit." Montgomery, however, did not appear in Ire- land, continues sir John, till two years after his appointment, " which has been the cause why this poor people hath not been re- duced to Christianity; and, therefore, majtis peccatum habet." Davys f m-ther remarks, * ' that there were three bishoprics in Ulster — Derry, Raphoe, and Clogher, which neither queen Elizabeth, nor any of her progenitors, did ever bestow, so as king James was the first king of England that supplied these sees with bishops." Montgomery, one of the most rapacious of his calling that ever came to Ireland, surrendered Derry and Eaphoe in 1610, and was translated to Meath, which he held, with the rich see of Clogher, till his death in 1620. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 63 by the Roman pontififs, and assisted by Spain, then the most Catholic kingdom in the world. But proclamation and persecution notwithstanding, the people of Tyrone and Tyrconnel were true to their lords, though fallen, and, by their fidelity to the old religion, proved that they " could conquer him that did their masters con- quer." Their condition was, doubtless, rendered still more trying by the absence of Peter Lombard,* their * He was son of a Waterford merchant, and succeeded M 'Gauran in the primacy, but could not return to his diocese owing to the perso- nal dislike which James I. entertained for him, and the doom that awaited him had he ventured to set foot on Irish soil. Lombard, however, administered the spiritualities of Armagh through the agency of the celebrated David Eothe, whom he empowered to perform that dangerous duty by commission, dated 1609. In early life, Lombard was pupil of Camden, who describes him " as a youth of admirable docility." He insinuates, also, in a letter to Usher (see Parr's life), "that he had brought Lombard, and others popishly inclined, to the Church. " Be that as it may, Lombard was subsequently appointed dean of the cathedral of Cambray, and, as we have said, archbishop of Armagh. He spent the greater part of his life in Eome, where he was greatly esteemed by Clement VIII. , to whom he dedicated his book, De Hegno. Hib. The work was not published till 1632, when it excited the spleen of Charles I. , who spoke of it in a letter to Straf- ford, then lord deputy of Ireland, thus: "His majesty, understanding that there is one Petrus Lombardus, or one that calls himself so, who hath lately published a dangerous book concerning O'Neale, requests you to suppress the book, and send some copies of it to my lord of Canterbury, and to call the author to account for it.'^ It would have been hard for Strafiford to do so, for Lombard died in 1625, in the monastery of S. Pietro Palomba, in the neighbourhood of Rome, near Horace's Mons Lucretilis. Strafford's letter, Nov. 20, 1633, states that he had suppressed some copies of the book in Ireland. Even then the name of O'Neill was a terror to the British cabinet, and one can imagine with what feelings Strafford must have perused the eulo- gistic stanzas prefixed to the archbishop's work : — " Subjungit mediis ut pugnet O'Neillus in armis, Quam patriae princeps utilis ille suse ! Strenuus ille suam patriam, fero ab hoste tuetur, Tuque tuam terram, mi polyhistor amas, Et quantum forti, bona patria, debet O'Neillo Tantum Lombardo debeat usque suo." 62 FATE AND FORTUNES OF own chief pastor, then at Rome, and by the remem- brance of his predecessor, ruthlessly slain by Bingham, in Clontuskret, some years previously.* While the king was dealing thus with the Irish Catholics in their own country, his ambassador in Spain was intriguing at Valladolid, to obstruct the promotion of Henry, Tjn^one's second son, who had been gazetted to the colonelcy of a regiment of Irish in the service of the archduke Albert and Isabella of the Netherlands. On this subject sir C. Cornwallis wrote to lord Salisbury thus : — "I hold him a man unfit to be trained in that exercise, especially to be a leader of so many of his country and disposition — that he has sucked from his cradle the malignant milk of an evil disposition, and that this country, where he hath so long continued, hath nothing amended him. I wrote to sir T. Edmunds, ambassador at the court of the archduke, to procure a stay of his entrance into the charge of a regiment, until I might write to your lordship to procure his calling home." Edmunds, however, did not procure his recall, for he wrote a few months afterwards : — . " Young Tyrone hath been with me since his coming into these parts, and hath assured me that the council of Spain were so careful, as before they would proceed to confer upon him that place of colonel which he holdeth, that they procured that his majesty James I. was moved therein by the Spanish ambassador in England, who returned to them with his majesty's good allowance thereof ; and besides that he was particularly ♦ July, 1593. See O'Sullivan, Hist. Cath. Hib. p. 158. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 63 recommended by my lord high admiral at his being in Spain."* Comwallis' malevolence needs no comment; but we may well wonder at the inconsistency of James, who, while wounding the tenderest susceptibilities of Tjrrone, was fain to connive at his son's promotion, probably because he could not hinder it. It would be absurd to suppose that the northern earls would not be discontented by the conduct of the king's deputy and his underlings, for it exposed them to hourly outrage by delators, who were ever on the alert to see the provisions of the royal proclamation carried out, and to furnish reports to the executive in Dublin. Ruffians by nature and calling, they were not afraid to commit any discourtesy, knowing that they were countenanced by the state ; so much so, that it was not unusual with them to force their way into Tyrone's house, to ascertain that he did or did not shelter ecclesiastics come from Rome or Spain, and pro- scribed by law. But another and more detestable motive actuated the deputy, for he hoped that his un- justifiable proceedings would hurry Tyrone and Tyr- connel into some act of violence, which the ingenuity of sir John Davys might easily magnify to the proportions of high treason. Tyrone, however, was too wary for them; and although he more than once complained that he could not enjoy " a carouse " under his own roof that was nc^ instantly reported to the castle, he was not be tempted to fall into the toils that were spread for him. Tyrconnel, on the other hand, was much younger, far less phlegmatic, and less disposed to put up with insult; and it w^ould appear that he • This letter, dated Brussels, Sept., 1605, tells the exact time of Henry O'Neill's promotion. 64 FATE AND FORTUNES OF was completely under the influence of Cuconnaught Maguire,* who, although promised by Mountjoy one- half of the ancient principality of Fermanagh, had no patent passed to him, Chichester refusing to grant it till his country was surveyed and planted, that is, colonized by strangers, to whom the native sept should give way. " A rapid-marching, adventurous man, en- dowed with wisdom and beauty of person,"-|- was this Cuconnaught ; and he could not brook to see a recreant like his kinsman lording it over that fair land of lakes, fishful rivers, and blue streams — the Lough-LeineJ: of Ulster ; and brooding thus over the injustice that had been done him, he could not dissemble his indignation, but often, in conversation with Tyrconnel, declared he would rather go to Spain and take military service there, than fret out his soul at home, where he was little better than a beggar. Another man of mark, who sympathized with this project, was James Mac- Mahon, kinsman to Hugh of that name, who was hung, * He was inaugurated chief of Fermanagh, at Lisnaskea, on the death of his gallant brother, Hugh, killed in an encounter with Saintleger, near Cork, 1600. His kinsman, Conor, however, who had eight horses killed under him lohile fighting against Tyrone, had a grant of the whole territory passed to him by the queen, 1601 ; to hold to him by the service of two knights' fee, an annual rent of £120 per annum, and a caste of hawks on the feast of St. John the Baptist. He was obliged to answer all hostings with twenty horse and eighty foot, i.e., thirty bombards called "good shots," and the rest kernes, with forty days' provisions. In April, 1610, he had a pen- sion of £250 per annum from the crown, when he surrendered three baronies to the king for the benefit of the plantation, retaining only one barony. The entire of Fermanagh had been granted to Cuconnaught, 28th Eliz. ; but although pardoned in 1603, like the other Irish lords, he was left dependent on his kinsman, who had turned traitor to O'Neill. The agnomen signifies "the hound of Connaught." t Four Masters. J The Gaelic name of Killamey. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 65 at his own door in Monaghan, by the deputy* Fitz- williams, 1590, because he had presumed to lift his rents according to the Irish usage; while the said deputy's corruptions, and the cold-blooded murders he committed on the survivors of the ill-fated Armada, deserved the highest gibbet in Ireland. Sir John Davys tells us that these murmurings of discontent reached the ears of Chichester, who pretended to believe the northern nobles were sorely distressed at the mis- carriage of the Gunpowder Plot, and that, consequently, it behoved him to be more vigilant in forestalling something of the same sort in Ireland. In fact, he set his mind on ferreting out charges on which he might frame an indictment of treason ; and so lost to every honorable sentiment was he, that he did not shrink from invading the privacy of domestic life, and suborn- ing women to criminate their husbands. Even the countess of Tyrone had to encounter this despicable espionage; and the person selected to tempt her to reveal her husband's secrets, was sir Toby Caulfield, as we learn from the lord deputy, who states the matter thus in a letter addressed to Cecil, February 18th, 1606 : — * He was re-appointed lord deputy, 1588, and distinguished himself by accepting bribes and killing in cold blood the survivors of the Spanish Armada, who were cast on the north-western coast of Ireland. "This deputy," says Baker, Chronicle, f. 378, "caused Hugh Roe MacMahon to be tried by a jury of common soldiers, and then to be hanged up at his own door in Monaghan, because he levied his rents in Farney by the strong hand." MacMahon's country was then parcelled out among English adventurers, sir Henry Bagnal, captain Hensflower, and others, who dealt so cruelly with the natives, that they shunned as much as they could to admit any sheriffs or any Euglish among them. — Moryson's Ireland. Fitz- williams, remarks Cox, Hib. Angl. v. i, p. .397, on asking some rewards for services during his former deputyship, was answered that " the government of Ireland was a preferment, and not a service ; and he ever after endeavoured to make his profit of that office." F QQ FATE AND FOETUNES OF " The deputy directed sir T. Caulfield to sound the countess of Tyrone, who may reveal her husband's secrets. He knows it to be an uncivil thing to feed the humours of a woman to learn the secrets of her husband ; but his zeal for the king's service will be an excuse. Caulfield tempted her by offers to give secret notice if she knew of any practices the earl had. She replied she knew of nothing, but she would not for all the world be known to accuse him of anything that would endanger his life. Caulfield then assured her she never would be discovered ; and, having sworn her, examined her as to other ideas and suspicions of the earl's intentions and actions." Here we find that Tyrone's wife was not above sus- picion, and that Caulfield was mean enough to ask her to sacrifice her husband, with whom she had no reason to be discontented. Failing with her, he directed his investigations to another quarter, one Bartholomew Owen, a priest, to whom he had rendered some service, and who, in return, was anxious about his conversion. "Caulfield," continues the deputy, "asked him [Owen] what would have happened had the Gunpowder Plot succeeded, and the English force fallen in Ireland. Owen replied that the lord deputy and council, and aU commanders and soldiers, would have been used honorably, and sent away without violence. ' Well,' said Caulfield, ' suppose we had gone, then would your misery begin ; for the earl of Tyrone would have sought to be king, and divers of his own rank would have withstood him, and thus you would have saved us a labour in killing one another.' * No,' said he, ' the earl would have asked no more but his rightful inheritance, which his ancestors enjoyed from the Boyne to the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 67 Fynn at Lougli Foyle, with his uriaghts, and that every other lord should have governed his own country according to their ancient customs ; that a council of state should have been established of all the earls and lords of the countries, and divers of the barons of the pale, and they should have had sovereign power by a general consent to govern all, to hold correspondence with foreign princes, and to decide all controversies that might arise between the lords of the countries.' Hearing this, Caulfield asked : ' What of the earl of Tyrone V But Owen said he had nothing with which to charge him. ' But, for God's sake,' rejoined the zealous inquirer, who thought he was about to hear the names of a dozen conspirators, ' tell me who were the plotters of this commonwealth V But, to his vexa- tion, Owen smiled, and said it was nothing but his own imagination." A poor discovery this ! But Caulfield, who did not like to appear in the character of a bad sportsman who bags no game, thought it worth forwarding to Chichester, who sent it to Salisbury.* The latter, who was famous for getting up sham conspiracies, then cast about for a more efficient tool;' and he soon found one far better fitted to his hand, though more fastidious about sub- scribing his name, than was bashful sir Toby.-|- In the autumn of the same year, the deputy and sir John Davys made " a visitation " to Ulster, to hold * It is dated "Dublin Castle, Feb. 18, 1606," and the original is in the S. P. 0. t Sir Toby Caulfield served at the siege of Kinsale, and in the north, under Mountjoy, 1C02. In 1610 he got a grant of lands in Tyrone, Armagh, Derry, Antrim, Louth, Cavan, Fermanagh, and Donegal. He died 1627, when all his vast acquisitions went to his nephew, from whom the earls of Charlemout descend. 68 FATE AND FORTUNES OF sessions of jail delivery, and dispense justice in Monaghan, Fermanagh, and elsewhere ; and also to ascertain how the earls comported themselves under the vexatious restraints to which they were constantly subjected. During this visitation, sir John, who had an eye to the beautiful and bountiful in nature, made copious notes of the scenery through which he passed, enraptured as he was with the boundless resources of the soil, and the proximity of the Ulster shores to those of Scotland and England. His path lay by fishful rivers and primeval forests, where stroke of British axe was never heard ; and never did he see soil better suited for hemp to make cordage for English ships, or so abounding with strong oak with which to build them. It was, in the attorney-general's estimation, a land of milk and honey, like that given to the Israelites — a land which the modern Solomon might well bestow on the children of promise, who had followed him into England with the hope of bettering their fortunes. But sir John's heart was grieved notwithstanding, for the entire region swarmed with a race which he re- garded as Philistines, who must, sooner or later, be swept off the face of that fair country. That, however, never could come to pass tiU " the barbarous lords" who claimed estates in these lands were disposed of before their vassals. The pious attorney-general, therefore, thought it his duty to keep a vigilant eye on Tyrone, Tyrconnel, Maguire, and others, and, if possible, to induce some reckless swearer to charge them with treasonable practices. The opportune moment had now come, for the deputy was on the spot, and that person- age's presence was guarantee for the safety of informer and perjurer. There were also two most reverend fathers on this visitation — Miler of Cashel, and Jones, archbishop of Dublin and chancellor — who were ready TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 69 to shelter the recreant that might be disposed to re- nounce his faith with whatever sense of honour he had left. A strange spectacle was that which then pre- sented itself to the men of Ulster; and we can easily conceive with what astonishment they listened to sir John expatiating on hail, Tnainp rise, fieri facias, and other technicalities, of which they understood as little as they did of his wife's recreations in astrology.* Indeed, the " Informations " still existing enable us to realise a vivid picture of sir Arthur Chichester, sir John Davys, and their colleagues, attended by their sheriffs, under-sheriffs, and men-at-arms, seated in their canvas courthouse, under the shadow of the round tower of Devenish, gravely listening to the lying dis- closures of some frontless ruffian, while the notary com- mitted them to paper, to aid the inventive faculty of lord Salisbury. Neither should it be forgotten, that wherever this "visitation" made its appearance, the people fled with their goods and provisions, for the deputy and Davys seized all they could lay hands on, for their own and retinues' maintenance. But sir A. Chichester had heard that Maguire and Tyrconnel me- ditated quitting Ireland, and this surely was a case demanding strict investigation — one on which the reve- lations of Nial Garve O'Donel could throw strong light. Nial, therefore, being duly sworn, although Mr. Attor- ney placed little reliance on his regard for truth, de- posed thus : — "Being demanded what he knew, or had heard, of the purpose of the earl of Tyrconnel and Cuconnaught Maguire, to depart suddenly in some ship out of this kingdom — " Saith that— On Sunday last, Hugh Boy O'Donel, * She was daughter of lord Audley, and wrote a book of prophecies. 70 FATE AND FORTUNES OF his brother, told him that Marie ni-Guire reported unto him that the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, the said Cuconnaught, and captain Tirrell * with others, had con- cluded to seize upon the king's forts and garrisons, viz., the earl of Tyrone to execute it upon Charlemount and Mountjoy; Tyrconnel upon Derry, LifFord, and Balashannon ; Cuconnaught Maguire upon Devenish, and to cut off the horsemen lying upon the country, being of the garrison of Balashannon ; and Tirrell upon some fort or garrison near him, which he knows not particularly. And that it was said, as she re- ported, they had good assistance in the pale, and all the rest of Leinster, Connaught, and Munster; and, having some intelligence or suspicion that this, their plot, was discovered to the deputy, they attempted to get shipping, and to embark themselves for Spain. And for that purpose they made their repair unto the isles of Arran, and there failing of a convenient pas- sage, they returned and came to the deputy's camp. The cause of the said Marie's knowledge was by reason of their familiarity and abiding at Enyskillen, in com- pany of the wife and sisters of the said Cuconnaught Maguire, for the space of eight or nine weeks; and, out of her well-wishing to the said Hugh Boy O'Donel, she sent purposely for him, whereby she might ac- quaint him therewith, for prevention of the danger ; and thereupon he took her down with him to Glanfynne, and soon after all the country began to fly with their goods, the day before the deputy's coming to Devenish, in Fermanagh, and that then again they returned and settled themselves upon Cuconnaught's coming again, which was very joyous unto them. " He saith, further, that one of the earl of Tyrconnel's * A brave Leinster officer, who served under Tyrone. See Mitchel's Hugh O'Neill. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 71 men, who, as it should seem, was acquainted with his secrets, told Caffar Oge O'Donel, about fourteen days since, that the deputy, at his coming into the north, would lay hands on the earl of Tyrconnel, or sir Nial, the examinate, and did advise him to be upon his keeping, " He saith, further, that O'Cahan and his wife, daughter of the earl of Tyrone, told him, about Christ- mas last, that the earl of Tyrone, being determined to put away his countess, and for that purpose having gotten together all the priests of the country, the coun- tess told him plainly that, if he desisted not from such courses against her, she would discover him, so far as to enforce him again to rebellion, or to lose his head ; whereupon the earl dismissed his priests, and left his purposes. He saith, further, that one Flarie O'Mulco- ner,* of Connaught, a Jesuit, with the king of Spain, and agent to Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and others of their faction, upon recommendations from them, doth prefer their motions and desires to the king, and brings such as they send thither into his favour and service, being very gracious with the king. " That one Kobert McArthur,-|- a Jesuit, is now in England, in the habit of a captain, and doth from hence continually advertise the earls of all occurrences. This man was, some three years since, sent into Spain from the earl of Tyrone, and now carries some other name, which he knows not. " He saith, further, that it is a common opinion among them in all the north, that sir Eandall McDon- nellj is a party with them in all plots and devices, and * Florence Conry was not a Jesuit, as Nial well knew, t He was a learned Franciscan^ of Louvain. See O'Reilly's Irish Writers. X Of the noble house of Ajitrim. 72 FATE AND FORTUNES OF that he had given out, that he cares not for sir Arthur Chichester more than for an ordinary person, knowing the king will hear him and further his desires, and if he should not, he would show him another trick. " Lastly, he saith, that Henrie McShane O'Neill told the earl of Tyrconnel, that he saw Robert McArthur at London in captain's apparel, keeping company with certain other captains of Irish nation."* f Another " Examinate," if possible less truthful than Nial, next appears before this august tribunal, in the person of one Teig O'Corcoran, foster-brother to Maguire, and formerly in the household of Miler Magrath, who promoted him to deacon's orders. Repenting, or pre- tending to repent, his apostasy, this fellow had gone to bishop Brady,| then living in Multifernan, to be reconciled to the Church, and afterwards attached him- self to Maguire as amanuensis for his English corres- pondence. O'Corcoran, therefore, was an important witness about Maguire's attempt to cross the seas ; and what made his testimony more valuable, was that he had gone back, like a dog to the bone, and reconciled himself to Miler Magrath. Teig, therefore, being sworn, deposed : — " That he had received orders of deacon from the archbishop of Cashel, and that lately he went to Mul- tifernan to the supposed bishop Bradie,§ by whom he * S. P. 0. Ireland, 1606. t Sir A. Chichester wrote to Salisbury, Sept., 1606, thus : " Nial was an opposite to the earl of Tyrconnel, yet he informs no more than he heard. " X For the cruelties inflicted by Chichester on this aged prelate, see "Noctes Lovanienses," in Duffy's Hib. Mag. § This venerable prelate was a Franciscan, and died after a long life of suffering, 1607. See memoir of him in the "Noctes Lovani- enses," Duffy's Hib. Mag. p. 130. I TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 73 confesseth he was reconciled, and from him received absolution. He also confesseth that now of late he hath attended Cuconnaught Maguire, and accompanied him to Balashanon and Donegal ; that they went to the island of Cladie, and on their way met with the earl of Tyr- connel, and returned with him to Donegal. Being demanded whether they were at Arran, confessed they were, and the earl also in their company, and that the cause of Maguire's going thither was only to buy wines. " Being demanded whether he did write any letter from Cuconnaught to Brian his brother, he saith he did not ; but being urged whether he had written any letters lately for him, confessed he had written two ; one to Shane M'Hugh, for five garrans to be sent after him to Balashanon ; the other to a priest, Aghy M'Trener ; and being demanded what were the contents of that letter, said it contained thus much in effect : I have delivered you a secret, and I do allow you after seven or eight days to impart the same to my brother Brian." In a second examination, taken same day, Corcoran supplements sundry shortcomings, thus : — "First he saith that his former confession made is true, and that Cuconnaught Maguire took him with him towards the pale about the 16th of July; and as they travelled thus, met with the earl of TyrconUel at Cavan, where the earl and Maguire rested that night, and the next day Maguire sent him (the examinate) to Multi- fernan, to Brady, the popish bishop, for the causes alleged in his former examination, which was to be re- conciled ; for until then Maguire would not trust him. And before his departure, the earl and Maguire rode together without man, boy, or horseboy, to sir Brian 74 FATE AND FORTUNES OF M'Mahon's house * and such people as they had went to O'Reilie's, and the examinate to Multifernan, and having despatched his business, he returned and found the earl and Maguire together at Enniskillen, where they continued two nights, and he heard the earl say, at their departing : ' Well, Maguire, if there be any room in any ship in our ports, I will send you word thereof ;' and so the earl went away. And about the 26th of July, a boy came from the earl, with whom this examinate questioned what news he brought, and whether he had any letters, who said he had none, but he would speak with Maguire from the earl ; and soon after Maguire had conferred with him, he, the said Ma- guire, told the examinate that he must go down with him to Donegal, and so departed from Enniskillen upon the 28th July, taking with him a suit of apparel, half a dozen shirts, and three boys, without other attendents, and had only £3 in money ; and when he came to Donegal they heard the earl was gone to Cladie, a harbour in the isles of Arran, so they left their horses and hired a churl to carry their necessaries, and travelled thitherwards ; and at Cladie they met the earl coming from the ship, which, as he heard, belonged to one Hamilton, and the earl told Maguire that he could get no wine there, and so they went to the house of captain Paul there, where they rested one night, and from thence they came to M'Swyne O'Bane's, sheriff of Tyrconnel, and he lent them horses to bring them to Donegal (for the earl was likewise on foot) ; and the earl had with him two pages, O'Boyle, and some twenty persons. " He saith that he is assured that Maguire would have been gone to Spain, or the Low Countries, if he could have gotten shipping, for so he told this examinate, * Famey, co. Monaghan. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. Id alleging no other causes but his poverty, and that his country was divided betwixt him and Connor Roe Magaire, which did properly belong to himself, and that he had neither goods nor people, and that he would take but the examinate and one boy with him, and that he would serve for his living abroad; but he knoweth not whether the earl would have gone, but sure he is, he promised to provide a ship for Maguire. " He saith further, that he made his will before his going, and left it either with Aghie M'Trener, or his brother, Brian Maguire, both which are acquainted with the contents thereof, as he thinks; but he knows no more than is in his former confession, touching his wilting to the priest not to reveal what he had written or told him for a certain space, which he now takes to be a quarter of a year."* This attempt to extort criminatory evidence was bad enough, but worse was to follow; for the lord deputy did not think it unworthy his position to place Maguire under temporary arrest, to elicit from him what he knew of Tyrconnel's pretended treasonable practices. Maguire answered that he knew none ; and then Chichester gave him to understand that he would never rest till he forced him to confess, that is, perjure himself, by accus- ing an innocent and persecuted nobleman. OjBficial insolence could go no farther ; and we may imagine how the chief of Fermanagh must have felt the indignity put upon him. As for T3rrconnel, he was subjected to the same outrages as Tyrone ; his domestic privacy was hourly violated ; and his people plundered by sheriffs, under-sheriffs, officers, and soldiers of the garrisons of Ballyshannon, Lifford, and Donegal. Nay, felons cast * Lord deputy Chichester to earl of Salisbury, Sept. 12, 1606. 76 FATE AND FORTUNES OF for death in the jails of Trim and Athlone, were tempted with offers of life and liberty, provided they accused him of treasonable intentions. Nevertheless, none of them would buy remorse at such a price ; and we may therefore conclude, that even they possessed more true nobility, if virtue be one of its constituents, than did either Chichester or his attorney-general. With such informations the deputy returned to Dublin ; and it is superfluous to remark, that neither he nor Salisbury, to whom they were forwarded, gave themselves any trouble about the morality of the swearers, provided the de- positions tended to involve the objects of their hatred. Withal, the man who was to act a leading part in the catastrophe now gathering over the Ulster earls and gentlemen, had not yet come ; and Chichester and sir John Davys wrote to him to postpone his advent no longer, since they needed his temporal and spiritual assistance to carry out their projects. The writer had great difficulty in discovering why bishop Montgomery did not appear on the Irish shores till two years after his promotion to the sees of DeiTy, Raphoe, and Clogher, particularly as the king had assigned to him the reduction of Ulster to Christianity. In the long interval, was the prelate poring over St. Bernard's Be Consideratione, which lays down such valuable rules for episcopal guidance, — avoidance of secular pursuits, avarice,* self-aggrandizement, and the like, which were not found in the great model bishop Augustin, who never carried a key-f or a ring on * "Nihil turpius episcopo quam incumbere substantiolse, morderi Buspicionibus, quotidianas expensas reciprocare scrutinio, de pretio escarum habere discussionem," &c. — S. Bernard to Pope Eugene, c. 6. t "Nunquam clavem, nunquam annulum in manu habebat." — Possid. in Vita. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 77 finger ? By no means. He was less ascetically em- ployed, for he had recently taken to himself a wife, whose safety might then have been imperilled among the hostile heathens of Ulster. At last he arrived early in the spring of 1607, not with brief of Paul V.,* then reigning, but with the patent of James, who was so zealous for diffusing Gospel light, and ridding society of such abominations as tobacco and reputed witches. With what formalities Montgomery took possession of his sees, all three united for his benefit, has not been recorded ; but, surely, the Ulster Catholics must have thought it strange when they beheld this prelate and his wife — O shade of Columba! — inspecting the old abbey church of Derry, the cathedral of Clogher, and that of Raphoe, where Macartain and Eunan lived and died, poor and in single blessedness ! The bishop, however, had to encounter difficulties from a quarter where he least expected them ; for he tells us that the very land belonging to the bishopric, within the island, the cathedral and parochial churches, and the bishop's house in Derry, had passed to sir R. Bingley in fee-farm, and from him to sir H. Docwra, and from him to sir George Pawlett ; and that he him- self was driven to a long suit to recover same. Indeed, the church which sir Henry Docwra built at the ex- pense of the city was also challenged, and withheld by Pawlett, the vice-provost, as sold to him. Thus was Montgomery crossed and thwarted, at the outset of his career, by false brethren. But he had compensation from another source; for he had heard that Donald Ballagh O'Cahan was at variance with the earl of Tyrone, * Touching ecclesiastical appointments by the king, sir John Davys says : " The crown is restored to the patronage of ecclesiastical pro- motions, which heretofore were usurped by the pope, and utterly neglected by the state here." — Tracts, pp. 268-9. 78 FATE AND FORTUNES OF and he, therefore, espoused the quarrel of this man, and advised him to refuse tribute to his liege lord. It likewise occurred to him that O'Cahan possessed great knowledge about the ancient church lands, and he thereon invited him to come and supply the ne- cessary information. O'Cahan consented, and told his lordship he could make disclosures, but that he was afraid of Tyrone. " Nay," said the bishop, " I will not trust you ; for I know that one hottle of Usquebaugh* will draw you from me to the earl." Whereupon O'Cahan took a book, and placing it on his head, swore to reveal all he knew of the church lands, which, accord- ing to him., had been seized by Tyrone, provided the bishop promised to stand his friend against the earl. Now, a serious difficulty was raised by O'Cahan, who, not pleased with his wife, Tyrone's daughter, had some doubts about dismissing her, for reasons best known to himself; but the bishop overcame his scruples, and counselled him to turn her out of doors,-(- and send her home to her father in Dungannon. This being done, Montgomery took O'Cahan with him to Dublin, to lay his complaints before the privy council there; and as they rode through Dungannon, Tyrone's son, Hugh, came out, with sixteen horsemen, to salute his lordship and escort him part of the way, and then returned home. The bishop feared that he had come to take O'Cahan from him, and insinuates that he meant to do so, if he had not, with the precaution of a true missionary of the Gospel, brought with him a superior force of horse and foot. On arriving in Dublin, O'Cahan's confession was * Carleton's Thankful Remembrance. t O'Cahan had precedent for this in one of his ancestors, who re- pudiated his wife, but was compelled to take her back by archbishop Colton, in the fourteenth century. See Colton's Visitation, edited by Dr. Reeves. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 79 taken by the privy council, whereon process was issued to Tyrone to appear on a certain day before sir Arthur Chichester, in the Castle. The bishop and his client then returned to the north ; and meeting with Tjrrone at Dungannon, the latter said to him : " My lord, you have two or three bishoprics, and yet you are not con- tent with them, but seek the lands of my earldom." " My lord," replied the bishop, " your earldom is swollen so big with the lands of the church, that it will burst if it be not vented."* Having thus inaugurated his mission in Derry, Mont- gomery turned his attention to financial matters in his diocese of Raphoe, where he sent bailiffs to levy out of every cow and plough-horse fourpence ; as much out of every colt and calf, to be paid twice a year ; and half a crown a quarter of every shoemaker, carpenter, smith, and weaver in the whole country; and eightpence a year for every married couple — a trifling wage, indeed, for the blessing of Gospel light which he had brought into that benighted region ! Touching O'Cahan's country, the bishop, who had an eye to its commodities, has left on record that " it was large, pleasant, and fruitful; twenty-four miles in length, between Lough Foyle and the Bann ; and in breadth, from the sea-coast towards the lower parts of Tyrone, fourteen miles." As for O'Cahan himself, he adds, that he was able to assist the earl of Tyrone during his war with 1,200 foot and 300 horse, the ablest men that Ulster yielded ; and, by the confession of gentlemen of the first plantation, had oftener put them to their de- fence than any enemy they had to do with, not suffering them to cut a bough to build a cabin without blows. Finally, in order to gain the good will of lord Salisbury * Carleton'a Thankful Remembrance. 80 FATE AND FORTUNES OF and the Irish executive for this wretched O'Cahan, his lordship informs them, that, when Tyrone was driven to his fastness, Glenconkeine, O'Cahan sent him 100 horse and 300 foot, and yet made good his own country against the army lying round about him ; that his defection did undo the earl, who, as long as he had his country sure behind him, cared little for anything the army could do to him. Montgomery's malevolence to the earl is transparent in this appeal to the prejudices of the executive, and is rendered more so by the insinu- ation that O'Cahan was hesitating whether he should hold his land from the crown or from Tyrone ; and that it was of vital moment that the latter should not have any estate in O'Cahan's country, since he was of great power to offend or benefit the poor infant city of Derry, its new bishop and people, cast out, far from the heart and head, into the remotest part of Ireland, where life would be unsafe until the whole region was well settled with civil subjects. " If this," continues Montgomery, " be not brought to pass, we may say ' Fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium'" But this episcopal document would not be perfect without flattering the king and sir Arthur Chichester. Montgomery, therefore, says of the former : " We are sure his majesty will have a tender respect for the first city he erected after his coming to the throne of England ;" and of the latter : " The worthy gentle- man who stands here at the helm will faithfully perform his duty, since he serves the king with a truly honest affection, respecting, merely, the good of this kingdom, where he means to settle, maintaining the honour of the state without respect of his private interests ; and, hence, it will concern his majesty's honour to respect him accordingly."* * All the foregoing details are taken from Montgomery's letter to Salisbury, July, 1607.— Irish Correspondence, S. P. 0. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 81 About the middle of April, 1607, Tyrone, in compli- ance with the process issued by the privy council, pre- sented himself in Dublin Castle to answer the complaint of O'Cahan, who had come with Montgomery to main- tain his claims. After the statements of both parties had been heard by Chichester and sir John Davys,* it appears that Tyrone lost temper at some allegation made by his adversary, and snatched from his hand a docu- ment he had drawn up to aid his memory. Tyrone's proofs of O'Cahan's tenancy and vassalage could not be denied, nor could Davys, with all his ingenuity, gainsay the decision made four years previously by lord deputy Mountjoy. A warm altercation, however, of a personal character, ensued between the litigants; and O'Cahan taunted the earl, by reminding him that his defection was the undoing of him ; " for," said he, " after I yielded to the state, you were never able to maintain any open fight." " Let me now," continued the recreant, " have leave of this honorable council to keep my country, and I will never complain of you for taking one cow off my lands."f This, doubtless, was a pleasant incident for the attorney-general, who was anxious for O'Cahan's success; and he thereon stirred Tyrone's habitual phlegm, by adding, with all the gravity usually found in such conscientious functionaries : " I rest assured in my own conceit, that I shall live to see Ulster the best reformed province in this kingdom ; and as for yourself, my lord, I hope to live to see you the best reformed subject in Ireland." To this sarcasm Tyrone replied that he hoped from his heart the attorney-general might never live to see the day when injustice should be done him by trans- ferring his lands to the crown, and thence to the bishop, * *'Aman completely learned," says A. Wood, Ath. Oxon., "but more a scholar than a lawyer." t Montgomery's letter. G 82 FATE AND FORTUNES OF who was intent on converting the whole territory into his own pocket * Finally, Chichester interposed and pacified the earl, by assuring him that the attorney- general was only jesting; and thus terminated the first trial between O'Cahan and Tyrone. Montgomery, however, was not to be so easily baffled ; and he, therefore, advised O'Cahan to employ some able hand to draw up a petition to the lord deputy and privy council, setting forth the grievances he had sustained in his relations with Tyrone, and praying that he might have a grant of his lands to himself immediately from the crown. This was accordingly done ; and on the 2nd of May he presented the following : — " The humble petition of Donald Ballagh O'Cahan, chief of his name. " To the right honorable the lord deputy and council, — Humbly craving that whereas he and his ancestors, for the space of these thousand years and upwards, have been possessed of a country called O'Cahan's country, lying betwixt the rivers of the Ban and Loughfoile, within the province of Ulster, without paying of rent, or other acknowledgment thereof to O'Neal e, saving that his ancestors were wont to aid O'Neale twice a year, if he had need, with risings of 100 horse and 300 foot, of which O'Cahan had of him yearl}^, upon such service, O'Neal e's whole suit-f- of apparel and horse that he rode * These particulars are mentioned by sir John Davys, in a letter to Salisbury, dated January, 1607. t O'Cahan, as O'Neill's uriaght^ and inaugurator along with O'Hagan, had for his perquisite, on day of installation, the elected chief's charger and war-dress. O'Mulconry, hereditary marshal of the O'Conor, states that, in 1315, he got tlie king's horse and armour after the ceremony, and then rode after the ard-righ. The same perquisites were given the inaugurators of the ancient dukes of TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 83 upon, and 100 cows in winter ; and saving also unto the king the yearly rent of twenty-one cows in the name of cios-righ, that is, the king's rent, whereof twenty to O'Neale, as the king's rent-cess, to the king's use in the name of cios-righ, and one to the collector, to be delivered in the borders of O'Cahan's country bound- ing upon Tyrone, of which collectors one yet liveth that received the said cess in the name of cios-righ. Which acknowledgment of rent unto the king continued without any alteration, notwithstanding Con Baccagh's patent from king Henry VIII., until towards the end of the latter wars, when your honour's said suppliant came in three-quarters of a year or more before the now earl of Tyrone submitted himself, under the protection of our late sovereign of happy memory, queen Elizabeth, unto sir Henry Docwra, knight, upon consideration of a faithful promise made unto your suppliant by the said sir Henry Docwra, and by the then lord deputy, after- wards lord lieutenant of this realm, that your suppliant should have a patent, with all convenient speed, from her majesty, to hold his said country immediately from her majesty, her heirs and successors ; and your suppliant had then presently her late majesty's gracious letters- patent granted unto him for the custodiam of his said country, to be held immediately from her majesty at the accustomed rent, with promise to have the absolute grant thereof afterwards at convenient leisure; by virtue of which custodiam he enjoyed his said country for the Carinthia. We may also observe, that the cess which O'Cahan in- geniously misrepresented, was not paid to O'Neill as agent to the king of England, but to O'Neill himself ; for when the latter visited his vassals, he and his suite were said to be in cosherie, i.e., taking cios, or maintenance by taxation. A lease dated Dublin, 1613, stipu- lates that the lessee, archbishop Jones, should provide food and lodg- ing for two boys, with horse-meat and stabling for three horses, whenever the landlord, sir R. Nugent, visited the metropolis. 84? FATE AND FORTUNES OF space of one whole year next after his said coming in without paying or being craved payment of any rent or duty, his service to her majesty only excepted, till the said earl of Tyrone, upon his return out of England from his majesty, alleged unto your honour's said petitioner that his majesty had by patent given unto him all your said suppliant's country, and made him vassal to him and to his heirs for ever, and imposed presently upon your said sup- pliant 160 cows towards his charges, with the yearly rent afterwards of £200, which cows were then levied out of your suppliant's said country; and for the yearly payment of the said rent, he hath taken into his hands that part of your suppliant's country called Macharie, lying between the mountains and the river of the Ban, being one great third part of the whole country, with the fishing of the river of the Ban, which he desired then only for a time, threatening withal to eject your honour's said petitioner out of his country, and to dispose of the same to others, unless he would condescend to his demands ; for fear whereof your said suppliant, being unlearned and desti- tute of counsel in those remote parts, the lord lieutenant and sir Henry Docwra being then absent out of this kingdom, upon whose promise he did rely for the liberty of his country, wanting other means to make his wrongs and grievances known, and not knowing whether the said earl's allegations were true or not, and especially in respect that the said earl then assumed to keep your honour's said petitioner from answering at said Dublin assizes, sessions, or other places of justice, and that the residue of said country should be by him kept free from all cess and other burdens whatsoever, was forced to yield for the time unto those unreasonable impositions and exactions, until he might better understand the earl's grant from his majesty, and find means to make his grief and wrongs known unto the estate. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 85 " But SO it is, right honorable, that the said earl, over and besides all these former unlawful and unconscionable impositions and exactions, intendeth still to keep unto himself, from your honour's said petitioner, the fishing of the said Ban, preyeth yearly upon other parts of his country, draweth away from him his best and most able tenants, by taking away their cows, and after restoring them again upon promise they shall relinquish your honour's suppliant, and become tenants to himself, sufFereth him to be exposed to cess, answering at court, and to be subject to many wrongs ; and your honour's suppliant understandeth also that the said earl hath no such grant at all from his majesty of the said country, as he affirmed. That, therefore, it may please your honour to free your said suppliant and his whole country, he surrendering the same into his majesty's hands, from holding the same or any part thereof of the said earl, or paying any rent therefor unto him, making your said suppliant immediate tenant to his majesty, by new grant- ing unto him his said country, according to his majesty's most gracious favour unto others of your suppliant's quality, seeing he came in before the said earl, and never disobeyed since, according to equity, the said lord lieutenant and sir Henry Docwra, their promise; paying for the same such rent, and doing such service to his majesty as your honour shall think meet. And for the better effecting hereof, it may likewise please your honour to appoint the king's attorney, this cause being for his majesty's special service and perpetual quietness of that country, to be of counsel with and for your honour's said petitioner in prosecution thereof, and that the said earl may, in the meantime, be, by your honour's warrant, commanded to surcease the levying of rents out of your honour's said suppliant's country, or molesting him or his tenants, until he make his title unto the said 86 FATE AND FORTUNES OF country/if he have any, appear to your honour. And he shall ever pray, &c."* On receipt of the petition, it was ordered that the king's attorney and solicitor should be of counsel for O'Cahan, and that the earl of T3rrone should answer the bill, upon which the plaintiff was to receive further re- solution. Tyrone, therefore, on 23rd May, put in the following answer : — " The defendant, for answer, saith, that there is no such country called O'Cahan's country, other than that of late times, by corruption of speech, which the plaintiff would complain of, is called by the name of Irraght-I- Chahan ; and as for any title that may be made by the plaintiff to the said lands, the same is merely determi- nable by course of common law, where the defendant will be ready to answer any occasion that shall be brought by the plaintiff in such manner as every other subject of his condition is bound. And further, as to the re- quest made by the plaintiff, that he, the plaintiff, may be permitted to surrender and accept a new estate from his majesty thereof, the defendant thereunto answereth and saith, that the plaintiff thereunto is not to be re- ceived, for that he, the plaintiff, hath no estate in the said lands that he may surrender, nor did he or any of his ancestors ever hold the said lands but as tenants at sufferance, servants, and followers to the defendant and his ancestors. And further, the defendant saith, that Conn O'Neill, in the bill mentioned, grandfather to the defendant, was seised in fee of the lands in the bill mentioned before his surrender to the late prince of famous memory, Henry the eighth, and received yearly * S. P. 0. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 87 and had thereout as much rents, cutting, spending, and all other duties as of any other lands which he had in demesne within that province of Ulster and territory of Tyrone; and also that after the said Conn's surrender, and the regrant made to him by the letters-patent from the said king Henry the eighth, the said Conn was thereof lawfully seised, and during his life enjoyed the premises by virtue of the said letters-patent, and had and received thereout yearly rents, customs, duties, cuttings, spendings, risings out, and all other reserva- tions as he had out of other his demesne lands in the said province of Ulster. "And further, the defendant also saith, that upon the letters-patent made to the defendant by the late princess of famous memory, queen Elizabeth, the defendant was also of the premises lawfully seised and enjoyed, had and received out of the premises such yearly rents, customs, duties, cuttings, spendings, risings out, and all other reservations as for other his demesne lands was paid in that province, and likewise hath continued the same ever since till the late general troubles of this kingdom, during which time the custodiam in the bill mentioned was granted, if any such was granted, which the defen- dant denieth ; but if there was, the same was determined by the death of her late majesty, who was said to have committed the same ; and if not, the same was counter- Tnanded by the patent made by his most gracious majesty that now is, who hath not only granted by patent to the defendant all such lands and hereditaments as he formerly had or enjoyed, but also of his free grace and favour hath passed his highness' royal promise and word to the defen- dant that he shall not be disturbed or molested for the possession of any lands or hereditaments which he enjoyed or took the profits of before his highness' most happy coming to the crown of this realm, which word 88 FATE AND FORTUNES OF and promise the defendant knoweth will be kept and observed inviolable. "And seeing the inheritance of the premises and the taking the profits thereof hath been by lawful means in the defendant and his ancestors, and that they have been always known and reputed the in- heritors thereof, the defendant supposeth that it is fitter, and, therefore, accordingly humbly prayeth, that if his letters-patent, upon any nice constructions of words, may breed any doubt or question, which the defendant hopeth they will not, that according to his majesty's most gracious meaning towards all other sub- jects' patents of any lands, and the several commissions and proclamations made in that behalf, there may be others letters-patent made of the premises to the de- fendant, and not to the plaintiff, who hath no colour of right or estate in the premises. All which matters the defendant is ready to aver and prove without that* he or his ancestors enjoyed the premises by the space of a thousand years, or at any time but at the will and sufferance of the defendant and his ancestors, or that the lands in complaint are called O'Cahan's country other than of late times : without that there was any such promise made that the plaintiff should have a pa- tent of the lands in complaint : without that the defen- dant did assume or promise to keep the plaintiff answering at Dublin assizes or other the places of justice, or that he undertook to save any part of the said country from cess, or made any other agreement with the plaintiff other than in consideration he was married to the defendant's daughter; and for the better inhabiting and settling of the country, he was contented the plain- * This is the form of special traverse or denial of the statements in the plaintift'a bill. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 89 tiff should, during the defendant's will and pleasure, enjoy two parts of the country upon certain conditions and reservations far otherwise than in the bill ex- pressed: and without that the defendant made any preys upon the plaintiff other than some distress for his rent, or that he made or offered restitution thereof upon such terms as are in the bill surmised." Three days after Tyrone had sent in his answer, he was at Mellifont with sir Garret Moore, and he thence despatched the following letter to the king : — "May it please your most excellent majesty, — Whereas it pleased your highness, of your great bounty, to restore me by letters -patent to such lands as I, and others my ancestors, had and enjoyed in her late majesty and other your highness' predecessors' times, excepting sir Henrie Oge O Neill, knight, his country,* and sir Tur- lough Mac Henrie Neill, knight, his country, passed unto them by letters-patents, as also certain other parcels of land reserved to your highness for occasions of service, by reason whereof my living and revenue is much lessened, yet was I well satisfied with the rest, such being your majesty's pleasure. But now, most gracious sovereign, there are so many that seek to deprive me of the greatest part of the residue which your majesty was pleased I should hold, as without your highness' special consideration of me I shall in the end have nothing to support my estate; for the lord bishop of the Derry, not contented with the great living your majesty has been pleased to bestow upon him, seeketh not only to have from me unto him a * Much of it lay north of the Blackwater, in the barony of Dun- gannon and vicinity of Hy Tuirte and Donaghmore. The whole tract was called " Henry Oge's land," from Henry Oge O'Neill, j 90 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF great part of my lands, whereunto none of his prede- cessors ever made claim, but also setteth on others, as I am informed, to call into question that which never heretofore was doubted to be mine and my ancestors. Your majesty's counsel-at-law likewise, under pretence of your majesty's title, doth call the chief substance of the rest of my living in question, namely, these parcels, Killitragh,* Glanconkene, Slieveshiose, Slught-Art,-f- and Iraghticahan, for that they are not specially named in my letters-patent ; whereas, in truth, there is not one parcel particularly named in them ; and by like reason they may take from me all the lands I hold, except I may be protected and upholden herein by your ma- jesty, upon whose grace and favour I must wholly de- pend. I most humbly, therefore, beseech your high- ness that you would be pleased to direct your gracious letters to the lord deputy here, thereby commanding him to make new letters-patent to me and my heirs, of and upon the parcels before recited by special name, according such estates and limitations, and to such persons as in your highness' former letters-patent are expressed, being such a favour as is appointed by your majesty to be extended to such of your subjects of this kingdom as should be suitors for the same, amongst whom I will, during my life, endeavour to deserve to be in the num- ber of the most faithful, whereunto not only duty but also your majesty's great bounty hath ever obliged me. I must also be an humble suitor to your highness to * Killetragh, Hibernice " Coill-Iochtra," i.e., the Lower Wood of Glenconkeine. In 1609, the Irish Society felled oak there to the value of £50,000, for building Londonderry. t A sept of the O'Neills, descended from the grandfather of Turlo Lynogh. They were located in the barony of Strabane, and owned Derg Castle, and the crannog of Lough Laegharie, near Lifford. It was a country ten miles long, most part bog and wood.— 0' Donovan, Annals of the Four Masters, p. 2329. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 91 direct the lord deputy and council, and other your highness' officers and ministers here, that I may be established and permitted to continue in such posses- sion as I enjoyed before the last general troubles in her late majesty's time, until by any ordinary and due course of trial by common law the same shall be evicted, notwithstanding any office taken without my privity, upon advantages by the working of my adversaries. So, humbly craving pardon for my boldness, and pray- ing God long to increase your majesty's happiness, I humbly take my leave. " Mellifont, the 26th day of May, 1607. " Your majesty's most humble and dutiful servant, " Tyrone." CHAPTER IV, What reply his majesty may have returned to Tyrone's letter we know not; but, in the meanwhile, the privy council in Dublin, after • entertaining his answer to O'Cahan's petition, made the following report, namely : That in the thirty-fourth year of king Henry VIII., Con O'Neill, called Con Baccagh, or the lame, surren- dered to the king all his lands and tenements, where- upon the king created him earl of Tjrrone, and granted him all the lands and tenements which he then pos- sessed, with remainder to Matthew his son, and his heirs male. Shane O'Neill having killed Matthew, and taken upon himself the title of " O'Neill," held posses- sion of the lands till he himself was slain ; and after his death, queen Elizabeth, by her letters-patent, granted to Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone, all the lands and dominions in the territory or county of Tyrone, in the province of Ulster, in as ample a manner as Con O'Neill had formerly been seised of them, to hold to the earl for his life, with remainder to Hugh, baron of Dungannon, and the heirs male of his body. Consequent upon this grant, there was, as customary, a commission or inquest to inquire into the bounda- ries and limits of the lands so granted, as well as the rents and services paid by any persons to Con Baccagh O'Neill for any lands or tenements held under him. The jury upon this inquisition found the metes and TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 98 boundaries of the country of Tyrone to be as follows, i.e., beginning towards the north, the river Finn, pro- ceeding thence as far as Lough Foyle, and from Lough Foyle, by the sea-shore, to the Bann, and so extending to the east of Lough Neagh ; within which limits they found that there existed the territory called O'Cahan's, Glenconkeine, and Killetragh, which they found were not lands of the O'Neills in their demesne, or in the actual seisin of the O'Neills, but held by tenants having estates in them equivalent to estates of freehold. The jury, moreover, could not determine what rents the tenants of said lands were accustomed to pay ; but they found generally that all the lands within the limits of Tyrone, except lands of the church, rendered bon- naght,* "rising out, cutting, and spending," to Con O'Neill, except that some of the chiefs of the name only rendered bonnaght and rising out. When the report had been read, sir John Davys spoke at considerable length on the submission and surrender of his client at the close of the war, and be- fore the surrender of O'Neill, laying great stress on the promise made to O'Cahan of a grant of his lands, which he deserved in consideration of his good services to the crown. At the same time, however, after stating the case as between the parties, he perplexed it still more by raising a doubt whether O'Cahan's lands were not still vested in the crown, or whether they were com- prised in any of the grants made to the earl of Tyrone. The deputy and council upon this delivered their opi- nion, that the right to O'Cahan's country still remained in the crown ; but, as an arrangement ad interim, they sanctioned an agreement which had been made between the earl and O'Cahan, namely, that the former should, * Free quarters for armed retainers. 94 FATE AND FORTUNES OF for the present, remain in possession of O'Cahan's country, and O'Cahan himself of the remaining two- thirds, without any further claim upon one another. The decision was far from satisfactory to either of the litigants ; and as for Tyrone, he required no great legal acumen to foresee, that, his pardon and restoration in blood notwithstanding, it was the intention of the deputy and sir John Davys to revive the old act of attainder passed in Elizabeth's reign against him and his heirs. The result, however, was most gratifying to bishop Montgomery, who was delighted with an im- broglio which he perceived would sooner or later give him possession of the lands he coveted, and thus enable him to make a fortune — the grand object, as he himself tells us, of his coming to Ireland. Meanwhile, Tyrone and O'Cahan, despite the finding of the lord deputy and privy council, had various suits in the courts of common law, nor could either be in- duced to desist till sir John Davys, by directions of the deputy, suggested that they should repair to the royal presence, and submit their respective claims to the king, the modern Solomon, who would adjudicate on them, even as his prototype did in the case of disputed ma- ternity. Tyrone made no objection, but told Davys he would be disposed to present himself to his majesty at Michaelmas, provided his impoverished earldom could furnish the expense of the journey. He then returned to Ulster, to encounter a renewal of those outrages and insults to which we have already alluded, and of which he has left such a minute account. As for Tyrconnel, he, too, had to bear similar grievances in his earldom, such, indeed, as no ordinary patience could endure, and which one in his position could not but feel acutely. His people were hourly outraged by sheriffs, under- sheriffs, and other myrmidons of the law, who seized TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 95 their cattle, suborned informers and spies to accuse him of treasonable designs, and involve him in vexa- tious litigations before packed and hostile juries. The categorical account he himself has left us of these insup- portable wrongs, precludes the necessity of dwelling longer on them here. About this period, Chichester heard that his place of deputy was likely to be conferred upon somebody else, and he thereon applied to lord Northampton to have him appointed to the presidentship of Ulster, as the crown contemplated the creation of that office. "It may please your lordship," says he, " for charity begins at home, to let me put you in mind of my particular condition, since it hath pleased you to consider how mean a fortune I should have left, when this great place, the deputyship, should be transferred to another." And he then goes on to state how beneficial it would be to all Ireland, and to Ulster especially, if the presidentship was bestowed on him. Another suitor for the same post was the earl of Tyrone, who memorialed lord Salis- bury to name him to it, but without effect, for the crown was still hesitating about making Ulster a presidency. But matter of greater moment engaged Tyrone's thoughts on his return home, namely, the settling his son Hugh, baron of Dungannon, who, it appears, was to be married to a daughter of the lord of Argyle,* better known in his own Highlands, and the north of Ireland, as M'Callam More. Great preparations were made for the event ; but even in this case the course of love was * Probably Archibald, seventh earl, who went to Spain, and there, entering the service of Philip III., became a Catholic. There is a very interesting paper in the Miscellany of the Maitland Society, on the mamages between the Scotch Gaels and those of Ulster, The mother of the celebrated Hugh Koe O'Donel was daughter of MacDonald, lord of the Isles. 96 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF not destined to run smooth, for the project was never realized. In the midst of such occupations, legal trucemaking, affiancing, and writing unheeded protestations to Chi- chester touching the annoyances he had to endure, Tyrone or Tyrconnel never thought that there were, at that moment, in Dublin, designing heads actually plot- ting the ruin of them both. Above all, it never could have been imagined by the former, that, the day before he wrote to the king from Mellifont, one whom he often encountered on the battle-field was then employed by Chichester to play the role of fabricator after the most revolting fashion of that reckless calling. Least of all could he or Tyrconnel have suspected that one bearing an ancient Anglo-Norman title would have stooped to an act which many an Irish peasant thought foul scorn to perpetrate — nay, for the non-performance of which more than one of them preferred execution on the gal- lows. Yet such was the fact, and we will allow the deputy himself to furnish the details : — " To my lord the earl of Salisbury. "My Lord, — On Monday, the 18th of this instant, these enclosed were found at the door of the council- chamber, and being brought to sir William Usher, clerk of the council, to whom they were directed, he brake them open, and when he had perused the first line, he delivered them unto me. Soon after I imparted them to such of the board as were then with me; and however I conceive of them, I am advised to transmit them by reason they concur in many parts with the discovery made unto your lordship by A. B., otherwise I should have thought of it as heretofore I have done of the like presented unto me, and have taken them rather for TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 97 impostures to deceive me, than discoveries to forewarn me. I send the original itself, and have taken a copy thereof; if it shall please your lordship to return it, it may be the hand will in time discover the author, albeit I think he hath counterfeited all he may. I will use all means to make the writer to discover himself, and to prevent the danger of this place, esteeming slightly the threatening of myself, for my life hath not wronged them, and my death can smally advantage or further their designs, if any they have, of which I see no great appearance nor probability to act it without foreign assistance. If A. B. were an advised and judicial man, it might be supposed he had plotted this to strengthen the discovery he hath made; and howsoever his lightness may clear that suspicion, yet can it not be but the writer thereof is very inwardly acquainted with that plot, or another as dangerous ; the sooner he comes to effect what he hath promised, the better will it be in my opinion. I have not imparted what your lordship transmitted unto me by Strowd unto any man as yet. The times, too, now require that I shall make use of other men's watchfulness and judgments; there- fore I intend to acquaint the treasurer, chief justice, sir Oliver Lambert, and sir Oliver St. John, with the con- tents of A. B.'s discovery; they are all very worthy gentlemen, wise in observation, and quiet in execution. For the present I can only observe an unusual privacy in some principal men near adjoining, who heretofore were wont to resort unto me, which I should not have noted had I not been forewarned. " Besides which, the earl of Tyrone, being lately called hither upon the complaint of O'Cahan, hath carried himself very untemperately in private speeches, and unrespectively by action at the council-table, snatching a paper out of O'Cahan's hand, and renting it in our H 98 FATE AND FORTUNES OF presence, whicli, against my nature, and not without dislike of some of my associates, I suffered to pass with slight reproof, only to make him understand he did amiss, when severer punishments would better become the honour of the place and his chastisement; but un- derstanding these consultations towards innovation, I will not cause them untimely to declare themselves. Of this cause of O'Cahan's, your lordship shall hear more by the next, for his demands are worthy of con- sideration ; and before we can well proceed therein, it is necessary we should have allowance from thence. " This last term, one Howth, alias St. Lawrence, and one Art M'Rorie M'Mahon, were arraigned in the king's bench for plotting the betraying of this castle. The matter was first discovered unto me by Howth himself ; and Art JVL'Rorie being apprehended and examined, after many denials, confessed at last that Howth had broken that matter with him, and said that he used the name of Christopher St. Lawrence unto him as a motive to induce him to the plot, which Howth absolutely dejaied, but charged him with the like, by naming his associates in the north, and, among others, one Shane M'Phyllip Oreilly, who, as I hear, is now upon his keep- ing. This being by themselves delivered in the court, that could not but come to his hearing, which belike hath made him fearful; but I will send for him, and I am persuaded he will come unto me, or shall soon after lose his head. They are both condemned, but stayed from execution in hope by them to discover more ; and as yet we cannot, otherwise than by conjecture, learn who was the first breaker of the matter to the other. "We have a report by sundry merchants, lately arrived from Spain, that the Hollanders have given a great blow to the Spanish fleet in the Straits, and attend upon the coast of Spain with some seconds come unto them to TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 99 do them further annoyance. I have spoken with the parties themselves, who had speech with some of the Hollanders at sea, who assure it for truth ; if it be I know your lordship hath heard thereof otherwise, I would write it more particularly. They can tell me of no embargo of our ships in Spain, which makes me think the advertisement which I transmitted by Strowd, coming from the president of Munster to his servant, was grounded upon some false report, of which this country is full; but this last is not so welcome unto them. Thus, with remembrance of my duty, I humbly take leave. " From his majesty's Castle of Dublin, the 27th day of May, 1607. " Your lordship's in all true and faithful service, "Arthur Chichester." The anonymous document was sufficiently alarming, and the deputy, therefore, exhibited it to sir Oliver Lambert, sir Oliver St. John, and, of course, to sir John Davys, for his majesty's attorney could not be left igno- rant of such a portentous revelation. The deputy's first effort was to ascertain who was the writer, for he, like many other mean individuals, set great value on anonymous letters. It never occurred to him that it might have been sir William Usher, or some other of his staff; but he was more disposed to attribute it to the indi- vidual, who, ashamed to give his real name, concealed it under the cipher A. B., and who then stood high in his good graces for having turned approver against his un- fortunate dupes. Moreover, A. B. represented an ancient house in Ireland ; and the deputy was too sensitive on the subject of aristocratic birth, to suffer one of that order to tarnish his escutcheon by appearing under his true 100 FATE AND FOETUNES OF style and designation as a hopeful informer. Indeed, he himself was loath to figure as such before the people of his own time, and, doubtless, had some scruple about bequeathing a dishonored name to posterity. Provided, however, they allowed him to wear the mask, and thus skulk from responsibility, he professed himself ready to do any work his employers might assign to him, be it writing anonymous slanders, or fabricating charges against the best in the land. There is not, it must be admitted, evidence to prove that A. B. wrote the anony- mous letter, but there can be no doubt that he was a man of irkventive genius, wily, pliant, and deaf to the warnings of conscience. We will now submit this famous document to our readers : — To sir William Usher, clerk of the council, <&c., id&c. " Sir, — My zeal to our country, lately on fire, and my love to you for loving the same, will show you by this relation, though I am far severed from you in reli- gion, how near I come home to you in honesty. Not long since I was called into the company of some Catholic gentlemen, where, after the strictest conditions of secrecy were ministered unto me that have been used, and the general dislikes of unchristian proceedings against them laid open in their proper colours before me, these their purposes, that had induced, as it seemed, so many former disputes, were delivered unto me : viis et modis, to murder or poison the lord deputy, whose authority, wisdom, and valour, stand only in the way of their first attempts ; Drogheda thought a place apt and secure to act the same, whither they hear he intends shortly to remove. With his lordship, or before the first opportunity will be taken to cut off sir Oliver Lambert, whom, for his judgment in the wars, his sudden resolu- tion and undertaking spirit, they will not suffer to live : he is weakly attended, therefore easily, and when they list, despatched. These two lights thus put out, they neither fear nor value any opposite in the kingdom : the rest either of office in state, or state in substance, they will pick them up, one after another, and serve their turns with them. The small dispersed garrisons must either, through hunger, submit themselves to their mercy, or be penned up as sheep to the shambles. They hold the castle of Dublin for their own, neither manned nor victualled, and at the instance of their other designs, readily sur- prised. The towns are for them, the country with them ; the great ones abroad, and in the north, prepared to answer the first alarm. Those that are powerful in the west are assured by their agents as soon as the state is in disorder. The Catholic king hath lately promised, and the Jesuits from the pope warranted, men and means to second the first stirs, and royally to protect all their actions. Yet the wise politics of this society, whose wits hath raised this spirit in the hearts of the discontented, cast their reckoning another way, and will reserve the Spanish succours for the last gasp, feeding them still with their dependency and expectation from them. And as soon as the state is dissolved, the king's sword in their hands, they will elect a governor, chancellor, and council out of the grand council of the kingdom ; despatch their humble and submissive letters to his majesty, trusting more to his unwillingness to be embarked in such a war, and to his facility to pardon, and grant their own conditions of peace, of government with tolerance in religion, as France and the Low Countries most happily enjoy, than to the Catholic king's subjection. For all this, if his majesty listen not to their motions, then, they presume, the many days spent in debate in England, 10^ : /fJlte :A^'jy fortunes of the long preparing force and materials fit for such an enterprise, will give them time enough to breathe, to fortify and furnish the maritime towns and coasts, and at leisure call to their aid the Spanish forces from all parts, into whose arms at last they resolve headlongly to cast themselves. After I heard this and a great deal more, I interposed some doubts, then readily answered. I consented to further those projects; and, through the lateness of the night, we parted. From which time till I resolved by you to give this caveat, mine eyelids never closed, my heart was afire, my soul suffered a thousand thousand torments ; yet I could not, nor cannot persuade my conscience in honesty to betray my friends, or spill their bloods, when this timely warning may prevent the mischief Make use of it where use is fit to be made; pass it not slightly over as a wonder of nine days old. I will, from henceforth, use all my endeavours to dissuade all further practising, watch their counsels, and tell my near friends the state hath inkling hereof The care the lord deputy took last to bar entrance, with weapon, into the castle, to strengthen the port with an increased guard and vigilanter watch, much dismayed the handlers of this business ; so will the least preparation the lord deputy shall make to strengthen the guard of his person, the attendance at his sports, to provide in his absence for the castle of Dublin, and to victual the garrisons abroad, put them either to seek new counsels, or desist from the old, which, if they do not, though I reverence the Mass and Catholic religion equal with the devoutest of them, I will make the leaders of this dance know that I prefer my country's good before their busy and ambitious humours. " P.S. — Your lordship may gather from the enclosed how necessary it is for us to victual our places of prin- cipal advantage, which makes me to continue my suit TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 103 that sir Robert Newcomen* may be despatched with means to do it." The only comment we can offer on this production is, that it names no one, deals in generalities, and makes charges against which innocence itself might not be proof. The allusion to the Mass unmistakably pointed to the northern earls, who, like the rest of the Irish Catholics, had good reason to be discontented on that subject; and the affected sensitiveness of the writer, " who would not be evidence against any one," betrays cunning, malevolence, and cowardice, which are invari- able characteristics of those who write anon3mious letters, or encourage the authors of them. But as to A. B., we are indebted to Salisbury and sir Arthur Chichester for his real name, which they ulti- mately published when mystery was no longer necessary. A. B., therefore, was sir Christopher St. Lawrence, twenty-second baron of Howth, concerning whose ante- cedents we deem it necessary to premise a few words, that the reader may be able to set due value on the "Informations" of such a nobleman. He served in Ulster under the unfortunate Essex ; accompanied him in his rash flight to England ; and, on arriving there, proposed to murder lord Grey de Wilton, who, it was thought, was likely to prejudice the queen's mind against her former favourite, if he got access to the royal presence before him. Essex, however, refused to sanction such a revolting offer ;-|- and we hear no more of this volunteer * In 1608 he kad a grant from the king of the ruinous chajjel of St, Laurence, near Ballyfermot, parcel of the estate of viscount Bal- tinglass, attainted. t For a most interesting account of Essex's return and reception by Elizabeth, see the Hon. W". B. Devereiix's Lives of the Earls of Essex. London : J. Murray. 104 FATE AND FORTUNES OF assassin* till 1602, when he commanded a regiment of infantry under Mountjoy, at the battle of Carlingford. A year afterwards, when sir^ George Carey disbanded the army, Howth grew very discontented, thinking he had been badly treated by his employers, who gave him no entertainment, or, in other words, pension for his services. Poor, mean, regarding money as omnipo- tent, he was ready to do anything that might enable him to retrieve his desperate fortunes ; and he, therefore, with the mercenary spirit of a free lance, crossed over to the Low Countries, where he thought the influence of certain Irish ecclesiastics, his kinsmen, might be used to advance him. They, however, knowing their man, declined to interest themselves in his behalf ; and he then returned to England, renounced the faith of his forefathers, and skulked about Salisbury's ante-chambers till it was that personage's convenience to give him audience. He then began to make his revelations, and Salisbury, after taking them down, told him to hasten to Ireland, and repeat them to sir Arthur Chichester. He accordingly did so ; and after getting through the first act of the melodrama, in which he figured with MacRory and O'Reilly, was lodged in Dublin Castle, where, in several conferences with the deputy, he en- titled himself to the wage of a vulgar informer, by swearing the following depositions, which we take ver- batim from sir Arthur Chichester's report, addressed to lord Salisbury. Ah, to what baseness will not even a baron sometimes lower himself ! * Christoplier St. Lawrence, one of the six friends who accom- panied Essex on his visit to Nonsuch, met on the way lord Grey de Wilton, one of Essex's bitterest enemies, who passed Essex unsaluted ; and on the earl expressing his fear that he would do him some unkind office, St. Lawrence offered to kill him, and afterwards to kill Cecil in the queen's court. — Camd. An. v. iii. p. 796. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 105 " Brief Collections drawn from sundry discourses had with A. B., hetwixt the 29th day of June and ^oth of August, 1607. " 1. First, he declares that there is a general revolt intended by many of the nobility and principal persons of this land, together with the cities and towns of greatest strength ; and that they will shake off the yoke of the English government, as they term it, and adhere to the Spaniard. " 2. That they have made known their said intentions and purposes to the king of Spain, who hath entertained the same with good applause, and hath promised them aid and assistance of men, money, and munition, if they will declare themselves against the king by some notable action, whereby he may trust and give credit unto them. " 3. Whereupon the principal contrivers and plotters of this innovation, did advise and resolve to seize upon the Castle of Dublin, when the deputy and council were therein, whom they would kill or otherwise dispose of at their pleasures ; and thereupon the towns had pro- mised to revolt, and the country to declare themselves against the king and his government. " 4. They concluded to attempt the surprise of the Castle in Easter term, anno 1606, and had proceeded therein, but for two causes i-^-First, A. B. thought it a matter full of danger, by reason of the strength of the place, the guard that attended it, and the persons that would be together ; and told C. D.f that it was not to * Delvin. According to Lodge, he was tenth baron of that name. He fought at Kinsale under Mount joy ; and in 1621 was created earl of Westmeath. His father died prisoner in Dublin Castle, to which he was committed on charge of having assisted Tyrone when he was marching to Kinsale. 106 FATE AND FORTUNES OF be kept by them, albeit they should take it, unless the Spanish forces were in readiness to give them present assistance ; for England and Scotland were so near neigh- bours, and so well able to give relief, and plenty of means to regain the same, that it were impossible for them to hold it until they could send and receive aid from Spain or the Low Countries. This he did to stay the proceedings ; for howsoever he had hearkened unto them, he meant not to partake with them in the busi- ness. " C. D., conceiving well hereof, imparted it to E. F.,* who allowed of the reasons, but said it came not from himself, but from A. B. " The second cause of staying the proceeding in the surprise was, that C. D. would not assent that the de- puty should be slain, for that he was his friend, and had done him many good offices ; wherefore he would rather withdraw himself from their association, yea, and re- veal it, than to see his blood spilt by his means and procurement. This discourse was about Christmas, anno 1605. " 5. About August following, A. B. went into Eng- land, expecting to obtain some employment or pen- sion from the king's majesty. If he failed therein, he then resolved to put himself into the service of the archduke, carrying with him a mind, howsoever he was otherwise discontented for want of means and employ- ment according to his birth and desert, to reveal so dangerous a plot of conspiracy before it should bring forth the monster of his country's ruin and king's dis- turbance. " 6. He revealed it not at his first coming to the court, by reason, he thought, the venom had not spread * Earl of Tyrconnel. TYKONE AND TYKCONNEL. 107 itself further than to discourse by means of priests, and some slight promises of assistance to hold them in faction ; and was of opinion that, if he should have re- vealed it at that time, it would have been taken that he did it rather thereby to procure unto himself some entertainment or employment, than for the king's ser- vice or country's welfare. But when he came into the Low Countries, and perceived, upon discourse with Richard Stanihurst * and Christopher Cusake,*)* priests, the one his uncle, and the other his near kinsman, that the poison of this traitorous conspiracy had infected many of the king's subjects, as well on that side as on this, and understanding by them that the king of Spain had not only entertained their proffered service, but had, withal, assured the conspirators of aid and assist- ance, which should be in readiness when they declared themselves, he then thought it high time to discover what he knew or had heard, and thereupon he framed a colourable occasion for his repair into England, and, upon his coming thither, he opened the depth thereof to my lord of Salisbury, who was pleased to acquaint the king therewith. " 7. After which he returned to the Low Countries, * Eichard Stanihurst, uncle to archbishop Usher, studied at Ox- ford, and in Lincoln's and Furnival's Inns. In Flanders, after his wife's death, he took holy orders, and was made chaplain to the archduke Albert at Brussels. He wrote many works, and, among others, four books, entitled " De rebus in Hibernia gestis," which was severely criticised by Geoffrey Keating. He was also author of a life of St. Patrick in Latin ; but his most celebrated performance is the tract entitled "The Principles of the Catholic Religion," in which he exposes the sophistries of archbishop Usher's '* Historical Explication." Father Stanihurst died at Brussels, 1618. + He was a priest of the diocese of Meath, and founded, 1596, the Irish College of Douay for secular priests, and several other colleges in the Low Countries for the education of Irish missionaries. He died 1619. 108 FATE AND FORTUNES OP ' where he met with one Flarie Omulconnor,* known by the name of father Florence, and is provincial of the Irish Franciscan friars, by whom he was assured that all things were concluded, and that himself Avas to go * This distinguished Franciscan, for an account of whose works see Ware's Writers, was a native of Cloonahee, in MacDermott's country, and representative of the ancient historians and antiquarians of his name. Flathrie, or Florence, took the habit in the convent of Moyne, and then went to Spain to prosecute his studies. From that country he came to Ireland, by order of Clement VIII., to aid, by his counsels, the chiefs of the expedition sent by Philip III. ; but, after the surrender of Kinsale, he returned to Spain with Hugh O'Donel, whom he attended in his last moments at Simancas. lu 1606 he founded the Franciscan convent at Louvain ; and in 1609, at the instance of Maffeo Barberini, afterwards Urban VIIT. , he was consecrated archbishop of Tuam. Conry laboured hard in Spain and the Netherlands for his unfortunate countrymen, and died at Madrid, 1629, aged 69. A magnificent monument was erected to his memory, and the celebrated Almerus wrote the following epitaph, which alludes to the translation of the archbishop's remains to the convent of Louvain : — HIC . JACET . ET . FLORET . PRCESUL . FLORENTIUS . CEVIS . DUM . PIETAS . VIRTUS . DOCTA . MINERVA . VIGET . ORDINIS . ALTUS . HONOR . FIDEI . PATRIiEQUE . HONOS . PONTIFICUM . MERITO . LAUDE . PERENNE . JUBAR . FUNDE . PRECES . ANIM^ . LECTOR . PIA . VOTA . MERENTI . GRATIA . NAM . MAGNIS . DEBITA . MAGNA , VIRIS . VIVUS . OPUS . FABRICS . FRATRES . DEVINXIT . AMORE . PIGNUS . AMICITIiE . MORTUUS . OSSA . DEDIT . For further notices of this most learned Franciscan prelate, see Harold's Life of Wadding, and Rapin's Hist. De Jansenisme. Touch- ing the latter subject, we may not omit an anecdote mentioned in Piot's Hist, de Louvain, of a red-haired Irish Franciscan, who, in a thesis with a Jesuit, was told jocosely that Judas was red-haired, ergo the Irish friar must have been related to him ! To this the Franciscan replied, " Quod Judas erai ruber est conjectura, sed quod erat e societate Jesu, est Scriptura.'' The vicissitudes of the convent in which Colgan, Fleming, O'Clery, and other great Irish Franciscans wrote, will be found in French's works. Dublin : J. Duffy. ■^centBrooks lit PLORENCE CONKY, ARCHBISHOP OF TUAM. ^-ft/*' TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 109 into Ireland to ascertain the lords, cities, and towns of the aid promised, and to conclude with them for the time. " 8. This Florence hath been employed in this busi- ness from the beginning by E. F., and is well favoured by the king of Spain, and good credit given to his re- ports and advices. He told A. B. that the king of Spain would aid them with 10,000 foot and 200 horse at the first, and supply them as there should be occa- sion. These forces would be in such readiness that they should be in Ireland within twenty days after the peace betwixt the king, our master, and the king of Spain should be broken; and that Spinola, or some other great captain, should come with them. A. B. advised them to land near Dublin, which he did, as well to draw them within the danger of those seas as to bring them to our chiefest strength. Florence told him that it was resolved that they should land at Gallowaye or Waterfoorde, or at both places at once, if their forces were answerable to their expectations. - " 9. A. B. saith that the Spaniards hath fed E. F. with hope of great advancement and reward, and that father Florence had received, by direction from the king, five or six thousand pounds for his use, which should be made over unto him if he could find the means, by ex- change or otherwise, which money lay ready at Bruxelle. He saith further, that the Spaniard doth so allure this nation, by kind entertainment and promises, that he is of opinion that they will absolutely quit the king, our master, and adhere unto him, if it be not timely pre- vented, by bridling them with strong garrisons and sure holds, for what cause he knows not, but they pretend religion, and that they are weary of the English govern- ment. " 10. He saith this is all true, and that he had the no FATE AND FORTUNES OF first knowledge thereof from C. T>., and soon after he conferred with E. F., who are the men he dealt withal on this side, and none other. "11. He cannot, of himself, charge G. H * with any- particular matter, but is well assured, by the speech he had with the former two and others in the Low Coun- tries, that he is as deep in the treason as any, so is J. K.,*!- L. M.,i N. 0.,§ P/Q.,|| R. S.,1I and sundry others in the kingdom, some of which have undertaken particular ser- vices when the time shall serve : as L. M. to betray the castle of Athlone, and to take the earl of Clanri- card prisoner ; J. K. to seize upon the earl of Ormond and the viscount Butler, and to direct those countries for the treasonable services. When he understood that the king had sent for G. H. to come into England, he said unto me that he conceived he would never go * Tyrone. t Mountgarret. His first wife was Margaret, daughter of Hugh, earl of Tyrone. He subsequently was a member of the supreme council of the Confederates, and died 1651 ; and, although dead, was excepted by Cropawell from pardon for life or estate, by an act of parliament passed 12th August, 1652. X Sir Thomas Bourke. § Sir Theobald Bourke, of the house of Mayo, was called na-Lo7ig (of the ships), because born at sea. He commanded imderMountjoy at Kinsale, and was knighted after the defeat of the Spaniards. He represented the co. Mayo in the parliament of 1613, and was advanced to the title of viscount Bourke of Mayo, Feb., 1626. He died in 1629, and was buried in the ancestral tomb at Ballintobber. II Sir Randal MacDonnell, of Dunluee, was, for some time, a con- federate of Hugh, earl of Tyrone ; but he changed sides, and fought against him, under sir Arthur Chichester, in 1620. The king created him earl of Antrim, in consideration of his good services to the crown ; and in the year following pardoned him, after a true and humble confession, for receiving Romish priests in his castle of Dunluee. He married Alicia, daughter of Art-Mac-Baron, brother to Tyrone ; and dying 1636, was buried in the Franciscan monastery of Bonamargy. His widow was eighty years of age in 1663. H Cueonnaught Maguire. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. Ill thither ; for albeit he could not directly charge him with anything, yet he understood him to be so deeply engaged in those treasonable practices, that he would never adventure himself within the compass of such danger. " 12. He saith that he had talked with E. F. sundry times since his coming over, and found him constant and firm in his first resolution ; and that he had ac- quainted him with the coming over of a priest, who had brought unto him sundry despatches of great moment ; and that he will bring the priest with him when he comes to fetch his lady, which shall be about the 5th or 6th of September next, and then he shall understand more in this matter. He hath requested him, by letters, to accompany his lady into his country. " 13. This is all he can say until he have spoken with him, and thinks he shall hardly make the matter more manifest until father Florence come over, when he will so contrive the matter, that he shall be taken with all his letters and papers about him. If this fall not out to his mind, he adviseth to have E. F. taken, and, beino- strictly charged with the particulars above mentioned, he thinks he will confess the whole plot. If he do not, other men's apprehensions must make it good to his face. But, said he, there is no great haste herein ; for until father Florence come and return, they will not break out, neither would the Spanish forces be ready to come until towards Michaelmas, which shall be anno 1608. This is all that hath passed betwixt us since A. B.'s arrival, the 29th of June, unto this 25th of August, 1607." Such were the depositions of this titled delator, made in an interval extending over two months, during which the distinguished personages whom he sought to 112 FATE AND FORTUNES OF compromise were suffered to be at large, the deputy* never intimating to them that they were even sus- pected of the designs which Howth swore they were actually entertaining. Indeed, we may presume that Chichester set little value on the charges, knowing, as he did, the blasted character of the baron. Then, again, nothing was more improbable than the rupture of peace between England and Spain, since James had recently concluded a treaty with Philip .TII.,"f- and the latter was too much engaged with the revolted provinces of the Netherlands, and too crippled for money, to think of making Irish grievances a casus belli with the crown of England. Howth, therefore, was a mere fabricator — an instrument in the hands of Salisbury and Chichester, who were afraid and ashamed to proceed on his revelations, which were consigned to the secret portfolio, to be produced at a future moment. It is necessary that the reader should bear this in mind, for it is almost certain that neither Tyrone nor Tyrconnel ever heard of Howth's unscrupulous conduct. Nevertheless, they both had reason to suspect that Chichester was intent on their ruin; the more so, as they could get no redress for the countless vexations to which they were hourly subjected, and which they, over and over again, did not fail to represent in energetic language. All this, * Among other excuses for not arresting those whom Howth had denounced, Chichester writes to Salisbury, Sept., 1607, thus : " He, Howth, could not bring a second person to justify the accusation, nor would appear himself to be the discoverer. He would, however, induce Delvin to discover the whole." From this it is manifest that the deputy mistrusted Howth, whose sensitiveness was so delicate. It is amusing to find that noble-minded individual engaging to suborn another approver, in the person of Delvin. t In 1605, when James sent lord Howard to congratulate Philip on the birth of his son, afterwards Philip IV. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL, 113 notwithstanding Howth continued on terms of appa- rent friendship with Tyrone, met him when he came to Dublin, and, to use Chichester's own words, "put buzzes in his ears," insinuating that the king meant to arrest him when he appeared in London to abide his majesty's arbitration of the disputed territory claimed by O'Cahan. Howth, having thus played the double part of privileged informer and simulating friend, may, it is probable, have seriously influenced Tyrone's future conduct, by confirming his suspicions of foul play on the part of the king, who he knew would not hesitate to lay hands on him, were he to come within his reach. Nor were his apprehensions unfounded ; for even then, despite the flatteries of his courtiers, and the fawning creatures caUed " favourites," who are always to be found crawling in the saloons of the great, James was acknowledged to be one of the most unprincipled and faithless men in Europe. Meanwhile, Cuconnaught Maguire, growing weary of his impoverished condition, and longing to be rid of vexations he could no longer bear, contrived, about the middle of May, 1607, to make his escape from one of the northern ports to Ostend, whence he lost no time in proceeding to Brussels, where lord Henry O'Neill was then quartered with his Irish regiment. The latter presented him at the court of the archdukes, who received him kindly, and evinced deep sympathy for their Irish coreligionists, and especially the north- ern earls, with whose wrongs they were thoroughly conversant, through Florence Conry, fathers Cusack and Stanihurst. Father Conry, it would appear, in- formed Maguire that king James would certainly arrest Tyrone, if he went to London ; and Maguire, on hear- ing this, despatched a trusty messenger to the earls to put them on their guard, and then set about providing I 114 TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. means for carrying them off the Irish shores. The influence of lord Henry with the archdukes procured him a donation of 7,000 crowns * with which he pur- chased, at Rouen, a vessel of fourscore tons, mounting sixteen cast pieces of ordnance, manned by marines in disguise, and freighted with a cargo of salt. From Rouen the vessel proceeded to Dunkirk, under com- mand of one John Bath, a merchant of Drogheda, and lay there, waiting instructions from Ireland. A won- derfully clever man at transformations was Cucon- naught ; " for," says the examinate from whom we have gleaned these particulars,-f* "his friends in Brussels could hardly identify him in his mariner's costume ;" and we may also add that he was a good sailor, accus- tomed, from earliest youth, to calm and storm on that many-island lake of Erne, on whose waters he was never again to unfurl canvas. * The archdukes were greatly indebted to O'Neill, who gave ample employment to the queen's troops in Ireland during the war in the Netherlands, and thus prevented the English from aiding, as they wished, the revolted provinces. — See O'NeUl's letter and the Informa- tions concerning the ship, in Appendix. t Appendix. ^^?^ ^m^^g CHAPTER IV ^E now return to the earl of Tyrone, whom we find with the deputy at Dungannon, in August, 1607, making a survey of the lands allotted to the main- tenance of the fort of Charlemont, settling the bounds and mearings of same, and discussing the right of the garrison to househoot, hedgehoot, and turbary growing in the neighbourhood. Another momentous question, which gave Chichester and the earl cause for con- troversy, was a claim laid by primate Usher to cer- tain townlands, ShanemuUagh and BallycuUien, situate near said fort ; but it was determined, with consent of the baron of Dungannon, that the earl of Tyrone and the king's primate should submit the matter to a court of equity. This business accomplished, Chichester re- turned towards Dublin, and rested at Slane, the ancient mansion of the Flemings, where he and the earl were entertained with great festivity. It was there the de- puty informed him that he had written to the privy council in England, that he would repair to London in about three weeks' time to receive the king's decision in the suit between himself and O'Cahan ; and that sir John Davys also would proceed there, " sufficiently in- structed by him," Chichester, " the better to guide his majesty's princely judgment in the solution of the cause." In that same mansion Tyrone made humble 116 FATE AND FORTUNES OF suit to the deputy in behalf of his nephew, then prisoner in Dublin Castle, charged with being concerned in an angry brawl, when a man was killed in hot blood, and offered, through some friends, £800 for his kins- man's enlargement, £500 to be paid in hand, and the rest when the prisoner was liberated. This was a tempting proposal to one whose career commenced with robbery; but Chichester thirsted for the man's blood, and refused either bribe or bail. As for Tyrone, he knew well what the deputy was able to bring to pass by impannelling such a jury as would not fail to convict any one bearing the hated name of O'Neill. But what seems to have made the deepest and most painful impression on the earl's mind, was the an- nouncement that Chichester had been superseded in the deputy ship, and appointed president of Ulster. This, indeed, was not the case, although captain Ed- mund Leigh asserted it as a fact. Tyrone, however, instead of questioning it, believed that Leigh was cor- rectly informed ; and, consequently, felt mortified that Salisbury should have rejected his own suit for the place : nay, more, he saw at a glance what a long series of irre- mediable vexations should necessarily eventuate be- tween himself and Chichester, when the latter would settle in Ulster, armed with the formidable powers of a president's commission. Foreseeing all this, he con- cluded that every hope of obtaining justice had vanished; that he and his were about to be placed under the im- mediate control of one who had done him so many wrongs — in a word, " that it was idle to struggle any longer against the stream." At this crisis, Bath, captain of the vessel purchased by Cuconnaught Maguire, made his appearance at Slane, sought Tyrone, and privately told him, that if he went to London he Avas sure to be arrested by the king, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 117 and that Tyrconnel might expect the same treatment at home. Such was the intelligence he brought from lord Henry O'Neill. Tyrone, indeed, was not wholly unprepared for the warning; but, however much he dissembled, he could not conceal from Chichester's vigilant eye that he suddenly became pensive and melancholy. Nor may we wonder at this, for the cala- mities of his unfortunate country weighed heavily on his heart, and the bitter grief that wrung it clouded all objects, past, present, and future, to his vision. Neither should we omit to mention, that, about three weeks be- fore Bath's coming to Slane, the earl gave directions to his stewards to collect one half of his Michaelmas rents, leaving Chichester to think that he did so, either to provide funds for his voyage to London, or to defray the expenses attendent on the baron of Dungannon's projected marriage. Immediately after his conference with Tyrone, cap- tain Bath hastened to Ballyshannon, where he met the earl of Tyrconnel, and assured him that if he tarried in Ireland, it was all but certain he should lose either his life or his liberty. He also acquainted him with O'Neill's resolution to abandon the country ; and having named the time and place w^here they were to meet, he charged him to lose no time in making preparation for his departure. Indeed, although we lack evidence to prove it, there is good reason to suppose that Tyrconnel was already aware thatMaguire had purchased the vessel to carry him off. On the 8th of September, Tyrone took leave of the deputy, who returned to Dublin; and two days afterwards he proceeded to the "fair mansion of Mellifont," where he remained an entire day and night with sir Garret Moore. During that brief interval, and in the very scene of his bitterest humiliation, he doubt- less often thought of the innumerable wrongs he had to 118 FATE AND FORTUNES OF endure ever since the hour of his precipitate submission ; and it is only natural to suppose that his melancholy was deepened when he called to mind the king's perfidy, the inexorable cruelty of his subordinates, and, above all, the treachery of his own son-in-law. But a tenderer chord was touched, and vibrated through every fibre of his heart, when he reflected that he might not again see his " good sir Garret," the fosterer* of his son John. Moore, indeed, was amazed at the earl's unusual emo- tion, for he was not able to divine its cause, or perceive that the bonds which had so long attached them to one another were about to be disrupted for ever. On the Sunday after his arrival at Mellifont, Tyrone bade sir Garret farewell ; and after giving his blessing, "according to the Irish fashion," to every member of his friend's household, he and his suite took horse, and rode rapidly by Dundalk over the Fews to Bellanargit,-f- and thence across the upper Fews to Armagh. After staying a few hours in the primatial city, he crossed the Blackwater, and continued his journey to Creeve,:|: one of his cmnnoges, or island habitations, where he * *• Fostering," says sir John Davys, "hath always been a stronger alliance than blood ; and the foster children so love and are loved of their foster-fathers and sept more than of their own natural parents and kindred ; and so partake of their means more frankly, and so adhere unto them, in all fortunes, with more afiection and constancy. Such a general custom in a kingdom, in giving and taking children to foster, making such a firm alliance as it doth in Ireland, was never seen or heard of in any other country of the world besides." He also remarks that a juror, who was gossip to either parties, might be challenged as not indifferent ; and that there was no nation under the sun that ever made so religious account of gossipred as the Irish. + Now Silverbridge. X Situate within six miles of Dungannon, and three of the Oona bridge, close by Battleford. For a valuable account of crannoges, so numerous in the Swiss and Irish loughs, see sir W. Wilde's Cata- logue of the R. I. A. , TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 119 halted an entire day, till he was joined by his countess and her suite. On Wednesday they resumed their route, and rested that night at Lag-clogh-finn,* " the white stone hollow," in the vicinity of Munterlooney. Next day they reached Burn-Dennett, near Lifford, and halted there from noon till evening, when they crossed the Fersatmore,-|- or great ford of the Foyle, and hastened on to Adamnan's bridge,:|: where Caffar O'Donel was waiting for them. From the latter place they set out at daybreak, and rode to Rathmelton, and thence to Rathmullen, where they found Maguire and captain Bath laying stores of provision on board the ship, that had come into Lough S willy, under French colours, and dropped anchor right opposite the ancient priory of the Carmelites. Here they were joined by Rory, earl of Tyrconnel, with a large following of his people. At noon, on Friday, the feast of the Exaltation of Holy Cross, they all went aboard the ship, lifted the anchor, but kept close in shore, waiting for two boats' crews, who were procuring water and fuel. The party destined for this duty was set upon by the son of Mac Sweeny ,§ of Fanad, who churlishly prevented them getting sufficient supply of these necessaries, so much so, that it was not till after sunset the boats came alongside the ship with a small quantity of wood and * A to«mland in county Tyrone, marked in Ord. map S. 7, 12, about seven miles from Burn-Dennet water. t So called to distinguish it from two smaller fords lower down the river. The Fersatmore is fordable at low water in summer, and is used as a passage for cattle into the island. X Now called Mulrine's bridge, but anciently Ballindrait, or " Pons Adamnani." Near it stood a Columban monastery, founded by St. Adamnan, or Eunan, patron of Donegal. See Reeves' Columba. § He had recently taken a grant of his lands from the crown, and this accounts for his conduct. He was subsequently dispossessed, his loyalty notwithstanding. For an interesting notice of the MacSwynes, or MacS weeny s, of Donegal, see Appendix. 120 FATE AND FORTUNES OF water. At midDight, on that ever-memorable 14th of September, 1607, they spread all sail, and made for the open sea, intending, however, to land on the island of Aran, off the coast of Donegal, to provide themselves, with more water and fuel. Those who were now sailing away from their ancient patrimonies, were Hugh, earl of Tyrone, with his coun- tess, Catharina, and their three sons, Hugh, John, and Bernard. With them also went Art Oge, " young Ar- thur," son of Cormac, Tyrone's brother ; Fadorcha,^ son of Con, the earl's nephew ; Hugh Oge, son of Brian, brother of Tyrone, and many more of their faithful clansmen. Those accompanying earl Rory were Cath- bar, or Caffar, his brother;. Nuala, his sister, wife of the traitor Nial Garve; Hugh, the earl's son, want- ing three weeks of being one year old ; Eosa, daughter of sir John O'Doherty, sister of sir Cahir, and wife of Cathbar, with her son Hugh, aged two years and three months; the son of his brother, Donel Oge; Naghtan, son of Calvagh, or Charles O'Donel, with many others of their trusted friends and followers. "A distinguished crew," observe the Four Masters, " was this for one ship ; for it is certain that the sea never carried, and that the winds never wafted, from the Irish shores, individuals more illustrious or noble in genealogy, or more renowned for deeds of valour, prowess, and high achievements." Ah, with what tearful eyes and torn hearts did they gaze on the fast receding shores, from which they were forced to fly for the sake of all they held dearest ! " The entire number of souls on board this small vessel," says O'Keenan,* in his Narra- * The O'Keenans were ollavs, or historians, to the Maguires ; and Teigiie, author of the Narrative, accompanied the earls in their flight. His account of it was written in Irish, at Eome, in 1609, where the original is preserved in the convent of S. Isidoro. The work is un- TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 121 tive, " was ninety-nine, having little sea-store, and being otherwise miserably accommodated." It was, indeed, the first great exodus of the Irish nobles and gentry, to be followed, alas, by many another, caused, in great measure, by a similar system of cruel and exceptional legislation. Unable to make the island of Aran, owing to a gale then blowing off the land, they stood out to sea; and when on the following midnight the wind fell, they shaped their course for the haven of Sligo, till they sighted the cone of Croagh-Patrick, with its cairn looming in the distance, which warned them that they were not far from Galway bay, and, consequently, in danger of being crossed by some of the king's cruisers. Dreading such a contingency, they resolved to steer westwards from the land, and, if possible, to make the harbour of Corunna in Spain. " But for thirteen days," continues O'Keenan, "the sea was angry, and the tempest left us no rest ; and the only brief interval of calm we enjoyed, was when O'Neill took from his neck a golden crucifix, containing a relic of the true cross, and trailed it in the wake of the ship. At that moment, two poor merlins, with wearied pinions, sought refuge in the rigging of our vessel, and were captured for the noble ladies, who nursed them with tenderest affection." A trifling incident this, but pathetic withal I On the 30th of September the wind continued right ahead of the vessel, and captain Bath proposed to shape their course for the coast of Brittany, and make finished, and consists of only 150 pages. Some missing folios, how- ever, it would appear, have been inserted in other manuscripts belong- ing to the archives of the convent, which owed its foundation to the celebrated Luke Wadding, and other learned Irishmen of the same order. The representative of the O'Keenans is a respectable trades- man in the city of Dublin. 122 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the land at Croisic. O'Neill assented to tliis, for they were all harassed by the bad weather, and apprehended that they must fall short of water and food. They ac- cordingly made for the French coast ; and after running two days and two nights, as they thought, in that direc- tion, they fell in with two large ships, which at first they took to be English, but afterwards ascertained to be Danish merchantmen, bound homeward with wines from Spain. The Danes informed them that they were in the Flemish seas; and on learning this they were seized with panic on account of their proximity to the English coast, where there was danger of encountering some of the royal ships. They followed, however, in the wake of the Danes till the night fell, when they lost sight of them. As they had now abandoned the intention of sailing for Spain, a Frenchman on board their own ship proposed to take them to the coast of Normandy, and hearing this, O'Neill told him to land there if possible. The Frenchman, however, was a bad pilot ; and as the wind was raging furiously, they were obliged to shorten sail, and let the vessel drift at the mercy of the waves. The sea broke over us, says O'Keenan, and many of the gentlemen were with difficulty saved from being swept off the deck. At last, after standing some time off the islands of Jersey and Guernsey, they unfurled sail, for they were within sight of the French coast. The pilot, however, said he did not know where the harbour lay, and was greatly afraid of running the vessel aground. In this perplexity they were hailed by a French fishing-boat belonging to Eouen, and O'Neill offered a sum of money to any of the crew who would undertake to put them ashore. This offer was accepted, and the master of the fishing-boat told them he would keep ahead of the ship, or astern, as occasion might require; but as the wind TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 123 fell towards sunset, and they could not make the harbour, the boat took leave of them, generously refusing to re- ceive gratuities for services which it was not in their power to render. Immediately after this they were hailed by a pilot-master of Rouen, who sent one of his people aboard the ship, and they sailed all that night under full canvas, till break of day, when they steered into the Seine, south of Havre de Grace. That auspi- cious morning was the 4th of October, the feast of St. Francis of Assisi, and the twenty-first day since they lost sight of the headlands of Donegal. Thus were these heart-broken exiles thrown upon a foreign strand, after having been rescued, as it were, by miracle, from the perils of the deep. Having dropped anchor in the har- bour of Quilleboeuf, they remained there the rest of the day, till nightfall, when they went ashore for a little exercise. Poor tempest-tossed exiles, on examining what provision they had left, all they could find was one gallon of beer and a single cask of water ! * Next day, at noon, they hired boats to convey the countess O'Neill, her ladies, and some of the children up the river to Rouen ; but O'Neill, the earl, and seventeen of the gentlemen, proceeded on horseback to Labouille, where they remained that night. Next day, however, as they were leaving the town, they were accosted by an official, who told them that they should present them- selves to the marshal of Normandy, who was then in Lisieux. O'Neill and those with him did so, and they were most kindly received by this high functionary of his majesty king Henry IV. As for the ladies and gentlemen who went up the * Writing to lord Shrewsbury, October 12, 1607, Salisbury alludes to O'Neill's voyage thus : " He was shrewdly tossed at sea, and met contrary winds for Spain. The English ambassador wishing Henry to stay them, had for answer, France is free." 124 FATE AND FORTUNES OF river, they encountered many annoyances, owing to its intricate windings ; but they had abundance of wine and provisions. The French people, too, on learning that they were Irish fugitives, were exceedingly generous to them. At last they reached the village of Saint Georges, on the north bank of the Seine, where they rested one night. Next morning they hired carriages and wagons to convey themselves and luggage to Rouen, where they arrived about noon on Sunday. On the Monday, O'Neill, the earl, Maguire, and the other gentlemen who had been with the marshal of Normandy, arrived in Rouen, to the great joy of the ladies and all the others, who feared that they had been placed under arrest. The marshal meanwhile v,Tote to king Henry, announcing the arrival of the Irish lords and their companions, and intimated to them that they should await the royal answer before they proceeded farther. This, indeed, caused them all to be apprehensive for their liberty, the more so as they knew that an emissary of king James had tracked them to the hostelry where they were lodged. On hearing the marshal's command, Matthew O'Mul- tuUy, Tyrconnel's secretary, a man conversant with the French and Spanish languages, set out post haste for Paris, but the king's courier crossed him on the way with the royal answer. O'Multully, however, had audience of the king, to whom he narrated the adventures of the fugitives, the cause of their flight, and how they were temporarily detained by the governor of Normandy. His majesty then told him that he had had letters on the subject, and that he had forwarded instructions to the marshal. The king's secretary also told O'Multully that the Irish nobles were under the protection of France, and that the royal message would reach them before himself The English ambassador, in the meanwhile, besought the king to hand them over to him, in order TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 125 that he might have them transported to England ; but after waiting two days for audience, his majesty spurned liis request, and told him that he would not suffer any one on French soil to molest noblemen and gentlemen who were compelled to fly their country on account of many grievances, but particularly for those that affected their religion. The decision was final, and the English ambassador had to submit ; nor, indeed, could it have fallen out otherwise, for king Henry was well aware of O'Neill's high lineage and military career,* which en- titled him to the sympathy and protection of every chivalrous heart. The English ambassador made another attempt to see the king, in the hope of being allowed to detain the fugitives, but his majesty would not see him, as he was then amusing himself with field sports. The ambassador was sorely mortified, for he thought he had only to ask the extradition of the Irish nobles, and send them prisoners to James I., who, doubtless, would have consigned them, if not to the scaffold, most as- suredly to the dungeons of the Tower. But he had to put up with the well-timed rebuff, and learn that king Henry cared little for his royal brother of England. The instruction conveyed by the royal courier to the marshal of Normandy was, that the Irish nobles should not tarry long in France, but should set out, with all * "Henry IV.," says Camden, ♦'used to call O'Neill the third soldier of his age, meaning that he himself was the first, and the Conde de Fuentes the second, an anecdote we have on the authority of the duke d'Ossuna, who to this day testifies that he heard the king so call him." — Apol. p. 1181. To this we may add what the learned author of Camb. Eversus says on the same subject : — " Such was O'Neill's success, that, in the last wars with the English, there perished two lords-lieutenant, seven generals, 500 ofl&cers, and 80,000 English soldiers. "— Alithonologia. An Italian writer, Primo Damaschino, also mentions O'Neill among the most famous generals of his chivalrous age, and repeats the anecdote related by Camden. 12G FATE AND FORTUNES OF convenient speed, for Flanders. This being notified to them,0'Multully took horse for Brussels, where O'Neill's son, Henry, was then with his regiment, in order to get the necessary passports from the archdukes. At length, on the 15th of October, O'Neill, the earl, the ladies, and all their followers, set out from Rouen. The whole party consisted of thirty-one who went on horseback, and forty on foot. They had two carriages for the ladies, and three wagons to convey their bag- gage. Before leaving Rouen, the churches of which they visited and admired, they ascended St. Catherine's hill, which commands a beautiful prospect of the city ; and on taking leave of the marshal of Normandy, who accompanied them thither, O'Neill made him a present of forty tons of salt which w^ere in the ship that carried him and his from Lough Swilly ; and the ladies requested his acceptance of the two merlins which found an ark in that same tempest-tossed vessel. The marshal complied with their wish, and professed himself pleased with this mark of their gratitude. From Rouen they travelled as rapidly as they could to Amiens, where they tarried some time to visit its great fortifications, and the splendid cathedral, where they were shown the head of St. John the Baptist. Their stay there, however, was brief; but all who had heard of their flight gave them warm welcome and cordial greet- ing, the more so when they learned that the English ambassador at Paris had done his utmost to get posses- sion of their persons. From Amiens they prosecuted their journey till they reached Arras, where they visited the cathedral, the shrine and relics of St. Vaast, the Holy Candle,* and * " In the middle of the market-place is a chapel with a cupola built after the Italian manner, and finely adorned by presents from all parts of the country, in honour to a candle which they say the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 127 every other object of interest in that ancient city. It was there they heard what Henry IV. said to the Eng- lish ambassador, namely, that France was a free country, and that he would not dishonour himself by seizing the persons of fugitives whom he pitied. Even at the risk of interrupting O'Keenan's narrative, we may observe that none of these Irish exiles could have foreseen that a little boy, with auburn ringlets, then in their company, would one day win renown by defend- ing that same city of Arras against two of the ablest marshals of France. Nevertheless, such was the case; for, thirty-three years afterwards, Owen Roe O'Neill, son of Art, and nephew to the earl of Tyrone, with his regiment of Irish, maintained the place against Chatillon and Meillarie, till he had to make a most honorable capitu- lation.* From Arras the exiles proceeded to Douay, where grand preparations were made for their entertain- ment by the civil and military authorities, and also by father Cusack, rector of the Irish seminary there. The studentsf of that house invited O'Neill and his followers to the college, where, after feasting them splendidly, they recited odes in Latin and Greek,:|: eulogising his Virgin Mary brought with her own hands here in the year 1105, in the time of a great lightning, and that whoever touches this candle shall never be hurt by lightning. It is kept in a silver case adorned with precious stones, and such crowds of people flock thither whenever it thunders and lightens, to make their offerings to the candle, that it surpasses expression and belief. " — A Journey through the Austrian Netherlands, by the author of the Journey through England and Scot- land : London, 1732. This object of popular devotion is also men- tioned by Hericourt, who says it was carried in public processions on extraordinary occasions. — Sieges d' Arras. * August, 1640. See Hericourt's Sieges d' Arras. t The> Douay students had good reason to fete O'Neill, for he used his influence with the archduke Albert on behalf of their college. See Appendix. X In the S. P. 0, there is a Latin speech spoken on this occasion, and catalogued " A Most Lewd Oration made before the Earls. " It was 128 FATE AND FORTUNES OF many victories, and congratulating him on his escape from Ireland. In Douay, father Conry met the nobles, and embraced them while tears of joy trickled down his cheeks. Thither also came Dr. Eugene M'Mahon,* a most erudite and elegant scholar, to give them cordial greeting. Happy were the exiles when they met this eminent ecclesiastic. Their next halting-place was Tournay,-f- and the moment their arrival was announced, the entire population, with monseigneur d'Esne,]: the archbishop, came to meet and conduct them through their ancient city. They remained there two days, and during their sojourn, the archbishop lodged and enter- tained them as beseemed people of their rank and un- merited misfortunes. Four days afterwards they reached that most sacred goal of many a pilgrimage — Notre-Dame de Hal — so celebrated by the pen of Juste Lipse ; and after praying before Mary's shrine, were met by a large number of officers, Irish, Spaniards, and Belgians, of the archduke's army, who, in the name of their chiefs, gave them a hearty welcome. It was during their abode at Hal that Henry O'Neill, accompanied by Spinola, generalissimo of the Spanish army, came to copied by an unskilful hand, but, as may be supposed, it is a eulogy of O'Neill * He was educated at Pont-a-Mousson, and succeeded Matthew de Oviedo in the see of Dublin, where he spent eight years. He died at Rome, and was buried in the church of S. Pietro Montorio. See Rev. Dr. Moran's Lives of the Archbishops of Dublin, t "On the road between Douay and Tournay," says O'Keenan, **we visited the grave of a holy Irishman named Lieuard, where great miracles are performed." This, however, was a mistake, for the saint was not Irish, but a Frank of the court of Clovis I. The hamlet in which he reposes is called Bache, anciently frequented by pilgrims.— Martin. Hist, des Saints de la Province de Lille, &c. X He consecrated David Kearney, archbishop of Cashel, 31st Aug., 1603.— Gallia Christ, t. iii. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 129 greet tliem; and surely tongue could not tell how great was O'Neill's joy, when the colonel, Henry, em- braced his parent. On the instant, Spinola invited O'Neill, the earl, and their entire following, to a ban- quet in Brussels. Soon afterwards a courier arrived with a letter from the archdukes, bearing a letter addressed to O'Neill, inviting him and Tyrconnel to repair to Marimont, a hunting seat where their high- nesses were then staying. On hearing this, Spinola set out for Brussels, and sent a sufficient number of car- riages to convey the Irish lords and their ladies to the court- On their arrival there, Albert and Isabella met them at the palace door, and gave them cordial welcome. They inquired anxiously about the incidents of their escape and voyage from Ireland ; and the gentle heart of the royal consort was deeply affected by the narrative of their sufferings in Ireland and on the seas. Having taken leave of their highnesses, O'Neill and his com- panions proceeded to Brussels, where Spinola was awaiting their arrival. At the banquet given by that distinguished general to the Irish exiles, there were present among other celebrities of the time, the duke d'Aumale, the marquis d'Ossuna, the truly eminent cardinal Bentivoglio,* then nuncio of Paul V. in the Netherlands, colonel Henry O'Neill, the Spanish ambassador from the court of Madrid, and many others not less known to fame. Spinola assigned place to each of his honored gxiests, O'Neill occupying Spinola's own chair at the centre of the table, the pope's nuncio on his right hand ; Tyr- connel, the sons of O'Neill and Maguire being placed in due order on the same side, while the opposite one * This distinguished cardinal wrote many works, the most valuable of which are a History of the Civil Wars in Flanders ; an Account of that Country, Letters, &c., &c. He died in 1644. K 130 FATE AND FOETUNES OF was filled by the duke d'Aumale, the Spanish ambas- sador, the duke d'Ossuna, viceroy of Sicily, the host himself, and many other noble and distinguished per- sonages. It was a banquet, observes O'Keenan, of which a king might be proud ; and there was plate, gold and silver, of which no crowned head in Christen- dom could have been ashamed. After stapng some days in Brussels, O'Neill and his people proceeded on the 9 th November to Lou vain, where they were joyfully received by the burgomeister, the citizens, and the Irish of the Franciscan convent there. Among other distinguished personages who came to congratulate and welcome them to the learned city of the Low Countries, was sir William Stanley,* who, years before, had fought in Glenmalure, where he was defeated by the chief of the O'Byrnes, but was now in the service of the king of Spain, to whom he surrendered the city of Deventer. In fact, every noble-minded man and woman sympathized with them, and took especial pains to show the sycophants of king James * In 1581, he was commissioned by the deputy, lord Grey de Wilton, to extirpate the O'Bj'rues, O'Tooles, and Cavanaghs; but, as we have said, was signally defeated by the chief of these septs. He subsequently entered the Spanish service, and commanded a regi- ment of Irish 1,400 strong, who are described by Strada, the Jesuit historian, thus : *' They were rude, fierce, covered only in the middle of the body and under the navel, the rest naked. Eaised on stilts, in the use of which in crossing rivers they greatly excelled, they were formidable with their bows and arrows." — De Bello Belg. Card. Allen published at Rome, 1587, a vindication of Stanley's conduct for delivering Deventer to the Spaniards, alleging that he was con- scientiously bound to do so. This veteran took the Carthusian habit, and died, aged 95, in Ostend. How apposite to such a career are the lines describing the cloister life of an old crusader : — " Ipse post militise cursum temporalis, lUustratus gratia doni spiritalis, Esse Christi cnpiens miles specialis, In hac domo monachus f actus est claustralis. " TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 131 that they disapproved his conduct to such illustrious Irishmen. The mansion assigned by the archdukes for O'Neill's residence at Louvain, was that in which the emperor Charles V. spent his boyish days ; and Tyrconnel and the others had splendid accommodation provided for them in the same city of schools and churches. Such was the reception given to the Irish fugitives ever since they set foot in France and Belgium, and such the courtesy they met from foreigners. How strangely did not all this contrast with the treatment they were accustomed to in their own land, at the hands of a des- picable English proconsul and his vile subordinates ! Their safe arrival in Belgium was announced to the Holy See by archbishop Lombard, to whom father Florence Conry sent a narrative of their adventures since they sailed from Ireland. We will now leave them in Louvain, preparing a report of their grievances and reasons for quitting their patrimonies, which they resolved to send to king James, and return to Ireland, where there was great consternation when their flight was made known. The earliest intelligence of the event was given to the deputy on the 17th of September, by sir Cormac O'Neill, who hastened to Dublin with the news, hoping to obtain a custodiam of his brother's lands. But poor false-hearted Cormac never foresaw the reward that awaited him. Chichester suspected him of col- lusion, and Cormac's endeavours to remove the preju- dice were unavailing. He was ready, he professed, to correspond in Irish with his brother, and ascertain for the deputy's satisfaction what he meditated, the designs he harboured, nay, the very names of aU those who were his favourers and abettors in Ireland. He also declared that he had quarrelled with the earl, dis- 132 FATE AND FORTUNES OF approved his general conduct, was his rival, and, conse- quently, influenced by that old passion which the poet tells us often arms brother against brother — '* Tu potes unauimes armare in prselia fratres." But Chichester thought less of his protestations than he did of his person, for he caused him to be cast into the Castle prison, whence he was soon afterwards trans- ported to the Tower of London, where he lingered out a life of bitter remorse. The next intelligencers were Toby Caulfield, the deputy's sir Pandarus, and Edmond Leigh, high sheriff of Tyrone, each with his own version of all the circumstances of the flight. Both, of course, deserved some signal mark of Chichester's considera- tion, and Caulfield was immediately appointed receiver over Tyrone's estates, and empowered to seize the goods and chattels of him and those who had fled with him.* As for Leigh, he was to look forward hopefully to the confiscations which were soon to take place. Finally came the loyal baron of Howth, who, after amplifying all his former discoveries, boasted that he ought to be styled, not informer or fabricator, but prophet, and suggested the advisability of " strengthening places of defence, and promoting himself to a troop of horse, as otherwise the kingdom might be suddenly lost or en- dangered by an invasion." Indeed, the lord of Howth was true to the traditions of his calling — for have not all informers been wonderfully suggestive ? Chichester heard each of them patiently, and immediately set about preparing a series of despatches for the informa- tion of the English cabinet. But before we submit those interesting documents to the reader, we deem it necessary to state that the deputy, on his return from Slane to Dublin, received * See Appendix. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 133 two "Advertisements," which he regarded of great moment, from sir Richard Hansard, then command- ing the garrison of Lifford. The first of these relates to two Franciscan friars, just come from Spain on busi- ness of their order, and not, as the deputy fancied, to stimulate the sorely-oppressed people of Ulster with hopes of an invasion from that kingdom. Chichester^ however, looked on a chapter of friars as nothing less than a council of war, and concluded that it was his duty to either seize the conspirators, or ascertain, through the agency of some well-affected delator, what were their plans and ultimate designs. The volunteer to do the latter part of this work was Nial Garve O'Donel, who then stood high in his excellency's estima- tion for his base services as informer — one of that tribe which a great thinker has happily described as '^the wost accursed, prostitute, and abandoned, that God ever iDcrmitted to plague manJcind."* Nial, however, does not seem to have elicited anything of moment from father O'Mullarky or father Maurice Ultagh, both of whom afterwards signalized themselves, the one somewhat doubtfully — with the sword — and the other with the more becoming weapon — the pen — as all readers of the Annals of the Four Masters well know. " Advertisement from sir Richard Hansard to the lord deputy, bth September, 1607. "Sir Nial O'Donel was with me when cornet Cart- wright delivered me your lordship's letter, to whom T read the contents thereof, and concluded with him that he should confer with Edmond O'Mullarky, which he undertook with such willingness, as expressed a great desire to serve your lordship. Edmond being not then with him, he sent for him, and, upon conference with * Swift. 134? FATE AND FORTUNES OF him, was informed that a friar, called Thomas M'Edmond, was employed into Munster about some innovation, whose endeavours were so successful as his travels, to use his own phrase, did promise good hope of fruit to the benefit of the common good. Maurice Ultagh,* who was confessor to O'Donel, left Spain three weeks since, landed at Cork the last month, and came to Donegal about the 27th of the same. Instantly upon his arrival, the earl of Tyrconnel being then in Fanad, he de- spatched his letters to him, with one inclosed out of Spain to Owen Groome Magrath, a friar, who was then with the earl, and to Edmond O'Mullarky; the sub- stance of his letter to the last, was only a request that he would come unto him ; the contents of his former letters are yet kept secret. The earl, upon receipt of his letters, sent him a horse, with ten pounds in money ; three pounds thereof was given to the friars of Done- gal, to pray for the success of the business yet unknown. After Owen Magrath was joined to Maurice Ultagh, they passed both together to Dungannon, where they remain at this present, without expecting the company of Edmond, whose faith, as I am made to believe, is something suspected to all of that faction for his near- ness to sir Nial O'Donel. This Maurice Ultagh, to my conjecture, seemeth to be the same man of danger whom your lordship mentioned in your letters, of the substance of whose employment sir Nial hath faith- fully promised to inform your lordship so soon as he shall understand the same." The second advertisement was, if possible, far more momentous than the first, for it related to a pastoral letter from Peter Lombard, archbishop of Armagh, ex- horting his clergy and flock to constancy in their faith, * Alias O'Donlevy. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 136 despite the persecution they had to endure. This, of course, was little short of high treason. But as to the section of the "Discovery" which sets forth that Lombard required money to go to Spain, for the purpose of sending the Irish soldiers serving there to their own country, it was simply a wicked invention of O'Carolan. If, indeed, the primate ever commissioned the Irish priesthood to col- lect moneys, we may take it for granted that his object was to sustain Irish Catholic seminaries on the Conti- nent, since king James would not sanction them in any part of his dominions. "Hugh O'Carolcm's Discovery, September 7th, 1607. " First, he speaks of a letter from Rome, and brought, by one Gouldinge, a deacon who lives there some, two months past, unto certain Seminary priests, Jesuits, and men of note in this country, from one primate Lom- bard, a Waterford man born, directed unto one James Plunkett, bishop of Meath,* and James Walsh, abbat of Mellifont, father Hollywood*!- and father Lennon, Jesuits, and unto one doctor White and others, their associates, to understand and know how the noblemen and gentlemen of the country stand affected, and whether they would have him, the said primate Lom- bard, to deal with the pope's holiness for his letter unto the king of Spain, for the employing of the Irish army and others now in his entertainment, to be sent over into this land for their aid and better conti- nuance in their religion. Further, primate Lombard's * Like the generality of informers, ancient and modern, O'Carolan, knowing very little about the clergy, made Plunkett a bishop, whereas he was only vicar-general of Meath. He was appointed vicar- apostolic of Kildare 1617, and died 1629. * A distinguished Jesuit, born at Artane, county Dublin. For a list of his works, see Ware's Writers of Ireland, 136 FATE AND FORTUNES OF request is, to have some exhibition presently gathered, and to be sent over unto him towards his charge and travel into Spain about this business, and for other their agents. Upon receipt of which letters, the priests, Seminarists and Jesuits, were gotten together, to the number of fifty or sixty, to consult thereof, about the beginning of this instant month, and have dis- persed themselves to gather and collect money for this business." The foregoing documents were too important to be pretermitted here, and the reader will appreciate their relevancy when he sees, in the course of this work, how audaciously king James and his ambassadors misrepre- sented the condition of the Irish Catholics. We will have to revert to that subject again, but meanwhile we invite the reader's attention to the narratives of the flight, which the deputy despatched from the castle of Kathfarnham. "Lord deputy to the lords of the council, hy sir Oliver Lambert. " It may please your lordships, — Having taken such order for the present affairs of Munster as I writ unto, your lordships in my former despatch, I did soon after go down towards the borders of Ulster, minding to spend the rest of this long vacation there, as well to attend the ordinary business of that province, which ever affords store of complaints, as also further to examine and dis- cuss the advertisements which formerly passed between some of your lordships and me, the which, though out of a right apprehension in a settled state, they then seemed ripe enough for a present and effectual resolution, yet I chose rather to proceed slowly and tenderly, as I was directed, upon good considerations I must confess, than TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 137 to show myself a severe physician, though towards in- temperate and desperate patients, whom I could neither safely deal with, nor yet abandon without manifest peril or imputation. " I did there prepare an ample relation for your lord- ships of all such things as I thought specially tending to the confirmation of the advertisements of the party known to the earl of Salisbury by the cypher of A. B., laying them down at several times as they came from him or any other. The earl of Tyrone came to me there oftentimes upon sundry artificial occasions, as now it appears, and, by all his discourses, seemed to intend nothing more than the preparation for his journey into England against the time appointed, only he showed a discontent, and professed to be much displeased with his fortune, in two respects : the one, for that he conceived he had dealt, in some sort, unworthily with me, as he said, to appeal from hence unto his majesty and your lordships in the cause between sir Donald O'Cahan and him ; the other, because that notwithstanding he held himself much bound unto his majesty, that so graciously would vouchsafe to hear, and finally to determine the same, yet that it much grieved him to be called upon so suddenly, when, as what with the strictness of time and his present poverty, he was not able to furnish him- self as became him for such a journey and for such a presence. In all things else he seemed very moderate and reasonable, albeit he never gave over to be a general solicitor in all causes concerning his country and people, how criminal soever. But now I find that either he hath been much abused by some that have cunningly terrified and diverted him from coming to his majesty, which, considering his nature, I hardly believe, or else he had within him a thousand witnesses testifying that he was as deeply engaged in those secret treasons as any of the 138 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF rest whom we knew or suspected; for yesterday I received sundry advertisements, as well by his own brother, sir Cormac O'Neill, as from the primate of Armagh, sir Toby Caulfield, and sundry others, that himself and his lady, the baron of Dungannon, his eldest son, and two others of his children, John and Brian, both under seven years old, the earl of Tyrconnel and his son and heir, an infant not yet of one year of age, his brother, Caffar O'Donel, and his son, an infant of two years or less, with divers others of their nearest and trustiest followers and servants, as well men as women, to the number of between thirty and forty persons, have taken shipping upon Friday last at Lough Swilly, in Tyrconnel, with a purpose to go into Spain, as it is yet affirmed. " Suddenly, upon the first advertisement thereof, T went to Dublin the same night, and with the advice of the council there, took such order for the arresting of the shipping and them, if it were possible, and for the pre- servation of the general peace and quiet of the realm as was thought meet. I despatched letters to the earl of Argyle, and into all ports and creeks of this realm, to make stay of them if by contrary winds and weather they should be stayed or driven upon the coasts. We gave order to man out some ships or vessels out of Gal- way and Munster, to cross them in their course that way, if it may be. I also writ to captain St. John, now upon the coast of Scotland, with the charge of the Lion's Whelp, unless he be returned thence for England, as I formerly required him of late to do, by direction from the lord admiral, to make all speed after them towards the coast of Spain, and to make his course by the north and west parts of this realm, if he found himself fit, and thought it available, all circumstances of wind ?nd weather considered, after the receipt of the said letter. We have published a proclamation to quiet and secure TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 139 the poor inhabitants of those countries, who were much perplexed with the first fruit of these news, and we sent out a commission, directed to the principal commanders and gentlemen in those parts, both English and Irish, to attend the preservation of the peace upon all and every occasion. We have committed sir Cormac O'Neill, because it appeared upon his examination that being come after the earl, his brother, as far as Duna- longe, within five miles of Derry and Lifford, late upon Thursday night, and there learning the earl's resolution, he did not give notice thereof to either garrison, but concealed it until he was assured they were embarked and gone, himself remaining all the next day at the castle of Newtown,* as it should seem, expecting the cer- tain news, and thereof to be the first messenger unto me, as indeed he was. If, on the other side, he had adver- tised the garrisons, they might easily have prevented all this ; for the baron of Duugannon came to the Derry upon Friday, the morrow after, where he bought a cer- tain quantity of bread and other necessaries to entertain his father, that was then at Newtown, as he there gave it out, all which he carried directly to the rest of the company at Lough Swilly, where presently after they all took shipping. " Sir Cormac is the only man now left in this king- dom who is in reversion of the earldom ; after him in remainder is his son, Art Oge O'Neill, who is likewise gone away with the earl. Before them both, and next to the earl, are his two eldest sons, the baron of Dun- gannon and Henry O'Neill, now with the archduke ; the rest of the earl's sons by this countess, who are three, are not included in the grant. I have given warrant likewise to sir Toby Caulfield to make search for Con * Newtownards. 140 FATE AND FORTUNES OF O'Neill, one of the earl's children, among his fosterers in Tyrone, and to take him into his safe custody, until he receive other direction in his behalf ''- " This child was by accident left behind, for the earl sought him diligently, but by reason he was overtaken with shortness of time, and for that the people of those parts do follow their creates,* as they call them, in soli- tary places, and where they best like their pastures, after the manner of the Tartars, they are not, there- fore, always ready to be found. I have caused warders to be placed in the castles of Dungannon, Newtown, and the fort of Dunalonge, the principal places belonging to the earl of Tyrone ; the like course shall be taken at Donegal and Asheroe,-("the only two places of importance that appertain to the earl of Tyrconnel. I have also given order for the examining of Bartholomew Owen,| and all such who for their inwardness with the earl may seem to know or guess at the reason of his sudden departure, as also to examine and certify what violence or outrage hath been committed by them upon any of the king's subjects before they took shipping, as I am informed they have done. This is the most of that I have done for the present; and now I beseech your lordships to hold us excused, if we could not foresee and prevent this unlooked-for accident, which was by some of the fugi- tives long since thought upon and resolved, as for- merly I have advertised to some of your lordships, and to believe that such secret practices, by a people wholly alienated from us, can hardly be made frustrate here in these desolate countries, being out of all trade or frequen- tation of people, and suddenly undertaken by persons of their qualities, and within their own lands, where every one is a roytete, having, by long custom and his * Flocks. t Ballyshannon. X A Franciscan friar. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 141 majesty's gracious indulgence, the whole dependence and service of the subjects at their devotion. " The earl of Tyrone, I must confess, I could never suspect of so disloyal and shallow intention as this, considering his fortune, years, and experience; besides the great obligation wherein he was more bound to the king our sovereign than any other subject of this realm, if not of his whole dominions. Besides, I was well assured he could never be touched with any of these delations now on foot and apparent, except it were by the earl of Tyrconnel himself, Henry O'Hagan, or some priest, which I intended to discover, if it were possible, upon the apprehension of Tyrconnel, when it should so fall out, which I intended to effect within these three days, if he had come this way to fetch down the countess, his wife, as it was surely expected and given out by himself But now these things are fallen out thus contrary to all expectation or likelihood, by the good providence of God, I hope, over this miser- able people, for whose sake, it may be, he hath sent his majesty this rare and unlooked for occasion, whereby he may now, at length, with good apprehension and prudent handling, repair an error which was committed in making these men proprietary lords of so large terri- tories, without regard of the poor freeholders' rights, or of his majesty's service and the commonwealth's, that are so much interested in the honest liberty of that sort of men, which now, in time, I commend unto your lordships' grave consideration and wisdom, and will come to that which nearest concerns ourselves and the preservation of the whole. "But before I go any further, I will yet recommend unto your lordships one thing of singular consequence to be certainly known, and that with as much conve- nient speed as may be, the better to censure the depth 142 FATE AND FORTUNES OF of their malice and proceedings, and to prevent the danger, if any be. These persons are of great power and great reputation here, and the rather so because their countries and forces are contiguous, and like affected together, in respect of themselves and towards us ; and it may be the like or greater opinion is con- ceived of them abroad. Now, we see that, notwith- standing they owe their fortunes, and whatsoever else they are, unto his majesty, yet they are gone out of his dominions in this strange manner, and have carried with them all their moveables that men hold dearest, all which are effects of excessive great hope or fear. " If they were invited into Spain, then may we pre- sume the same was accepted of and entertained upon assurance of forces and means to prosecute some dan- gerous designs upon their return; if otherwise, they departed upon knowledge, or strong apprehension only, that their treasons were discovered, then is the matter of no great moment ; for we may hope they may rather be consumed there with want and discontent, than think that the king of Spain will entertain rebels in such sort against the king our master, as to break the league which of late he so carefully sought and em- braced. It behoves, therefore, his majesty and your lordships to employ many eyes and ears to understand for whether of these considerations they went away, and accordingly determine of the affairs of this realm, which is now in a very weak state to defend herself against any sudden attempt of an enemy ; for I find that few of the inhabitants are well affected. I find, likewise, that of our own forces we shall not be able to draw together above 300 foot and 100 horse into any one place, in fourteen days' space, upon any occasion whatsoever, leaving our garrisons and wards but meanly defended in the meantime ; besides, the new wards, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 143 that must be put into the earl's places, which I formerly named, will make our forces, on that side, very much disjoined and thin. Yet I will have due care to supply that defect, when I hear of any occasions which may seem necessarily to require it. "Arthur Chichester." The foregoing despatch, although minute in its details, and to all intents calculated to convince the king's cabinet that the Irish deputy deserved no blame for suffering the earls to escape, was followed by two more, in which he supplies circumstances that had not come to his knowledge till after the first had been for- warded to London. We, therefore, insert them here, as every hitherto unpublished document, calculated to throw light on a subject of such importance, cannot fail to interest the reader. ' " Lord deputy and council to the privy council. " It may please your lordships, — We understand for certain, that the earl of Tyrone and his wife, the baron of Dungannon, his son, two other of his sons, named Shane and Brian, with some of his followers and trustiest servants, as also the earl of Tyrconnel and his young son, the baron of Donegal, the earl's brother, Caffar O'Donel, and his son, with some few of their servants and followers, did ship themselves in a French ship, about the burden of threescore tons, and on Friday morning, being the 14th hereof, set sail for Spain. The first that brought us news hereof was sir Cormac Mac Baron, the earl of Tyrone's brother, and sir Toby Caulfield. Sir Cormac affirms that he was sent for to have gone with them, when first they did take shipping, which, as he saith, he did refuse, letting them know 144 FATE AND FORTUNES OF that he would inform the state thereof; but sure it is, and so he confesseth, that they have taken his eldest son Avith them, which gives us great cause to suspect that he is not unacquainted with their purpose. His coming hither was on Sunday night late; and on Mon- day morning, while we were together in council, dis- patching what in such case w^as meet, captain Leigh came to us from the Derry, confirmed what sir Cormac had reported, and enlarged it with divers particulars; among others, he showed us probably that the bark they went in was provided by a merchant of Tredagh (Drogheda), named John Bath, and laid ready for them at Lough S willy, under pretence of fishing on the coast, which made the same unsuspected, and the rather for that the earl of Tyrone gave out that he was providing to go for England, and his son, the baron of Dungan- non, pretended a match in Scotland about which he was forthwith to go thither. So soon as we had gotten such a certainty, we sent forth our letters, which on the first news were made ready, directing the gover- nors and other officers nearest the sea-coast to make provision for their stay, if it pleased God, by storm or contrary winds, to beat them into any place, or speedily to man out barks after them if they find the wind to have stood so as they can hope of good thereby, and can be fitted for it, for which purpose also the king's ship hath directions ; and further, to keep their people in quiet by all the best means they can devise. And because the two countries where those earls had chief command — and the county of Fermanagh, from whence Maguire was, in like sort, gone before for Spain — were likeliest to run suddenly into greatest disorder, those people being apt to think that the offences of their lords are punishable on them, how innocent soever, which conceit of theirs it behoveth us by all means to TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 145 remove, we have made choice of meet commissioners to right them in their wrongs, and free them from oppression, and assured them by proclamation of his majesty's gracious disposition towards them and princely care of them, so long as they themselves continue loyal, and that by this course they may live more happily than ever heretofore. This is all that we could do on such a sudden, both for keeping of the country in quiet and discovering the depth of this conspiracy, which it behoved us with speed to give your lordships an account of; humbly praying you to be assured hereby, that we will bend our endeavour as becomes us to satisfy your lordships more fully upon every apt occasion. In the meantime, we think fit to add this for your lord- ships' information, that though one of these earls — to wit, Tyrconnel — hath given former causes of suspicion, which the deputy got light of, and so signified thither ; yet, the other — to wit, Tyrone — hath carried himself so warily as vre could not reasonal)ly suspect him ; and on the other side, we have dealt so tenderly with him as we have ratlier erred in bearing over much with him, and in pressing aught against him, or doing aught that might discontent or distaste him, so as we cannot so much as guess why he should run himself into this desperate and sudden course, unless out of fear, grounded upon guilt of conscience, that some practices of his, which we did not so much as dream of, were discovered there in England, which, at his coming thither, he should hear of; for it is observed here by some that knew him best, that since he received his majesty's letter for his repair thither, he did lose his former cheerfulness, and grew often exceeding pensive. This matter is of much consequence, as we cannot be suffi- ciently provident for the sequel ; and, therefore, we must humbly recommend the same unto your lordships, who L 146 FATE AND FORTUNES OF best knowing what these men may expect from Spain, on whom, no doubt, they wholly do depend, can best judge and prevent what, in your wisdoms, seems most to threaten us. Our wants, especially of money to answer any sudden occasion that may happen, are well known unto your lordships, and so particularly enlarged of late, from me the deputy, and me the treasurer, that we mean not at this time to be further troublesome, how great soever our necessities be, than only to remember your lordships thereof And so take most humble leave. "From Kathfarnham, the 9th of September, 1607. " Your lordships' humbly at command, " Arthur Chichester." "Lord deputy to my lord Salisbury. " It may please your lordship, — My letters to the lords, and the other papers contained in this packet, will discover the sudden and unlooked-for departure of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel for Spain, as is conceived. I am by these to give your lordship to understand what I have drawn from A. B., and what I conceive of this accident. For the first, it is declared by the enclosed, drawn out of sundry discourses had with him, by which your lordship may perceive I had no other grounds from him, nor any other, until it was too late to lay hand upon any of the conspirators, but his bare accu- sation, which is little more than he delivered there, as himself hath told me. If my forbearance to apprehend the earl of Tyrconnel or C. D., for of others he hath not spoken but by hearsay, be conceived, upon this* accident, for an error, I humbly excuse myself in this manner. First, I was directed by your lordship in hcec verba, you shall so weigh all circumstances, as light or weak proofs, grounded upon reports from second or third hands, may not engage his majesty into any open TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 147 action against these supposed practices, without such proofs as, when they should be called in question, might become scandalous to his majesty's princely justice, &c. ; and seeing he could not bring a second person to justify the accusation, nor would appear him- self to be the discoverer, and telling me that the king was pleased, upon his humble suit, to remit a pardon, by his princely promise, of the offence of C. D., I knew I should have transgressed if I had committed either of them. The departure of either of these men hath now assured me that much of w^hat he hath said is true, and all probable ; wherefore, I have given direction for the apprehension of L. M., N. O., and one Murrough-na- More O'Flahertie, of Connaught, whom, I understand, are deepest in the business, and most dangerous persons ; and I humbly pray directions what I shall do with the rest, A. B. himself, and such others as he hath or shall name unto me. We shall never discover the depth of this treason further than we have, but upon examinations of the parties accused. A. B. persuades me he will bring C. D. to discover the whole ; if he do, it will be well ; but I am greatly jealous of him, and that he hath had some working in these men's sudden departure, for he hath put buzzes in the head of the earl of Tyrone since his arrival, telling him that the king said to sir Patrick Murray, when he used some speech to his ma- jesty in his commendation, saying he was an honest man : ' Patrick,' said the king, ' I pray God he prove so ;' and willed him to be well provided of money to make friends when he came over, for he had now but few there. This much by his own confession : he seems now to be much grieved with these men's departures, thinking his discovery is made known to his disgrace and dishonour ; but that which troubles him most is that your lordship had not given him more credit at 14,8 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the first, for he saith you were mistrustful of him, and made slight of his discoveries. In all this I have given him good satisfaction. But I find it nigh time to look to ourselves, for, as he hath often told me, we are bought and sold ; and howsoever I carry a good face on the matter, to hearten our friends and discourage others, yet I find the kingdom hath not been in like danger these one hundred years ; wherefore it behoves your lordship, who sits at the helm, to have care of us, for here we have but a few friends, and no means to gain more. First of all, it is high time to despatch away the two presidents of Munster and Connaught, and to fortify and strengthen the towns and places of most advantage ; for if they went hence as sent for by the king of Spain, which is the vulgar opinion here, albeit I have many reasons to think otherwise, then their return will be shortly; if frightened by their own guilt of conscience, then shall we have time to arm and provide ourselves to receive them. I humbly beseech your lordship to procure me the king's allowance, to employ two or three men, such as I may trust, into Spain or elsewhere these fugitives are to be found, and I doubt not to have good intelligence what was the cause of their departure, and what they wish and intend. I have permitted sir Oliver Lambert to pass thither to your lordship, as he intended before these news came unto us. I have acquainted him with what I intend and think needful for the present, and do humbly beseech your lordship to give him a speedy despatch in such matter as he hath to propound, that he may hasten his return unto us; for if there be innovations or other troubles here by reason of these men's departures, or upon their return, he will be my best assistant. If I can keep all things upright for the present, the service will be great, and these men's departures may prove TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 149 profitable for the commonwealth, in which I will do my best. A. B. hath propounded to have a troop-horse for himself, and another for C. D. It is time to enter 100 or 50 horse more, at least, that they may be in readiness, if occasion call upon us, for they are not so soon gotten together and fitted in this kingdom as foot will be ; part of which may be well bestowed upon sir Oliver Lambert, and other some upon sir Garret Moore, who will soon raise them, and keep them ready for the service ; so will A. B. If your lordship be pleased therewith, he expects great commendations and rewards for the service he hath done by tliis discovery; and surely it is a matter of great moment, howsoever his lightness and inconstancy may otherwise blemish him ; yet I persuade him that the king's majesty will be gracious unto him when the depth is discovered, and the corrupt members cut ofi". " I commit the rest to this gentleman's relation, and humbly pray your lordship to excuse this imperfect writing at this time. In haste, at Rathfarnham, the 18th of September, 1607. Your lordship's in all true and faithful service, "Arthur Chichester." Salisbury's reply to these letters shows that he was nowise disconcerted by their contents, but rather rejoiced that the king had now an opportunity of appropriating the lands of the fugitives, and parcelling them out among greedy adventurers, or guilds who were ready to advance money for the purchase of them. Viewing the matter coolly, the lord secretary, far from sharing Chichester's alarm, made light of the pretended inva- sion, which haunted the latter like a nightmare, and contented himself with insinuating that the pope was a party to the flight, and laying down some well-weighed 150 FATE AND FORTUNES OF admonitions to prevent a recurrence of those mistakes, which, in his judgment, had rendered all former planta- tions, or, more properly, attempts at extirpation of the native Irish, almost absolute failures. "Lord Salisbury to lord deputy Chichester. " For conclusion whereof, the judgment that yet hath place in me is rather that these men fled for fear, yet had ever provisional hope, and that you shall hear of no great armies in Ireland whensoever they shall return, but rather of some small forces, peradventure shadowed by the pope^ and obscuring Spain, with which they will be sufficiently able to draw the king to an infinite ex- pense, which his enemies will think a very good pur- chase, though they make account never to see a man of theirs return again. And therefore I do think it of great necessity that those countries be made the king's by this accident ; that there be a mixture in the plan- tation, the natives made his majesty's tenants of part, but the rest to be divided among those that will inhabit ; and in no case any man is suffered to embrace more than it is visible he can and will manure. That was an oversight in the plantation of Munster, where twelve thousand acres were commonly allotted to bankrupts and country gentlemen that never knew the disposi- tion of the Irish, so as God forbid that those who have 'spent their blood in their service should not of all others be preferred," &c. But there is another narrative of the event on which we have dwelt at such length that may not be over- passed,— that left us by sir John Davys, for whose pen it supplied such agreeable matter. The attorney- general knew that the deputy had already written I TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 151 copiously on the subject, but he conceived, nevertheless, that his own relation was required to colour such a remarkable episode. He, indeed, was mainly iustru- mental in bringing it about ; and surely there was no one better qualified to describe and season it for lord Salisbury's palate than himself. It is the last and most circumstantial of all the accounts that have been written of O'Neill's flight from Mellifont to Lough Swilly, and, with the few comments we will make on it, forms a fitting conclusion to this chapter. "Sir John Davys to lord Salisbury. " My most honourable good lord, — Your lordship hath received advertisement at large from the lord deputy and council of the departure of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel out of this kingdom, which, being an accident extraordinary, I conceive your lordship will accept in good part divers relations thereof, and sundry men's notes and observations thereupon; and I for my part do the rather trouble your lordship with my letters at this time, because this occurrence, if all the circum- stances thereof be true, which upon the first report are brought into the state, doth cross my coming over this next term, by interrupting the business wherein I should have been employed. " For the accident, doubtless, it is true that they are embarked and gone with the most part of that company of men, women, and children, which are named in the proclamation ; it is true they took shipping the four- teenth of this present September; that, the Saturday before, the earl of Tyrone was with my lord deputy at Slane, where he had speech with his lordship of his journey into England, told him he would be there about the beginning of Michaelmas term, according to 152 FATE AND FORTUNES OF his majesty's directions ; that he took his leave of my lord deputy in a more sad and passionate manner than he used at other times ; that from thence he went to Mellifont, sir Garret Moore's house, where he wept abundantly when he took his leave, giving a solemn farewell to every child and every servant in the house, which made them all marvel, because it was not his manner to use such compHments. " From thence, on Sunday, he went to Dundalk ; on Monday he went to Dungannon, where he rested two whole days ; on Wednesday night, they say, he travelled all night with his impediments, I mean his women and children; and it is likewise reported that the coun- tess, his wife, being exceeding weary, slipped down from her horse, and, weeping, said she could go no farther ; whereupon the earl drew his sword, and swore a great oath that he would kill her in the place, if she would not pass on with him, and put on a more cheerful countenance withal. " Yet, the next day, when he came near Lough Foyle, his passage that way was not so secret but the governor there had notice thereof, and invited him and his son to dinner; but their haste was such as they accepted not that courtesy, but they went on, and came that Thurs- day night to Rathmullan, a town on the west side of Lough Swilly, where the earl of Tjrrconnel and his company met him. " There they took some beeves from one Francis Whyte, an Englishman, and killed them for their provision. There the earl of Tyrconnel sent for the foster-father of his brother Caffar O'Donel's son, willing him to bring the child with him. He presently repaired with the child towards the place where the earls lodged ; but being met by the way by the baron of Dungannon and Caffar O'Donel himself, they took TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 153 the infant violently from him, which terrified the foster- father, so as he escaped by the swiftness of his horse, their horses being tired with travelling. "Of this child they have a blind and superstitious prophecy,* because he was born with six toes upon one foot ; for they affirm that one of their saints of Tyrconnel hath prophesied, that when such a one, being of the sept of O'Donel, shall be born, he shall drive all the Englishmen out of Ireland. " But now the great question is, whither those tra- vellers have directed their course. The common voice * Prophecies concerning the Irish chieftains created no little alarm during queen Elizabeth's reign, when we find sir W. Fitzwilliams, 1593, suggesting that the following should be referred to Daniel, subsequently pseudo-archbishop of Tuam. We have not been able to ascertain what judgment said Daniel pronounced upon it : — " Concerning O'Donel and his country, named Tyrconnel, this is to be noted — First, this young O'Donel, named Hugh Eoe, who brake prison from Dublin, and to whom his father, sir Hugh, surrendered the whole country, name, and government, is born of a Scottish woman, James M'Donnell's daughter, a cruel, bloody woman, having in her time committed sundry murders, by whose forward means her son, now O'Donel, assuredly hopeth to be fully assisted out of Scot- land, to bring to pass some old-devised prophecy, which flieth amongst them in no small request, importing that when two Hughs lawfully, lineally, and immediately succeed each other as O'Donels, being so formally and ceremoniously created, according to the country's customs, the last Hugh shall forsooth be a monarch in Ireland, and banish thence all foreign nations and conquerors. This prophecy setteth this young O'Donel in great conceit of himself, and doth much allure the people, wedded to such fancies, to flatter, follow, and favour him ; the rather because the Eomish bishops, glad to take any occasion to further their intended innovations^ persuade the poor people that this prophecy was first revealed and uttered to and by some most holy saint, whom not to believe were damnable. This should be considered of and presently prevented, lest, such as they are, persons both believed and almost honoured as gods be long tolerated and permitted to wander abroad." To this we may add the observation of the nunzio Rinucciui, who says that "the Irish were much given to the folly of prophesying '^—'^ Alia vanitd di predizioni veggo questo popolo molto mc^iwaio."— Nunz. in Irlanda, p. 69. 154 FATE AND FOETUNES OF and opinion is that they are gone into Spain. The reasons and presumptions are these: — "First, sir Cormac M'Baron O'Neill, the earl of Tyrone's brother, brought the first news of their depar- ture, and reported that the earl his brother sent one O'Hagan unto him, who persuaded him to accom- pany his brother into Spain, but he would not be moved by his persuasion, but presently made his repair to the state, to acquaint my lord deputy with this accident ; howbeit it was noted that sir Cormac had his private end in this, for withal he was an earnest suitor to have the custodiam of his brother's country, which, perhaps, might be to his brother's use by agreement betwixt them ; and, therefore, for this and other causes of suspicion, the constable of the castle of Dublin hath the custodiam of him. " Next it is said, that M'Guire, who hath been lately in Spain, came in the ship wherein they are embarked, disguised like a mariner; and that Florence O'Mul- connor, the pope's titulary bishop of Tuam, and a pen- sioner of Spain, came also in that ship from the coast of Flanders. If this be true, it is to be presumed that these men brought some message out of Spain, whereby the earls are invited to come thither. "Again, the earl of Tyrconnel hath no licence nor other pretence to go into Scotland or to England, but hath been noted of late for his extreme discontent- ment, and suspected for some treasonable practices, so as he hath no place to direct his course into but Spain, which doth receive all the discontented persons of this kingdom. "Again, it is certain that Tyrone, in his heart, doth repine at the English government in his country, where, until his last submission, as well before his rebellion as in the time of his rebellion, he ever lived TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 155 like a free prince, or rather like an absolute tyrant there. But now the law of England, and the ministers thereof, were shackles and handlocks unto him, and the garrisons planted in his country were as pricks in his side ; besides, to evict any part of that land from him, which he hath heretofore held after the Irish manner, making all the tenants thereof his villeins — though the truth be, that for one moiety of his country, at least, he was either a disseisor of the bishops of Armagh and Clogher, or an intruder upon the king's possession ; for the Irish lords, in all ages, have preyed more upon land than upon cows, and were prcedones terrarum, as the poet speaketh of Alexander the Great — this was as grievous unto him as to pinch away the quick flesh from his body. " Those things, doubtless, have bred discontentment in him; and now his age and his burthened conscience, which no absolution can make altogether clear, have of late much increased his melancholy, so as he was grown very pensive and passionate ; and the friars and priests perceiving it, have wrought nightly upon his passion. Therefore it may be he hath hearkened unto some pro- ject of treason, which he feareth is discovered ; and that fear hath transported him into Spain. For it hath been told my lord deputy, that as he now passed through his country, he said to some of his followers, that if he went into England he should either be per- petual prisoner in the Tower, or else lose his head and his members, meaning, as I take it, he should have the judgment of a traitor ; but I verily think the primary and highest cause of his departure to be the divine justice, who will not suffer him to go down to his grave in peace, who hath been the cause of so much trouble and bloodshed in this kingdom. "These are the arguments of their departure into Spain. 156 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " On the other side, others have been of opinion that they are gone into Scotland, for which they make this reason : — " It hath been confidently reported all this summer that sir Randal M'Sorley, who hath married the earl of Tyrone's daughter, and hath good alliance and acquaintance in Scotland, hath, for the space of four or five months past, been treating with the earl of Argyle for a marriage between the baron of Dungannon and the earl of Argyle's daughter ; that they descended to articles of agreement, which were transmitted to the earl of Tyrone, and he liked well thereof. It was like- wise said that the earl of Tyrone intended this summer to see the consummation of the marriage. " There is not any Irishman in the north that hath not heard of this intended match ; for the common news amongst them was, that Mac O'Neale* should marry the daughter of M'Kallym,-(- for so the Scottish- Irish call the earl of Argyle. In the meantime the earl of Tyrone is sent for into England to receive order in the cause between him and O'Cahan, or rather betwixt him and the king's majesty, touching the title of O'Cahan's country; and he is directed by the king's letters to attend at court about the beginning of Michaelmas term. The lord deputy gives him notice of his majesty's pleasure, and willeth him to prepare him- self for that journey. Accordingly he levies-moneys among his tenants to defray his charges in England ; repaireth to the lord deputy, taketh his leave solemnly, and returneth into Tyrone. From thence, say they, it is likely he resolved to pass into England through Scot- land, and to conclude the marriage by the way, because * The baron of Dungannon. t M'CaUum More— ancient title of the chiefs of the house of Argyle. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 157 lie wrote an express letter to his son, which letter is since come to the hands of the lord deputy, willing him to prepare and furnish himself with apparel fit for that occasion. He taketh in his company the earl of Tyr- connel and his brother, both uncles to the baron of Dungannon, and Sir Nial Garve O'Donel's wife, his aunt; for O'Donel's sister w^as mother to the baron. Those, mth the countess of Tyrone, and the earl of Tyrone's principal followers, are likely persons to be present at the marriage. " Upon all this matter some have collected a probable presumption that he is gone into Scotland. " Again, they make arguments concluding negatively that he is not gone into Spain. " First, because he hath reported often since he was received to grace, that, during his late rebellion, the king of Spain made plain demonstration that he held but a contemptible opinion of him ; for, said he, when we expected a royal aid from him, and great store of crowns to supply our wants, the priests and friars that came unto us brought us hallowed beads and poor counterfeit jewels, as if we had been petty Indian kings, that would be pleased wdth threepenny knives and chains of glass, and the like beggarly presents. " Again, he hath ever been noted to be subtle, fox- like, and craftily wise in his kind ; and, therefore, it were strange that he should quit an earldom and so large and beneficial a territory, for smoke and castles in the air ; and that, being possessed of a country quietly, he should leave the possession, to try if he could win it again by force. " Lastly, he hath carried with him a train of bar- barous men, women, and children, to the number of fifty or sixty persons. If he means to make them appear like persons of good quality, they will presently spend all 158 FATE AND FORTUNES OF his All-Hallowtide rent, which he hath taken up by way of anticipation ; but if he shall carry them through the country in the fashion and habit wherein now they are, doubtless they will be taken for a company of gypsies, and be exceedingly scorned and despised by that proud nation. As for himself, minuet prmsentia famam, when the formal Spanish courtier shall note his heavy aspect and blimt behaviour, so as they will hardly believe he is the same O'Neill which maintained so long a war against the crown of England. Therefore, if he be gone into Spain, the first news w^e shall hear of him will be either that he is a shorn monk, or dead with extreme grief and melancholy. " As for the earl of Tyrconnel, he will appear to be so vain a person, as they will scarce give him means to live, if the earl of Tyrone do not countenance and maintain him. " As for us that are here, we are glad to see the day wherein the countenance and majesty of the law and civil government hath banished Tyrone out of Ireland, which the best army in Europe and the expense of two millions of sterling pounds did not bring to pass. And we hope his majesty's happy government will work a greater miracle in this kingdom than ever St. Patrick did ; for St. Patrick did only banish the poisonous worms, but suffered the men full of poison to inhabit the land still; but his majesty's blessed genius will banish all those generations of vipers out of it, and make it, ere it be long, a right fortunate island. " This is my poor and weak conjecture touching this accident, which I humbly submit to your lordship's judgment, and leave your lordship to the divine pro- tection, and remain, ''At your lordship's command most humbly, "John Davys." TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 159 The reader can have no difficulty in perceiving that many of the incidents related in the attorney-general's letter are the creations of his own fancy, and that he was altogether ignorant of the means employed to procure the ship. The romance about the earl's threat to kill the countess is an invention, or, in other phrase, an undiluted lie, which Davys knew would create a sensation in London, by showing that O'Neill was ca- pable of committing any sort of murder when need re- quired him to perpetrate it. There is, however, one passage to which we can take no exception — the unwilling testimony to O'Neill's unrivalled genius as soldier and statesman, of which he gave such signal proof during his wars with queen Elizabeth, when he cer- tainly would have destroyed English power in Ireland had he been aided, as Clement VIII. desired, by the cities and towns of the pale. This, indeed, was all he required to complete a conquest ; but, as we have already said, the irresoluteness of his countrymen, and their want of union, baffled all his schemes, as they would have done those of any other great leader cir- cumstanced as he w^as. Even to this day the Irish people have not learned the truth of the adage which says that " the / and you " are irreconcilable ; but, in good time, reflection and education will teach them that nothing permanently good can be effected for their country without the concord of all parties. Another passage of Davys' despatch shows how he regarded the native Irish, and with what infernal delight he looked forward to the time when they were to be swept off the land to make place for aliens, as though God had not intended that they should be the natural pro- prietary of it, consuming its aliments, and clothing themselves with the produce of its flocks. As we shall see in the sequel, the attorney-general had already 160 TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. matured a scheme for extirpating the Celts, somewhat analogous to that adopted by proprietors of his way of thinking in our own time, when the scandal of evictions has made Irish landlordism in some counties a by- word to the universe. In Davys' estimation, the native Irish had no parallel except in the Pharisees, whom, al- though he denounced their impiety, the Saviour would not deprive of a single acre of their rightful inheritance. How many, like Davys, at the present moment, quote Sacred Writ to justify their inhuman conduct — how many, like him, look on the Irish tillers of the soil as a " serpent's brood," closing their eyes to the fact that human nature unhappily is too prone to keep a stem account of oppression and injustices ! — and yet, notwith- standing the callous rant of this same official, his en- comium of an Irishman's love of justice has been quoted over and over again by public speakers, never suspect- ing that it was a consummate piece of irony, or as sir John himself would term it — rhetoric. CHAPTER V. imsEANWHILE O'Neill, O'Doixel, and their fol- lowers, were enjoying a splendid ovation in Belgium, feasting with the archduke's principal officers, burgomeisters, ecclesiastical and other digni- taries, who regarded them as exiles for their faith, and victims of the cruellest tyranny. Antwerp, Ma- lines, and other great towns received them with all the consideration due to their rank and misfor- tunes. In the former city there was a college for the education of Irish aspirants to the priesthood, and the fugitive nobles were welcomed there with formalities like those shown to them in Douay. Indeed, wherever there was an Irish seminary or conventual establish- ment, alumni and superiors vied with each other in con- gratulating the " illustrious princes," for such was the designation by which they were recognized in Belgium, Italy, and all over the Continent. Palaces, museums, and studios of art were everywhere thrown open to them ; and wherever there was a holy shrine there were the banished princes to be seen comporting themselves as beseemed true and edifying sons of the apostolic see. Many of the Belgian churches which O'Neill and O'Donel visited, had been sacrilegiously violated by the English allies of the revolted provinces of the Nether- lands, during queen Elizabeth's reign — that of Malines M IQ2 FATE AND FORTUNES OF especially, by general Norris ; and we can well conceive how O'Neill must have felt within those sacred precincts, when he called to mind that he defeated and mortally wounded that very Norris, under the walls of Armagh, eleven years previously * Good reason, indeed, had the devoted Catholics of Belgium, the humblest as well as the most nobly born, to show sympathy to the great Irish chief, whose sword avenged their desecrated altars. But the announcement of their arrival in France created the greatest excitement at the court of king James, who, on learning that Henry IV. had given them passports through his dominions, despite the re- monstrances of the British ambassador, vented his vexa- tion by asserting that the French monarch acted thus in deference to the pope. To this, Monsieur de la Boderie, the French ambassador, replied, that the king, his master, had declared France to be an open country, and that he believed that they — the Irish exiles — had retired out of their own land " for matter of religion, and for hard measures in point of their inheritance." Indeed, Monsieur de la Boderie informs as, that long before the Irish fugitives set foot on the Continent, king James, fancying that they had landed in Spain, could not conceal his vexation at the reception which he supposed they had got there. The incident is a cu- rious one, and we will let the ambassador relate it : — "About the close of September, Monsieur de la Bo-' derie being confined to his chamber, king James sent one of his gentlemen to visit him. After some conversation on indifferent topics, the gentleman al- luded to the earl of Tyrone's escape, and said that the latter had been well received in Spain. This, con- * Mitchel's Hugh O'Neill and O'Sullivan's Hist. Cath. Hib. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 163 tinned the gentleman, has made the king, my master, very indignant ; so much so, that his majesty declared that if there should be any attempt in Ireland, he will never put off his harness till he has taught the Spa- niard that he can do him more harm than he imagines." The royal petulance amused Boderie, who further in- forms us, that if Tyrone had come to London, it was the king's determination to commit him to the Tower, and, perhaps, behead him.* James, however, when undeceived about the land- ing in Spain, was, if possible, still more exasperated at learning how the Irish nobles had been received by the archdukes, feted by Spinola, and provided for at Lou vain, till they should determine in what place they meant to fix their final abode; and that nothing might be wanting to fill the measure of his vexation, some courtier, supposed to be well- informed on such matters, assured him that Philip III. had already settled pensions on O'Neill, O'Donel, Maguire, and the most distinguished of their followers — and this at a moment when the Spanish dockyards were crowded with a fleet, the destination of which was unknown. The excitement in London, says Boderie, was very great ; and in every street drums were beating for recruits, and large detachments were sent off with all possible haste to reinforce the Irish garrisons, in order to meet the emergency should the king of Spain send his ships there with the fugitive nobles.f Flouted by Henry TV., the king of Spain, and the archdukes, James lost no time in instructing Cornwallis, his ambassador at the court of Madrid, to see that Philip III. was made aware of the true character of the * '* De le mettre a la Tour, et de Vy laisser croupiry — Ambas- sades en Angleterre de M. de la Boderie. t Ibid. 164 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Irish fugitives, whom it was the ambassador's duty to represent in the falsest colours, as runaways, nowise deserving sympathy or sustentation. Cornwallis did as he was ordered, and doubtless with that zeal and veracity which might be expected from one in his posi- tion. Twenty-four days precisely after the fugitives landed at Quilleboeuf, the ambassador had audience of Philip's secretary, and then he despatched the following account of his conference with that high functionary : — " Sir Charles Cornwallis to lord Salisbury. " Madrid, 28th October, 1607, [After mentioning some matters irrelevant to our subject, Cornwallis introduces the question of the Irish fugitives thus : — ] " I then told him that hereunto they had a fit oppor- tunity and occasion given them, by the late sudden and strange departure of the earl of Tyrone and others out of the north part of Ireland, with intention to come hither ; who although out of an evil purpose they had brought forth a good effect, yet can it not be pre- sumed but those parties, having received from his majesty there so many great graces, not only in pardon- ing their former rebellions and treasons, but in lading them with dignities, and giving them that which few or none of the king's ancestors have ever conferred upon any of that nation, which was an absolute and in a manner unlimited government in their own countries, nothing wanting to their ambitions but the name of kings, and neither crossed in anything con- cerning their civil government, nor so much as in act or imagination (whereof upon his honour and faith he assured me) molested, or in any sort questioned with, for their consciences and religion, would in such a sort TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 165 leave their countries, had they not been drawn hither by large promises, in hope of serving some future turns. " The duke, to hear this, showed much impatience, offering once or twice in my speech to have interrupted me ; but in the end, laying his hand on his breast, with an oath, said that of the departure and intention of the earls there was here no more knowledge given to the king himself, or any of this state, than was to me. " That in generality the king and they had tasted here, to the much consumption of his treasure, what it was to entertain strangers, that from all parts make their repair hither ; that in particularity they had had a biMer taste of those that had cottw from his 7najesty*s dominions, and should in a larger measure, if they had not made a resolute and determinate stop to tlie running of that fountain, and refused to give ear to many overtures, that since the peace concluded with his majesty (he assured upon his honour and cross of his habit) had been made unto them ; concluding with a wish that those Irish had come hither, that, by the usage of them, the king, my master, might have re- ceived a more large and ample assurance what he may promise to himself of the king his sovereign's sincere and true intentions. " To this I replied that I rejoiced much to hear him, whom I acknowledge so truly noble as I could not but believe him, that this state had no participation with that frantic and foul purpose ; and that I now would conclude with myself that the same proceeded only from the Jesuits of that nation or of ours that are here in this court, whose malice is so extreme and un- limited, as it leads both them and those that are so unfortunate to believe them into all violent and preci- pitous actions. I desired his excellency would give me 166 FATE AND FORTUNES OF leave to represent unto him, not the undutifulness and disobedience of such their flight, but the madness and inconsideration of their purpose. They departed their country without any occasion earthly of distaste or offence given them by their sovereign, and only, as it seems, upon a presumption to be received and enter- tained here, and to be used in evil purposes against their lawful and natural king and his government ; not considering that so wise a council as that of Spain could not be ignorant how much their case differs now from that which it was in time of the late queen. " The queen then used none other against them in their revolts and rebellions than her own subjects of Eng- land ; who, not accustomed either to the diet of that savage country, or to the bogs and other retreats which that wild people used, endured by those means the greater difficulties. Besides, there were in those times many of the same disposition in other provinces, who much distracted and impedimented the queen's designs and proceedings against them, " It is now much otherwise, for the king, my master, being possessed of Scotland, hath in that country, near adjoining to the north part of Ireland, a people of their Qwn fashion, diet, and disposition, that can walk their bogs as well as themselves, live with their food, and are so well practised and accustomed in their own country to the like, as they are as apt to pull them out of their dens and withdrawing places, as ferrets are to draw rabbits out of their burrows. " Moreover, all other parts of Ireland are now reduced . to such obedience and so civil a course, and so well planted with a mixture of English, as there is not a man that shows a forehead likely to give a frown against his majesty or his government. " Neither do I make doubt but our fugitives here, TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 167 following the general disposition which all stories do witness to accompany men of that condition, which is, by all means possible to incite and plunge into peril foreign princes and states for executing of their own malicious and unnatural purposes against their coun- tries, have laboured of late, with all the art they can, to extenuate the power and forces of the king, my sove- reign, thereby to make the passage more easy to a breach of peace and amity between our nations. They have upon that subject opened their mouths so wide, as it hath come to my ears that they publish the king, my master, by reason of his large gifts since his coming to the crown, to be without treasure or means either to invade others or defend himself; that his people are universally discontented ; and that the number of Catholics that groan under the burthen of his late severe laws, and would gladly deliver themselves from his government, are infinite. " I confessed it to be true, that amongst other the incomparable virtues of the king, my master, liberality BJOidmagniJicence was not the least ; that he had given largely, hut upon a good exchange ; for he had sowed money, that of itself can do nothing, and had reaped hearts, that can do all. " That the greatest and only discontent of his people groweth out of want of occupation of the wars and sea services wherein they had so long been exercised, and out of envy of other men's fortunes, which were they in that sort set on work, would as easily vanish, as imjustly and without true ground of reason it entered into them. " Lastly, for the number of the groaning Catholics, I assured him that, of my own knowledge, who could not be ignorant of that sort of people, in regard I had a father, and have yet divers of my kindred of that affec- 1(38 FATE AND FORTUNES OF tion, I durst assure him that there were in England and Scotland hardly as many hundred as our fugi- tives reckon thousands ; and those, also, so unable either to attempt, or so much as assist any foreign force, and the most of them so aliened from that humour, as it seems half a miracle unto me that, upon so wise and understanding an estate, they dare adventure to obtrude untruths so improbable. " This the duke heard with great attention, and upon my conclusion grew into more plainness with me than ever, protesting that he joined with me in opinion that those fugitives were dangerous people ; that our Jesuits were turbulent and busy men, naming one for such unto me^] which at his hands I little expected. Said that he would not for much but he had seen cer- tain papers of mine of late, and had this conference with me now. " Told me that he had much to say to me, but wa^ not yet ripe for me, but would as shortly as he could ; and in meantime assured me, as he was a cavallero, his majesty and his council had fully determined never to receive nor hear any more of these straying people ; that they had found the inconvenience, with the great charge and care put upon them, how to deliver them- selves from those Irish vagabonds, and continual begging pretenders. They would now and had already stopped the current; neither should any of his majesty's subjects here have henceforth entertainment, except they came recommended from his majesty." Cornwallis' report of what passed between him and the Spanish prime minister, was in great measure wholly untrue ; for we are to bear in mind that it was then, and may be so still, the duty of one in his place to stick at no falsehood, when the character and in- TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 169 terests of his sovereign were at stake. A great autho- rity on this point, sir Henry Wotton, afterwards ambas- sador at Venice, warrants us in making such assertion ; for he tells us that an ambassador is one sent to foreign courts to invent lies for his country's good — " Legatus est vir bonus peregre missus ad dicendum mendacia reipuhliccB causa" The letter, nevertheless, does contain sundry statements which Cornwallis doubt- less did make, and garnish with wicked ingenuity, those, namely, that were calculated to lower the character of the Irish people— of Ulster especially — in the estima- tion of the poUshed and stately Spanish minister. We may presume withal that the latter discredited them; for there were then in Spain a great number of Irish, occupjdngthe most distinguished position, in the Church, court, and army, who were as highly civilized as the natives of Spain itself, or any other country under heaven. But, as we have already said, it was part of the ambassador's duty to ventilate lies, and he did so secundum normam — as his calling required. We may also observe, that he seems to have been well acquainted with king James' determination to extirpate the natives of Ulster, and plant in their stead colonists from Scot- land, who were to treat the former as the sportsman does the savage beast and noxious vermin. This, indeed, was a truth that might not be gainsaid; and we can readily conceive what impression such a cruel pro- gramme must have made on the mind of the Spaniard, and what little value he attached to the ambassador's exaggeration of his king's clemency and paternal heart. The king, however, although he had every confidence in the ability and ingenuity of his ambassador at the court of Madrid, resolved to issue, under his own hand, a docu- ment which he flattered himself would not only save Ireland from a second Spanish invasion, but would so 170 FATE AND FORTUNES OF confound the fugitives, that no one after reading it would condescend to relieve or harbour them. No one surely could question the word of a king, seeing that he could do no wrong, or state aught that was not truth itself ! His majesty, therefore, influenced by this falsest of all delusions, had recourse to his favourite weapon, the pen, and drew up, in English and inflated Latin, a proclama- tion, which he ordered his ambassadors to publish, where- ever they could conveniently do so, in the cities and towns of the Continent. This was to be the coup de grace to O'Neill, O'Donel, and the rest. Thenceforth the world was to hear no more of them or their pre- tended wrongs, but, on the contrary, admire the sagacity of a monarch, whose keen eye could penetrate even the very consciences of his ungrateful subjects. In order, however, that nothing might be overlooked that could tend to procure a favourable hearing for the royal mani- festo, he instructed lord secretary Salisbury to write to Cornwallis, laying down certain rules by which the latter was to be guided in relation to this momentous document. " Earl of Salisbury to sir Charles Cornwallis. " 27th October, 1607. " Concerning those men that are fled into Spain, his majesty hath commanded me to give you some directions how you are to proceed; wherein, as things do now stand, you are to be as well curious in the formality as in the substance. The ^ truth is, therefore, briefly, that they are in the case you see by the proclamation, of which you need not make dainty to take notice neither to the king nor to themselves ; but because his majesty would not have you set a value upon their worth, by making their flight any matter of consequence to any TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 171 other body but to themselves, he would have you pro- ceed in this sort. " First, upon this letter, which toucheth the matter of injustice to the king's subjects, you shall do well to make your access; and when you shall have therein spent the best part of your audience, if the king shall say nothing to you of those men, then his majesty would have you obiter, even as if you scarce had it in pre- meditation, say to the king, that although you have not now anything in particular to propound unto him con- cerning those Irish fugitives by any new commission, yet because his majesty, in a late despatch, even in the postscript of a letter only, spake something shortly of it, you cannot forbear the rather upon this occasion to say something to his majesty of it, by virtue of your general commission ; whereof the extent is such, as it doth ever warrant you to proceed in all things incident to the amity, even in re nata, and so declare both what the king wrote, and what you must presume to speak unto him as well out of your affection as out of your duty. " For the words of the king's letter, you may say they were to none other effect than this : that his deputy of Ireland had advertised him that some of the northern earls, and some others out of those barbarous quarters of Ulster, were gone into Spain ; of whose proceedings, though he held the parties too contemptible to make any reckoning, yet he thought the accident would furnish you with some matter to write concerning the carriage of the king, his brother; and so from thence upon occa- sion to tell him, that although, in respect of themselves, whatsoever doth concern them is contemptible, yet you do hope that will minister to his majesty there so ex- cellent a subject to requite the king your master's sincerity with demonstration of his integrity in this 172 FATE AND FORTUNES Or proceeding towards them, as it may prove a good ejffect of an ill cause ; wherein you may say you will not pre- sume to make any particular proportion, but only attend the work of his majesty's own judgment and affection, both because it is the general cause of all princes, and in this will be more curiously observed how his majesty disposeth himself, considering what hath passed between those two crowns. " Only this you may say shall be your suit, that his majesty would give you some matter worthy the king your master's knowledge upon this so extraordinary an occasion, to whom you know it will be more acceptable to receive a good office arising from the strength of his own original affection, than a far greater upon any par- ticular proposition. " This is as far as you shall need to enlarge yourself at the first access, except some cause come from him, wherein you may use your accustomed discretion. " Because you may not apprehend this matter worse than there is cause, nor make any show of alteration — what insolencies soever the Jesuits and pack of fugi- tives do there put on — I do confidently affirm it unto you, that in human judgment the end thereof cannot but be good. For although it is true that we do know this remnant of the northern Irish traitors to have been as full of malice as flesh and blood could be, and noway reformed by the grace they have received, but rather sucking poison out of the honey thereof; yet because his majesty had given them pardon, and could not demon- strably prove new treasons against them so clearly i/n forojudicii, as they might have not suspected to savour of rigour, yet, in foro conscientice, his majesty hath known they have absolutely given commission to their priests and others to undertake for them a resolution to abandon their sovereigQ if they might be entertained. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 173 not sticking to avow their alienation* of heart from the English government. " In which strait, as long as the king found himself, who loveth to come last out of the gate of mercy, he suffered adders in his hosom, and gave them rtwans to gather strength to his own prejudice ; where now the whole country which they possess wall be made of great use, both for strength and profit to him. " Those poor creatures who knew no kings but thQse petty lords, under the burthen of whose tyranny they have ever groaned, do now, with great applause, desire to be protected by the immediate power, and to receive correction only from himself So as if the council of Spain shall conceive that they have now some great advantage over this state, where it shall appear what a party their king may have if he shall like to support it, there may be this answer : that those Irish, ^uithoutthe ki/ng of Spain, are poor worms upon earth ; and that when the king of Spain shall think it time to begin with Ireland, the king, my master, is more like than ever queen Elizabeth was to find a wholesomer place of the king of Spain's where he would be loath to hear of the English, and to show the Spaniards that shall be sent into Ireland as/a-ir a way as they were taught before. In which time, the more you speak of the base, insult- ing, discoursing fugitives, the more proper it will be for you. " In the meantime, upon their departure, not a man hath moved neither way there this thirty years more universal obedience than there is now. Amongst the rest of their barbarous lies, I doubt not but they wiU pretend protection for religion, and breach of promise with them ; wherein you may safely protest this, that * See Appendix. 174 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF for any of all these that are gone, there never was so jnuch as an offer made to search their consciences. Some little stain the late president of Munster, sir Henry Broncarde, who died some few months since, used upon towns, by imposing fines upon some that re- fused to come to him being sent for, and not simply for not going to church. This I do but touch, because I doubt not but they will disperse slanders enough, which I would willingly you should well provide to answer." Such were the instructions forwarded to James' am- bassador at Madrid, by way of preamble to the procla- mation that was soon to reach him. On comparing both documents, the reader will perceive that they were in perfect harmony with one another — tissues of lies and unj)lushing calumnies. Reckless, however, and malignant as they were, Salisbury was not able to sub- stantiate the charges of treason assigned as the cause of the flight, but would have us believe that the king's conscience — although no one believed his majesty pos- sessed one — was unquestionable evidence of their guilt ! The vapouring about the power of England at that period, if, indeed, Cornwallis had the boldness even to allude to it, must have amused the Spanish king ; for although he was not so mighty as his predecessor, Philip II., he could well afford to treat such threat with scorn. Meanwhile, the proclamation itself found him at his post, and we may presume that he lost no time in exhi- biting it to all those who he fancied would be influenced by its mendacious contents. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. I7l " Prodarriation touching the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel. " Seeing it is common and natural in all persons, of what condition soever, to speak and judge variably of all new and sudden accidents, and that the flight of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, with some others of their fellows, out of the north parts of our realm of Ireland, may happily prove a subject of like discourse ; we have thought it not amiss to deliver some such matter in public as may better clear men's judgments concerning the same, not in respect of any worth or value in these men's persons, being base and rude in their original, but to take away all such inconveniences as may blemish the reputation of that friendship which ought to be mutually observed between us and other princes. " For although it is not unlikely the report of their titles and dignities may draw from princes and states some such courtesies, at their first coming abroad, as are incident to men of extraordinary rank and quality ; yet, when we have taken the best means we can to lay them open in every condition, we shall then expect from our friends and neighbours all such just and noble proceedings as stand with the rules of honour and friendship, and from our subjects, at home and abroad, that duty of obedience, in their carriage toward them, which they owe to us by inseparable bonds and obliga- tions of nature and loyalty, whereof we intend to take strait account. " For which purpose we do hereby, first, declare that these persons above-mentioned had not their creation or possessions in regard of any lineal or lawful descent from ancestors of blood or virtue, but were only pre- 176 FATE AND FORTUNES OF ferred by the late queen, our sister, of famous memory, and by ourselves, for some reasons of state, before others, who, for their quality and birth in these pro- vinces where they dwell, might better have challenged those honours which were conferred upon them. " Secondly, we do profess that it is both known to us and our council here, and to our deputy and state there, and so shall it appear to the world, as clear as the sun, by evident proofs, that the only ground and motive of this high contempt in these men's departure, hath been the private knowledge and inward terror of their own guiltiness. Whereof because we hear that they do seek to take away the blot and infamy by divulging that they have withdrawn themselves for matter of religion — a cloak that serves too much in these days to cover many evil intentions — adding also thereunto some other vain pretexts of receiving injustice when their rights and claims have come in question between them and us, or any of our subjects and them, we think it not imper- tinent to say somewhat thereof. " And, therefore, although we judge it needless to seek for many arguments to confirm whatsoever shall be said of these men's corruption and falsehood, whose heinous offences remain so fresh in memory, since they declared themselves so very monsters in nature, as they did not only withdraw themselves from their personal obedience to their sovereign, but were con- tent to sell over their native country to those that stood at that time in the highest terms of hostility with the two crowns of England and Ireland ; yet, to make the absurdity and ingratitude of the allegation above- mentioned so much the more clear to all men of equal judgment, we do hereby profess, in the word of a king, that there was never so much as any shadow oS moles- tation nor purpose of proceeding in any degree against TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 177 them for matter concerning religion, such being their condition and profession, to think murder no fault, marriage of no use, nor any man worthy to he es- teertied valiant that did not glory in rapine and oppression ; as we should have thought it an unreason- able thing to trouble them for any different point in religion, before any man could perceive by their con- versation that they made truly conscience of any religion. " So we do also, for the second part of their excuse, affirm, that notwithstanding all that they can claim must be acknowledged to proceed from mere grace upon their submission after their great and unnatural treasons, there hath never come any question concerning their rights or possessions wherein we have not been more inclinable to do them favour than to any of their com- petitors, except in those cases wherein we have plainly discerned that their only end was to have made them- selves by degrees more able than now they are to re- sist all lawful authority, when they should return to their vomit again, by usurping a power over other good subjects of ours that dwell among them, better born than they, and utterly disclaiming from any depen- dency upon them. " Having now delivered thus much concerning these men's estates and their proceedings, we will only end with this conclusion, that they shall not be able to deny, whensoever they should dare to present themselves before the seat of justice, that they have, before their running out of our kingdom, not only entered into combination for stirring sedition and intestine rebellion, but have directed divers instruments, as well priests as others, to make offers to foreign states and princes, if they had been as ready to receive them, of their readi- ness and resolution to adhere to them whensoever they N 178 FATE AND FORTUNES OF would seek to invade that kingdom, wherein amongst other things this is not to be forgotten. "That under the condition of being made free from English government, they resolved to comprehend the better extirpation of all those subjects that are now remaining alive within that kingdom, formerly de- scended from the English race. In which practices and propositions, followed and fermented by priests and Jesuits, of whose function in these times the practice and persuasion of subjects to rebel against their sove- reign is one special and essential part and portion, as they have found no such encouragement as they ex- pected and have boasted of, so we do assure ourselves that when this declaration shall be seen and duly weighed with all due circumstances, it will be of force sufficient to disperse and to discredit all such untruths as these contemptible creatures, so full of infidelity and ingratitude, shall disgorge against us and our just and moderate proceeding, and shall procure unto them no better usage than they would wish should be afforded to any such pack of rebels, born their subjects, and bound unto them in so many and so great obligations. "Given at our palace of Westminster, the 15th day of November, in the 5 th year of our reign of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Anno Domini 1607." It is almost superfluous to offer any remarks on this document, since the reader is already aware of the publication of the Act of Uniformity, and the procla- mation of 1605, disallowing that dearest and most indefeasible of all rights — freedom of conscience. Need we repeat that the king and His h3rpocritical subordi- nates had banished, as far as they could do it, the clergy of the people, and commanded the latter, at TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 179 their peril, to present themselves in the polluted cathe- drals and churches, where an alien priesthood and a pseudo-hierarchy taught doctrines unknown to Chris- tendom till the days of Luther and the monster Henry VIII. ? The imputation of base birth and pretended immorality of the fugitive earls and their followers, was literally valueless ; for, in point of genealogy, they were as illustrious as James himself, while their unconquer- able attachment to a religion which enforced strictest observance of the divine law, was an irrefragable proof that they were not what this profligate king dared to represent them. None but himself could have pre- sumed to make such charges, for it was then known to the civilized world that he was addicted to crimes at which "the cities of the plain might blush and tremble ;" and that the orgies of his court, graphically depicted by queen Elizabeth's godson,* shocked even those who shared his revels. This attempt to vilify and disparage the exiles in the estimation of the conti- nental princes, failed signally ; and we need hardly add that James never fulfilled his promise to prove that O'Neill and O'Donel fled because they were involved in a conspiracy, or, as he phrases it, on account of " the inward terror of their own guiltiness^ But while this mendacious proclamation was making the tour of the Continent, and James' ambassadors were ventilating their calumnies from Brussels to Madrid, and thence to Venice, O'Neill, O'Donel, and Maguire were more than consoled by letters from Rome, con- gratulating them on their providential escape from the toils that were spread for them by a crowned pedant and his Irish proconsul It is easy to imagine with what delight they must have been filled when they * See sir John Harington's Nugae Antiquee. 180 FATE AND FORTUNES OF learned that Paul V. sympathised with them, and was prepared to give them shelter in the Eternal City ; for, although every other shut its gate in their faces, Rome was still the sanctuary and home, where the landless and persecuted could find refuge, repose, and protection. Good reason, indeed, had they to lament those ancient territories, where their forefathers, for generations, ruled as sovereign princes, the fields where their childhood was spent, and where, in maturer years, they gave such un- doubted proofs of valour, fighting the battle of faith and country, almost single-handed, against one of the most powerful monarchies in the world ; but lament as they might the loss of all they held dearest, they had comfort in the assurance that the father of the faithful was wil- ling to give them cordial welcome, what day soever they crossed the threshold of the Vatican. Reverting to the panic created in London by the news of the departure of the fugitives, we may not omit to mention that the king, being sorely straitened for money, applied to Bancroft, archbishop of Canterbury, to help him in his need. It was only fair that the supreme head of Protestantism sHould expect consideration at the hands of one of his wealthiest prelates, and we need hardly observe that Bancroft felt it his duty to aid his sovereign at such a crisis. The archbishop, indeed, had it been in his power, would have sent a powerful army to Ireland at his own proper charge ; but as he could not do that, he carried out the king's wishes by levying contributions off sundry of his richest clergy, each of whom, doubtless, looked on every stalwart ca- valier destined for Ireland as an evangelist, helmeted and breastplated to spread the faith in that benighted region. Proclamations against freedom of conscience, and penalties inflicted on recusants for not attending the services of the reformed religion, made no converts ; N TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 181 but who could tell what that last argument of kings — the sword — might not be able to effect among a peo- ple so desperately devoted to the See of Rome ? Such, we may presume, may have been king James' forecast- ings while penning the subjoined to his grace of Can- terbury : — " To the archhishojp of Canterhm^. " Most Reverend Father in God, — It is not un- known, ere this time, to the most of our subjects, by common report, that the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and some others our subjects of good quality* in our realm of Ireland, are fled from our obedience into foreign parts, being all of them persons who having been, in the time of the late queen, of famous memory, in actual re- bellion, to the great trouble of that state and this, were, notwithstanding, at our succession to this crown, upon their submissions, for the quietness of our people, not only pardoned of their grievous offences, but also heaped with many favours ; yet the ingratitude and disloyalty of their natural dispositions being inveterate in them, hath prevailed so far above all benefits, as they have not wanted good will to have broken out into as danger- ous rebellion, and to throw our realm into as great tumult and confusion as in our late sister's time they did, if they had found in foreign princes as much readiness to support them as they had of malicious disposition to enter into open acts of disloyalty ; which being, by the vigilancy of our ministers, discovered, they, out of the guilt of their own consciences, fearing the punishment due to them, have fled into places out of our obedience, where though, we hope, they shall little prevail with any * This contradicts the assertion made by the king in his proclama- tion about base birth, rudeness, &c. 182 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF princes in amity with us, to give aid or countenance to their purposes. Yet providence and care to preserve the quiet of our people requiring at our hands to see our garrisons and company, here entertained, to be so reinforced and increased as may assure the safety of our good and loyal subjects against all disturbances of those which are not well affected, for which purpose we have resolved, as you know, to levy the number of one hundred horse, to be sent into that realm, whereof twenty to be taken upon such persons of the clergy of your province of Canterbury as to you shall be known to be of best ability to bear the charge, not doubting but to find in them as much forwardness and good will to ease us in public charge as they showed to the late queen, seeing we have deserved no less at their hands. Wherefore we require you to make choice, within your province, of twenty persons meet to be taxed with that charge, and to signify our pleasure unto them ; and for that it may be that they are not furnished of horse and armour in such sort as is fit for this service, it shall suffice that they deliver the sum of £25 towards all the charges thereof, the same to be delivered to at or before the day of next coming, which we have taken order shall be disposed for the provision of horse and common and other furniture for that service. And we do expect that herein they will not fail for the respect we know they bear to the furtherance of our service." It was in the interval of their sojourn at Louvain, that the Irish nobles received the letters to which we have already alluded; and we need hardly say that such indubitable proofs of sympathy must have consoled them for the unmerited insults and outrageous slanders un- scrupulously blazoned in the king's proclamation. This TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 183 interesting correspondence, never published till now, shows that O'Neill and O'Donel had friends when they needed them most — true friends, indeed ; for who had better reason to be such than the hierarchs and priests of that religion for which they made willing sacrifice of all that men prize most — hearths and homes, with their endearing associations ? The first of these letters, which wants the super- scription, seems from its purport to have been addressed to some professor in the Irish College of Douay ; and we can easily conceive with what delight he hastened to Louvain, to read it for those whom it mentions with so much warmth. " Yours from the 20th of October I received the 8th of November, and at the reading truly I could not refrain myself from weeping, to hear those lords so banished ; but, on the other part, that I did recreate and comfort in that they escaped the bloody and tyrannous hands of their enemies, which sought their utter overthrow. Presently I showed the letter to my lord primate, who forthwith went to his Holiness, and advertised the same of all, who knew well the matter before ; and when the lord primate told that they should have been taken otherwise, the pope answered that they should not only have been taken, but also lost their heads. His Holiness is most glad of their safe arrival, and my lord primate most ready to employ himself and all his endeavours for them, if they did pass this way for Spain. " It had been most honorable and profitable for our country, for they should be as well accepted and wel- come hither as any princes that came these many years to this court ; but it were good their coming should not be made known, but only to their friends. If they be 184 FATE AND FORTUNES OF resolved to come this way, let us know it long before, for his Holiness will cause them to be well accepted, both in the ecclesiastical dominions, and also by other princes in Italy, and also his Holiness, I hope, will help them well to their purpose. I do not write unto any of them at this present, but I pray your reverence to salute them and bid them welcome in my name ; and seeing I have no more but myself, I do offer mine own service to them during life, for truly there is no danger nor travail that could interrupt me from their service, and there- fore let them employ me as they will. If they come to Italy, I do think it most fit that your reverence, in the name of themselves, do require my lord primate to send me to meet them to Milan or Bolonia, that before they come hither they should the more know of the state and circumstances of matters here. You wished me in your last letter not to remove here hence until you did further advertise me, the which I will do, but I pray advertise me as soon as you may, for T have no means to continue here any further. I know well there is no place in the world where our country hath more need to have one trusty man to deal in the matters of the country than this place, and if I could get any main- tenance, I would be contented to stay here until those lords hath need of me elsewhere ; but there is nothing that can keep me from serving them, for to serve them in their actions I hold for certain is not to serve men, but rather to serve God Almighty and the Catholic Roman Church. I will stay until your reverence do advertise me further, and, in the meantime, commend me most heartily unto those noble men. "The general is come, and as for such things you committed to me, you shall hear further by the next. Indulgence for your college I will procure for St. Patrick's, St. Malachias, and St. Brigida, and for the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 185 rest of your business I do faithfully promise that solici- tation and diligence quantum in me est will not fail. I do most heartily commend me unto Matthew Tnllie * unto whom all our country is bound for ever for this his attempt. God keep these lords, and direct them in all their actions, to the glory of his divine majesty, increase of the Catholic Church, and salvation of their own souls ; for the which we all here will not cease to pray. Thus, with my most hearty commendations to my lord Henry, both the doctors, F. Cusack and Fran. Huge, I rest. " Rome, the 10th of November, 1607. "Yours at command, "Daniel O'Carrol." The second was from the archbishop of Armagh ; and the chivalrous Cuconnaught, to whom it was addressed, must have rejoiced while he perused the felicitations bestowed on him by the exiled successor of the apostle of Ireland. " The archbishop of Armxigh to the lord Macguyre. " Honorable lord, — Your dexteritie and industrye in compassing so worthye a worcke as to bring out of eminent danger such a noble companye as I understand to be saulflye landed in France, and are now, I trust, come to Flanders, as it is acceptable to God, gratefull to all good men, soe I trust, that by the omnipotent God, whoe hetherto hath soe prosperouslye directed the same, it is ordained for the great good of our afflicted countrye and nation. In which respect I doe most hartlye thank you for the same, and doe offer my * O'Donel's secretary. 186 FATE AND FORTUNES OF searvice, whear I shall be able either here or elsewhear to further your godlye interprises and indevors. Whear- with commending you to the tuicion of God, I end with most hartye commendations. Rome, this 10th of November, a<^ 1607. " Your assured friend and seruant in Christ, "Peter Lombard, " Archbyshoppe of Ardmach, Primate of Ireland. /' To my lord Macguyre." The third, from the same hand, was addressed to Rory O'Donel ; and the reader will observe that the primate styles him after the Gaelic fashion, and not according to his English title. Ah, how his heart must have throbbed as he read the pathetic allusion to his brave brother. Red Hugh, then sleeping his last sleep in the cloister of the Franciscan convent of Yalladolid ! The primate archbishop of Armagh to the lord O'Donel. "Right honorable lord, — Althoughe knowing th' extremitye of the calamities in our afflicted countrye to be such as your honor, your brother, your sister, your little babye, whom God, together with you all blesse, hath been driuen for your securitie to come awaye, I find my self much greved and afflicted, yett understand- ing of your saulf arrivall, which, by this I trust, is in the cuntryes of your surest friendes and furtherers, and hoping that God Almightie of his goodnes will turne this your dangerous ioumey and great travailes to the great good of the said oppressed cuntrye, I doe hereby receave some comfort and solace. " By your honorable brother a worthye enterprise TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 187 was begonne for the maintening and restoring of the Catholicke religion, who, being receaved to etemall glory e, whear his prayers are of greater efficacye with the Lord of heaven than his forces were vppon the earth, I trust th' accomplishing of the said enterprise is researued and appointed for you by the grace of God. Wherein offer- ing my seruice boath here and else whersoeuer, I end comending you and your companye to God his protec- tion, with my comendations to them all. " Rome, this 10th of Novembre, 1607.- " Your assured friend and seruant in Christ, " Peter Lombard, " Archbisshoppe of Ardmach, primate of Irland/' " To my L. O'Donel." But by far the amplest and most acceptable of all, was that which primate Lombard directed to father Florence Conry; for it gave the exiled nobles indubi- table assurance that a home awaited them the moment they passed the Flaminian gate. " The archbishop of Armagh to father Florerice Conry. " Right reverend father, — Your letter, written the 20th of October, I could not read without tears ; which, partly sorrow, partly joy, provoked — sorrow, consider- ing the calamities of our afflicted country, come to that height and weight, that such noble peers and pillars, whereby so many were sustained, are forced to fly there hence for the safety of their lives ; joy, receiving so good tidings as that they, being driven in such sort 188 FATE AND FORTUNES OF to shift for themselves, are arrived safely upon Catholic ground, for the which God be thanked and glorified. " Presently, upon the receipt of the letter, I went to impart the news unto his Holiness, who told me he received them before, as I think, out of France, and communicated more unto me than they contained, partly of the danger wherein my lord O'Neill, and, con- sequently, his company stood, and partly of the honor- able usage showed by the French king in keeping them harmless since they landed upon his ground. " His Holiness, I doubt not, will show all fatherly favour and furtherance towards them in all occasions pretended or to be presented ; whereof, therefore, I wish to be advertised, that I may serve them to my possibility, which to do I am so ready and resolute, that if it may stand them to stead, I myself do ac- company them wheresoever they go; they may com- mand it. " Touching my nephew, as I wrote before, in answer- ing another letter of yours, so do I now repeat, it is not expedient by any means he come hither. I understood he was brought thither with intention that he should teach a course of philosophy, wherein, if he were em- ployed, or be yet, I think it shall be a good mean to quiet and settle him. He wisheth to have a dispen- sation to be priested, being otherwise within age ; but I doubt whether your order hath not a privilege to present of that age wherein he is. And, therefore, I wish hereof to be advertised by your reverence, and to know your judgment in this matter, that according there- unto it may be disposed. "All letters that shall be sent unto me, touching these noble men come over, must be carefully and warefully delivered, and such care and wariness used in TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 189 reclaiming my letters. The which, together with my- self, I commend unto you. "Eome, this 10th of November, 1607. " Your reverence's very friend, " Peter Lombard, " Archbishop of Armagh, primate of Ireland."* These letters show that the writers did not know for certain whither the exiles meant to go, but we can collect from them that they thought that Spain was their ultimate destination. Meanwhile, however, Corn- wallis' intrigue at the court of Madrid, of which Lom- bard was ignorant, worked so effectually on the Spanish prime minister, that he wrote to the archdukes it would be more advisable for the Irish nobles to proceed to Rome. The letter containing this suggestion did not reach Brussels, as we shall see, till a month had elapsed after it was written. At last, on Simday, 25th November, 1607, O'Neill, O'Donel, with sundry of their followers, numbering in all thirty individuals, set out with the intention of going to Spain. The journey was to be performed on horseback, and they were well provided with waggons for their baggage. Having left Louvain at daybreak they reached Namur the same night, when they were overtaken by a courier from the archdukes, who re- quested them to retrace their steps without delay. " This," says O'Keenan, " alarmed us all, the more so as the country was then swarming with marauders belonging to the army of prince Maurice of Nassau, the friend of king James. Not knowing what might * Irish Correspondence, S. P. 0. , London. 190 FATE AND FORTUNES OF befall us, we looked to our arms, and prepared ourselves for the worst." On Thursday, the 29th, they once more entered Louvain, and were made aware of the contents of the Spanish minister's letter. " This," continues O'Keenan, " was a bitter disappointment, to which we had to resign ourselves." It was a gratification, how- ever, to king James, for Cornwallis wrote to him that " the Irish were stayed in the Low Countries, and from thence should go to Rome, whence they proposed proceed- ing to Spain." " I am assured," adds the ambassador, "that they shall have no abiding place here (in Spain), nor with the pope, who showeth great affection to the king my master. The archdukes may suffer them to stay a while in their countries for charity's sake, pay- ing for the bread they eat withal." There was some truth in this despatch, but the pope's affection for the head of the English church was the ambassador's invention — one of the many lies which it was his duty to circulate for his country's benefit. It was on their return to Louvain that the Irish heard of the execu- tion of Brian Mac Art, for whom, as we have seen, O'Neill was so deeply interested. Their original plan having been thus unexpectedly deranged, they resolved to remain at Louvain some months, as the winter was intensely severe — the low-lying lands and the Dyle being inundated and frozen. The generous townsfolk were delighted at learning this, nor did they lose any opportunity of showing them the most signal kindness. When Christ- mas came the burgomeister and the chief citizens waited on O'Neill, and according to custom paid him and O'Donel all the usual compliments, making them presents, and sending minstrels to perform in their resi- dences. Surely the kind Louvainists deserved well of our Irish nobles ! TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 191 It was at this period that O'Neill and O'Donel resolved to send to king James an ample justification of their conduct in leaving Ireland, and a statement of the vexations and injustices they had to endure from his majesty's Irish government, which left them no peace, but rather made their lives miserable beyond bearing. Indeed, their principal aim was to show the king that, far from plotting against his crown, the action of his representatives in Ireland, ever since the hour of their submission, was a deeply -laid conspiracy, to either drive them into rebellion or out of their unhappy homes. These important documents, never pub- lished till now, were drawn up and forwarded to Eng- land in the month of December. Before submitting them to the reader, we may observe that neither O'NeiU nor O'Donel condescended any reply to the false charges of treason made in the king's proclama- tion, or to the still more mendacious assertions regard- ing their birth and immoralities. They took higher ground ; and although, as men and Christians, they must have keenly felt such insults — all the more painful since proceeding from hypocritical vice and presumptuous incapacity — they determined to treat them with dignified silence. Nor will it be out of place to remark, that Leland and doctor Curry* were greatly mistaken when they asserted that the earls left no memorial in vindication of their conduct — the latter, strangely enough, insinuating that they were either incapable of drawing up such, or too necessitous and desponding to do more than make an oral repre- sentation of their sufferings at foreign courts. Like the generality of those who manipulate Irish history out of printed books, neither of these authors ever * See Review of the Civil Wars io IrelaDd, vol. i. p. 85. 192 FATE AND FORTUNES OF sought information, on this subject where they could have found it, — among the contemporary documents in that great depository, the London Public "Record Office. With these preliminary remarks, we now place before our readers the categorical narrative of the oppressions and bitter wrongs which the earls them- selves dictated, and which has hitherto lain un- published among " the old historic rolls." " Articles exhibited by the earl of Tyrone to the king's most excellent majesty, declaring certain causes of discontent offered him, by which he took occasion to depart his country. " 1. First: That it was by public authority proclaimed in his manor of Dungannon, that none should hear Mass upon pain of losing his goods and imprisonment, and that no curate or ecclesiastical person should enjoy any cure or dignity without swearing the oath of supremacy, and entering to the chapters or congregations of those that professed the contrary religion; and that those that refused so to do were actually deprived of their benefices and dignities, as by the lord deputy's answer given upon a petition exhibited by the earl in that be- half may appear, as also by the lord primate of Ireland, that put the same in execution in the earl's country daily. " 2. Item : By the procurement of the earl of Devon- shire, the lord lieutenant of Ireland, there was taken from the earl two parcels of his land, formerly held and enjoyed by himself and his ancestors, time out of mind, called the Fews, and sir Henry Oge's country, and that passed to sir Tirlough M' Henry and the said sir Henry Oge O'Neill, knights. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 193 " 3. Item : There was threescore cows taken from him and his, that he and his ancestors had yearly of ancient rent out of sir Cahir O'Dogherty's country, called Innisowen, never before your majesty's reign brought to any question. "4. Item: The said lord lieutenant did take from him all the fishings of the Bann, in like manner en- joyed and possessed by the earl and his ancestors, which the earl, to avoid the trouble of the law, was forced to purchase again, as though he had never before any title thereunto. " 5. Item : There hath been also certain other parcels of the earl's land taken from him by false offices, taken without the earl's privity, under colour of church lands, a thing never in any man's memory heard of before ; and the same lands passed to sir George Carey, knight, the queen's majesty's vice-chamberlain, and by him again to sir Henry Docwra, knight, and by the said sir Henry to sir John Sidney, knight, and to one cap- tain Henry Yaughan, together with certain other par- cels of the earl's lands ; and his fishing oi Lough Foyle by him in like manner compassed, which also the earl was forced to purchase at the new, rather than be at continual suits of law, where he saw he could have no indifferency of justice. " 6. Item : One Robert Leicester,* an attorney in the Chancery, got by some such practice certain other par- cels of the earl's land, and the same did pass over to captain Edmond Leigh. So as any captain or clerk that wanted means, and had no other means or device to live, might bring the earl in trouble for some part or * Leicester got, by king's letter, 12th July, 1603, for his services, the site of the late dissolved house of the Carmelites at Kilcormack, the village of Kilduff, with all the lands thereunto belonging, in the King's county. — Erck. O 194} FATE AND FOETUNES OP parcel of his living, falsely inventing the same to be concealed or church land, and so under colour, by such ofl&ces, to serve the king's majesty, did daily trouble and molest his highness' subjects, and are thereunto maintained by the state as his ministers ; and yet are commonly found by these courses, in the end, to do all for their own private profit and personal commodity. " 7. Item : The archbishop of Armagh and bishop of Derry and Clogher did pretend to take from the earl the best part of his whole living, claiming the same to be appertaining to their bishoprics, which was never moved by any other predecessors before, other than that they had some chiefry due to them in most part of all his living, and would now have the whole land to themselves as their demesne lands, and will not be content with the benefit of their ancient registers, which the earl always offered and was willing to give without further question. " 8. Item : O'Cahan, one of the chiefest and principal- est of the earl's tenants, was set on by certain of his majesty's privy council, as also by his highness' coun- sel-at-law, to withdraw himself and the lands called Iraght-I-Cahan from the earl, being a great substance of his living, and the only part thereof that he and his ancestors did always hold themselves most. Notwith- standing that, the said O'Cahan did, at his own house, before the lord deputy and council, being by them in that qase deeply examined, renounce to have any title or right to the said land, or any part thereof, other than by the earl and his ancestors, and without any farther trial or colour of right that ever he could show for himself, other than that he and his predecessors did from time to time hold the same from the earl and his ancestors as tenants at will, yielding and paying to them yearly all such rents, dues, and reservations as TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 195 others of their tenants did. The earl was quite dis- possessed, by order from the council- table, of the two parts of the said land, and a warrant given to O'Cahan to take his charges in following the suit against the earl from his tenants of the other third part left to the earl ; whereat the earl, being somewhat aggrieved, read his complaint to the lord deputy and council thereof, who, after long debate, perceiving the wrong, their lordships did refer the re-examination of the cause to sir Thomas Phillips and sir George Paulet, knights, and they finding O'Cahan's former suggestion to be false to order the matter according to justice, where, upon full hearing of the cause and examining of wit- nesses of both sides, they found O'Cahan to be in the WTong, and did therefore decide that he should not only cease farther to demand anything of the earl's said tenants of that third part, but that he should also restore unto them what he had already taken from them, and that the sheriff should put the same in execution, whereof the earl could have no benefit, after that he was at infinite charges of getting witnesses and follow- ing the same suit. Thereupon he again appealed to the lord deputy, and showed him the same order of the knights and the council's warrant to undertake the mat- ter; and all that notwithstanding he could prevail nothing, and had no answer from the deputy but that he knew no means else that O'Cahan had either to pay the treasurer who lent him money in Dublin to follow his suit against the earl, or to bring him to England, there also to trouble him but by that or some such means. So as, after all the earl's labour, travail, and charges, O'Cahan had his order fully executed, and the earl no benefit of his. And further, the earl did perceive by sir John Davys, his majesty's attorney's speech before the council-table, that it was fully intended and 196 FATE AND FORTUNES OF resolved amongst them that he should lose the other third part ; when he said, in plain terms, that he would never serve the king if I had not lost all that land of Iraght-I-Cahan, and much more of that I hold and thought myself most assured of; and to maintain his word in that behalf, the said sir John Davys, and the rest of his majesty's counsel-at-law, did likewise make claim in his majesty's behalf to four other parcels of the earl's lands, called Glenconkeine, Killitragh, Slieve- shiose, and Slught-Art, being the only substance of all that was left the earl, and did begin their suit for the same in the Exchequer the last Trinity term ; so as, in fine, he could not perceive how he might assure himself of anything by the letters-patent that he had from his majesty. Thereupon, understanding that his highness granted a commission for receiving surrenders, together with authority to amend all faults and intri- cate defects in any former patents, he exhibited petition to the lord deputy, and the rest joined with him for the purpose, humbly proffering a surrender of his old patent, and craving a new, with amendment of all defects in the former ; whereof, although the same was a general favour granted by his majesty to all his subjects of the whole realm, the earl could have no answer. " 9. Item : The earl brought a suit against sir Henry Oge O'Neill, knight, in the King's Bench, for a parcel of land called Tohrannie, which his majesty's grant to the said sir Henry did not bear, which suit came to an issue the last Trinity term, that the same should be, with the consent of both parties, tried by due Nisi Prius, and thereupon an order drawn, and writs of dis- tringas and venire facias issued, and that the earl paid all charges and fees thereunto belonging, according to the common course of the court ; that, notwithstanding, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 197 the lord deputy and chancellor did, contrary to the due course of law, command the same should be again stayed, by which means the earl's proceedings were letted, and he abridged of the benefit of his majesty's laws, and hindered of the possession of his lauds ; and yet any man, of what degree soever, obtained the extremity of the law with favour against him in any suit. " 10. Item : Where it pleased his majesty to allow the earl to be lieutenant of his country, yet had he no more command there than his boy, since the worst man that did belong to the sheriff could command more than he, and that as well within the earl's own house as abroad in the country ; for if any one that they had had any- thing to say unto were within the earl's house, they would not attend his coming out, but even burst open the doors of his house to bring him out, and never do the earl so much honour in any respect as once to acquaint him therewith, or send to himself for the party, though he had been within the house when they would attempt these things. And if any of the earl's officers would, by his direction, order or execute any matter betwixt his own tenants, with their own mutual consents, they would be driven not only to restore the same again, but also be first amerced by the sheriff, and after indicted as felons, and so brought to their trial for their lives for the same ; so as the earl, in the end, could scarce get any of his servants that would undertake to levy his rents. "11. Item: Where there is a statute by the laws of Ireland, that no one should be sheriffs of any county but such as should be dwellers within the same county, and of good worth by yearly revenue therein, and withal to be elected by the nobility and chief gentlemen of the same county; yet, notwithstanding, the lord .deputy did appoint gentlemen of other counties, and 19 S FATE AND FORTLFNES OF not elected as aforesaid, sheriffs of the counties of Tyrone and Armagh, as captain Edmond Leigh, being not elected, and one Marmaduke Whitechiirch, dwelling in the county of Louth, and withal they being both retainers and very dear friends to the late knight- marshal [Bagenal], who was the only man that urged the earl to his last troubles ; and, no doubt, any that did ever belong unto him, will be ready to do the earl all the mischief they can devise by all practices possible, as they in their oiB&ces did daily show to the earl and his tenants, both by word and deed, whereof the earl did efstoons complain to the lord deputy, and could get no redress, but did rather fare the worse for his com- plaints, in respect they were so little regarded. " 12. Item : The earl, understanding that there hath been earnest suit made to his majesty for the president- ship of Ulster, made bold to write to his majesty, humbly beseeching that his highness would be pleased not to grant any such office to any over himself, suspecting it should be his overthrow, as by plain experience he knew the like office to be the utter overthrow of others of his rank in other provinces within the realm of Ireland in his own knowledge, and did, in like manner, write to his friends of his highness' council in England, to make means that his suit might be accepted in that behalf, and, among the rest, to his very good lord the earl of Salisbury, that he would vouchsafe to be assistant to him in that proceeding, who replied, as by his letters may appear, that 'the earl was not to tie his majesty to place or displace officers at his [the earl's] pleasure in any of his [majesty's] kingdoms ' — which was never the earl's meaning ; yet did he plainly perceive by that his lordship's letter that his suit in that case was merely vain, as it fell out indeed ; for that office is passed already to sir Arthur Chichester, knight, now TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 199 lord deputy of Ireland, as the earl did credibly under- stand by captain Edmond Leigh and others of the lord deputy's gentlemen, that he did meet at Slane, the 8th of September last, the deputy being there, which the earl knew right well to be the earl of Salisbury's doings, and did in very deed much fear that it should grow to his destruction without your majesty's privity. There- fore, and rather than live under the like yoke, perceiv- ing himself so envied by those that should be his pro- tectors, and considering the misery he saw sustained by others through the oppression of the like government, would sooner pass all to himself than abide it ; yet all that notwithstanding, as well fearing further to incur any their displeasures, as for that he could receive no answer of any former complaints which he preferred to his majesty, he never durst acquaint his highness with any of his griefs. " 13. Item : Whereas the earl's nephew, Brian Mac Art, hath been at sir Tirlough Mac Henry's house, having two men in his company, and being in some merry humour, there happened some speech betwixt him and a kinsman of his own, who, on the speech, gave the earl's nephew a blow of a club on the head, ancj tumbled him to the ground, whereupon one of his men standing by, and seeing his master down, did step up with the fellow, and gave him some three or four stabs of a knife, having no other weapon, and the master himself, as it was said, gave him another, through which means the man came to his death ; and thereupon the earl's nephew and his two men were taken, and kept in prison till the next sessions holden in the county of Armagh, where his men were tried by a jury, chosen for that pur- pose, of four innocent and mere ignorant people, having little or no substance to take unto, most of them being bare soldiers, and not fit, as well by the institution of 200 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the law in matters of that kind, as also through their own insufficiency, to be permitted or elected to the like charge, and the rest, foster-brethren, followers, and very- dear friends to the party slain, that would not spare to spend their lives and goods to revenge his death ; yet, all that notwithstanding, were they allowed, and the trial of those two gentlemen committed to them, through which means, and the rigorous threatening and earnest enticements of the judges, being so charged by a letter from the lord deputy, as the earl did credibly under- stand, they most shamefully condemned to die, and the jury in a manner forced to find the matter murder in each of them, and that not so much for their own offences, as thinking to make it an evidence against the master when he should come to his trial, who was in prison in the castle of Dublin, attending to be tried the last Michaelmas term, whose death, were it right or wrong, was much desired by the lord deputy. "14. Item : The earl did give his daughter in marriage to O'Cahan, without any kind of exception or interrup- tion of any, and did give a portion of goods with her ; and they lived so together without any question for the space of eight years, till that the said O'Cahan was set on to withdraw himself from the earl ; at which time he also, by the procurement of his setters on, did turn the earl's daughter away, and kept the goods to himself, and took another to his wife ; whereof the earl did complain to the lord deputy in his daughter's behalf, whereunto he replied that he knew no way O'Cahan had to pay her ;* whereupon the earl exhibited petition to the lords justices of assize at Dungannon in her behalf, to whom he esteemed the same to be proper. But when the matter came to hearing, O'Cahan showed a warrant from * That is, to restore her dowry or maintain her. TTKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 201 the lord deputy, that they should not determine that matter, but that it should be decided by the lord bishop of the Derry, who was himself the chief author of her putting away, and therefore, in all men's judgments, no indifferent judge in that case; through which means the earl's suit in that cause was frustrated, and could get no manner of justice therein no more than he obtained in many other weighty matters that concerned him, too tedious at the present to be rehearsed. " 15. Item : The lord deputy, farther to trouble the earl, did procure one Henry Oge O'Neill, one Henry MacFelymye, and others his confederates, to go out as a woodkerne, only to rob and spoil the earl and his nephew, Brian Mac Art, and their tenants, as the said Henry did efstoons certify to the earl by messages, affirming that he would never do the earl nor any that belonged to him any hurt, but that the deputy enticed him thereunto ; who committed many murders, burn- ings, and other mischievous acts against the earl's tenants, and were always maintained and manifestly relieved amongst the deputy's tenants and others their friends in Clandeboye, and did openly sell the spoils that they took from the earl's tenants amongst them ; and yet could the earl never get any justice of them nor of those that so relieved them ; and they continued so for the space of two years, doing many outrageous facts against the earl's tenants, till, at length, they happened to murder one of the deputy's own tenants, whereupon they were fain to forego that country, for that the deputy took some care then to see them prosecuted for that fact, through which means, and that they were put from that their refuge, the earl, within one-quarter of a year after, did cut them all off; yet the lord deputy, not being thereat satisfied, further to have his will of the earl's tenants, did seek to bring them within the 202 FATE AND FORTUNES OF compass of the law, and thereby— seeing that he could not by these sinister means prevail against them — did fairly seek to cut them off, and to that end did protect one of the said rebels, a poor rascally knave, and brought him to Dublin, where he persuaded him to accuse above threescore of the earl's tenants that they should relieve the said rebels with meat, which, God knows, they little minded, if they had not taken it from them perforce, as they did indeed from divers of them that were not able to make any resistance against them, and withal did kill their cattle in the fields, and leave them dead there, being not of power to carry them away ; burnt their houses, took what they could of their household stuff, killed and mangled them- selves ; and yet were they, upon the report of that poor knave, who was himself foremost in doing these mischiefs, all taken and brought to their trial by law, where they were, through their innocency in the matters laid to their charge, acquitted to their no small costs ; so as betwixt the professed enemy and the private envy of our governors, seeking thereby to advance themselves, there was no way left for the poor subject to live. "16. Item : The said wood kerne did meet one Joise Everard, a Dutchman that belonged to the deputy, by the way, coming from Carrickfergus to Toome, in the county of Antrim, whom they took prisoner, and kept till he compounded to have given them £30 ransom, for which £30 the deputy did cess threescore upon the county, and appointed the one-half thereof to be taken from the earl's tenants, being of another county, and at least twelve miles distant from the place where he was taken and kept, and themselves being daily killed and spoiled by the said woodkerne, and never no redress had to them from those that were well known to have TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 203 relieved them from time to time ; and a warrant directed to sir Thomas Phillips for levying the same, who sent his soldiers upon the earl's tenants to take up the same, and without any farther reasoning of the matter or showing any authority, did take and distress for the whole £30 in one place, and from two men, and marched away therewith. The poor people, thinking it had been the woodkerne that gave the alarm, as efstoons they did follow, and raised the hue and cry; where- upon certain men that the earl had entertained, by warrant from the deputy, to prosecute the said rebels, hearing the cry in the country made before upon a streight* that the rebels were accustomed to pass, and did meet the soldiers there coming with the distress, and perceiving them to be soldiers, drew near and began to reason with them, and learn why they took the distress, and asked a sight of their warrant ; whereupon the soldiers, scorning to show them their warrant, did give them a volley of shot, and killed one of them, and went away with the distress and a prisoner, and kept him till he was forced to give them £5 ; whereof the earl complained to the lord deputy, and could find no redress, but that the lord deputy persuaded him by air speeches to forego the matter to sir Thomas Phillips, whereunto the earl, seeing he could not otherwise amend himself, did assent, and so lost his man and money, and the money itself is still with one captain Cloter- worthey,-f* and not restored. * Pass. t L. Clotworthy was appointed "licenser of vessels" fishing on the coast of Ireland, with power to execute a statute of Edward IV. , which enacted that no vessel should go fishing among the king's Irish enemies without special licence of the deputy, "as the king's Irish enemies were advanced and strengthened as well in victuals, harness, armour, money, &c., to their augmentation and power against the king." All vessels of twelve tons coming to Ireland a-fishing, 204 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " 17. Item : Certain of the soldiers of the Derry, in the time of sir George Carey's government, passing through the country, went to a village of the earl's that was near the way, where they met a kinsman of the earl's, and presently, without any speech, one of the soldiers shot him through, and killed him dead; whereof the earl could never have redress, not so much as to punish the soldier. " 18. Item : The said soldiers of Derry went another time in pursuit of a prisoner that made an escape out of the city, and went that night to a farm of the earl's, where they had the best entertainment that the poor people had; and the next morning, upon their goingaway, one of them did shoot at one of the townsmen with. poell shot and broke his arm, and hurt him in sundry parts of his body, so that he fell to the ground ; and his neighbours, supposing he had been dead, did pursue the soldier to have taken him, he being a good way behind his company, but the soldier, to make the better shift, left his arms, which the poor men took, and let him go, and went personally to the high constable of the shire, and delivered him the arms, and went them- selves and the hurt man to the Derry, to complain of the soldiers to the governor, where they were all taken and put in a pair of stocks all night, under frost and snow, which was like to cost them their lives, and specially the hurt man, who was never dressed of his wounds ; and that only for taking the soldier's piece that did the fact, after that he had cast it away himself, and never a word spoken to them for killing the king's subject. were to pay the king for maintenance of his wars there 13s. 4d. yearly. For many interesting particulars regarding the Clotworthy family, see Dr. French's Sale and Settlement of Ireland. Dublin : J. Duffy. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 205 " 19. Item : Sir Henry Folliott * knight, governor of Bally shannon, did come upon some of the earl's tenants with force and arms, the second year of his majesty's reign, and did take forcibly from them above 200 cows, and killed a good gentleman, besides many other poor men, women, and children ; and besides that, there died of them above 100 persons with very famine, for want of their goods ; whereof the earl never had redress, al- though the said sir Henry could show no reasonable cause for doing the same. " 20. Item : The earl did farther perceive the lord deputy very desirous and earnest to aggravate and search out matters against him, touching the staining of his honour and dignity, and specially did very distinctly examine Maguire, and did use many persuasions unto him, to signify if he might lay any matters to his charge, all which were fetches,-(- thinking as he first obtained to be lord president of Ulster, then, secondly, to come upon the earl with some forged treason, and thereby to bereave him both of his life and living ; and the better to compass his pretence therein, did place that whispering companion, captain Leigh,J as sheriff in * He was one of the commissioners named for making shires, 3 James I. In the following year he had extensive grants in the counties of Dublin, Donegal, Fermanagh, Leitrim, and Sligo, with the abbey-lands of Ballyshannou, and liberty to take salmon at all times in the year when salmon should be taken in the river Erne, together with the town and castle of Ballyshannou, &c., &c. He com- manded a regiment at Kinsale, and was raised to the peerage of Ireland, as baron FoUiot of Bally shannon, in 1619. The title became extinct in 1716. t Schemes. X By indenture, 1st of April, 2 James I., sir Ralph Bingley, of Derry, assigned to captain Edmond Leigb, his heirs, &c., the manor of Grange, adjoining to the river of Lough Foyle, with all the mea- dows, woods, fishings, &c,, thereto belonging — parcels of the late abbey of Derry, cUias Columbkille. — Erck's Rep. 206 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the country, not so much for doing his majesty's service, as to be lurking after the earl, to spy if he might have any hole in his coat, which the earl little feared had he been assured of any indifferent judge. But seeing that the lord deputy, who should be indifferent, not only to him but to the whole realm, having the rod in his own power, did seek his destruction, esteemed it a strife against the stream for him to seek to live secure in that kingdom ; and, therefore, of both the evils did choose the least, and thought better rather to forego his country and lands, till he had further known your majesty's pleasure, upon perusal of the causes of his griefs, which he little durst, while he lived within the compass of the said governor's jurisdiction, once move to your high- ness, and make an honorable escape, with his life and liberty only, than by staying, with dishonour and indig- nation, to lose both life, liberty, living, and country, which he much in very deed feared. " To conclude, most dread sovereign, besides what in- solencies, wrongs, personal injuries, injustices, severe persecution in matters of religion, and severer in- tended, as in the above articles is specified, he doth omit many others done unto him by under-officers, of which he durst not complain during his being in Ireland ; as of sir John Davys, your majesty's attorney- general, a man more fit to be a stage-player than a counsel to your highness, who gave the earl very irreve- rent speech before the council-table, which being by the council permitted, the earl said that he would ap- peal to your majesty, whereunto he replied, that he was right glad thereof, and that he thereby expected to achieve to honour ; and in like manner, one Mr. Jacob,* * This man married "a sailor's widow " of Southampton, who ob- tained for him the solicitor-generalship of Ireland. He used to play away the year's salary in a single evening. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 207 your highness' solicitor, one not much inferior to the other in ' blabbeling/ did no less prefer very hard and dishonorable speech to the earl, which also he showed to the lord deputy, and could have no kind of redress thereof; not that only, right renowned, but there have been many other abuses ' offered ' him by other inferior ofi&cers, and other of your majesty's ministers, tending to the deprivation of his honour and authority, that might be sufficient causes to provoke any human crea- ture not only to forego a country, were it ever so dear unto him, but also the whole world, to eschew the like government, which he thinks too tedious at the present to trouble your majesty withal, and did also omit them, not doubting but these shall suffice to satisfy your high- ness. And so referring himself, and the due considera- tion of these and all other his causes, to your majesty's most royal and princely censure, as his only protector and defender against all his adversaries, he most humbly taketh his leave, and will always, as his bounden duty, pray." A note or brief collection of the several exactions, wrongs, and grievances, as well. spiHtual as tem- poral, wherewith the earl of Tyrconnel particularly doth find himself grieved and abused by the king's law ministers in Ireland, from the first year of his majesty's reign until this present year of 1607 : to be presented unto the king's most excellent majesty. "1. In primis : All the priests and religious persons dwelling within the said earl's territories, were daily pursued and persecuted by his majesty's officers. " 2. Item : Sir Arthur Chichester, now lord deputy of Ireland, told the earl, sitting at the said lord deputy's 208 FATE AND FORTUNES OF table, in the presence of divers noblemen and gentle- men, that the said earl must resolve to go to church, or else he should be forced to go thereto ; which menacing speech, proceeding in open audience from the governor of the realm, contrary to the former toleration that the said earl and his household until then enjoyed, wrought that impression in the earl's heart, that for this only respect of not going to church, he resolved rather to abandon lands and living, yea., all the king- doms of the earth, with the loss of his life, than to be forced utterly against his conscience and the utter ruin of his soul to any such practice. " 3. Item : The first year after the lord lieutenant's* going into England, sir George Carey being then lord deputy, there were by the commanders of the king's forces at Lifford, namely, captain Nicholas Pinnarf- and captain Basil Brook,J who were under sir Henry Docwra's command, from the earl's tenants there, taken the number of 150 cows, besides as many sheep and swine as they pleased ; wherewith they were not satisfied, but most tyrannically stripped a hundred persons of all their apparel, all which the said earl showed in humble wise to the lord deputy, and as yet could have no remedy. " 4. Item : The same year after the earl's going into England, there were, by the garrisons of Lough Foyle and Bally shannon, four hundred cows, for the victualling * Mount joy. t Author of the Survey of Ulster, 1619. X He was knighted by sir A. Chichester, 1606. In 1610 he got a grant of the castle of Donegal, together with one hundred acres of land, and the fishings, customs, and duties extending along the river Esk, from the castle to the sea. He died 1G23, and his estates devolved to the Yoimgs of Lough Esk, who assumed the name of Brook by royal sign-manual, 1830. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 209 of the soldiers, taken from the earl's tenants, concerning the satisfaction whereof there were letters written to the said lord deputy, in the earl's behalf, by the council of England, requiring him to give the earl payment in English money for the same, the which he could not have. " 5. Item : At the earl's arrival before the king, ex- pecting of his majesty a patent of all such lands and hereditaments as his ancestors had held, according to the promise passed unto him by his majesty's said lieu- tenant, of all these lands following, together with the homages, rents, and duties accustomed to be paid unto the earl's predecessors in the several territories and countries of Shgo, Tirawly, Moylurg, Dartry, in Fer- managh, and sir Cahir O'Doherty's country, and all sir Nial O'Donel's lands, yet were they excepted and kept from him, together with the castle of Ballyshannon, and one thousand acres of land, and the whole salmon fishing of the river of Erne, which is found to be worth eight hundred pounds a year, the same castle being one of the earl's chiefest mansion houses. " 6. Item : Notwithstanding that Lifford was not in any sort excepted out of the said patent, as evidently appeared, insomuch that the council of England, by their letters, dated in the years 1605 and 1607, finding no just title or cause to the contrary, required the lord deputy to remove all the garrisons in Tyrconnel, and specially the garrison of Lifford, and to deliver posses- sion thereof unto the earl ; yet, in consideration of the said letter, the earl's urgent necessity of same dwelling- house, and the former things excepted, they adjoined four thousand acres of the best land unto the garrison, and kept it for his highness' use, and withal a house in Derry, with all ancient duties thereunto belonging, which was never excepted in the said patent. p 210 FATE AND FOETUNES OF " 7. Item : The next Michaelmas after the king's coro- nation, when the earl arrived in Ireland with the king's letter to have his patent passed, the said lord deputy would not take notice thereof, but kept him thirteen weeks in Dublin, until an office of survey were taken of all the earl's lands, rights, and duties, which office being for the earl found reasonable, was not received in by the lord deputy, who preseatly passed the earl's patent as he pleased; whereupon the earl procured the council of England's letters to have the full be- nefit of the said office, but as yet received no benefit thereof. " 8. Item : There were seven sheriffs sent to Tyrconnel, by every of which there was taken out of every cow and plough-horse four pence, and as much out of every colt and calf, twice a year, and half a crown a quarter of every shoemaker, carpenter, smith, and weaver, in the whole country, and eight pence a year for every married couple. " 9. Item : Where sir Nial O'Donel, for usurping the title of O'Donel, and taking of the earl's creaghts* and tenants, was committed to prison, whereout he broke, and killed some of his majesty's subjects; the earl, by special warrant from the lord deputy, prosecuted him with forces, and took all his own creaghts from sir Nial again, who, having made complaint before the earl of Devonshire, in England, and my lord of Salisbury, was dismissed, and returned into Ireland; and, notwith- standing, the said Carey, in malice towards the earl, gave warrants unto captain Pinnar, Basil Brook, and Ralph Bingley,*!* to levy and take satisfaction for the said prey from the earl's tenants, for sir Nial's use, * Herds. t In 1609 he had a grant of the late monastery of preaching and begging friars of the B. V. M. of Rathmullan, and a certain x)arcel of TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 211 where they, with ninescore of sir Nial's men and three English companies, took five hundred cows, sixty mares, thirty plough-horses, thirteen horses, besides meat and drink for six weeks for all the said companies, and used many other extortions, the country being then extreme poor after the wars ; whereupon the earl procured order for the restoration of the said spoils again, which was no sooner granted than countermanded by the said Carey, at sir Nial's request, whereby there were seven- teen of the earl's tenants hindered from ploughing that season. " 10. Item: The earl can justify by good witnesses, whose names without danger he may not tell, that when sir Nial and sir Ralph Bingley pretended to kill or murther the earl, they made the said Carey privy there- unto, he seeming to uphold, patronize, and countenance them in that bloody enterprize. " 11. Item: The earl will justify that this Carey, in the presence of sir Arthur Chichester, now lord deputy, sir George Bourchier,* and the earl's own man, Matthew Tully, did say that he would force the earl to go into action ; whereof the earl complained unto England, and could not have remedy or punishment inflicted upon the said Carey, by reason that the earl durst not show the same unto his majesty, the said Carey having many friends of the privy council. " 12. Item: One horseboy, named Kelly, for kilHng of one Cusack, being to be hanged, was, by a man sent privately by the said Carey, promised his life, so that he would accuse the earl to be the author that did set land called Ballymagroarty, in the barony of Tir-Hugh, to hold for twenty-one years, and not to alien, by sale or otherwise, his interest in the premises to any person, except they be of English nation, or born within the EngHsh pale. — Erck's Rep. * Third son of the earl of Bath, " a gentleman," says Hooker, p. 270, "given to all feats of chivalry." 212 FATE AND FORTUNES OF him on to kill the said Cusack, the which the boy con- fessed, not knowing that it served to no purpose for him so to do than to accelerate his hanging ; and then, he being brought to the gallows, and seeing no hope of his life, openly took upon his oath and hope of salvation that he never saw the earl, and that they were the causers of his former false confession which were sent by the said Carey to promise him his life upon the like confession as the former was, the which confession he swore to be false in the presence of four hundred per- sons and the sheriff of the county and portreeve of the town of Trim, wherein the execution was made. And afterwards, for the same, the said Carey sent soldiers to apprehend an Englishman, which the earl brought out of England to be his gardener, unto the earl's lodging, the earl himself being within it, and there he was taken out and kept close prisoner, without meat, drink, or light, to see whether he would accuse the earl of the said fact that Kelly had done, until he died. All such, mth many other of said Carey's cruel and tyrannical proceedings, the earl showed to the council in England, which promised to give the earl satisfaction by punish- ing of the said Carey, who, at his arrival in England, did rather obtain greater favours than any reprehen- sion or check for his doings, so as the earl was con- strained to take patience for a full satisfaction of his wrongs. " 13. Item : The said Carey gave warrant to levy one hundred pounds towards the- building of a church at Derry, the which being by horsemen and footmen, that sir Henry Docwra sent into the country, levied, was disposed to sir Henry's use, and not for the matter pretended. " 14. Item : This Carey kept sir Henry Docwra's and sir Henry FoUiot's horsemen and footmen, sir Ralph TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 213 Constable's, sir Thomas Ropers', captain Doddington's companies for the space of three months upon the country's charges, where they committed many rapes, and used many extortions, which the earl showed, and could neither get pajnnent for their victuals, nor obtain that they should be punished for their sundry rapes and extortions. " 15. Item : There was never a garrison in Tyrconnel that did not send at their pleasure private soldiers into the country to fetch now three beeves, now four, as often as they liked, which they practised so long until they had taken all ; and when the earl complained, the said Carey seemed rather to flout him than any way to right him. "16. Item: By sir Henry Folliot's company there were taken from the earl's tenants thirty-eight plough- horses for carriage, which were never restored, nor any recompense made for them ; and, at another time, one- and- twenty ; and again fourteen, all in the same measure as the former, and never restored : they being taken in the spring of the year, thereby the tenants were hin- dered of ploughing as before. " 17. Item: For the said sir Henry's house there were six beeves and six muttons every month taken up by his own officers within the barony of Tirhugh, which con- tinually was used for a year without any manner of payment for the same. " 18. Item : Taken by captain Doddington, at one time, twelve beeves and twelve muttons, without giv- ing any payment for the same. " 19. Item : Taken by captain William Cole,* twelve beeves and as many muttons, paying nothing therefor. * He held the place of captain of the king's long boats and barges at Ballyshannon and Lough Erne. The appointment was confirmed to Cole by the king's letter, dated Westminster, 1608. 214 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " 20. Item : All these former injuries the earl, in very humble manner, did show unto the said Carey, and could never be heard, but rather still, in scoffing manner, was dismissed by him, who did also threaten a lawyer that pleaded some cases at the bar for the earl, by using these menacing speeches, that is to say, ' that he and his posterity should smart for his doings, until the seventh generation;' so that all the earl's business was [ever since left at random, and no lawyer dare plead in his cause. "21. Item : The earl, prosecuting some rebels that were in the country, did kiU some of them, and took their chieftain prisoner, whom the earl's men carried to sir Henry FoUiot to be executed, for which service the earl had this reward, that his adversaries proffered to the imprisoned person to save his life if he could accuse the earl of any crime that might work his overthrow, which the prisoner could not do, whereupon he was hanged. " 22. Item : The said Carey directed a general warrant to sir Ralph Bingley, vice-governor of Lough Foyle, and to captain Cole, vice-governor of Ballyshannon, to compel all such tenants as sir Nial demanded to return to him with their goods and chattels ; by virtue whereof the said vice-governors made motion of an ex- amination, which was to be taken of twelve of the earl's men, and as many of sir Nial's, which whereunto the men being come, the earl's men were not examined, but locked up in a room, and the vice-governors, upon the false deposition of sir Nial's men, directed warrants, and sent soldiers to the number of three hundred, to bring all the earl's tenants, against their wills, unto sir Nial, to the number of 340 persons, who paid half a crown a-piece, and twelve pence for every cow and garron, as a fee unto the captains, whereby they lost their ploughing TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 215 for the space of twenty-eight days, the soldiers being in the country all the while. " 23. Afterwards the earl, finding no other respect at the said Carey's hands, went into England, where he made complaint, and procured letters of sundry articles in answer of his demands unto sir Arthur Chichester, then and now lord deputy, who, upon receipt of them, seemed very respectively to give the earl contentment in his said demands, and withal consented and gave war- rant for the establishing of the earl in the possession of Lifford, the which he recalled again the next day, and still deferred the matter until his going a progress into the north, where he being come, and having taken a view of the town, he called to council sir Henry Docwra, to know his opinion concerning the necessity of the place for his majesty's service, the which, more for his own profit than for his majesty's service, as by the sequel hereof may appear, did judge it to be a place most re- quisite for his majesty's use ; but afterwards, at the lord deputy's being at sir Henry's house, sir Henry's wife begged a lease of the said town, with the market thereof, for one-and- twenty years, whereby he detected his pro- ject in the delivery of his so unjust and wrongful an opinion concerning the said place ; all which to be true the said lord deputy will not deny. " 24. Item : After that the earl was in possession of Castle Doe, by sir George Carey's warrant, one Neal Mac Swyne, pretending a title unto it, ^ith others, forcibly did enter into the said castle, the earl being in England, and dispossessed the earl's constable out of it, and kept it by virtue of an order afterwards granted by the council against the earl to maintain him therein. And at the earl's return out of England, he made humble suit unto the lord deputy to be again restored into the possession whereof he was so treacherously despoiled, until a course 216 FATE AND FORTUNES OF of law were taken between the said Neal and him, the which he could not obtain, but the possession was main- tained for his adversary against him until the said Neal did go into rebellion ; by means whereof the earl lost the rent of sixty quarters of land for the space of one year and a half, paying the king's rents yearly for the same ; and afterwards the earl besieged the castle, and#won it at his own charges; in recompense of which service, the lord deputy appointed to captain Brook to dwell there, and constrained the earl to accept of such rents as he had given order to the said captain to pay, and to pass a lease thereof, and four quarters of the best lands there- unto annexed, for one-and-twenty years, unto the said captain. " 25. Item : One captain Henry Vaughan, being sheriff the year 1605, got a warrant, towards the charge of a sessions-house, to levy a hundred and fifty pounds upon the country, the which house was only builded of timber and wattles ; and notwithstanding that the said captain promised to make it substantial and durable, yet was it not worth ten pounds, it having fallen within one month after the building thereof; but, nevertheless, he sent soldiers, upon the country's charges also, to levy every penny of the said money, and afterwards the country was forced to defray the charges of another sessions-house for the next year ensuing, by the lord deputy's appointment and order. " 26. Item : At the same sessions, 1605, the lord deputy being at Lifford, there was one Owen Mac Swyne to be executed, unto whom, by the appointment of sir Oliver Lambert, who gave a caveat unto sir Henry Fol- liot from time to time, as often as there should be any persons to be executed, to assure them of their lives if they informed of any matters to overthrow or prejudice the earl, sii' Henry sent privately, promising him his TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 217 life and large rewards if he would charge the earl with some detestable crime. " 27. Also, at the same sessions, the earl was called to the bar for hanging of some woodkeme during the lord lieutenant's time,* he having then authority to ex- ecute martial-law, insomuch that he was fain to plead a particular pardon which he had, for otherwise the general pardon would not avail him or stand him in any stead, as the judges alleged. " 28. Item : Within a short time afterwards, sir Henry Docwra's and sir Henry Folliot's horsemen and foot- men were, by the said lord deputy's orders, cessed upon the country, where they for four months remained, and paid nothing for their charges of horse-meat or man's-meat. " 29. Item : The earl having purchased sixteen hun- dred pounds' worth of his own inheritance from sir Halph Bingley, who entered into bonds of the staple of three thousand pounds for the maintaining of the earl in possession of all the lands and hereditaments that he had passed unto the earl, against all persons pretending title unto the whole or any part or parcel thereof; yet did the council give warrant unto one that was sir Ralph's tenant, before the passing over of the said land to the earl, to enter into possession of all such lands as he formerly held, by virtue of a writing that was between him and sir Ralph, mentioning no certain rent, but what sir Ralph pleased to demand ; and so he con- tinued, by their order, in the said possession, and paid no rent unto the earl. And into another part of the said lands the bishop of Derry entered, pretending the same as his right ; and afterwards, sir Ralph having arrived in Ireland, the earl made suit unto the lord * Mountjoy, 218 FATD AND FORTUNES OF deputy to have him apprehended until he did perform covenant according unto the said bonds; the which the lord deputy would not do, but bade him to deal with the mayor of Dublin, and have him arrested ; and when the mayor's officer was brought to execute the arrest, with as full authority as might be, sir Ralph showed the lord deputy's warrant of protection, whereby the earl lost both the lands and money aforesaid. " 80. Item: At the said lord deputy's coming into Fer- managh, in 1606, the earl having gone thither to meet him, he sent privately to apprehend one Teigue O'Corco- ran, servant to Maguire, and brought him secretly into the tent wherein he slept, where he was bound and tortured with bed-cords, to the end he might extort or charge the earl with something tending to the earl's overthrow and ruin, where he continued for the space of five days ; within which time the said lord deputy came to Ballyshannon, where he, being at supper, de- manded of the earl what right he had to the former things he claimed in the several territories before spe- cified ; whereunto the earl answered that his ancestors were in possession of the several territories before spe- cified for one thousand three hundred years, and that the said duties, rents, and homages were duly observed and paid during the said time ; whereunto he replied that the earl was unworthy to have them, and that he should never enjoy them, and that the state was sorry that he had so much left him as he had then in posses- sion, and withal wished him to take heed of himself, or else he would make his pate ache. All which he said in the presence of the lord chief justice, others of the council, and divers gentlemen that sat at the table. " 31. Item : At the same time there were sundry old challenges of tenants, preys, and spoils between the earl and sir Nial, the which controversies the earl, for his TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 219 part, at the lord deputy's entreaty, he promising first to the earl to order and award at leastwise all the said spoils, taken by virtue of sir George Carey's warrant, unto the earl, referred to the said lord deputy's cen- sure, and delivered up that and all his papers ; and notwithstanding the said promise, there were three hundred pounds ordered against the earl, and all his challenges frustrated, and his papers burned. And afterwards sir Nial's papers were privately given back again unto himself, by reason whereof the earl was forced, at the last sessions, to give unto sir Nial the benefit of all the said papers again, he having nothing to show to the contrary. " 32. Item : At the said lord deputy's return again into Fermanagh, he sent for Maguire, and wished him to accuse the earl, who protested and swore that he could not charge him with anything; to whom the lord deputy replied again, with an oath, that he should never part from him until he had confessed as much as Teigue O'Corcoran, above-mentioned, had declared, it being in verity nothing at all ; and yet the said Teigue was charged by them as having confessed matters against the earL " 33. Item : One Terry O'ReiUy, being condemned to be hanged at Athlone for some delict, was proffered his life by a man sent secretly to him by the said lord deputy, which messenger arrived and came to the said Terry just as he was to be hanged, and delivered to him his errand, which was not only a proffer of his life to him, but also large rewards, if that he would charge the earl with treason, the which he promised to per- form, and thereupon was taken back again, and was privately examined ; but they, finding his examination to halt, as no^wonder it should, being forged at the same instant, sent him to prison, there to remain until 220 FATE AND FORTUNES OF he had justified somewhat of what he had promised ; and if he could not do it, that then he should be hanged. But there he continued until the earl's departure this last time out of Ireland. " 34. Also a gentleman named Donagh O'Brian, who had some time followed the earl, was committed in Athlone to prison, out of which he made an escape ; and afterwards sir Oliver Lambert sent a protection to him, and he being come before the lord deputy and the said sir Oliver, into a private chamber, sir Oliver told him that he should not only have his pardon, but also large rewards, if he would charge the earl with treason ; but the gentleman, who neither could nor would charge the earl with anything, made rather choice to abandon his native country, than to stay therein to feel the effects of their merciless mercy. " 35. Furthermore, one Owen Groome MacCormack, natural of Moylurg, within the county of Roscommon, was taken prisoner, and brought before the earl of Clanricard and the council of Connaught, by the lord deputy's order, to accuse the earl with somewhat as before ; and being examined, he swore, in the presence of them all, that he could not charge the earl with any- thing at all, whereupon he was enlarged. " 36. Item : One Terry O'Kelly was to be executed in Galway, whose life was offered unto him if he would accuse the earl ; and because he could not charge him with any crime, he was hanged. " 37. Furthermore, the said earl can justify, by good proofs, that of twenty and seven persons that were hanged in Connaught and Tyrconnel, there was not one of them but had the former promises upon the like conditions made unto them. " 38. Item : One captain Ellis ravished a young maiden of the age of eleven years, in the earl's country, and caused TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 221 two soldiers to hold her hands and legs until he had satisfied his lascivious desires, the which matter was, by a jury, presented to the sheriff, in his Term-court ; whereof the earl understanding, informed the lord deputy, and withal prayed his lordship to proceed against the said Ellis according unto his delicts ; but he refused to do it, and only wished the earl to demand for the verdict of the said jury, at the next sessions to be holden within the country, and promised withal never to grant a pardon to the said Ellis, in the presence of many nobles and gentlemen. But the matter being moved at the next sessions, and after referred again to the jury, they presented the said Ellis guilty ; where- upon he being absent, a writ of outlawry was directed, the which the earl hath to show, under the clerk of the crown's hand ; and yet the lord deputy, notwith- standing his former promise, granted to the said Ellis his pardon. " 39. Also the said Ellis told an Englishman, that did afterwards of himself acquaint the earl therewithal, how he would come with soldiers, and raise an alarm and 'cry' near unto the earl's house, and when the earl should come forth, that he would kill him, making no question of obtaining his pardon notwithstanding ; which his words the earl showed to the lord deputy, in the presence of many, adding here withal an oath how he stood not assured of his life, if the said Ellis were not restrained or bound to the peace ; neither of which so just demands could the earl obtain. " 40. Item : The duties of the fishing of Killybegs being the earl's as a thing that was found to have been in his ancestor's possession by the survey of thirteen hundred years before, was taken away from him, it being a thing worth five hundred pounds for that sea- son, by sir Henry Folliot and the bishop of Derry; 222 FATE AND FORTUNES OF which wrong the earl showed to the lord deputy, and could get none other redress than that the deputy ad- dressed a warrant unto the bishop of Derry, to maintain him in the possession thereof against the earl, both for that season and all times ensuing. " 41. Item ; The said sir Henry having occasion to use carriage horses, took away those that served the earl's house with fuel and wood for fire ; and the soldiers scorning to feed the horses themselves, went into the earl's house, and forcibly took out one of the earl's boys to lead them, and ran another in the thigh with a pike for refusing to go with them ; whereof the earl likewise complained, but could have no satisfaction. "42. Item: The three M'Swynes and O'Boyle, who always held their lands from O'Donel, paying what rent he pleased to impose upon them, and so consequently to hold from the earl, as was also found by the above- mentioned survey, seeing that they all and either of them had made over all their estates and rights unto the earl by their deeds of feoffment, and suffered a reco- very to be passed in form of law, and did take again their said lands from the earl by lease of years, for cer- tain rents ; yet, notwithstanding, the said lord deputy gave several warrants, unto every one of them that de- manded it, to pay no rents unto the earl, and that if he should demand any other of them than that they them- selves pleased to pay unto him, in such a case the governor of Derry was required to raise the country from time to time, and resist and hinder the earl from taking up his rents. " 43. The earl, upon this, made a journey into the pale, to know the reason why he was debarred from his rents, and lodged, on a certain night, in the abbey of Boyle,* * Now one of the most picturesque ruins in Ireland. It was founded for Cistercians, and dedicated to B. V. M., by Maurice TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 223 wliere scarce was he arrived, but that the constable of the town, accompanied by twenty soldiers and their ensign, and all the churls of the town, environed and fired the house wherein the earl lay, he having no other company within it than his page and two other his serving-men. But it befel, through the singular pro- vidence of Almighty God, whose fatherly care he hath ever found vigilant over him, that he defended himself and his house against them all the whole night long, they using, on the other side, all their industry and might to fire it, and throwing in of stones and staves in the earl's face, and running their pikes at him, and swords, until they had wounded him, besides his other bruisings with stones and staves, in six places ; they menacing to kill him, affirming that he was a traitor to the king, and that it was the best service that could be done to his majesty to kill him. And that all this, is true, sir Donagh O'Conor, who was taken pri- soner by the same men, because he would not assist them in their facinorous and wicked design of killing the earl, will justify; but in the morning, the earl was rescued by the country folk, which conveyed him safely out of the town. And when the earl complained and showed his wounds unto the lord deputy, he promised to hang the constable and ensign ; but afterwards did not once deign so much as to examine the matter, or O'Duffy, 1161, when it was affiliated toMellifont. It was dissolved in the 18th of queen Elizabeth, and granted, in 1603, to sir John King. In 1538, the lord deputy presented a memorial to Henry VIII. , re- commending that six of the principal Irish monasteries, Boyle among the rest, should be allowed to stand, to be used as hostelries, when the king's deputy and others resorting to the court might have their quarters therein, at cost of said houses. The memorial states that the monastic houses gave hospitality to many poor men, scholars, and orphans. Sir Conyers Clifford, slain by Red Hugh O'Donel, in the Curlew mountains, was buried in Boyle, 1599. 224 FATE AND FOETUNES OF call the delinquents to account ; by reason whereof the earl doth verily persuade himself — which his surmise was afterwards confirmed in time by the credible report of many — that some of the State were sorry for his escape, but specially sir Oliver Lambert, who had pur- posely drawn the plot of the earl's ruin, and set the ensign on to execute it, as the earl will also justify. "44. Finally, the said lord deputy, having written unto the earl for some hawks* this last summer, the earl, desirous to continue his accustomed annual bene- volence and amity towards him, of bestowing some hawks on him, sent unto him a caste, he himself re- maining only with two caste more to bestow on his other good friends ; all this notwithstanding, did the sheriff of Tyrconnel cause one Donall^Gorme M'Swyne, being one of those before deputed by warrant to detain the earl's rent, to take up the hawks from the earl's man, and sent them to the lord deputy, whereof the earl understood, he being then at Dublin, and made the lord deputy a challenge for his hawks, yet could not recover them ; whereat grieved, he said that he found himself more grieved at their loss in that nature than at all the injuries he had before received ; whereunto the deputy replied, that he cared not a rush for him or his bragging words ; * "The hawks of Ireland," says Moryson, "Ireland," p. iii. p. 160, "are much esteemed in England, and are sought out by many and all means to be transported to England." In 1606, sir G. Fenton had £6 13s. 4d. per annum as master of hawks ; and in the same year a proclamation was issued, forbidding all masters of ships to carry away hawks, without special licence, "as sundry honorable personages were disfumished thereof, to their utter disappointment." Roderick O'Connor presented hawks to king Henry II. ; and the Annals of the Four Masters state, that Silken Thomas sent twelve ' ' great hawks " and fourteen hobbys, to the emperor Charles "V. In- credible as it may now seem, we read of a thousand guineas having been given for a caste of hawks in the days of falconry. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 225 warning him withal to look well to himself, in the same threatening manner that he had done before at Ballyshannon." Did the king peruse or answer these voluminous indictments ? We know not ; for notwithstanding a diligent search among the state papers of the period, no replication has turned up. It is more than pro- bable, indeed, that his majesty never gave himself any trouble on the subject ; for his was one of those cold, implacable natures, that could listen to the cry of distress without pity or commiseration. Like many others in positions analogous to his, he hearkened to none but favourites — a class, generally speaking, the most worthless; out of every hundred of which it would not have been difficult to pick ninety-nine subtle, ambitious, and designing schemers. Of gratitude he had no perception, or he would have remembered how O'Neill and O'Donel's brother dealt with the wicked woman who slew his mother at Fotheringay; and how the former, when his power had culminated, offered to set him upon an Irish throne. Unthankful for past services, he suffered himself to be ruled by falsest pre- possessions, which, once they struck root in his hard heart, grew sturdily there, like an oak in the cleft of a rock. He lacked the spirit to extirpate them, for he feared that whatever heart he had should ne- cessarily go along with them. Slave to his material, instincts — and they were the most grovelling — his sole thought was to cater to them by all reachable means, never scrupling to rob the good and deserving, to en- rich parasites who flattered his vanity by extolling qualities he did not possess. These very characteristics he bequeathed liberally to his offspring; and, looking Q 226 FATE AND FORTUNES OF dispassionately at the history of the past, the writer, although regretting the chivalrous Irish blood that was so generously wasted at the Boyne* and Aughrim, can- not bring himself to lament such victories, or to blame the citizens of Derry for slamming their gates in the face of such a king's grandson. There is only another incident associated with the so- journ of the Irish nobles at Louvain, which we may not omit to mention. They were jealously watched by emissaries in the pay of the English government, some of whom made their way to their kitchens, and there insinuating themselves into the good graces of menial servants, who, we may presume, were not deep in the confidence of their masters, cooked such intelligence as the following for their patrons at home : — '" Advertisement given hy John Crosse, of Tiverton, in the county of Devon, sometimes servant to sir Fran- cis Walsingham. " Paris, February 19, 1607. " About the 12th day of January last, the said John Crosse being at Louvain, went to the house of the earl of Tyrconnel, where, falling into speech of Ireland, he was entreated to stay at supper, and after supper he heard the followers and captains of the earl of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, namely, one Barnwell and Butler, with others whose names he knew not, fall into the speeches following : " That they did hope to have a good day in Ireland very shortly, upon the return of an answer from O'Sul- * The most vivid and impartial history of this battle will be found in sir W. Wilde's Boyne and Blackwater. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 227 livan Bere * of Berehaven, in the county of Kerry, being then in Spain with other Irish gentlemen. " That they do purpose to furnish the land speedily with shot, powder, and lead, by Irish merchants, the which shall pretend to come into Wales for coal, and so strike over into France and other appointed places, as also, under pretence of transporting pipe-staves to foreigTi parts, shall receive there the said munition, and lay them in at their return in the house of one sir John Talbot, in Ireland, called Malahide haven, near the castle of Howth, by the assistance of sir Patrick Barn- well. " That another part thereof should be laid in at Bere- haven and at Gal way, in Conn aught, and in the earl of Tyrconnel's country, where the said earl took ship- ping. " That the said Barnwell and others shall go over disguised with the said munition, and that the earl of Tyrone shall proceed to get assistance of money from foreign princes, and return shortly after them himself disguised. " That he hopeth to have assistance from the towns, which yet he never had, and that they purpose to de- fend the said earl, body and goods, in case the king grant them not liberty of conscience. " That if they can get no aid from the towns, the said captains shall endeavour to gather head in the west and in the north, for that they are assured by let- ters thence that they shall want neither men nor assist- ance, namely, by the lord of Cahir. * Then a captain in service of Spain, and uncle to the historian of same name. For an account of the O'Sullivans, see the Life and Letters of Florence MacCarthy, by Daniel MacCarthy, and an ex- quisite poem on the siege of Dunboy, by T. D. 'Sullivan, one of the same old sept. 228 TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. " That they agree the most convenient time to be towards Michaelmas, when the cattle will be lusty, and the com in." We will now leave them at Louvain, waiting till a favourable change in the weather should enable them to set out on their long journey to Rome. CHAPTER VI. |FTER forwarding the despatches which we have laid before the reader, lord deputy Chichester summoned his privy council to meet him at Loftus' Castle, Rathfamham, where he usually passed some of the autumn months, to consider the best means of allaying excitement in the provinces — Ulster espe- cially, where he apprehended serious disturbances. His excellency's orders were promptly obeyed; and among the council that waited on him at his suburban retreat, were Jones, pseudo-archbishop of Dublin, sir Geoffrey Fenton,* famed for his knowledge of the Italian language ; sir Oliver Lambert, sir Henry Ha- rington, and others of less note. Sir John Davys was there too, to assist the deputy with his legal lore, for never was prudence or sage counsel more needed than now. Davys was an enthusiastic admirer of Bacon, and more or less agreed with the suggestion of that philo- sophic statesman, that " Some of the chief est of the Irish families should be transported to England, and have recompense there for their possessions in Ireland, till they were cleansed from their blood, incontinency , and theft, ivhich were not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laivs of the nation.''-};- As, how-- * He translated Guicciardini into English, and died in Dublin, 1608. t Scrinia Sacra. 230 FATE AND FOETUNES OF ever, some of the chiefest families had already gone to other parts, sir John, acting on another of Bacon's aphorisms, advised that his excellency should make " a shadowy treaty " with the people of Ulster — " that sort of treaty which involves a potestas redeundi ad sanitatem — a mockery when the enemy is strong, but effectual in his declination." Now, indeed, was the opportune moment for realizing the great philosopher's counsel, and proving to the inhabitants of Ulster that the Irish executive was truly and sincerely concerned for their welfare. Acting on these grave suggestions, Chichester, with the concurrence of his privy council, issued the following proclamation : — " By the Lord Deputie and Counsell. " Whereas the erles of Tirone and Tirconnell, Hugh, baron of Dungannon, Caffer Oge O'Donell, brother to the said erle of Tirconnell, and Arte Oge O'Neale, nephew to the said erle of Tirone, having taken with them the countess of Tirone and two of the youngest sonnes of the said erle of Tirone, and the sone and heir apparent of the said erle of Tirconnell, being an infant of the age of one year or thereabouts, with divers others of their servants and followers, have lately embarqued themselves at Loughswilly in Tirconnell, and are secretly and suddenly departed out of this realme, without licence or notice given to us or any other of his majesty's ministers of their departure, so we are as yet uncertain either of their purpose in with- drawing themselves out of this kingdom or of the place where they meane to arrive, notwithstanding foras- much as the manner of their departure, consideringe the quality of their persons, may raise manie doubtes in the mynds of his majestie's loving subjects in those TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 231 parts, and specially because it may be conceived by the common sort of people inhabitinge the several counties of Tirone and Tirconnell that they are in danger to suffer prejudice in their lands and goods for the con- tempt or offence of the said erles, to whom the king's most excellent majestie hath within theis few years past not only pardoned and remitted many abominable treasons, but hath also given titles of great honor, together with the chiefree and government of the said several countries and territories : we doe therefore, in his majestie's name, declare, proclaim, and publishe that all and everie his majestie's good and loyal subjects inhabitinge the said several countries of Tirone and Tirconnell, shall and may quietly and securely possess and enjoy all and singular their lands and goods without the trouble or molestation of any of his majestie's officers or ministers, or any other person or persons whatsoever, as long as they disturb not his majestie's peace, but live as dutiful and obedient subjects. And forasmuch as the said erles, to whom his majestie, reposing speciall trust in their loyaltie, had committed the government of the said several countries, are now undutifully departed; therefore his majestie doth gratiously receive all and everie his said loyal subjects into his own imediate safeguard and protection, giving them full assurance to defend them and every of them, by his kingly power, from all violence or wrong, which any loose persons amonge themselves or any other forraine force shall attempt against them : and to that end, we, the lord deputie and counsell, have made choice of certain com- missioners, as well Irishe as Englishe, residing in the said several countries, not only to preserve the public peace there, but also to minister spedie and indifferent justice to all his majestie's lovinge subjects in those parts which shall have any cause of complaint before 232 FATE AND FORTUNES OF them. Wherefore we doe, in his majestie's name, straightly charge and command all and every his majes- tie's good and loyal subjects, that they and everie of them do quietlie and peacablie attend and follow his and their ordinary business and affaires as if no such accident as this had happened, not making any unlaw- ful assemblies or meetings, nor bearing any arms or weapons contraire to the intent of a proclamation latelie published in that behalf And we do further will and command all governors, mayors, sheriffs, jus- tices of peace, provost-marshalls, bailiffs, constables, and all other his majestie's ministers whatsoever, that they and everie of them, in their several charges and offices, do faithfuUie and dilligentlie use their utmost endeavour to keepe and contynue all his majestie's sub- jects in their dutye and obedience to his majestie and the laws of this realm e, as they will answer to the contrary at their extremest perle. " Given at Rathfarnham, the 10th September." This manifesto, however, instead of quieting the Irish of the north, or the Catholics of the other provinces, had quite the opposite effect ; for it fore- shadowed confiscations, the undoing of the old system of land-tenure, and the substituting a new proprietary, who could have no sympathy with the natives. No one was better aware of this state of feeling than the deputy ; and no matter how he carried a good face on the matter, " to hearten his friends," he himself informs us " that the kingdom had not been in the like danger these hundred years, as we have but few friends, and no means of getting more." But one thing grieved him more than any other, and that was that he had not acted on Howth's informa- tions, and anticipated the flight. Had he done this, he. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 233 doubtless, would have saved himself many a bitter regret, but he was guided by Salisbury's estimate of the informer's worthlessness, and thus consoled himself for what he states was a pardonable oversight. Now, however, that the earls had gone, it became ab- solutely necessary to make the public acquainted with the treasonable conspiracy, and the deputy resolved that Howth should stand forth and manifest it to the world. This the loyal baron refused to do, for he was little in- clined to exhibit himself in the informer's role ; and the more Chichester urged him, the more reluctant was he to come out with his uncorroborated " revelations." Seeing this, the deputy hinted that he might possibly induce some second party to substantiate his informa- tions ; whereon Howth replied that father Cusack, his kinsman, would prove him to be an honest man, worthy all belief, provided his Excellency sent him letters of protection to pass from Belgium to Ireland, and thence back again to his seminary at Douay. The deputy, however, saw at a glance that this was a mere ruse, and that Cusack was the least likely man in the world to come to the rescue of his noble relative. Finding him- self in this predicament, Howth bethought him that he might save his reputation by inducing another noble- man to come to his aid, and he thereon told the deputy that lord Delvin could reveal the whole plot if he liked. Delvin was Howth's intimate friend ; and so interested was the latter for him, that he had already asked the deputy to give him a troop of horse. Such a friend would surely stand by him, and satisfy all doubters that he was a truthful delator, one who cared little for being scowled at by the public, provided it could be shown that he had saved the public weal. Chichester thought well of the suggestion ; but finding he could not induce Delvin to come to Dublin, he caused him to be arrested 234 FATE AND FORTUNES OF on the 6th November, when he made the following dis- closures, which the reader will perceive are an improved edition of those already made by Howth himself One approver approved the other, but sir John Davys doubted not the legality of the evidence : — " He says, first, that the earl of Tyrconnel brake first with him about Christmas twelvemonth, in the garden of Maynooth, of his traitorous purposes, and told him at that time that he was advertised out of Spain that it was intended by the State here to proceed with them all in matter of religion, and, under that pretence, to cut them off one after another, and therefore they must look to themselves, and he, for his part, would provide for himself, for he had many wrongs done him, by keep- ing from him Ballyshannon and the fishings, LifFord, and other lands, for which he was resolved to attempt some- thing which might regain him his country in the same state his brother held it, and withal advised him to take his part, otherwise he would be in danger, and should lose his head, or be dealt withal as his father * was, who, after his good services, was clapped up in prison, where he died ; and reward he was like to gain none, what service soever he did against him or any others that should be in action, as he might perceive by sir Chris- topher St. Lawrence, who had done many good services, and yet got nothing. " Soon after this, for they had sundry conferences, the earl brake plainly with him that his purpose was to take the castle of Dublin, when the deputy and council were together, ' and,' said he, ' out of them I shall have my lands and countries as I desire it, and make my friends' peace with the king.' * He died prisoner in the castle, October, 1602, charged with hav- ing aided Tyrone when marching to Kinsale. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 235 " The baron told him that he liked not of the plot of taking the castle, deputy, and council, for he thought the attempt hard and dangerous ; but if you can get forces from the king of Spain, quoth he, I will join with you in attempting the castle or anything else, the killing of the lord deputy excepted, whose blood I will not see spilt, for he hath ever been my good friend. " To this he was drawn by the earl's offer and persua- sions, and out of the discontent which he had appre- hended by the prosecution of the cause for the attainted O'Ferrall's lands, and by sir F. Shane,* whom he thought favoured against him. The earl of Tyrconnel told him that the earl of Tyrone, Maguire, and sundry others would join with him, for the whole kingdom was discon- tented, and would declare themselves when they saw the deputy and council in their hands, and the kingdom without other government than their own. He told him that sir Thomas Bourke was discontented, but more he said not of him. " They resolved to take the city of Dublin and the castle, and about the same time seize the castle and town of Athlone, Ballyshannon, Lifford, and the port of Duncannon, as he remembers, which is but by con- jecture, by reason he spake of a place well fortified with artillery. "These matters thus debated and resolved on, the earl of Tjnrconnel soon after sent a messenger, the party he knows not, unless it be Rory Albanagh, a priest, to father Florence, a friar in Spain, to deal with the king of Spain, to give them assistance, and propounded to have 10,000 men at least. " Soon after this the earl went to his country, and the baron into England, whereby he had no further confe- * An active partisan of Chichester, who knighted him. 236 FATE AND FORTUNES OF rence with him before his departure. But soon after he was gone, one Owen Groome Magrath, a friar, came to him with this message : that their practices were dis- covered to the council in England, whereof the arch- duke had notice, and thereupon he gave to Maguire one thousand pounds, wherewith he freighted a barque, and fetched them from Ireland. " This friar told him that the king of Spain did refuse to give aid or assistance ; but, said Owen, the pope and archduke will, at which the king of Spain will wink, and perchance give some assistance underhand. " Owen told him further, that the earls intended to return by St. Bride's day, between Christmas and Shrove- tide, and to bring with them sufficient forces to make good their designs, and that they meant to land in some part of Munster, and when they had well settled there^ they would soon after attempt England from thence. " This friar wished him to fear nothing ; none could accuse him but Tyrconnel and himself, and that hone knew of it beyond seas but the archduke and father Florence. " After this the friar departed from them about four- teen days after the fugitives' departure. He thought sundry times he was in England to have discovered to lord Salisbury, but he doubted he should thereby dis- honour himself, and do harm to his kinswoman,* the lady Tyrconnel, and make his friends his enemies. This much before me he confessed. "November 6, 1607. "Arthur Chichester." Here, at least, was undeniable evidence that O'Neill, O'Donel, Maguire, and those who went with them, * Delvin's father married Mary, daughter of Gerald, eleventh earl of Kildare. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 237 were all traitors, and had sailed away because they ap- prehended the vengeance of the law. Thenceforth no man could gainsay whatever the deputy might lay to the charge of the fugitives, for surely it would be little short of high treason to question the allegations of two such noblemen ! Scripture itself might be doubted, were any found bold enough to question the testimony of two such reliable ^satnesses — the one a recent convert, and the other a follower of the old religion ! Chiches- ter, therefore, had fair grounds for all future proclama- tions, arrests, attainders, forfeitures, and the like ; but what was he to do with Howth and Delvin, who, by their own confessions, had involved themselves in the plot ? It required no great legal acumen to solve this difficulty, since nothing was easier than to send them both to prison for a while, with instructions to their respective keepers to make the place as comfortable as might be during their detention, and a hint to same functionaries not to be over- vigilant. Accordingly, Delvin was com- mitted to the castle-prison on the 10th November, and about the same time Howth bade adieu to Ben-Hedir, and was provided for, as became his rank, in the Tower of London, " where," says sir Roland White, in a letter to lord Shrewsbury,* "he hath the liberty of the grounds, and diets with the lieutenant." The majesty of the law was now vindicated, and Chichester thanked heaven that he had saved, as some of his flatterers told him, the Anglo-Irish from utter extirpation, by such men as Tyrone and Tjrrconnel. As for Delvin, his restraint, although mild, as was meet for an approver, was of short duration, for he contrived to escape in less than a fortnight after, and even before Howth had cleared Dublin bay. He effected * January, 1607. See Lodge. 238 FATE AND FORTUNES OF it thus : one Tristram Eccleston, constable of the castle, allowed a person named Aylmer to visit the prisoner, and provide him with a stout cord, thirty-eight yards long, with the aid of which Delvin descended the castle wall, and then fled to Cloughouter * in the county Cavan, "where," says the deputy, "he took up his abode in an old castle, without roof, standing in a lough." From this place he wrote to the deputy, " pray- ing forgiveness of his untimely fault, which was only in thought, not in act, and occasioned by the subtlety of another, who entrapped him a youth." Whether he meant Howth or O'Donel is hard to conjecture ; but, at all events, not trusting the island fastness, he made his way to the Carn mountains, where he was sheltered during the winter by the kindly peasants, who regarded him as a victim to English injustice. In vain did Chi- chester proclaim-f him an outlaw, and in vain did he offer reward to any who would seize his person, for none could be found to accept the bribe, or deny the fugitive shelter and welcome under their humble roof-tree. Sir Richard Wingfield, with a flying column, scoured the mountain passes, in the hope of arresting him ; but what chance had he of effecting his purpose among a people who had such good reason to hate an executive, of which he was the agent ? At last, in the July follow- ing, Delvin " came in of his own accord," when the king directed a letter to be passed to him of his life and lands, under the great seal. What a pity that the Irish peasant should have wasted such generous hospi- tality on one in whose escape and surrender collusion was so transparent ! Chichester was privy to both ; and were any bold enough to stigmatise his share in * Owen O'Neill and bishop Bedell died there, t For proclamation, see Appendix. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 239 the transaction, he might justify himself by pointing to the conduct of many of his predecessors, who played the same role for a consideration.* Having thus got rid of the two noble approvers, the deputy published the following proclamation, which was largely circulated through the cities and towns — in the north particularly, whither commissioners were sent to place wards in the residences of the fugitives, and over- awe their former dependents. The reader will have no difficulty in perceiving the unscrupulously mendacious character of this manifesto ; and as to the promises of protection it held out to the people of Tyrone and Tyr- connel, they may be likened to the action of the boa, which naturalists say slavers its victim before de- vouring it : — " By the lord deputy and council. " Forasmuch as it is known to the world how infi- nitely the fugitive earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel have been obliged unto the king's most excellent majesty for his singular grace and mercy, not only giving free par- don to them both for many heinous and execrable treasons, above all hope that they could in reason con- * The escape of Hugh O'Donel, in 1592, was negotiated by Hugh, earl of Tyrone, through Turlough O'Hagan, who gave lord deputy Fitzwilliams a large sum for his connivance. Deputy Russell, in a letter to Burleigh, April, 1595, says that " Fitzwilliams discharged the former constable of the castle, and left his own man in his stead, which urgeth suspicion of great compositions in that matter." O'Donel fled to Glenmalure, tarried there some fourteen days with the O'Byme, and then, guided by O'Hagan, crossed the Liffey at Castleknock, and made his way to the north. Father Mooney has left us the following pen-and-ink sketch of this great Irishman : — " He was of middle height, ruddy, of comely grace, and beautifid to behold. His voice was like the clarion of a silver trumpet, and his morals unimpeach- able." 240 FATE AND FORTUNES OF ceive, but also in restoring the one to his lancjs and honour, which he had most justly forfeited )^y his notorious rebellion, and in raising the other from ^ very mean estate to the degree and title of an earl, giving him withal large possessions for the support of that honour, before either of them had given any said proof of loyalty, or merited the least favour by perform- ance of any good service ; and whereas, since they were received to grace, neither of them can justly pretend any provocation or cause of grievance, no not in that point which serve th for a cloak for all their treasons, namely, in point of religion, touching which they have not been called in question, and have been also borne withal in many other insolencies and outrages committed in their several countries ; and whereas Tyrone himself, being lately sent for into England, according to his own desire, as he pretended, to receive order in a contro- versy between him and a principal neighbour of his, did, under colour of that journey, prepare himself for that contrary course which now he hath taken, and most ungratefully and contemptuously fled from his majesty's most gracious presence, and together with Tyrconnel, Cuconnaught Oge Maguire, and the rest of the fugitives in their company and retinue, withdrew himself out of this realm into foreign parts, where they do now lurk and wander, thereby bewraying a guilty conscience of some traitorous conspiracy and practice amongst themselves against his majesty and the State of this kingdom, which every day doth [discover] itself more and more, and shall hereafter be laid open and made manifest to the world. In the meantime, accord- ing to his majesty's royal pleasure, signified unto us, we do, in his majesty's name, declare and publish, that, for the causes aforesaid, his majesty doth justly seize and take into his hands all the lands and goods TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 241 of the said fugitives, wherein, notwithstanding, his majesty will extend such grace and favour towards the dutiful and loyal inhabitants of the several countries which were possessed by the said fugitives, as none of them shall be impeached, troubled, or molested in their own lands, goods, or bodies, they continuing in their loyalty, and yielding unto his majesty such rents and duties as shall be agreeable to justice and equity. And to that end, his most excellent majesty doth take all the good and loyaUinhabitants of the said countries, together with their wives and children, land and goods, into his own immediate protection, to defend them in general against all rebellions and invasions, and to right them in all their wrongs and oppressions offered or to be offered unto them by any person whatsoever, and to yield grace and favour unto every of them according to his princely pleasure and their demerit. And to that end we do, in his majesty's name, straightly charge and command all magistrates, officers, and mi- nisters, and all other his majesty's loyal subjects in this kingdom, that they and every of them, in their several charge, douse^their best endeavours to see his majesty's gracious pleasure expressed in this proclamation duly performed and executed, as they will answer the con- trary at their peril. "Given at his majesty's castle of Dublin, the 9th of November." The revelations made by Delvin led the deputy to think that the countess of Tyrconnel must have been aware of the plot said to have been matured at May- nooth, or at all events that the aged dowager-countess of Kildare might be able to throw some light on it. R 242 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The latter was of English birth, and Chichester naturally enough concluded that she could have no sympathy with rebels — Irish or Anglo-Irish. He, therefore, deemed it his duty to ascertain what these personages might be able to say on the subject. Before submitting to the reader the letters which both ladies returned to the deputy's, it may be well to state that O'Donel did intend to take his countess with him, had he not been prevented by the sudden notice of the ship's arrival in Lough Swilly, and the hurry attendent on his preparations for the flight. Happily for him he was not able to come to her at Maynooth ; for had he done so, Chichester, as we have seen, was determined on arresting him. The countess, however, must have known all her husband's projects; and Chichester sent sir George Bourchier to her to request that she would reveal all she knew of her lord's departure. Her reply to the deputy runs thus: — " Bridget, countess of Tyrconnel, to the lord deputy. ''Bight honorable, — I have received your lordship's letter by my cousin Bourchier, and to satisfy your lord- ship's request concerning my knowledge of my lord's sudden departure, which I avow to your lordship, upon my honour, I never had the least notice of his intent in that unfortunate journey. But as near as I can remember, on the 16th of September last, one Owen Groome Magrath sent to me to speak with him, unto whom I came, finding him accompanied with one Denis O'Morcan, I think, a priest, from whence we walked into Moyglare garden.* I sent for Mr. Brianf to come * Mr. Delahyde's residence. t A priest. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 243 thither, but a little before Brian came, Denis O'Morcan went from us, and left the friar and me, who, when he came, or soon after, delivered me the gold * Owen Magrath used these speeches at our first meeting, which Denis O'Morcan did interpret to me, that my lord had sent me that gold as a token, and wished me not to be grieved at anything. But the friar seeing me lament, for that my lord did leave me behind him, which I thought was for want of love, upon which he used these speeches, he thought that if my lord had known sooner of his going he would have taken me with him. " Upon Mr. Brian's coming to me, the friar uttered some words, which, as near as Brian, in his broken English, could interpret, was to wish me not to be grieved, but if I had a mind to go to my lord, wished me to take counsel of my nearest friends. And for my lord's return, I vow to God I have no knowledge thereof, but I pray God send him a fair death before he undergo so wicked an enterprize as to rebel against his prince ; and for my conversing with priests, I would not willingly restrain myself from them ; but if there shall any notice come to me of my lord's intent, I do protest I will acquaint your lordship thereof, for they shall never make me to conceal anything that should tend unto his majesty's service. I hold myself much bound unto your lordship for your honorable advice, which I do kindly embrace, and ever intend to observe it. And will ever remain, though unfortunate, yet " Your lordship's truly thankful, "Bridget Tyrconnel." * Eighty-one pieces. 244 FATE AND FORTUNES OF This letter, if we interpret its purport aright, far from admitting that Tyrconnel was implicated in any- treasonable plot, may be regarded as a vindication of him, and also as an energetic protest against the suspicions of the narrow-minded deputy, who thought he could persuade the countess to criminate her unfor- tunate husband. That he was not satisfied with her reply is quite certain, for two months afterwards he wrote to the old countess-dowager of Kildare, lady Tyrconnel's grandmother,* requesting her to let him know all she could communicate on the- subject of Tyrconnel's departure out of the kingdom. She ac- cordingly returned him the following answer, dated Maynooth, 7th December : — " Right honorable, — Albeit I am, in the testimony of a clear conscience, free from the least imputation that might bring my loyalty in suspicion, and that I have cause to be comforted by remembering that, notwith- standing other manifold miseries inflicted upon me by God's divine appointment for my great good, I doubt not his gracious providence hath protected me from incurring my sovereign's displeasure for any desert of my own ; yet I am now in my old days brought to extreme grief, in that I hear that the projects and practices intended by those that lately had manifested their loud affections towards their prince and sovereign, were contained and plotted at Maynooth, where myself am forced, through age and weakness, to continue my residence. This much I am told is disclosed by the depositions of many ; and doth the more increase my * Moore, in vol. iv. of his History of Ireland, which abounds in errors, has made a strange mistake about this lady, who was not, as he says, mother of the countess Tyrconnel, but her grandmother. See the Marquis of Kildare's " Earls of Kildare." TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 245 sorrow that such as are derived from myself and allied also near unto me, as some of them are, should once admit so wicked a thought into their minds, and thereby draw the just indignation of God and their prince upon themselves, and give occasion of jealousy against me. "But herein I hope that my own innocency shall have defence in your honour's censure, seeing the world can witness my dutiful behaviour from my birth to my prince and sovereign, which, with the general good opinion of your lordship's honorable and settled judg- ment, emboldeneth me thus to resort to your lordship with complaint of these my present misfortunes. Humbly praying that for the coming of those men to my house, your lordship will be pleased to know, which I write not to boast myself thereof, that in mine own disposition I never could, since God and my prince sent me to this kingdom, shut my doors to keep out any men that showed countenance of integrity, civility, or honesty, much less might I keep out such as by nature and alliance were any way towards me, to whom I had greater care how to give meet entertainment than either hearken what they said or inquire what they contrived, so as they might do many things in private, either good or bad, wherewith I should not be made acquainted, — ^myself, through weakness and age, being these two years past not able to bear com- pany out of my chambers, although sometimes I was forced, and that seldom, in my litter, to take the air abroad. " I therefore humbly beseech your lordship, that in hearing the examinations purporting matter in these late accidents, as conspired or plotted at Maynooth, I may, for myself and my house, have that honorable protection from your lordship as my true innocency and my faithful duty to my sovereign deserveth. 246 FATE AND FORTUNES OF "There came to my service, about two years one Francis Barnaby, agent, whose employment in my causes hath done me great comfort, for with some men, more beholden unto me than himself, taking the same in ill part, hath suggested some matter against him of purpose to remove him from me. And because I am fully persuaded of the gent's loyalty and good meaning since his coming hither to me, I make like- wise bold to pray your favorable opinion of him until himself may answer the accusations, if any may be preferred to your lordship against him. And so pray- ing your honorable and favorable acceptance of this my presumption, meant only for my own justification, I humbly take leave. " Your lordship's very assured, " Mabel Kilbare.*' This letter surely does not admit the truth of the charges made by Howth against the husband of the aged countess' granddaughter, but insinuates rather that she herself, although of English birth and un- doubted loyalty, had good reason to be dissatisfied with the deputy's unjustifiable interference with her domestic arrangements. Before dismissing this subject, we may not omit to say, that Tyrconnel did his utmost to have his countess sent after him ; for, notwithstanding the royal calum- nies, and the flagrant lies which Davys and others fabricated for the purpose of disparaging him, we may take for granted that he would not, had he been able to help it, have left the partner of his affections behind him. Let us premise, however, that at the time when Chichester wrote to her, all the ports in Ireland had been, by his command, laid, that is, placed, under the TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 247 surveillance of his police, who took careful note of every new arrival. Owing to the apprehensions of a Spanish landing, every one, native and foreigner, who set foot on the Irish shores, was a suspect ; so much so, that the trim of a beard, the bold carriage of a man with sun-browned visage, and the subdued de- meanour of another, made them liable to arrest. In fact, many and many a one was, for these reasons, set upon by the deputy's spies, and haled before justices, who, with assumed gravity, and, of course, zealous loyalty, interrogated each of them as to what they had seen abroad — what was the pope doing — and, above all, would the king of Spain send back O'Neill and O'Donel to repossess themselves, by force of arms, of their vast estates, and restore the Popish religion. Miscreants enough were found who fabricated most exaggerated descriptions of their experiences abroad, affirming that the Irish in the Spanish and the arch- duke's services were about to embark for Ireland ; and that Paul v., indignant at the tyranny of James I. to his Irish Catholic subjects, was urging Philip III. to send an expedition to Ireland. Whether Chichester really feared such an event or not, it is quite certain that some of his creatures, as we shall see, did their utmost to persuade him that there could be no doubt about it. Now, among those taken up on suspicion, was one Thomas Fitzgerald, a friar of St. Francis' order, whose arrest occurred precisely two days after the countess of Tyrconnel had despatched her answer to the deputy's letter. The examination of this indi- vidual exhibits Tyrconnel so favourably in the twofold relations of husband and father, that we publish it here, not doubting that it will be agreeable to the reader, as it reflects vividly the mode of thought, expression, and action peculiar to that most disastrous period. 248 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The Examination of Thomas Fitzgerald, a Franciscan friar, taken the 2rd of October, 1607, at the Castle of Dublin. " First, he said he came from Spain into the kingdom of Ireland in January last, to no other purpose but to use his function here ; and, going from place to place, he never thought or had any knowledge of any ill-pur- poses of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel until the Wednesday after their departure, at which time he met with one Owen Groom e Magrath, another friar of the same order, and his superior in this land, who told him that the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel were gone out of the kingdom, either for Spain or Flanders, the Thursday last preceding. He (the examinate) made motion to the said Owen to license him to depart hence towards Paris or Louvain, to follow his study ; to which Owen said that the lady of Tyrconnel was left behind, and it was like she would follow her husband, when he might go in her company, and be her ghostly father, and, by his language and experience, assist her until he brought her to her husband, and then he might take the course his superiors there would appoint him. Whereupon he, the said Owen, writ unto the said lady in his commendations, which letters he himself carried unto her, and delivered them with his own hands. " After she had perused the letters, she told him that she was afraid that she should be troubled by reason of her husband's flight, and therefore she would gladly depart hence, either for France, Spain, or some other country, and requested him to go to Dublin, and try whether he could procure a fit passage for that purpose. This business he soon after performed, by means of a Frenchman then in that harbour ready to depart ; and thereupon he returned unto her, and acquainted her TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 249 with what he had done, when he found her mind altered, being, as she said, resolved to go first into England. Whereupon he (the examinate) departed from her, and returned to Dublin, and from thence writ unto her the next day, counselling and advising her to stay in Ireland until she had acquainted her friends in England with her purposes of going to her husband, and therein receive their allowance and directions. " He thinks his letters were intercepted ; and the next day, in the afternoon, he was taken and committed to the castle of Dublin. " He saith, further, that Owen Groome Magrath told him that the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel had sent one John Bath into Spain, five or six months since, to pray the king of Spain's favour and assistance, they being fearful to be taken or sent for into England, from whence and the Low Countries they received several answers and intelligences soon after, one of which was by a priest named Rory Albanagh, another by an officer of one of the Irish company's, either an ensign or a sergeant, whose name he knoweth not, nor of what company he was. , " Rory Albanagh came about midsummer last, and the officer not a month before their departure. Eory told him that the king of Spain would have them rather to go into England than come unto him, for he would give no offence to the king, our master, by re- ceiving them, being in league with him ; but, said he, the king and the archduke will write to the king, their master, to be gracious unto them if they had offended. But soon after this it was informed out of England to their friends in Flanders, especially to the archduke, that the earl of Tyrone was sent for into England, and that he should never return back into Ireland again, and that the earl of Tyrconnel should be 250 FATE AND FOETUNES OF taken and committed in Ireland : whereupon the ensign or sergeant above said was sent to acquaint them with what was advertised concerning them on that side^ willing them withal to be in readiness to attend the coming of a ship, which should be sent for them soon after ; and having delivered this message, he returned, as E-ory Albanagh had done before. " The said Owen told him further that the ship was a Frenchman, and that she came out of Brittany ; that she was met withal and stayed a day or two by a Scot- tishman betwixt the lands of Ireland and Scotland, and being released, she came and anchored at Lough Swilly about the 25th of August, and gave out that she was come to the fishing, having good store of salt and nets aboard: she remained there nine days. John Bath was master; and in her came over Cuconnaught Maguire, Matthew TuUy, and Donough O'Brien. " Upon their first coming to Lough Swilly, this Donough O'Brien landed by night, and went to the earl of Tyrconnel to acquaint him with the arrival of the ship ; whereupon Tyrconnel sent notice thereof to Tyrone by the above said Owen Groome Magrath. " Letters they brought none from the king of Spain, archduke, or pope ; but they brought in money the sum of fifteen hundred pounds, to bear their charges. " The said Owen told the examinate further that Donough O'Brien told him that the earls were sent for to preserve them from danger, and that they should remain beyond seas upon the king's charge ; but they should not be admitted to the court until there were a conclusion to the treaty in hand betwixt the king of Spain, the archduke, and the Hollanders. " Owen Magrath said further, that if the peace be not agreed on and concluded betwixt the king of Spain and the States, and that if the king, our master, do take TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 261 part with the Hollanders, then will the Spaniard break the peace with England, and send an army this next spring into Ireland; otherwise, if the peace be con- cluded, the king of Spain will continue and confirm the league with England, and persuade with the king to pardon their offences, and to settle them in their countries in the same state that they were before the last rebellion, with liberty of conscience at least in their own countries. And if there were war, the pope had promised to assist them with 50,000 crowns yearly, and with some men, if he could conveniently bring it to pass. " The examinate [saith, upon his oath, taken upon the holy Testament of Jesus Christ and his priesthood, that what he had delivered is true ; and upon the same oath saith that he was never acquainted with Tyrone or Tyrconnel, Owen Groome Magrath, or any northern man of note, the titulary bishop of Down excepted, but such as he hath met withal beyond the seas, and knew, being scholars together in their youth, until at this time, when he met with the above said Owen Groome Magrath ; neither had he any acquaintance with the countess of Tyrconnel before this time. He saith he expected the coming over of father Florence this last summer, who is the provincial of his order, and this Owen Groome Magrath is his deputy in Ireland ; but now he thinks he will not come until there be some settlement or alteration. " F. Thomas Fitzgerald. " Taken before me, Arthur Chichester." Father Fitzgerald's charitable offices failed, and he himself, instead of being allowed to pass to the Conti- nent to prosecute the active duties of his calling, was sent to the castle prison, where he had ample leisure to 252 FATE AND FORTUNES OF cultivate a contemplative life. He deserved kindlier treatment, for assuredly, since the days of Juliet's "Father Laurence," there never was kindlier friar. Fitzgerald, too, might have pleaded — "If aught in tliis Miscarried by my fault, let my old life Be sacrificed unto the rigour of severest law." But as for the countess of Tyrconnel, it was doomed that she should never see her lord again. In fact, Chichester sent her to London, and on her departure wrote to the privy council, " that her husband had left her in pitiful case, without jointure or support be- fitting her estate — that her husband's lands were waste — and that the tenants would not live under her, she being a lady, and, in their opinion, not able to defend them ; which," he concludes, " is the chief cause of their dependence on their landlords." Nothing can exceed this hypocrisy, when we call to mind that Chichester and his subordinates gave the unfortunate earl no peace or leisure to turn his lands to good account, but were continually harassing him and his, as their wicked in- genuity suggested. The countess of Tyrconnel was well received at the court of king James, " where, when she came," says sir Roland White, in a letter to lord Shrews- bury, " she kissed his majesty's hand, and a sweeter face you never saw. Indeed, the king wondered her husband left so fair a face behind him."* But, about this period, Chichester's police contrived to * By the earl of Tyrconnel she had one son, Hugh, who succeeded to his father's title, and two daughters, Eliza and Mary. Concern- ing the latter, there is a romantic story in sir B. Burke's "Vicissitudes of Families." On the death of her husband, the countess married Nicholas, viscount Kingsland, and had a pension of £300 a year out of Tyrconnel's forfeited estates. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 253 arrest other suspects, whose examinations were calculated to keep alive his apprehensions of a Spanish landing ; for, having made up his mind to be frightened, every petty incident filled him with alarm. Indeed, the depo- sitions made towards the close of 1607 and commence- ment of the following year, are so voluminous, that it is difficult to make choice of the most interesting, since each has claim to that designation. The few, however, which we give will convince the reader that we have not misdescribed their speciality, the more so as they were made by persons representing the most strongly contrasted social positions. Thus, in the statements of James Roche, we have the autobiography of an indi- vidual not at all rare at that period of strange adven- tures ; one of those who had a hand for anything, from cooking a capon to despatching a Dutch boor in a drunken brawl — one day fighting for prince Maurice, the Protestant, and next day marching under the ban- ners of the Catholic archdukes — a fellow, in short, after Dalgetty's own heart, whom • that worthy would have prized as his veritable menechme. This vagabond's experiences abroad are singularly curious, and his nar- rative of passing events, although gathered in the canteen, has about it a semblance of truth that does not usually invest the gossip of such places : — " The Examination of James Roche, an Irishman of the lord Roche's country, being these two years past in the Low Countries, and serving of colonel Henry O'Neill as his cook. " He saith that he first served sir William Stanley as a cook, and afterwards with the Graf Maurice,* where, receiving some disgrace of a Dutchman, he killed him * Count Maurice of Nassau. 254 FATE AND FORTUNES OF in fight, which made him to run away to the archduke's army, and there lived in the service of the lord Henry all this while, till, about the 20th of November last, he parted thence, and bound his course for Ireland. " He saith that Maguire came to the lord Henry about Whitsuntide last, at Brussels, where the archduke then remained, who entertained him well, and presently gave him 7,000 crowns in his purse, which sum was given him by a liverance out of Spain, as this examinate did learn in the army. " He saith that Maguire tarried not there above one month, but parted thence for Spain, as the common report was ; but this examinate saith that afterwards he heard that Maguire, upon his going from Brussels, addressed himself, in the habit of a merchant, to Kouen, where he and John Bath of Drogheda bought a ship of salt, and with the same came to the north of Ireland, where they took in the earls and the rest. " He saith that the plot and the manner of Maguire's disguising and dissembling, was much commended in the Low Countries after his return. "He saith that, upon the arrival of both the earls, the lord Henry, with all the Irish captains, went to Douay, where they met them. "He saith that the archduke, receiving news from Tyrone of his arrival, and coming towards him at Notre- Dame, three leagues from Brussels, where they accord- ingly met, and after many compliments, the marquis [Spinola], attended wdth many gallants, brought him to Brussels, and he entertained him that night. " He saith also that, after his entertainment there that night, he repaired the next morning to Louvain, and was received there into the Irish college. " He saith they were often entertained there by the lord Henry very sumptuously. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 255 " He saith that, since Tyrone's coming thither, till November last, when this examinate parted the country, the said Tyrone, nor any of the rest, came at the arch- duke, who, as was reported, wished them to forbear coming at him. " He saith that many of the Irish in the Spanish army, being all the last summer resolved to retire into this country, and watching fit opportunity for the same, they were all stayed, and commanded to stay in the army, upon the coming of Tyrone thither ; to which purpose a more straight eye is fixed upon them than hath been formerly, which was done by the suit of Tyrone. " He saith that in the Irish regiment there are many priests that have pay out of the army, amongst which M'Egan, Flahir O'Mulconry, and father Cusack are the chiefest ; the first whereof, in reputation, is not inferior to the other, but the other two are more stirring, and therefore employed in directions and plots betwixt the Spanish court and the Low Countries. The lord Henry hath another priest, named doctor Chamberlayne, who still attends him, and is used in the secrecy of all their works. " He saith that he observed much willingness in the Irish to attempt the invasion of this kingdom, if any foreign prince do undergo the war ; but he knoweth no more certainly where they should make the seat thereof, or who should undertake it. " He saith that when others there did speak of the toil and insecurities of the war, and therein recommend- ing Ireland for the air and quiet thereof, he heard the lord Henry often say that he would never come thither to divide a small portion of inheritance with his brother, nor otherwise to live therein, if he were not employed thither by the king of Spain in some great army, where he might make himself a fortune. 256 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " He saith that the Irish there do much mutter a war for Ireland, and that the same is earnestly solicited in both courts of Spain and Rome, but with more canker in the first, where those motions are made, not directly, but by means and provocation of breaches. " He saith that, upon his coming from thence, the earl of Tyrone was instantly bound to Rome, accompanied with father Flahir O'Mulconry as his principal guide, captain Fitzsimons, Mr. Bath of Drogheda, and others. "He saith that whatever is intended, as he thinks, is not yet ripe with them for execution, for if it were, the same could not be so covertly carried, but the general project thereof should have been the discourse of some of the Low Countries, who feed themselves already Upon their affections and desires of innovation and change, and do long to see some attempt answerable to their wishes." The depositions of another examinate, a priest named Cronin, show what strange transformations one of his calling was obliged to adopt at the period, in order to elude arrest on arriving in Ireland. The erratic life of this individual, his pursuit of knowledge under difi&cul- ties notwithstanding, inclines us to believe that he was far from trustworthy, and that his ecclesiastical superiors had interdicted him the exercise of clerical functions. Be that as it may, there is a statement in his examina- tion totally at variance with truth, namely, that regard- ing the threatened excommunication of the king of Spain ; and as for that relating to the " conventicle of priests " held in Fermanagh, we can easily conceive that it was a meeting for ecclesiastical, and not for bel- ligerent purposes, as Cronin insinuates. At all events, the examinate was a priest, and Chichester concluded, from such premises, illogically it must be confessed. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 257 that Cronin was as intimate with the inside of the Vatican and Escurial as he was with the lections of his Breviary. " The Examination of John Cronin, priest, aged 45 years or thereabouts, native of Maguinness' country, near the Newry, taken at Cork, the 20th of March, 1607. "In A.D. 1599 he was recommended by Brian M'Art to the then O'Donel, who sent him from Sligo, with divers letters for the invasion of Ireland, to some of the Burkes and Geraldines, and to a priest called HorseweU, then all residing in Spain. He stayed there but three months, and after, for devotion, with a desire to follow his studies, he went to Rome, continuing there and in Italy four years. The principal practisers at that time in Rome were Peter Lombard, pretended bishop of Armagh, metropolitan of Ireland, and doctor White, both Waterford men, with one Patrick Phillips, an Eng- lishman. " After this time, being solicited by divers messages from Henry O'Neill, he bent his journey towards the Low Countries, and in his passage continued for a time at Paris with Thomas D'Arcy, chief of the Irish in the college of Navarre. From thence he came to Brussels, continuing thereabouts until February in A.D. 1606. Henry O'Neill addressed him with letters to O'Sullivan Bere, friar Florence, and Owen M'Brian, both priests, Connaught men. By O'Sullivan's means the king of Spain gave him forty crowns, and received a despatch from thence only from friar Florence, " quod omnia parata erant," which he was to deliver unto Tyrone by word of mouth, and to assure all Catholics that they should not be long unrelieved. With this only message he essayed to embark at divers ports in Galicia; and s 258 FATE AND FORTUNES OF failing there, came to Bourdeaux, where he was cherished by Dermot M'Callahan M'Art, of Munster, principal in the college, and very ill-affected to the state. But fail- ing likewise there of shipping, he essayed to embark in Brittany, and was, in the end, enforced to come to Calais, where, having fitted himself and two priests more, his companions, according unto such attire as he saw certain soldiers come from the States' side, those three priests together embarked themselves in a passenger at Calais, the latter, end of August, 1607, for Dover, and from thence went to London, where, by the means of certain costermongers, their countrymen, they obtained a pass, as soldiers of count Maurice's army, from my lord mayor, to return into Ireland. About Michaelmas they landed at Bullock, near Dublin, and finding Tyrone departed, and Brian M'Art, his old master, executed, he departed to Art M'Baron's, and thereabouts continued until towards Christmas. Owen O'CuUen and Edward O'Mullarky sent for him unto Balefarnan [Multifernan], in my lord of Delvin's country, where they imparted unto him their despatch from T3n:"one and Tyrconnel about the begin- ning of December, and arriving at Loughcarme* in that month, to assure all their friends and partisans that the pope had enjoined the king of Spain, suh poena eoccom- municationis, to assist and repossess the fugitive princes, whereupon they were assured of speedy and effectual aid. There were further produced in his presence divers letters, some subscribed by O'Neill, and some by O'Donel, as he heard, for they were all sealed and left to their address ; they superscribed some at that instant, but he only remembers one to Maguinness and another 'to M'Mahon. " In February following, a great conventicle of priests met in Fermanagh, from whence he was despatched to * The Irish name of Wexford. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 259 O'Neill and O'Donel, with assurance from all their ghostly fathers, that O'Cahan Randolf M'Sorly, Maguin- ness, O'Reilly M'Mahon, Brian M'Guire, Ever M'Cowley, O'Dogherty, M'Swyney, that hath married M' William Burke's sister, Brian M'Hugh O'Duffy, Donell Spaniagh, and captain Tirrell, were all ready to assist them. The like certificate should be made from all other parts. With this resolution he came to Limerick, and finding no shipping there ready, went to Cork, where he was taken." But all this babble was worthless in comparison of the terror which sir Geoffry Fenton put into Chichester's head ; for in early life he had been in Spain and Italy, knew well the animus of foreign courts, and how wil- lingly the king of Spain would make Ireland the theatre of war, if for nothing else to punish the English for having helped to disintegrate Spanish Flanders. To doubt such authority as Fenton 's would be paradoxical, and Chichester consequently had great faith in his fore- castings. Fenton, therefore, with a view to his own interests, suggested the immediate forfeiture of the best part of Ulster, and the distribution of it among those meritorious servitors, whose right, like that of the hounds to the quarry, was to tear it piecemeal after hunting it down. Fenton was at all times a state beggar; and during Elizabeth's reign we find him craving the ap- pointment of surveyor of parish churches and steeples, the fees being bacon and chickens levied off the sties and hen-roosts of recusant Papists. He was, in sooth, one of those — ** Court vermin, that buzz round And fly-blow in the king's ear, and make him waste, In the most perilous times, his people's wealth and blood ; And for themselves and their dependents seize All places and all profits." 260 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " To the right honorable my singular good lord the earl of Salisbury, lord principal secretary, and knight of the order, 'Hagan, formerly constable of the castle of Dungannon, received in lieu thereof a portion of his brother Henry's goods, and Henry O'Hagan's wife and her children had all her husband's goods at the suit of her father, sir Eoghy O'Hanlon, who had made a surrender of all his lands to the crown. * See Appendix. 284 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The wife of Teigue O'Keenan had similar allowance at the request of the earl of Thomond, to whom she was related; and the same consideration was shown to many others who were presumed to have had no part in aiding the flight of the earls and their followers. The most remarkable item, however, in sir Toby's memorandum, is that relating to young Con O'Neill ; for he states that he was allowed by warrant to seize the countess of Tyrone's goods, " in consideration that he had kept the child in his own care, and found him in meat and drink."* The same system of receivership was observed in regard of the estates of the earl of Tyrconnel, and we may suppose with similar allowances to certain indivi- duals dwelling there, provided they were able to prove that they had no sympathy with their late lord, and had not aided his escape. As a matter of course, wards were placed in all his castles, from Ballyshannon to Castle Doe, and every precaution was taken to secure them against surprise, either by his dependents or the earl himself, if he should return, as it was given out, to repossess himself of his lands. But the matters at which we have thus merely glanced, were of minor moment in comparison of those which were soon to follow, and which demanded all the care and circumspection that the lord deputy and his chief adviser, sir John Davys, could devote to them. Before touching this subject, however, we deem it necessary to make the reader acquainted with Chiches- ter's forecastings of what he thought, or affected to think, the earls and their associates contemplated, now that they were safe beyond the seas. It will be borne * Con was only seven years old when taken by Caulfield from his fosterers, and lodged in the fort of Charlemont. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 285 in mind, that the deputy's grand aim was to attaint them of treason, and confiscate their lands ; and in order the more surely to effect this, he did not scruple to invent and circulate every species of calumny and misrepresentation, which he knew would find ready credence with the king, who, as we have seen, had already proved his own appreciation of that peculiar style of argument. Now, however, was the opportune moment to keep dinning in his majesty's ears that the fugitives had conspired to deprive him of his crown, and that even iu their exile they were busily engaged collect- ing means to effect their purpose. Furthermore, Chiches- ter knew that the king was then sorely perplexed by the incessant importunities of the beggarly rabble which had followed him from Scotland, persistently clamour- ing at his palace-doors for aids in land or money, so much so, that he was obliged to publish a proclamation against their continued influx. Nay, more, even the craftsmen of London could hardly live owing to the multitudinous presence of these adventurers, who, it was more than hinted, even endangered the public health by over-crowding the city. Thinking over all this, the deputy was not slow in discovering sure means by which the king could at once and for ever release himself from the urgent solicitations of his greedy courtiers, and save his capital, if not from pestilence, at all events from disease, the seeds of which the Scots- men had imported along with themselves. Now, indeed, was the opportune moment to come to the king's aid; and what better way had his majesty of providing for the beggars who so teased him, than to parcel out among them the vast estates which Tyrone and Tyrconnel formerly possessed 1 It is almost superfluous to state that Chichester, over and over again, invited the royal attention to this 286 FATE AND FORTUNES OF expedient, taking special pains to persuade the sove- reign that he could place no reliance on the word of the king of Spain, who had formerly, in the lifetime of the late queen, assisted Tyrone and O'Donel with forces by sea and land ; and who, being now solicited by the pope, would do the same again, for the sake of reposses- sing the fugitives, and restoring the religion they pro- fessed in Ireland. To leave Ulster unsettled till the fugitives came back, would be a mistake involving most irreparable consequences ; for the people would be only too anxious to rally round their old chieftains, and the more enthusiastically, when they were told that the pope blessed their banner, and the king of Spain was willing to aid them with money, ships, and munitions. The cogency of these arguments, if they may be so called, was acknowledged by the king; and he, there- fore, resolved that Chichester should have his approval and sanction for whatsoever course he adopted to rid him of the solicitations of his parasites, and from what he dreaded still more, the doubtful issue of a conflict with the inhabitants of one province of his kingdom, whether assisted or not by Spanish swords or Spanish dollars. Acting, therefore, on the discretionary powers given him, Chichester, after consulting his legal advisers, con- cluded that, in order to forward the king's interests with some specious show of equity, it was absolutely neces- sary to first indict the fugitives and their adherents of the treasons " of which," says sir John Davys, "they found themselves guilty." The attorney-general, there- fore, by command of the deputy, drew the bill of indict- ment in Dublin, and took it with him to the north, whither he proceeded with a long array of commis- sioners, clerks, sheriffs, and an imposing force of horse and foot. Their first session was at Lifford, in Donegal, TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 287 where a jury was impannelled of twenty-three Irishmen and ten Englishmen, with sir Cahir O'Dogherty for foreman, " who," says Davys, " next to the earl of Tyr- connel, hath the largest territories there." " The bill being read in English and Irish," continues the attorney- general, " evidence was given that their guilty con- sciences, and fear of losing their heads, was the cause of their flight." The latter, doubtless, was one of the many reasons that constrained them to go away ; but as for the guilt of conscience, one cannot help being astonished at finding such an official usurping an arbitrament that belongs to God alone. Were guilty conscience a motive for flying one's country, Davys and many of his col- leagues would, presuming they had a conscience, have found this world's limits too circumscribed for their wanderings. The jurors, however, although each and all — the foreman especially — hostile to Tyrone, made some difficulty about finding the bill, till sir John ex- plained to them that an indictment was only an accusa- tion. When, however, a question was raised about the monstrously absurd allegation that Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and their co-exiles meant to compass the death of the king, sir Arthur Chichester, and, mayhap, Davys him- self, the jurors refused to find that clause of the bill true, till sir John was obliged, as he himself says, " to use a little rhetoric," that is, to have recourse to exaggerations and calumnies, the logic of liars. " Whoso," said he, doubtless with that mystery of body commonly known as gravity, which has been invented to conceal craft as well as dullness — " whoso would take the king's crown from his head, would likewise, if he could, take his head from his shoulders; and whoever would not suffer the king to reign, if it lay in his power, would not suffer the king to live." Bad as the jurors were, Davys found it hard to convince them of this, all his affected 288 FATE AND FORTUNES OF emphasis notwithstanding ; for it occurred to them that a man might take the hat off another's head, without intending to pull off his head along with it ; nor could they see how moving a gilded chair from under a man, necessarily involved murderous purpose. Nevertheless, the rhetoric succeeded at Lifford, for sir John had made choice of a pliant j ury. As for sir Cahir, who, unlike many other celebrities, has survived his apotheosis, he was then a zealot for English law, and the veriest creature of the attorney-general. The commissioners held their next session atStrabane, where a similar jury was impannelled, with sir Henry Oge O'Neill, one of Tyrone's most implacable enemies, for foreman. The bill of indictment being read to them in English and Irish, they immediately found that Tyrone had treasonably taken upon him the name of " O'Neill," " for proof of which," says Davys, "we had only one warrant, written in Irish, wherein the earl com- manded O'Quinn, his major-domo, to pay money this- wise : 'O'Neill bids O'Quinn to pay sixty pounds.' " But here a difficulty arose, when it was objected that said warrant w^as subscribed "Tyrone." The attorney- general, however, was not to be foiled; for he had evidence to prove, that when the earl was in the presence of Englishmen, he was content to be called earl; but when among his followers, he would be highly indignant, nay, offended, if he was not styled "O'Neill." As to the treasonable murders he had committed there could be no doubt, for a note of them, probably made by Davys himself, "was put into my lord deputy's hand, as he was going to church a few days before the flight;" and surely no one could be impious enough to come between so devout a man and his prayers, with a list of charges that was not above all suspicion ! Witnesses thereon were called to prove the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 289 murders done by Tyrone, but they were the kinsfolk of those whom he, by virtue of the power with which he was invested, executed for various felonies. Neverthe- less, the jury, like all those impannelled to indict a mere Irishman, found for the crown ; and the attorney- general, overjoyed at the success of his " rhetoric," before dissolving the commission, waxed bland, and kindly assured them "that his majesty would thenceforth take the people of Ulster under his fatherly care, and pro- tect them against the oppressions of their former lords, thinking nothing too good for them that the royal bounty could bestow." Sir Henry Oge O'Neill was duly comphmented by the attorney-general for his loy- alty, "civility," and other such attributes, which raised him so immeasurably abo\^e the level of people of his class; and the unhappy man was weak enough to swallow all this adulation, never reckoning that sir John would one day write, that it was "as natural for an Irish lord to be a thief, as it is for the devil to be a liar, of whom it was written he was a liar and a murderer from the beginning." Assuredly jury-packing, "rhetoric" — for which there is a well-known synonyme — and devout Scripture-quoting attorneys-general, are no novelties in Ireland. There was only one thing wanting to make thi| pro- ceeding a complete success, and that was the presence of O'Cahan, who, although urged by the deputy to at- tend the commissioners, refused to appear. This grieved the attorney-general; "for," says he, " I always proved myself O'Cahan's good friend in all suits between him and the earl of Tyrone." But O'Cahan had sulked, and fallen out with the bishop of Derry, who, he alleged, had done him wrong by seizing some of his lands, which the self-denying prelate asserted belonged to the Church. The attorney-general, however, fixed his eye on the re- u 290 FATE AND FORTUNES OF calcitrant, who, "as yet," he tells us, "had done no violent act, albeit he had a brother who was then play- ing ' the Kobin Hood,' and with Donald Ballagh's con- nivance." The chief business of the commission, however, was accomplished, for the indictment was returned into the King's Bench, whereupon process was speedily to issue, in order that the fugitives and their adherents might be attainted of treason. The names figuring on the face of the bill were : " Hugh, earl of Tyrone ; Eory, earl of Tyrconnel; Caffar O'Donel, late of Droghedowna, county Donegal; Cuconnaught Maguire, Donel Oge O'Donel, Art Oge, Cormac O'Neill, Henry O'Neill, Henry Ho- vendon, Henry O'Hagan, Moriarty O'Quinn, John Bath, Christopher Plunket, John O'Punty O'Hagan,* Hugh O'Gallagher, Carragh O'Gallagher, John and Edmond Mac Davitt, Maurice O'Multully, Donogh O'Brien Mac Mahon, George Cashel,TeigueO'Keenan, and many other false traitors, who, by the instigation of the devil, did conspire and plot the destruction and death of the king, sir Arthur Chichester, &c., and did also conspire to seize, by force of arms, the castles of Athlone, Ballyshannon ; Duncannon, county Wexford; Lififord, county Donegal; and with that intent did sail away in a ship, to bring in an army composed of foreigners to invade the kingdom of Ireland, to put the king to death, and to depose him from the style, titles, power, and government of the imperial crown." Here we have the informations of Howth andDelvin, manipulated by the attorney-general, and returned as a true bill by the incompetent and lying jurors of Strabane and LifFord. Davys lost no time in forwarding a copy of the indictment to lord Salisbury, but besought him, at the same time, to keep it secret ; * John O'Hagan of the purse, treasurer to the O'Neill. 1 TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 291 " for/' says he, " records of this value are never commu- nicated, and I have promised to send your lordship this copy to give you full satisfaction touching this business." How thankful the lord secretary must have been for sir John's dexterity, persuasive rhetoric, and foresight ! Little, however, did the foreman of the Lifford jury imagine, that, before a quarter of a year should have elapsed, his own name was to figure in another bill of traitors to the crown of James I. Little did he think that the retributive justice of heaven was to overtake him, as it invariably does, sooner or later, openly or secretly, all those, the lowliest as well as the highest, who stain their souls with the crime of perjury. Such, hoAvever, was his doom ; but before narrating the cir- cumstances that led to his overthrow and final undoing, we deem it right to acquaint the reader with the ante- cedents of one who has hitherto been celebrated by Irish poets and prose writers as a martyr-patriot, simply be- cause he was killed in rebellion. On the death of sir John O'Dogherty, slain in 1600, Hugh Roe O'Donel caused his brother, Phelim Oge O'Dogherty, to be inaugurated prince of Inishowen, because Cahir, son of John, a boy then in his thir- teenth year, was too young to command the sept. Now, this Cahir was fostered by the clan Mac Davitt ; and the foremost men among them — Hugh Buidh, the yellow-haired, and Phelim Reagh, the freckled — were his foster-brothers, and consequently bound to him by all those ties so peculiar to the ancient Celtic tribes. The foster-brothers, deeming they were outraged by the preference given to Cahir's uncle, addressed themselves to sir Henry Docwra, governor of the English stations on the Foyle, and proposed that if he would maintain Cahir in opposition to O'Donel's nominee, and procure him letters-patent to hold Inishowen as his father had 292 FATE AND FORTUNES OF held it, tliey, in return, would place the lad under his guardianship, and then yield service to the state, or, in other words, desert Phelim Oge. Docwra was over- joyed at the offer, and agreed to all the conditions made by the Mac Davitts, who foolishly went over, with their entire following, to fight under English colours. Docwra lost no time in proclaiming Cahir the queen's O'Dogherty, and had his patrimony, with certain reservations which we have already mentioned, restored to him, under the great seal of England. This divide-and-conquer policy of Docwra bore good fruit for the latter, and those base Mac Davitts were thenceforth his most energetic allies ; to such a degree, that he himself acknowledges, that "with- out their aid it would have been impossible to have made that sure and steady progress in the wars he afterwards did." In justice to him, however, we must admit that he initiated young Cahir into all martial exercises, made him conversant with English statecraft and literature, never in the least interfering with his religious im- pressions, which were duly cultivated by a priest ap- pointed to that duty. The boy grew up strong and comely; and before he reached his sixteenth year, signalized himself in sundry skirmishes against his father's allies. Indeed, Docwra, his preceptor in the art military, had reason to be proud of his valour and accomplishments; so much so, that he made distin- guished mention of him in a despatch from the field of Augher, where Cormac MacBaron, Tyrone's brother, was defeated by the queen's troops. " The country," Avrote sir Henry, " was overgrown with ancient oak and cop- pice. O'Dogherty was with me, alighted when I did, kept me company in the greatest heat of the fight, be- haved himself bravely, and with a great deal of love and affection ; so much so, that I recommended him, at my next meeting with the lord deputy Mountjoy, for TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 293 the honour of knighthood, which was accordingly con- ferred on him."* This, surely, must have delighted those ill-favoured Mac Davitts, who were so intent on ruining their unfortunate country. At length, when the war was terminated by O'Neill's submission, sir Cahir went to London, was received at court, and had a new grant of a large portion of his ancient inheritance. Return- ing to Ireland, he made the acquaintance of Mary, daughter of Christopher fourth viscount Gormanstown, and married her soon aftei*wards. He thus formed an alliance with one of the most ancient Catholic families of the pale, at all times remarkable for their loyalty to the English crown ; and king James was well pleased with such an auspicious union. Returning to Inishowen with his young bride, sir Cahir resided generally in the castle of Elagh, lately re- edified, and occasionally in those of Burt and Buncrana, where he kept the state of a prince, not, indeed, after the fashion of his forefathers, but as he had been taught by sir Henry Docwra, like an English nobleman of the period, hunting the red deer in his forests, fishing, and hawking, as was meet for the lord of that beautiful promontory, bounded by the Foyle, Lough Swilly, and the Atlantic. Harte, the castellan of Culmore ; Nial Garve O'Donel, then a special favourite of the crown ; Vaughan, Babington, and Paulet, governor of Derry, were his familiar associates ; but the links of fosterage were as strong as ever, and consequently the Mac Davitts exercised unlimited control over the semi-Anglicised lord of Inishowen. Traditional veneration has hitherto been bestowed on the memory of sir Cahir O'Dogherty ; but, in clearing away illusions, we substitute real characteristics, and * Docwra's Narrative. 294 FATE AND FORTUNES OF discover that he was one of the many who can have no lasting claim to our respect or sympathies. He de- serves neither ; and future history will, doubtless, pro- nounce the same verdict on many figuring as cele- brities in our days, when time shall have dimmed the artificial halo wherewith imagination now encircles them. With all these advantages of wealth and social posi- tion, one would expect that sir Cahir had no just reason for being discontented; but it appears that, about a month after he had presided as foreman of the Lifford jury, some one informed the deputy that he meditated leaving Ireland without the proper licence, which was then a treasonable offence. The deputy thereon sum- moned him to Dublin, where lord Gormanstown, Thomas Fitzwilliams of Merrion, and sir Cahir himself, entered into recognizances, the said lord and Fitzwil- liams for 50 marks Irish each, and sir Cahir himself for £1,000 English, to be levied off their goods, cattle, lands, &c., upon the following conditions, namely : that if said Cahir shall not depart this realm before the feast of Easter twelve months, without the deputy's licence ; and also, if at all times, within the time before specified, the said Cahir shall make his personal appearance before the deputy, upon twenty days' warning, to be given in writing at his own house at Elagh, or at the dwelling- house of Babington in Derry, and shall not depart without the like special notice ; then this recognizance to be void, otherwise to stand in full force. It was also stipulated that a letter of warning for sir Cahir's appear- ance should be sent one month before, either to Gor- manstown Castle, or to Fitzwilliams', at Merrion, under the hand of the deputy or other chief governor. Whe- ther this obligation on his own, father-in-law's, and Fitzwilliams' part, caused sir Gahir to abandon the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 295 project of quitting Ireland, does not appear; but it is certain that, at the beginning of April, 1608, he was at Lifford, with sir Richard Hansard, captain Harte, Yaughan, Babington,* and others, where he sold 3,000 acres of land to the former, who intended to inhabit same with English. To perfect the sale, it was necessary that sir Cahir and Harte should appear before Paulet, to have his signature affixed to the deed of transfer; and while this was being done, O'Dogherty, it seems, made some observation so offensive, that the governor struck him violently with his clenched fist.-f" The young chief- tain, instead of returning the blow, hurried away to his advisers, the Mac Davitts, related what had occurred, and was told by them that nothing but blood could wipe out such an insult. The people of Inishowen were soon made acquainted with Paulet's conduct, and de- clared that they were ready to resent it whenever sir Cahir gave them the signal. Meanwhile the whole affair was communicated to the deputy, who, apprehending that sir Cahir " would go into action " — the very thing he wished most of all — despatched a letter, summoning him to appear in Dublin, " to free himself of certain rumours and reports touching disloyal courses into which * The Babingtons came to Derry with sir Henry Docwra, and are still represented by a most respectable family in the same city. t The violence of Paulet's character is alluded to in the answer of sir W. Cole to the informations of sir F. Hamilton, addressed to the lords of the committees of both kingdoms, dated 11 th January, 1644 : — " And as touchiug the government of Londonderry aforesaid, this respondent humbly desires leave to declare, that once it was conferred upon sir George Paulet, a man whose temper in some things was much unlike this of the informer's, whose passionate demeanour in his office was not only the occasion of the loss of his own life, but of the loss also of the lives of many of this nation there, and the burning of that town, with the kindling of a violent, though, as it happened, but a short rebellion, in the country thereabouts, which did put the state there to much unnecessary expenses in the suppressing of it." 296 FATE AND FORTUNES OF lie had entered, contrary to his allegiance to the king, and threatening the overthrow of many of his majesty's good subjects. " He also wrote to lord Gormanstown and Fitzwilliams, requiring them to bring in sir Cahir's body; and the messenger, Fitzgarret, made affidavit that he had delivered the letters at Gormanstown Castle, and to Fitzwilliams, " at the cross in Stephen's- green, Dublin." The summons to sir Cahir was read at his house of Elagh, and also at the residence of Babing- ton, called the " Half-burnt House," in Derry ; but he positively refused to enter an appearance, or in any way comply with the deputy's order. Instead of doing so, he took counsel secretly with Nial GarveO'Donel, who, like every villain of his sort, thinking he had not been rewarded according to the full measure of his deserts, advised him to seize Culmore, Castle Doe, and other strong places, and then to march on Derry, and massacre the English settlers in the market-square. The Mac Davitts approved this plan of campaign; and the unhappy sir Cahir, yielding to the influences of his bloody- minded foster-brothers, agreed to carry it into execu- tion as best he could. Keckless of all consequences, both as regarded himself and those who were leagued with him, he resolved to risk everything on this wild enterprise, little heeding that the fugitive earls, who, about the same period, were approaching the walls of Rome, were afterwards to be stigmatized as his abettors and setters-on. Nial Garve promised for himself that he would not fail to lend a hand in the business as soon as it had made progress; but he alleged, as reason for holding aloof till then, that he was striving "to steal away" his son from Dublin, where he was held as hostage for his good behaviour. O'Dogherty, believing this, despatched a trusty messenger to his brother-in-law, O'H anion, son TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 297 of the chief of that name, acquainting him with his project, and inviting him to come to his assistance, with as many armed followers as he could raise. What special reason young O'Hanlon had for involving him- self in this disastrous affair, does not appear ; but he sent sir Cahir word that he would make his way to Inishowen, and take part in the projected rising. But as nothing could be effected till the latter had armed some of his followers, it was suggested that he should lose no time in seizing the fort of Culmore. Let us now see how this ill-advised young man effected his purpose. Towards the close of April, sir Cahir invited captain Harte, governor of Culmore, his wife and infant child, O'Dogherty's godson, to dinner, in the castle of Elagh, where they were long and sumptuously entertained. Dinner over, sir Cahir led Harte into an inner apart- ment, and there told him that the blow he had received from Paulet demanded a bloody revenge. Harte remonstrated ; but no sooner was his voice heard by O'Dogherty's retainers, who were concealed in another room, than they rushed in, and, drawing their swords and skeines, commanded the terrified castellan to deliver Culmore into their hands, if he did not wish to see his wife and child slain in his presence. Harte, however, was inflexible; and sir Cahir, thinking that a few hours' reflection might induce him to surrender his trust, motioned his followers to retire, and then leav- ing the chamber, locked the door on his prisoner. At the expiration of two hours he returned, and finding Harte nowise inclined to comply with his demand, he grew furious, so much so, that the loud, angry tone in which he vented his rage, was distinctly heard by the two ladies — his own and Harte's wife. The latter, suspecting that some foul play was meant her husband, 298 FATE AND FORTUNES OF forced her way into the room, where she found him face to face with O'Dogherty, who was urging his de- mand with a naked sword pointed at the captain's throat. Seeing this, she fell on the floor in a swoon, like one struck dead, till lady O'Dogherty, who had come to her assistance, raised her up, and told her she had no complicity in her husband's rash design. Maddened by this avowal, sir Cahir thrust his wife and captain Harte down the stairs, commanding his men, who were on the alert below, to seize the former. Lady Harte, being kept back by sir Cahir, now fell on her knees to implore mercy for all she held dearest; but instead of being placated by her intreaty, he solemnly swore that she, her husband and infant, should be butchered on the instant, if Culmore was not surrendered to him that very night. Horrified by this menace, she consented to accompany him and his men to the fort, where they arrived about midnight. On giving the password, the gate was thrown open by the warder, whose suspicions were lulled when lady Harte told him that her husband had broken his arm, and was then lying ill in sir Cahir's house. The parley was short, and the followers of sir Cahir, rushing into the bawn, fell on the sleeping gar- rison, slaughtered them in their beds, and then made their way to an upper apartment, where lady Harte's brother, recently come from England, was fast asleep. Fearing that he might get a bloody blanket for his shroud, lady Harte followed them into the room, and implored the young man to offer no resistance to the Irish, who broke open trunks, presses, and other furni- ture, and seized whatever valuables they could clutch. Her thoughtfulness saved the lives of her children and brother ; for as soon as sir Cahir had armed his followers with matchlocks and powder out of the magazine, he left a small detachment to garrison Culmore, and then TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 299 marched rapidly on Derry, where he arrived about two o'clock in the morning. Totally unprepared for such an irruption, the town's-folk were roused from their sleep by the bagpipes and war-shout of the clan O'Dogherty, who rushed into the streets, and made their way to Paulet's house, where sir Cahir, still smarting under the indignity of the angry blow, satisfied his vow of vengeance, by causing that unhappy gentleman to be hacked to death with the pikes and skeines of Owen O'Dogherty and others of his kindred. After plundering the residences of the more opulent inhabitants, seizing such arms as they could find, and reducing the young town to a heap of ashes, sir Cahir led his followers to the palace of Montgomery, the bishop, who, fortunately for himself, was then absent in Dublin. Not finding him, they captured his wife, and sent her under escort to Burt Castle, whither lady O'Dogherty, her sister-in-law, and infant daughter, had gone, with warders for their protection. It was on this occasion that Phelim MacDavitt got into Montgomery's library, and set fire to it, thus destroying hundreds of valuable volumes, printed and manuscript, a feat for which he is not censured — we are sorry to have to acknowledge it — by Philip O'Sullivan, in his account of the fact.* Elated by this successful raid, sir Cahir called off his followers, and proceeded to beleaguer Lifford, where there was a small garrison of English, who could not be induced to sur- render, although suffering severely for want of provisions. Finding all his attempts to reduce the place ineffectual, he sent for the small force he had left in Culmore to join the main body of his partizans, and then marched into M'Swyne Doe's (na Tuath's) country, leaving his wife, sister, daughter, and bishop Montgomery's wife, in Burt * Hist. Cath. Hib. 300 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Castle, with, as he thought, sufficient ward for main- taining that stronghold. Meantime, news of this ill- omened outbreak, that could not show a single element of trust or solidity, reached Dublin; and the lord deputy took speedy measures to suppress it. He im- mediately sent a force of 3,000 men,* commanded by sir Richard Wingfield, sir Thomas Roper, sir Toby Caulfield, sir R Moryson, sir Francis Rush, and Josias Bodley, with instructions to pursue the revolted Irish into their fastnesses, and deal with them summarily. He himself set out to act with the troops ; and, on reaching Dundalk, published a proclamation,"!- in which he offered pardon to all who laid down their arms, or would use them in killing their associates. He took care, however, to except Phelim MacDavitt from all hope of mercy, consigning him to be dealt with by a military tribunal. The English force, in the interval, had made their way into O'Dogherty's country, and, coming before Culmore, found it abandoned by the Irish, who, unable to carry off the heavy guns, took the precaution of burying them in the sea. With Culmore for the base of their operations, and amply supplied with provisions by sir Ralph Bingley, who commanded a ship of war in the Foyle, detachments of " stript men," were sent out to pursue sir Cahir, who, it was surmised, had gone to Doe Castle, then deemed a place of considerable strength ; while another party, under the immediate command of sir Richard Wingfield, marched on Burt Castle, which surrendered without a blow struck. Wingfield immediately liberated the inmates, and sent bishop Montgomery's wife to her * A great many of these were Catholics, and, among the rest, sir Henry Oge O'Neill, Tyrone's adversary, who was killed in action, t See Appendix. TYRONE AND TYECONNEL. 301 husband, and lady O'Dogherty, her infant daughter and sister-in-law, to Dublin Castle. As for sir Cahir, instead of going to Castle Doe, he resolved to cross the path of the English on their march to that place ; and, coming up with them in the vicinity of Kilmacrenan, he com- menced a skirmish with the detachment under sir Francis Rush, when he was shot through the brain by a soldier of that officer's company. The death of the young chieftain spread panic among his followers, most of whom flung away their arms, betook themselves to flight, and were unmercifully cut down; but, in the scuffle for his corse,* be it told to the honour of his foster- brother, an eye-witness assures us, that Phelim Reagh "hestrid it" and never abandoned it till the instinct of self-preservation urged him to provide for his own safety. Sir Cahir's head was immediately struck off, and sent to Dublin, where, it is likely, his young widowf* may have gazed long and wistfully at it, as it decomposed in the July sun, " on a pole on the east gate of the city, called Newgate."J Sir Cahir left no son, nor have we been able to ascertain what was the fate of his infant daughter. He had, however, two brothers, John and Rory, both very young, and residing at the time of the insurrec- tion with their foster-father, O'Rourke, chief of his name in Leitrim. This accident may have saved them from * It was buried near the Rock of Doon. t She subsequently married Anthony, son of sir W. Warren, of Warrenstown, King's county, and had a grant of £80 a year during life. P. R. of James I, 12th year. t According to sir John Davys, O'Dogherty's death happened on the 8th of July, and on a Tuesday, " but the Tuesday eleven weeks, i.e., 77 days after the burning of Derry ; which," remarks the attorney- general, "since is an ominous number, being seven elevens and eleven sevens." According to Giraldus Cambrensis, Tuesday was ever a fortunate day in the conquest of Ireland. 302 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the sword of Chichester, or, at all events, from being consigned to the tutelage of such a distinguished zealot as sir Toby Caulfield, who, doubtless, would have taught them everything but love of their forefathers' religion and country. Happily for them, however, they were carefully warded by the O'Rourke, till they reached man's estate, when Rory took service in the army of the archdukes. He, it would appear, died in Belgium ; but it is likely enough, that the blood of John, sir Cahir's eldest brother, still survives in Spain, the land of Milesius, from whom the bards and senachies of old were wont to derive the high and puissant lineage of the O'Dogherty's, lords of Inishowen. A pedigree, preserved in the Office of Arms, Dublin Castle, would seem to warrant this conjecture, and we, therefore, insert it here as we have found it in the original record : " Sir Cahir, slain 1608, had two brothers, John and Rory. The latter dying, as we have already said, John became the chief of his name, and m. Eliza, d. of Patrick O'Cahan, of Derry, and died 1638, leaving three sons, John, Owen, and William. Owen m. 1638, Mary, d. of sir Constantino O'Rourke, and had by her Cahir, a minor at the time of his father's death. In 1667, said Cahir m. Brigid, d. of Miles O'Reilly, of Drum, county Cavan, and had by her Cahir and Owen, the former of whom died 1732. In 1715, Owen m. the d. of Henry O'Cassidy, M.D., of Louth, and had by her John O'Dogherty, who died 1762. In 1741, John m. Mary, d. of R. O'Kelly, county Cavan, by whom he had two sons, one of whom died in childhood. Cahir, the second son, who died 1784, m. Jane, d. of J. Brown, Graigue, county Carlow, by whom he had three sons, Henry, John, and Clinton- Dillon O'Dogherty, all three under age, and residing in Spain under tuition of their uncle, Henry O'Dogherty, D.D., who retired with them thither. Said Henry, in TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 303 early life, Avent to Paris to study medicine, but took holy orders and the degree of doctor of theology in the far-famed school of Sorbonne, and was subsequently parish-priest of Trim, and vicar-general of the diocese of Meath, but resigned his preferments and went to live in Spain, where there was a fair field for the genius and prowess of Irish papists who could not succeed in their own country."* It was now all over with the princely house of Inish- owen, and thenceforth Elagh, Burt, and Buncrana, with their loughs, teeming glebes, and forests of oak, were to know their ancient lords no more. The chief being prematurely cut off, the remnant of the clan O'Dogherty were, by Chichester's orders, driven to the mountain fastnesses, and suffered to remain there till he had found some other way of getting rid of them for ever. He himself had set his heart on obtaining a grant of O'Dogherty 's lands, but his holding might be imperilled were he to suffer " idle kerne and swordsmen" to bide * This pedigree is certified by Forteseiie, Ulster King-of-Arms, November 4, 1790, and also by an archbishop, two bishops, and lord Fingall, whose attestations run thus: "Nos infrascripti testimonio nixi vironim fide dignorum omnibus notum facimus supradictam ge- nealogiam authenticam esse. In castro de Killeen, 28 Sept. 1790, P. Plunket, episcopus Midensis. Comes de Fingall. Hugo O'Reilly, episcopus Clogherensis, 29 Sept. F. J. T. Troy, 0. P. Dei et S. S. gratia archiepiscopus Dubliniensis, Hib. primas et metropolitanus. Omnibus quorum interest aut interesse possit notum facimus tabulam genealogicam ex monumentis authenticis exscriptam in omnibus genuinam esse ; necnon retroscriptos praesules et illustrissimum comitem de Fingall propriis manibus eidem subscripsisse, sigillaque respectiva apposuisse. Quapropter iisdem uti retro asserentibus omnimodam fidem adhibendam esse testamur. In quorum pleniorem fidem hasce a nobis ipsis manu propria scriptas et subscriptas sigil- loque noatro pontificali muniri jussimus. Dublinii, 21 Oct. 1790. Consecrationis nostrae a. 14, plenioris vero pontificalis inaugurationis A. 4. "F. J. Troy, archiepiscopus Dubliniensis." 304 FATE AND FORTUNES OF there as his tenants. What, then, was he to do with them, or rather how was he to clear them out ? His counsellors, Davys and Caulfield, solved the difficulty, by advising him to seize the able-bodied peasantry, and send them off by hundreds to perish in Livonia and Russia, under the banners of Gustavus Adolphus, then fighting the battle of Protestantism against the Catho- lic house of Austria. Chichester adopted the sugges- tion, appointed Caulfield to the place of muster-master ; and, as sir John Davys tells us, swept Inishowen of six thousand of its inhabitants, who were thus inhumanly compelled to shed their blood in a cause which their consciences could not have approved. Caulfield was largely rewarded for his .services in this instance ; and a captain Sandford, married to the niece of the first earl of Charlemont, had a large grant of lands in con- sideration " of services done to the crown by conducting" — a euphuism for impressing — " loose Irish kerne and swordsmen of Donegal for the king of Sweden."* As matter of course, the vengeance of the law followed speedily the extinction of this miserable out- * Sir Toby made a considerable sum of money by feeding the unfortunate men destined for Gustavus Adolj)lius, and seems to have kept his account with the minuteness of a huxter. Thus : " For the dyett of 80 of said soldiers for 16 daies, during which tyme they were kept in prison in Dungannon till they were sent away, at iiii^ lepeece per diem ; allso for the dyett of 72 of said men kept in prison at Armagh till they were sent away to Swethen, at iiii*^ le peece per diem," &c., &c. Sir Toby, doubtless, wished to send his victims in good condition to the Swedish shambles. This system of "clearing out" the native Irish was continued till 1629, when we find lord deputy Falkland writing to lord Kilultagh, that sir George Hamilton, a papist, then impressing soldiers in Tyrone and Antrim • for the Danish king's service, was opposed by one O'Cullenan, a priest, who advised the people to stay at home. The priest was arrested, and committed to Dublin Castle, where, after being racked, he was hanged for telling his flock to have nothing to do with the Danish TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 305 break — contemptible in all its aspects — and many of the most prominent leaders were instantly executed by sen- tence of courts-martial. Some, however, were reserved to be tried by course of common law, and among these was O'Hanlon, sir Cahir's brother-in-law, to whom he had brought one hundred of his followers. The unfortunate young man, surnamed " Eoghy," or the Cavalier, was arraigned in Armagh, convicted and hanged. He had risked all that life holds dearest on this wretched enter- prise, nor is it unlikely that he would have died with- out regret, had not his last moments been embittered by the sad fate of his youthful wife, "who was found by one of the deputy's soldiers stript of her apparel in a wood, where she perished of cold and hunger, being lately before delivered of a child."* Mac Davitt, sir Cahir's evil genius, or, as sir John Davys calls him, " the firebrand of the rebellion," was subjected to the mockery of trial in Derry, convicted and executed. Indeed, it was unnecessary to have tried him, for, as we have already said, he was excepted from all hope of life by the deputy's proclamation. O'Sullivan-f- repre- sents him as a martyr and confessor ; but the account he gives of his closing scene is fancifully overcoloured, and just as reliable as the speeches which pagan authors have made their heroes utter at a time when stenography was unknown. He died, it is true, in the faith of. his fathers, nor is it probable he would have accepted life had it been offered him as the reward of king's wars. We may also add that Wallenstein offered Walter Butler £30,000 on condition that he went to Ireland, and raised troo^JS for the imperial service ; but he refused, alleging "that jxtor Ireland had been already too much drained of her men." — See Harte's Gus- tavus Adolphus, vol. ii. p. 251. * O'Hanlon's grown sons were sent to the army of the king of Sweden. t Hist. Cath. Hib. 806 FATE AND FOETUNES OF apostacy, although prompted by the terror of a dreadful doom. Instead, therefore, of examining the claims he may have had to the martyr's palm, let us rather hope that his constancy in the faith expiated the crime he committed, by consigning his ill-fated foster-brother to the tutelage of sir Henry Docwra. A heavy weight of guilt rested on his soul for this disgraceful act, dictated by petty ambition ; for he must have known that he was entrusting the boy to one who, if he did not warp him from his religion, was sure to bring him up a despiser of his country, which had the next claim to his tenderest affections. When did English pedagogue ever teach Irish youth otherwise ? At the sessions held in Dungannon, Shane Carragh O'Cahan was found guilty by a jury of his Jdnsr)ien, and executed in the camp. His head, says sir John Davys, was set upon the castle of Dungannon — the castle from which his brother was mainly instrumental in driving its once potent lord into exile ! In the same place a monk, who was a chief adviser of sir Cahir, and was arrested in Burt Castle, tore off his religious habit, and renounced his obedience to the pope ; whereupon the lord deputy gave him his life and liberty. There were, however, others of his calling who refused to pay such a price for life or repentance, and among them was Shane O'Cahan's chaplain, who challenged the jurisdiction of a secular tribunal, when he was arraigned in Coleraine. The objection, however, was overruled, and he died as became him. The people, says Davys, saw that point of doctrine falsified by his judgment and execution, and were thus taught better doctrine by the example of his death, than he had done in all his life before. Indeed, the clergy, secular and regular, of Inishowen, were most cruelly treated at this period by Chichester and his myrmidons; and each and all of TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 307 them might have saved their lives by swearing the oath of supremacy. Father Donatus M'Cready, for example, was offered life and liberty on this condition, but he spumed the proposal, and died true to his faith. Another, a man of tougher muscle, and Provincial of the Irish Franciscans, name O'Mullarky, being arrested by an English captain, and knowing that his constancy would be tempted were he unlucky enough to fall into the hands of such a theologian as Chichester, felled his captor with a sword-thrust, and, while the officer lay prostrate, gave him the option of either fighting it out there and then — for O'Mullarky, too, could play at the carnal weapon — or letting him go about his business. The captain prudently chose the blunter horn of the dilemma, and the Provincial escaped to Spain, where he wrote a narrative of his adventures, which O'SuUi- van says he read in manuscript. The incidents we have related are, with few excep- tions, sad and humiliating ; but they become suggestive when we learn, on the authority of an eye-witness, that no day passed without the killing and taking some of the dispersed rebels — one betraying another to get his own pardon and the goods of the party be- trayed, according to the proviso so adroitly inserted in the deputy's proclamation. Nor was there lack of in- formers to make the executive acquainted with the complicity, either overt or underhand, of those who sympathised with the ill-fated insurrection. In fact, the deputy and his agents had more delators than they could compensate, and some of this calling held social position, which might have saved them from sus- picion of descending to the ignoble level of caterers to the executioner and the jailer. Yet such was the fact; for we find, among others who distinguished them- selves in this role, Ineenduv — the dark lady — mother of 308 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Hugh Roe O'Donel, and Rory, eaii of Tyrconnel, sending informations to bishop Montgomery, and accusing Nial Garve, her son-in-law, of complicity in sir Cahir O'Dogherty's revolt. Chichester thought well of her revelation, and, in consideration thereof, bestowed on her some hundred acres in the vicinity of Kilmacrenan, where her once potent son was inaugurated chief of his sept and lord of Tyrconnel. In extenuation of her con- duct, we may reasonably assume that she was actuated by a feeling of mortal hatred to Nial, whose defection humbled her adopted country,* and helped to drive her noble sons into exile — the one to find a grave in Valla- dolid, and the other to dree the short life of a state mendicant in Rome. Be that as it may, we can afford no commiseration for the object of her animosity, but rather suppose that every true Irish heart rejoiced when sir Richard "Wingfield -j* arrested Nial Garve, his son Naghtan, and his two brothers. The same officer also arrested Donald Ballagh O'Cahan; for although it could not be proved that he had acted overtly in sir Cahir's wild raid, it was nevertheless certain that he sympa- thised mth it, in the hope of shaking off the bishop of Derry, whose unholy greed of gain compassed his final ruin. The insurrection having been extinguished, and the entire peninsula of Inishowen overrun and wasted by the king's troops, sir Arthur Chichester, attended by a numerous retinue, comprising his attorney-general and under-sheriffs,:}: lawyers, provosts-marshal, engineers, and geographers, set out on a "progress" to explore the fast- * She was daughter of MacDonald, lord of the Isles. t In 1609 he had a grant of i;he lands of Powerscourt, county Wick- low, extending over five miles in length and five in breadth. In 1610 he had an additional grant of 2,000 acres in the county Tyrone. J Sir John Davys describes the under-sheriffs as ' ' better guides and TYEONE AND ■ TYRCONNEL. 809 ness whicli, during the late war with the earl of Tyrone, the English forces never ventured to penetrate. " As we passed through the glens and forests of Glencon- keine," says the observant attorney-general, " the wild inhabitants did as much wonder to see the king's deputy, as the ghosts in Virgil did to see Eneas alive in hell." But the progress was of vast importance to the king's interests, for the deputy and his officers made themselves thoroughly acquainted with all the intricacies of those celebrated defiles, and thus taught the inhabitants that they could never again presume more upon English ignorance of their country than upon their own strength. But the most important announcement which the at- torney-general had to make was, "that before Michaelmas he would be ready to present to his majesty a perfect survey of six whole counties, which he now hath in actual possession in the province of Ulster — a greater extent of land than any prince in Europe hath in his own hands to dispose of," or, in other words, to wrest from the natives, for the benefit of court expectants and parasites. By way of warning the cabinet against a repetition of the failure of former English colonies in Ulster, Munster, and Connaught, which were either uprooted by the Irish, or grew to be more Irish than the Irish themselves, the attorney-general concludes that either alternative must recur, "if the number of spies in time of peace than they were fouud in time of war. " According to the same authority, the profession of geographer or survej'or was, in his time, one of considerable peril; for he tells ns that '* our geo- graphers did not forget what entertainment the Irish of Tyrconnel gave to a map-maker about the end of the late great rebellion, when one Barkley, being appointed by lord Devonshire to draw a perfect map of the north parts of Ulster, when he came into Tyrconnel, had his head taken off by the inhabitants, because they would not have their country discovered," i.e., surveyed for the benefit of those who ■were to supplant them. 310 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the Scotch and English who were to come to Ireland do not much exceed that of the natives, who will quickly "overgrow them as weeds overgrow good corn." There was little reason, however, for supposing that Chichester would suffer such a state of things to be realized in any part of Ulster, and least of all in Inishowen, the entire of which, with all the heredita- ments thereof, possessed either by sir John O'Dogherty, or the late traitor, Cahir O'Dogherty, with the exception of certain lands allotted to bishop Montgomery, and the several Protestant incumbents in said country, was des- tined to become his property and that of his heirs in fee-simple for ever. Indeed, sir Arthur was the least likely man in the world to tolerate, in his plantations, such rank weeds as the mere Irish, when it cost him so little trouble to outroot them either by fire or by sword. The destruction of the native Irish afforded him a species of infernal delight, of which he was not ashamed to leave us proof in various letters, thus : — "I have often said and written it is famine that must consume the Irish, as our swords and other endeavours work not that speedy effect which is expected. — Hunger would be a better, because a speedier weapon to employ against them than the sword." Who but a stolid monster could transmit to posterity such an account of himself as we find in the following, taken from a letter penned by his unmer- ciful hand : — " I burned all along the lough [Neagh], within four miles of Dungannon, and killed one hundred people, sparing none, of what quality, age, or sex soever, besides many burned to death. We killed man, woman, and child, horse, beast, and whatsoever we could find." Having completed the work that took him to the north, the deputy returned to Dublin, bringing with him, among other prisoners, Nial Garve and Donald Ballagh O'Cahan, who were at once immured in the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 311 Castle. Arrived in the metropolis, the Anglican archbishop Jones, with his clergy and the municipal authorities, hastened to compliment his Excellency on the signal success he had achieved over some hundreds of badly-armed, undisciplined kernes, whom their heated imaginations represented as a numerous, well-organized army. It was not Chichester's interest to dispel the illusion, and he therefore professed himself highly gratified with the exaggerations of his sycophants. But in order that his prowess and military skill might bear com- parison with that of the most famous captains of his time, a subaltern, too modest to give his name, wrote a memoir of the late campaign, in which he lauded the deputy to the skies, and enhanced the value of his lucu- bration by representing on its title-page a grim tower with portcullis, and unfortunate sir Cahir's head impaled in the central embrasure. Every line of that most rare work, entitled " The Overthrow of an Irish Rebel,"* is a vivid reflex of the anti-Irish prejudices of the period, and we therefore reproduce a passage of it here for the reader's gratification : — " As for Tyrone and Tyrconnel, they are already fled from their coverts, and I hope they will never return ; and for other false hearts, the chief of note, as O'Cahan, sir Nial Garve, and his two brothers, with others of their condition, they have holes provided for them in the castle of Dublin, where I hope they are safe enough from breeding any cubs to disquiet and prey upon the flock of honest subjects." Reverting to sir CahirO'Dogherty's rash conduct, with which the fugitive earls have been identified by the generality of writers, who, in reality, knew hardly any- thing about it, we may not omit to state again that O'Neill and O'Donel had no complicity with that ill- * There is a copy of it in the MS. Room, T.C.D. 312 FATE AND FORTUNES OF timed and foolhardy outbreak. We have already seen that they were on their road to Rome when it was commenced, and that soon after their arrival there, when O'Dogherty was in arms, O'Donel and his brother were hopelessly ill of fever, which ultimately carried them off. In the presence of such awful circumstances, it is not at all likely that O'Neill would have concerned himself with the misdoings of sir Cahir or Nial Garve, for neither of whom he could hav6 entertained any feel- ing but contempt and abhorrence. Nevertheless, Chi- chester pretended to believe that the rising in Inishowen was only the prelude to a general insurrection throughout the whole island, where, when the first act was played out, O'Neill was sure to debark with aids obtained from the king of Spain, at the urgent instance of Paul V. Now, in order to impose on the credulous, and to show that his foresight was far reaching, as became a statesman, Chichester caused the haven of Cork to be "laid,'* and all suspects coming thither from beyond seas to be arrested, and brought before sir Dominic Sarsfield, by whom they were to be closely interrogated touching their experiences abroad. The deputy's officers were punctual in carrying his order into effect, and seized, amongst others, one Teigue O'Falvey, who, as he himself relates, had just returned from France, whither he was driven from Spain, after living there on "the devotion " of alms-givers. A roving fellow of this sort, who, we may presume, had he told the whole truth, would have admitted that he got a liveli- hood, not by the devotion, but rather by the credulity of his dupes, must doubtless have heard what the Irish at Rome and in Spain thought of sir Cahir's enterprise, and, he was accordingly subjected to a severe examina- tion, which, along with other incidents, gives us to un- derstand that begging at the doors of foreign potentates was no unusual experiment with the Irish, and that the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 813 extradition of paupers is not an invention of our eco- nomical times. " The Examination of Teigue G'Falvey, lately come out of Sjoain, taken before me at Cork, this 12th day of September, 1608. " He saitli that first lie went out of this country into France to beg for his living, as many of the Irish have done ; and finding that some direction came to the ofiicers of that kingdom to see the beggars transported to their country, he took shipping from St. Malo's into Spain. " He saith that he lived this two last years in the Groyen* and thereabouts, upon the devotion of the people. " He saith that the Irish gentlemen dwelling in that city were for a long time neglected by the king of Spain, as well in their wonted graces from him as in their pensions ; but now they are all full paid of what arrears they can challenge. "He saith that Tyrone was at Rome upon his coming away, and has a man of his in the Spanish court, who had gi'eat access and hearing of the king and council. He knoweth not this agent's name, but saith that all the Irish about the Groyen spoke much good of him for his wisdom and carriage, and conceive assured hope of his doing much good in their general cause, which they think depends on the success of his solicitation. "He saith that this agent was accompanied with letters of commendation out of Eome for his business, and had great allowance with the princes of Italy in his travails. Coriinna. 814 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " He saith that there is a great fleet of shipping now to be furnished out, to which purpose the armadas of Galicia and Portugal were sent for to come to the Groyen. "He saith that all the Irish are hopeful of their coming for Ireland very shortly. "He saith that there is so great store of rusk to be baked, and such means made for the levy of men, as draws an extraordinary great charge upon the king, and many ears to hearken to the purpose thereof ; but the people do bear their burden in this business with more alacrity than they were wont in the former pre- parations. " He saith that O'Sullivan hath some late com- mand put upon him, which makes him to be much more retired to his house than he hath been formerly, and more frequented by Spaniards and Irish than ever he was since his first coming to that country. " He saith that there is great store of money collected in all the ports and principal places of Spain for Tyrone, and that the duke of Florence made a great gathering for him in all his country. " He saith that foreigners do much more speak of the possibility to recover Ireland now than at any of the former tim^s, private discontentments, which might be removed with conditions, drawing the people to the former rebellion ; but now the great actors of this matter being without hope of any conditions, will make another manner of war for recovery of their estates, under pretence of the cause of religion, than was ever heard of before in this kingdom. "He saith that in the public services of the Irish priests, they use some execrations and bannings against many persons, and by special name against the lord deputy of Ireland. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 315 " He saith that he is the most hateful man to the Ulster people that ever was ; and that upon a rumour that his majesty had resolved to send some nobleman of England to be lord deputy of this kingdom, they re- joiced much thereof; but the same report, carrying with it assurance that the now lord deputy was to be established president of the north, they held that to be far worse for them than remaining as he doth. " He saith that the rebellion of O'Dogherty was much applauded by all the Irish, but not well approved by Tyrone, who disliked much the untimeliness thereof, being well assured that the Derry might be well sur- prised when Tyrone should please. " He saith that he did not hear of the death of O'Dogherty in Spain, but heard of some distress he was in, which makes the Irish to wish the hastening of some succours unto him, as pitying his good beginnings should not be well followed. "He saith that the taking of sir Nial Garve is much lamented in Spain, and the manner thereof bruited to be treacherous ; but, however, his being in restraint, and O'Cahan's imprisonment, do put the busy heads in Spain to many consultations, and doth much weaken the purpose of Tyrone, whatever will come thereof. "Dominic Sarsfield." CHAPTER IX. pJ^^AINFUL beyond all description were the recol- ^■'^ lections that must have crowded on O'Cahan in the donjon of Dublin Castle, while he brooded over the incidents of a career that proved so disastrous to himself, and was destined to involve his latest posterity in ruin. We can well conceive with what bitterness he cursed the day that saw him go over to Chichester, after abandoning his rightful lord ; but especially that worst of all days in his whole life, when he lent himself to the wily designs of the pseudo-bishop of Derry, who lured him on, step by step, to his final undoing. The last time he saw his fair mansion of Limavady, towering above the rapid Roe, an Inquisition was sitting there, and its halls were thronged by commissioners, among the rest sir John Davys, Usher, the Anglican primate, bishop Mont- gomery, and others, who found, after a survey of the whole county of Tyrone, that all the lands therein were forfeited to the crown by the outlawry of the earl thereof A similar verdict was returned by another Inquisition, which declared that all the lands in Tyr- connel were now vested in the king, partly by the outlawry of the late earl Rory, and partly by the re- bellion of sir Cahir O'Dogherty. The announcement of this finding was made to the unhappy O'Cahan in Dublin Castle, where, doubtless, he was convinced of TYKONE AND TYKCONNEL. 817 the truth of the adage, " Dii laneos lidbent ^jedes ;' for meet retribution overtook him with noiseless foot- fall, and when he least expected it. It was also signi- fied to him that he was suspected of having aided the flight of the earls, and covertly assisted O'Dogherty's revolt. Neither assertion, however, was true ; for the earls despised him, and O'Dogherty, rash and unreflect- ing as he was, would not have trusted him. At all events, if, during the first months of his imprisonment, he ever indulged the dream of being restored to any portion of his lands, in consideration of former baseness, or, in other words, " services rendered to the crown," he was speedily undeceived ; for the Limavady commis- sioners had an old trenchant weapon suspended above his head — the statute of 11th Elizabeth, passed, pro- bably, before he was born, and repealed, as he fancied, by the pardon which the king, on his accession, granted to the earl of Tyrone. Contrary to his forecastings, however, that statute was pronounced to have a retro- spective effect ; and it was thereon declared that all O'Cahan's country was in actual possession of the crown by the said act of resumption, since the passing of which, O'Cahan, and all who lived under him, had no estate whatever in the lands, and were simply intruders. Cer- tain parcels of said lands, nevertheless, lying in Cia- nachta were excepted for the church, and handed over to bishop Montgomery; so that of all the fair ter- ritory which once was his, Donald Ballagh had not now as much as would afford him a last resting-place near the sculptured tomb of Cooey-na-gaU I To add to his mor- tification, his son was arrested and sent to the Dublin University, to be brought up in the reformed religion, or, according to the hypocritical cant of the time, " a civil subject." O'Cahan got no sympathy, and he de- served none ; for he might have foreseen that the govern- 318 FATE AND FOETUNES OF ment to which he sold himself would cast him off as an outworn tool, when he could no longer subserve their wicked purposes. But yet there was one trait in his character for which he deserves, perhaps, some credit, that is, his fidelity to the ancient faith ; for, notwith- standing Chichester's efforts to bring him to confor- mity, and the king's menacing instructions on that subject, he would not apostatise, probably because he saw no equivalent for his soul, or, what is still more likely, because he wished to thwart his majesty's pro- selytizing zeal. Be that as it may, it is hard to believe that such a traitor to his country could have been actu- ated by anything like an honorable principle. Pondering over all their disappointments and false calculations, O'Cahan and Nial Garve O'Donel resolved, after they had spent nearly a year in the prison of Dublin Castle, to effect their escape, and, indeed, they would have accomplished it were, it not for the treachery, or, perhaps, weak-heartedness of some sympathizer, who promised to aid them. Sir Arthur Chichester him- self has left us the account of this, and we reproduce it in his own words. Writing to sir John Davys, at the beginning of 1610, his Excellency gives us the following particulars : — " My noble Attorney, — Nial Garve and O'Cahan had contrived their escape, and would have desperately attempted it, had I not prevented it within these six nights by a discovery made unto me, albeit I keep twenty men every night for the guard of the castle, over and above the ward of the same, whereof two or three lie in their chambers. Their horses were come to the town [Dublin], and all things were in readiness. Shane O'CarroUan, after he was acquitted of three in- dictments, and, as most men conceived, free from all TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 319 danger of the law, did, on Friday, cast himself out of a window on the top of the castle, by the help of a piece of rotten match and his mantle, which broke before he was half way down ; and though he was presently dis- covered, yet he escaped about supper time. Surely," moralizes^ the deputy, " these men do go beyond all nations in the world for desperate escapes !" If the deputy has not long since experienced his last emotion, and knows anything of this sublunary world, he has, doubtless, discovered, ere now, that some of the modern Irish have inherited their predecessors' talent for prison-breaking. But as Dublin Castle had not dungeon strong enough or shackles stout enough for such miscreants as Nial Garve and O'Cahan, the deputy, acting on instructions he had received from the king's privy council, trans- ported them both to the Tower of London. Indeed, if it had not been for the services they rendered to the crown, both must have perished on the gibbet ; but the statesmen of the period had grateful memories, and they consequently resolved to let them live and eat their hearts in solitude and remorse. Yet it would appear that they did not wholly abandon their hope of escaping even from the Tower,* its port- cullises and wet moats notwithstanding ; for, in 1617, seven years after their committal, one Neal King made sworn depositions, which set forth that a cer- tain Oge O'Donnelly, a familiar of Mr. Harry Pierce, secretary to sir Oliver St. John, then lord deputy, was in the habit of resorting occasionally to the Tower, " to * In 1643, lord Maguireancl Ms fellow-prisoner, MacMahon, sawed a panel of their cell-doors, and swam across the moat, but were subse- quently arrested and executed at Tyburn, 1644. A copy of Maguire's last will was published in the Nation, Dec. 29, 1866. 320 FATE AND FOETUNES OF confer with the Irish knights that lie prisoners there, viz., sir Nial O'Donel, sir Cormac Mac Baron, and sir Donald O'Cahan, which he think eth can be of no good intent for the crown of England." But O'Donnelly's plan did not succeed; for, in 1623, sir Allen Apsley made a report of the prisoners then in his custody, from which we extract the following entry : — " There is here sir Nial Garve O'Donel, a man that was a good subject during the late queen's time, and did as great service to the state as any man of his nation. He hath been prisoner here about thirteen years. His offence is known specially to the lord Chichester. Naghtan, his son, was taken from Oxford, and committed with his father. I never heard any offence he did." The constable, doubt- less, was kindly disposed towards Naghtan, for it would appear that he was released ; but as for Nial Garve and O'Cahan, they ended their days close prisoners, the one in 1626, and the other the year following. The crown had a happy riddance of both — no one lamented them, not even those who employed them to do the work of spies and delators, for they regarded them with loathing and abhorrence, as they merited ; so true is the old proverb : — *■ Proditores etiam iis quos anteponunt invisi sunt ;" in plain English — traitors are despised even by those they serve. Before dismissing this subject, it is but fair to state that Rory, one of Donald Ballagh's kinsmen — perhaps his brother — obtained a grant of five hundred acres of the ancient territory of CianacJda, of which he held possession till 1616, when it was taken from him, and bestowed upon one Carey, recorder of Derry, in lieu of salary, that official covenanting to pay a trifling annual rent for same. Thus were the O'Cahan's dispossessed TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 321 by the colonists of Derry, to whom their broad lands and teeming rivers were passed, mayhap, for ever. Many of the sept, however, took service in the king of Spain's and the archdukes' armies; and one of them, who had won distinction in the Netherlands, came to Ireland as lieutenant-general to Owen "Roe O'Neill, in 1642. This Daniel O'Cahan was singularly gifted as a linguist and general scholar, and was much lamented by his chief, when he fell in an encounter with the troops, under command of major-general Munroe, near Clones. Let us hope that his patriotism and bravery expiated the crime of his kinsman, Donald Ballagh.* A far more melancholy interest, however, surrounds the history of another member of this once potent family, concerning whom the following anecdote is re- corded in Sampson's Statistical Survey of the County of Derry. Towards the close of the Cromwellian war in Ireland, the duchess of Buckingham, passing through Limavady, visited its ancient castle, then sadly dilapi- dated, and entering one of the apartments, saw an aged woman, wrapped in a blanket, and crouching over a peat-fire, which filled the room with reeking smoke. After gazing at this pitiful spectacle, the duchess asked the miserable individual her name; when the latter, rising, and drawing herself up to her full height, replied — " I am wife of the O'Cahan." It is not likely that she was Tyrone's daughter, widow of Donald Ballagh ; but she may have been either the wife or mother of Rory, so cruelly dispossessed for the benefit of the Recorder of Derry. At all events, the incident proves that there are vicissitudes of families which tran- scend even the exaggerations of romance.*f* * These particulars are taken from the " Aphorismical Discovery of Faction," a most valuable MS. in the Library of T.C.D. t In the Ulster Journal of Archseology there is a series of papers Y 322 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The foregoing facts, although digressive, were too im- portant to be over passed, as they were the immediate consequences of O'Dogherty's rebellion, and intimately connected with the first steps taken for the plantation of Ulster, — an episode that comes only incidentally within scope of this volume. Another subject, how- ever, of paramount interest, at this period, has special claims on our attention, namely, Chichester's conduct to the Irish Catholics. Painful as their condi- tion was before the flight of the earls, it was rendered still more intolerable after that event ; for the deputy and his chief advisers, Loftus, and his successor, Jones, schismatic archbishops of Dublin, were tireless in pursuing all orders of the Catholic clergy — the Fran- ciscans especially — from house to house, rifling their poor altars, and treating themselves as veriest felons. Mass, indeed, might be celebrated within domestic walls ; but as the Irish clergy of the period came from seminaries beyond seas, the executive gave out that they were one and all emissaries of Rome, sent by O'Neill and the rest of the fugitives, to keep alive the smoulder- ing embers of discontent. Hence, Chichester was ever on the alert for the arrest of bishops and priests, lowering his dignity of chief governor to the level of a catchpole, and resorting to meanest shifts for the accomplishment of his wicked designs. Many of his letters to lord Salisbury, at this period, show how in- dustriously he laboured in this despicable' occupation, and how thoroughly he had mastered the science of trick and artifice, anticipating, it may be, the detec- tiveism of our own times. A single extract from one of his many letters will show his Excellency's proficiency in this role. Having heard that Brian O'Kearney, arch- on the O'Cahans, by the rev. J. S. Porter, who has treated the sub- ject learnedly and in the kindliest spirit TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 323 bishop of Cashel, had recently arrived in London, on his return from Rome, Chichester wrote to lord Salisbury thus : — " I am advertised by persons of good note and obser- vation, that the titulary archbishop of Cashel went from this kingdom to find out the traitor Tyrone, and had come back from foreign parts with his sister's son, a Jesuit, called father Wall, who landed in Ulster, by whom he sent messages to his brother, Paul Kearney, a merchant of Cashel, to collect money, and repair thither with same to London, where the said archbishop had promised to meet him. Paul Kearney is now departed therewith to London, and the titulary archbishop might, on his arrival there, be apprehended, for his brother is well known to Munster men, and a watch upon him will discover the bishop. If," reflects this stolid bigot, * I have observed anything during my stay in this kingdom, I may say it is not lenity and good works that will reclaim the Irish, but an iron rod, and seve- rity of justice, for the restraint and punishment of those firebrands of sedition, the priests ; nor can we think of other remedy but to proclaim them, and their relievers and harbourers, traitors." With such a man governing the destinies of Ireland, we may easily conceive how it fared with the ministers and followers of the old faith. Nevertheless, the suc- cession of their bishops continued unbroken ; the clergy of all orders, with some few exceptions, faithful to their calling ; while the masses, to whom they dispensed sacra- ments and instruction as it were clandestinely could not be induced by bribe, or forced by proclamation, to abandon the ancient religion, or withhold maintenance from a priesthood to whom they were devotedly attached 324 FATE AND FOETUNES OF by the most lasting of all links — hatred of English oppression, and that sublime sympathy, which, like one soul, informed the two bodies. Nor is it less note- worthy, that those days of persecution and poverty were pre-eminently the days of scholarship in the Irish church; for it was then Colgan, Wadding, Fleming, Conry, and others, devoted the opulence of their learning to the composition of works which were soon to spread the reputation of Celtic genius over Europe, and which are even now among the most valuable archseological monuments of their period. This, indeed, is not exaggeration, as the learned well know ; nor can we forget that those illustrious men were driven out of Ireland by penal statutes, enacted against their reli- gion and persons, to seek protection and encourage- ment from foreign Catholic princes. It is not possible, says a profound thinker, for a people to lose memory ; and the facts at which we have barely glanced will ac- count for the kindly feeling that the Irish cherish even to this day for Spaniard and Frenchman, when, for cognate reasons, the same sentiment is shared with the republicans of America. Reverting to the projected extirpation of the natives of Ulster, in which sir Toby Caulfield was destined to act a leading part, we may repeat that the people of that province regarded, as well they might, the new proprietary with feelings of abhorrence, and comforted themselves with the vague assurance that Tyrone would one day return to repossess himself of his territory. No one was more sensitive on this subject than Caulfield, and the more so, as he had heard that the Spanish ambassador recently accredited to the court of St. James', had been interceding with the king for the fugitives, although ineffectually. Even so, it was certain that if O'Neill did return, with or without TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 326 assistance, the people would flock to him, since, as Caulfield himself informs us, there was a wide-spread feeling of discontent pervading the length and breadth of Ulster, notwithstanding the vaunted benefits it was to receive from the new settlers, who, according to sir John Davys and sir Arthur Chichester, " were to relieve the natives from the exactions and tyranny of their former barbarous lords" In order, therefore, to carry out this delusive programme, the deputy charged Caul- field to exceed, if possible, his usual vigilance over sus- pects, and to seize every Irishman — ecclesiastics espe- cially — ^who landed on the Ulster coast, from Italy, Spain, or Belgium. And zealously, indeed, did sir Toby dis- charge this duty, for he took great care to make the deputy acquainted with every arrival "from beyond seas," furnishing him, at the same time, with such xm- mistakeable marks and tokens of their individuality, as would enable him to seize them in city or in hamlet. From many of the letters written by sir Toby on this subject, as well as on the projected plantation of Ulster, we select the following : — " Sir Toby Caulfield to the lord deputy'' " Right honorable, — I have been of late slow in writ- ing unto your lordship, out of the ill success I have found in prosecution of the woodkerne. I have done my best, and all hath turned to nothing; and now I have no hope at all, for the people do think, since the news of the plantation hath been divulged by sir Turlough M' Henry, and the rest, lately arrived from England, that it will very shortly be many of these cases to be woodkerne, out of necessity ; no other means being 326 FATE AND FORTUNES OF left for them to keep a being in this world, than to live as long as they can by sckamhlinge* " They have a report bruited amongst them, which comforteth them much — that an ambassador newly arrived in England, from Spain, doth treat for the par- doning of the earl and restoration to his lands, which being refused, a war will ensue. They also hope that so much of the summer being spent before the commis- sion came down, so great cruelty will not be showed as to remove them upon the edge of winter from their houses, and in the very season when they are to employ themselves in making their harvest ; and lastly, they think that, by the next spring, if ever Tyrone can or will come, he will forslowe no longer time when he shall hear delays, and further deferring cannot be less preju- dice to him than the utter ruin and extirpation of his dearest friends. They hold discourse among themselves, that if this course had been taken with them in war time, it had had some colour of justice ; but being par- doned, and their lands given them, and they having lived under law ever since, and being ready to submit themselves to the mercy of the law for any offence they can be charged withal since their pardoning, they conclude it to be the greatest cruelty that ever was in- flicted upon any people ; and let me assure your lord- ship, there is not a more discontented people in Christen- dom ; and, accordingly, you must provide for them to second the new planters. B. G. assureth me that he dare adventure his life that neither Ever M'Collogh's-f- son, nor the provincial friar, who, as he heareth, is made archbishop of Toomej: are in Ireland, but that they lately went from Rome to Spain, where they now are. * Another form for scrambHng. t Ever Mac Cooley Mac Mahon of Farney. J Tuam. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 327 C. S. is of that mind, both confessing that they have had conference with the chief priests of the pale now very lately, which are matchless in state affairs, from whom they make no doubt but they should have heard it, if any such thing had been. I do lay out to know by sundry other ways, and am persuaded that if they be arrived, it is not yet known to my neighbours. " B. G. telleth me that three other priests are lately arrived. Their names are one Bath, son to Bath of Gaundestowne,* one Brady, and one Whyte — their Christian names he knoweth not. They came from Italy to Rochelle, and from thence to Ireland. They had in their company one of the women-f- which Tyrone carried away with him, whom they left at Rochelle, to avoid suspicion," But what is more to our purpose, as showing that sir Toby kept vigilant watch on ecclesiastics returned from * Probably Julianstown, near Drogheda. t Oona-ne-Sheil, who figures in the following petition of Nicholas Hollywood, of Artane, to the king's most excellent majesty : — *• Humbly shewing to your majesty that one Owny ny Sheyle being attendent on the then countess of Tyrone, and not being thirteen years of age, when the traitor Tyrone fled out of this kingdom, was at that time taken away by him beyond the seas, she not knowing the danger of her said going with him, where she hath ever since con- tinued ; and albeit she is very desirous to repair into this kingdom? and to live as becometh a dutiful subject, yet she dares not come without first obtaining your majesty's gracious pardon and licence in that behalf. "It may, therefore, please your most excellent majesty to vouch- safe the same unto her, that she may return home, and live with the petitioner, whose lawful married wife she is, they being married when they were both of young years ; and he will undertake for her as shall be needful. And they both will ever pray for your majesty's long and happy reign over us." 328 FATE AND FORTUNES OF abroad, is the enclosure contained in his letter, which purported to be the informations or discovery of one of those unhappy people, who, from time to time, turned up, and were then accounted reformed, or in other phrase, "good and loyal subjects." Although indivi- duals of that class were entitled to little or no credit, it is easy to collect from Drea's depositions that all efforts made by primate Usher and Montgomery to convert the Irish of Ulster — if, indeed, they ever troubled themselves on such a subject — ^were hopelessly unavailing ; nor are we to be surprised at this, since the Anglican prelates were then too much occupied with the land question, to concern themselves about such immaterial substances as the souls of Irish " Papists." Lost and abandoned, however, as father Drea was, his discovery also proves that the religious orders, despite the government, were ready to sacrifice their lives for the perpetuation of the .ancient faith, and a spirit of noble resistance to their unscrupulous persecutors. We may also observe that he instinctively revolted at appearing on the roll of in- formers, and would not have his name made known to any one but sir Dominic Sarsfield, chief justice of the king's bench, and a ferocious zealot, whose house was then a sort of Morgue, where moral suicides, such as Drea, were wont to be exposed for recognition. It is needless to aver that the discovery was a tissue of fabrications, as the Catholic reader will at once perceive on perusing the ordinances relating to sacramental confession, and that special innovation in the liturgy, which was utterly unknown to the Congregation of Rites. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 329 *•' Drea's InfoTTnations, enclosed in sir T. Cauljield's letter. " The archbishop of Cashel * is gone to Rome, and a Jesuit, Walter Wall, and went purposely with news and for news. There is no doubt but every of the clergy in Ireland, and of the birth of Ireland in foreign parts, are daily working aU possible means to have wars in Ire- land ; and in regard that they are working the same, they send daily precursors over to persuade the common people in their confessions, the which the common peo- ple cannot discover, because it is moved unto them in foro confessionis ; and now and all this half a year they are about the doing of it. Wherefore I beseech your honour that some course may be taken that these people be not so attempted, and let the council know it both of England and Ireland. They shall not be heard but upon a condition that they shall never resist the Catholic religion. There must no Englishman's tenants, paying rent to any of the English, besides what of right, as composition, king's rent, and such other that cannot be but paid, come to Mass, nor to any other sacrifice of theirs. They pray daily unto God in their prayers, videlicit : ' Ut scismaticos evertere ; Protes- tantes funditus eradicare ; necnon hereticos radicitus confundere digneris — te rogamius audi nos.* " They have appointed that every man shall bless him- self as often as he seeth any Protestant, or of any other sect whatsoever. They have also appointed that no Catholic shall be in company with any Protestant to be buried, sub poena excommunicationis ; all and every that eateth or drinketh with any of the friars that came of late, have greatly benefited many indulgences. They * David O'Kearney. 330 FATE AND FORTUNES OF have appointed, in every bishopric in Ireland, a general vicar, who must appoint a curate in every parish throughout all the dioceses. They have archdeacons, deans, officers, as they were in times past. There is neither child christened, nor matrimony, or contract made now in Ireland, but by Catholic priests. They can dispense with any couple as high by degrees, but in one or two. They have set and ordained that no priest or friar shall make conversation with any Protes- tant. They have appointed guardians abbats in every abbaye in Ireland. Let them be barred or letted, or I protest they will do all the means in the world they can to overthrow this poor Ireland. They have viewed the cities, and the situation of the forts, and the strength of all Ireland. They are now sending over one Teigue O'Sullivan with news to Spain and Rome, ' non sine auri et argenti pondere' " Let the harbours of Ireland be better kept, and let every ship be searched ; but they leave all their weighty affairs and letters to friars and such other dangerous priests ; as soon as the ships do land, they put them by boat ashore. Merchants of Ireland are greatly in fault of the coming and going of these dangerous persons ; they are bound to adventure their bodies and souls in conscience for priests and friars. His majesty hath in Ireland but very few true subjects, especially of the birth of Ireland, nisi oh timorem. " These and many others I can declare ; but I beseech your honour let not this be known publicly awhile to any of the council that are of the birth of Ireland, besides sir Dominic Sarsfield ; it were the greatest discredit that ever a man of my profession had or did, that such a thing of a sudden should be disclosed upon him ; but I beseech your honour, because I leave all this and more at leisure to your honour's discreet judgment, let me TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 331 know before your honour's departure from home what I shall do if your honour do bring me away from hence, so that I may send for things — as my boots, boot-hose, and such others against the journey. My honorable sir, I beseech you that I may not be left here, the rather because egrotat crumena — I have no money. " P.S. — And they are, since his majesty did confess himself to be a Protestant, secretly praying to God for his subversion and overthrow ; and not only for this, but for the confusion and overthrow of all that sect whereof he is; and specially they pray to God, both night and day, for the confusion and overthrow of sir Robert Cecil, thinking him to be the only post of all the misery and error, and not only that, but to be inspired by a spirit that foretells him of all things. They do again charge Scotland to be full of the black art, and do think it to be the wickedest nation in phristendom. " And there is the king's castle in Limerick, and it is commonly known there, if the citizens were about any mischief in the world against his majesty, they may, underneath the ground, come into the cellar unknown to the ward.* That same is not the strongest castle in Limerick, though it standeth in a good, sure place ; but for all the matter, it is in a good place ; and if his majesty or the council meaneth to have all the strength and force of the city, let the castle in the Irish town be had for some of his majesty's munition and ordnance, or else it will be dangerous. I heard of all the matter among themselves, but I pray God that no need may be ; nevertheless, prestat prevenire, quam preveniri." * There is allusion to this cellar in the " Life and Times of Flo- rence MacCarthy ;" and Caulfield says, in a postscript to the en- closure : " I have sent to inquire of this cellar, which, as he informeth, a mason in Limerick can discover with little work. " For a most valuable notice of the castle itself, see Lenehan's learned "History of Limerick." 332 FATE AND FORTUNES OF While Caulfield was thus employed watching the movements of the Ulster Papists, the deputy had another active agent, who was commissioned to take note of all arrivals on the southern coast, and to report same with least possible delay to the executive. This individual was one Bernard Adams, an Englishman, intruded* into the united sees of Limerick and Kilfenora, by James I., in order to bring the Catholics of Munster to conformity. What special qualifications Adams possessed for such propagandism we do not know ; but one of them was his utter ignorance of the language of the natives, since no spark of the Pentecost fire had fallen to his lot. His flock, indeed, was small, composed of the officers of the garrison of Limerick, and other dependents of the government; but as he enjoyed the revenues of two sees, and could not otherwise make himself useful, it was only reasonable that he should strive to do the state some service, by acting the part of sub-sheriff or bailiff. Adams, it appears, had got hold of a mis- creant, named Donogh O'Callanan, who probably had been dismissed by the priest in whose employment he lived ; and with the aid of an interpreter, his lordship elicited from him the subjoined information, which he immediately despatched to the lord deputy : — "To the right honorable my especial good lord sir Arthur Chichester, knt., lord deputy of the realm of Ireland, with speed. " Right honorable and my good lord, — As I hearken not after flying rumours, idly raised to busy the igno- rant, and feed them with vain expectations of strange 1604. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 333 events ; so I cannot but give credence to such informa- tion as this whereof I now certify your honour, seeing all things so concur as that the precedences being demon- strably apparent, the consequences are not unlikely to follow, as effects do their causes, unless God himself alter the course. " Howsoever, I could do no less than advertise your lordship of it, that in your wisdom you may think and consult how much it is to be respected or neglected. The 1st of June there was brought to me to be exa- mined, by Mr. Arthur Sexton, high-sheriff of the county of Crosse, a young man, about the age of twenty-three years, named Donogh O'Tool, a follower of the now arch-practising priests, who, out of a desire he had to do some good service to the state, moved partly there- unto, as I gathered, by discontentments or wrongs received, if not appointed rather to be an instrument to manifest secret mischiefs, discoursed unto me, by an interpreter, of the company and quality of divers Romish factors, that have employment in Ulster and Munster from beyond the seas, and are now assembled, under colour of a visitation, to accomplish their purpose, and to make ready against the date of their conclusions. The names of the principal commanders and high commissioners from his Holiness are : Morris Ultagh, a doctor of such kind of divinity as it is, who came from Rome two years since, and, for the most part, hath resided in the diocese of Meath, at the abbey of Boylete- farnan [Multifernan], in the lord of Delvin's country ; with whom is joined in authority, if not superior to him, Thomas Fitz-Edmund, the fair-spoken friar — a man too well known everywhere. They have in asso- ciation with them one Teigue O'Holahan, a doctor also of the same stamp, and of St. Francis' order, who came 334 FATE AND FOETUNES OF out of Spain a year past. All these, with other of their consorts, are now in Limerick. Friar Thomas came to town the 29th of May, being Tuesday ; the rest upon Whitsun-eve, the 26th of May. We needed not their company here, for we have always father Arthur, the Jesuit, and too many of his rabble here. They go on their progress from hence the 4th of June, which is Monday next, towards Kilmallock, and from thence to Cork, where they determine to stay a fortnight or three weeks ; so they mind to circuit the whole pro- vince, and at Kilkenny they have resolved to part. Morris Ultagh goeth to Meath to misgovern and do little good there, with Thomas M'Cannah,* a Francis- can, and guardian of the abbey of Boyletefarnan ; and Thomas Fitz-Ed. Connell back to domineer in Munster. "The informer being asked whether he knew any secret designs or intended plots of theirs, said no, other- wise than that he is sure they went about to trouble the kingdom, and to raise wars if they can. His reason is, for that they pray day and night for Tyrone, that God will strengthen him, of whom they confidently give forth that he is preparing, if not prepared, for Ireland. For proof hereof, he saith there is a young friar called John Conley, allied to Patrick Conley, dwelling in Bread-street, at Dublin, w^hich friar is a merchant's son of Tradagh [Drogheda], and landed there the 10th of May last ; who came from Tyrone, and brought this news : that Tyrone had an army from the pope and the king of Spain, and that he would be in Ireland by Michaelmas. This Donogh O'Callanan hath undertaken by vow to do his best * He wrote a brief account of the Irish Franciscan convents. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 335 endeavour to reveal more, and to be ready at command if your honour be so pleased to think it needful to show himself, and set down the way how to apprehend any of them or all of them, if he may be warranted and assisted. In respect, therefore, he came voluntarily, and offered himself in such fashion, I desired Mr. Sexton to entertain him kindly, and to assure him of a reward if he made all this good, which he saith he will justify, and do whatsoever he shall he further required, if your lordship so direct. So he departed from me for the present, with promise to come privately to me the next morning, the 2nd of June, which he did accord- ingly ; at which time he opened to me particularly as folio we th : first, that he hath heard Teigue O'Holahan tell friar Thomas that there were three great armies preparing in Italy and Spain, one ^h.eYQoi is for Eng- land, another for Scotland, and the third for Ireland. After this he delivered me the name of one David Crafford, a Scotchman, whose father, Owen Crafford, and his mother likewise, dwell both in Donegal, and he hath a brother, who is horse-boy to Morris Ultagh, and with him now in Limerick. I asked him how he came to the knowledge of aU this. He replied that he was appertaining to one of the friars himself ; and mark, saith he, what I shall tell you of this David Crafford, for it will be as material as all the rest. This Crafford was servant and butler to the late earl of Tyrconnel, when he left Ireland and went over into France, and so forward, with said David Crafford, landed awhile since, about the 29th of April last, at Killybegs, in the north, and the same night he landed he lay in the house of one Owen M'Gettigan, in the county of Done- gal, which Owen is bailiff to the sheriff there. The next morning the said Crafford and Owen went to Donegal to an Englishwoman's house, whose name is 336 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Mary Istock, wife to Thomas Humphrey, now[^in Swe- land, and there they drank together. From thence they passed to Fermanagh, in Maguire's country ; and the morning after came to Brian M'Mahonagh, alias Brian M'Hugh Oge's house, who married one of Tyrone's daughters ; and then to Brian Art Roe M'Eny's house, who likewise married another of Tyrone's daughters. This Crafford hath been appointed to this business ever since Tyrconnel and Tyrone's sons' death. What letters he brought over and to whom he cannot tell, neither how he was entertained of the above-named ; but sure he is that he came from Tyrone to warn all noblemen, gentlemen, and others that wish well to Tyrone, and would hold and stand for the Catholic religion, to be in a readiness. His knowledge of all this came by a sister's son of David Crafford's, who is a friar in this company. This confession being thus made, he took a book, and protested of himself that it was true in every point, or else wished he might be hanged if it proved not so. Whereupon I took order for his relief and safety, whereof he doubted, and left him in the high-sheriff of Crosse's custody, to go with him into his country as an attendent, being dismissed before from the friar, so that there could grow no sus- picion of him, to the end he might be forthcoming and at hand if your lordship, upon more mature delibera- tion of the moment of these matters, should appoint anything to be done in them, wherein he might either inform more or make good that he hath delivered, which he boldly undertaketh upon his life to do, during which time I have provided for his maintenance, the better to encourage him. And so leaving this amongst your honour's other weighty affairs, to be considered of as your lordship and the rest shall deem convenient, be- seeching God to bless and guide you for the mainte- TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 337 nance of his truth and preservation of this realm in happy tranquillity, I humbly take leave. — Resting. " Limerick, June 3rd, 1610. "Your honour in Christ Jesus faithfully assured, and most ready to be commanded, "Bernard Limerick." Adams in sooth was a vigilant bishop, that is, over- seer ; and the deputy, doubtless, must have been asto- nished by his zeal, and edified at his alacrity to lay hands on Maurice Ultagh and the rest of the Francis- cans, who were intent on disturbing the kingdom, and seconding Tyrone whenever he came back with the three armies.. The latter, however, were the creatures of the informer's imagination, for Paul Y. was then too busy with the completion of St. Peter's and other mag- nificent works at Rome — to say nothing of his preca- rious relations with Yenice — to think of sending an expedition to Ireland, knowing as he did how it fared with the two undertaken by his predecessor, Gregory XIII.* The information, nevertheless, is valuable, as elucidating the condition of the religious orders in Ireland at the period, and showing how generously a Protestant prelate was disposed towards any one who would enable him to hunt down the unfortunate clergy, secular or regular. The day after the despatch of his first letter, the bishop forwarded another to the deputy, giving the names of individuals to whom Tyrone had written, as * "Gregory XIII.," says Muratori (Annali d'ltalia), «'in 1578, sent six hundred infantry to aid the Irish Catholics, but they never reached their destination. Three years afterwards, another expedi- tion, equipped by the same pope and the king of Spain, arrived on the south coast of Ireland, where they shamefully surrendered a fort in Smerwick bay, well furnished with artillery and provisions." Z 838 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the informer alleged, by Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam ; but this was a palpable lie, for the latter never set foot on Irish soil since he sailed from Castlehaven with O'Donel after the siege of Kin sale. The list of Tyrone's correspondents is a long one ; and we publish the entire document, as a practical commentary on that passage in one of St. Paul's epistles, which warns a bishop against troubling himself about secular matters. Little time, indeed, had Bernard, bishop of Limerick, for purely spiritual concerns, engaged as he was waylaying friars, encouraging delators, and jotting down the names of disaffected Irish from Donegal to the hills of Wicklow. Who will presume to say that his office was a sinecure ? " To the right honorable my very good lord sir Arthur Chichester, knt,, lord deputy of the realm of Ireland, these with speed. "Right honorable, — ^As I receive instructions by piecemeal, so I send them unto your lordship, keeping this Donogh M'Tool O'Callanan upon my hand, to wrest what I can out of him, who, indeed, is willing of him- self to continue as he began ; and therefore I made trial of him by giving him liberty as long as his kinsmen and the rest of the friars were in town, having always a good watch upon him ; but now they are gone, I will be surer of him till I hear from your honour. He hath, this 4th of June, after the holy company's departure towards Cork, been with me again, and given me the names from his uncle the friar of all such as Flarie O'Mulconnor, the supposed archbishop of Tuam, hath brought letters unto from Tyrone out of Spain, who are these : — " To sir Brian M'Mahon, alias Brian M'Hugh Oge. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 339 " To sir Arthur Magnese. " To Donough M'Swine, alias M'Swine O'Banah. " To sir Randal M'Donnell, lord of Dunluce, who, as he saith, married a third daughter of Tyrone's as the two first. " To Connor Roe M'Guyre, of Fermanagh. " To Donnell O'Conor, lord of Sligo, who married one of the earl of Desmond's daughters. " To sir Tibald Burke, alias ne-Longe, in Connaught. " To Mr. Patrick Conley, in Dublin, with this privy remembrance from Tyrone, that whatsoever Patrick did promise him he should have it ready. " To Thomas Burke, Raimund's son. " To captain Tirrill. " To Donnell Spainah. " To Raymond M'Feagh M'Hugh. " To Phelim M'Feagh M^Hugh. "To the knight of the Glin. " To Donnell M^Carragh, of Caslanlough, in Kerry. " To a priest in Lismore or Leix, for so I understood him, having no interpreter I might trust, but a bad one in my house ; but your honour shall know it by this, that sir Oliver Lambert hath that land. To that priest it is written to warn all in Lismore to be quiet until, &c. Thus reserving whatsoever else shall be gathered until I hear from your honour what your pleasure is about the five young men who are here in durance, and this together, I again humbly take leave. — Resting. " Your honour's in all he is, and in all things ready at command, " Bernard Limerick and Kilfenora. " Limerick, June 4th, 1610." The foregoing letter, which might have come more fittingly from a police-commissioner than from Adams — 340 FATE AND FORTUNES OF albeit the latter was nothing more than a police- man in lawn — shows how much the executive was in dread of Tyrone's return to Ireland, and with what suspicion the deputy and his officials regarded the assembling of a few dozen friars, to regulate the affairs of their respective orders. Serious, however, as the apprehensions of the Irish government were, they were rendered still more so by a letter which Cornwallis ad- dressed to the lords of the king's privy council, informing them that the fugitives in Spain, Rome, and the Nether- landswere busily engaged plottingan invasion of Ireland, to repossess themselves of their estates, and extirpate the Anglo-Irish, or such of them as would not aid the enterprise. Cornwallis, indeed, forewarned' my lords of the whole scheme, and with a niinuteness of detail which would almost incline one to believe that he him- self was in the confidence of the projectors. " Letters," says he, " have recently reached T3rrone of great en- couragement, that most of the gentlemen of the country, and many of the Irish towns, would, either publicly or secretly, give them assistance at their return ; that the English forces in Ireland would be but a breakfast to them ; that the wandering Irish in France* and Spain are to be called home for that purpose, so should, like- wise, the practised Irish soldiers, of whom six especial men, who have long served in Flanders, should go dis- guised to the north of Ireland, in vessels that fish •there ; that there was to be a simultaneous rising in five counties — in Tipperary, under lord Cahir ; in Munster, under lord Roche ; that stores of butter, com, and oatmeal were to be laid up in the house of Cecily * Martin, Hist, de France, says that at this period, 1611, France was crowded with poor Irish begging from door to door : " Un grand nombre d'Irlandais se refugierent en France, on voyait ces pauvres gens errer par toute la France avecleurs femmes et leurs eufants." TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 341 Lacraffin, daughter of the bishop of Cashel [Miler Magrath] ; that sir John Talbot of Malahide would con- tribute supplies ; that none showed themselves opposed to the movement, but sir John Everard, who, for refusing the oath of supremacy, had been removed from the place of a judge ; that a legate and twelve priests would set out to confirm the weak and wavering ; and, finally, that the pope and the emperor of Germany, and other Catholic powers, would aid the enterprise with money and munitions."* With such a programme before him, it was only natu- ral, indeed, that Chichester and his subordinates — most of all the Protestant prelates — should have felt very uncomfortable, notwithstanding the recent success of their arms and policy in suppressing the Inishowen revolt. But the whole scheme, so elaborately detailed by the ambassador, was the creation of his own brain — a lie, invented and circulated in consideration of his country's good, and the emolument attaching to his place. The pretended complicity of the pope was an unmitigated falsehood ; for, as we have already said, he had not means at his disposal, even were he so inclined, to aid his spiritual subjects in Ireland with ships or munitions. It is, nevertheless, quite certain that he did ask Philip III. of Spain to intercede with king James that T3rrone might be restored to his patrimony. His Holiness' instances, however, were unavailing, as Philip either thought it useless to interpose, or knew that the English cabinet would never grant the fugi- tives a pardon. Indeed, it is surprising that Paul V. would have made such a request, knowing as he did the stolid bigotry of the English monarch, whose famous " Admonition to Kings and Princes " was * Win wood, Mem. of State Papers. 342 FATE AND FORTUNES OF written to prove that the Eoman pontiffs were Anti- christ, and that Paul himself was no other than that very incarnation of all evil. In fact, it is utterly im- possible to conceive that he ever entertained the faintest hope of seeing justice done to O'Neill, or the other Irish who were living on his bounty ; for he knew well that the prisons of Dublin Castle were then crowded with laymen and ecclesiastics, arrested on charge of hav- ing been concerned in aiding the flight. Now, among those were two individuals — an aged bishop and a young priest; and it occurred to the lord deputy that he should make an example of both, in order the more effectually to outroot Popery, and teach Seminarists beyond seas what fate awaited them should they be so foolhardy as to come to Ireland, either as emissaries from the pope, in a purely spiritual capacity, or as agents of O'Neill, to blow the coals of sedition. Here, indeed, was an opportunity which never might present itself again, and which, if allowed to slip, would, according to Chi- chester's advisers, show that he either lacked energy in suppressing Papists, or was deterred from dealing sternly with them owing to the dread of the Irish serving abroad, who, he affected to believe, would sooner or later make a descent on their native shores. It was suggested by Jones, the Anglican archbishop of Dublin, that a summary proceeding of this sort would inspire salutary fear, were the bishop and the priest convicted of treason, and duly executed according to law; and that the naves and aisles of the churches, hitherto empty, would be speedily filled by " recusants," who presumed to absent themselves from the novel liturgy. A cele- brated writer has remarked that it requires little wisdom to govern a state, or even a world ;* and the observation is more than borne out by the short- * "Quantula sapientia gubernatur mundus." TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 843 sightedness of such statesmen as Chichester and Jones, who do not seem to have reflected that laws based on terrorism are the most fragile of all, and that the least durable of all foundations — such as that on which Pro- testantism rose to diminutive proportions in Ireland — is one composed of human bones, blood, and tears. They stupidly persuaded themselves that, by sacrificing the two prisoners, the golden chain, which, from the days of Celestine, had bound Ireland to the Vatican, would be broken ; and what was of greater moment to them, that O'Neill would abandon all idea of regaining his lands by force of arms. Let us now lay before the reader one of the most atrocious episodes of English misrule in Ireland. In the year 1588, during the deputyship of sir Wil- liam Fitzwilliams, Cornelius O'Devany, a Franciscan of the convent of Donegal, and bishop of Down and Connor, was arrested after escaping from the castle of Dublin, when there was found on his person a document* which the deputy regarded as treasonable, although it con- tained nothing but a concession of certain faculties made by Raymond O'Gallagher, bishop of Derry, and * " He was killed," says the Four Masters, 1601, " by the English, in O'Cahan's country." The following is a copy of the paper found on O'Devany's person: — "Nos Remandus. Dei, et A. S. gratia Deren. epus. ac totius Hib. viceprimas Rmo. Confratri Cornelio, Dun. et Connor, epo.— Quoniam propter inominentia pericula interitus vitae personaliter terras istas visitare nequimus, brevis apostolici auctori- tate, ac primitiaHs dignitatis, vices nostras ad an. integrum a temp. dat. prsesentium tenore hujus scripturse committimus, ac po- testatem absolvendi omnes et singulos ad te concurrentes a casibus tam episcopalibus quam papalibus, integ. saltern conscientiae injunct. eisdem pro modo culp. salutari poenitentia, ad praedict. tempus con- cedimus, et indulgemus,— Dat. in Eccl. paroch. Tamlat, 1 Julii, 1588. R. Deren. Epus. ac Viceprimas." The parochial church is in the parish of Tamlaghtard, diocese of Derry. — Reeves' Colton's Visitation, p. 82. For an interesting letter, addressed by O'Gallagher, bishop of Derry, to Clement VIII., see Appendix. 34!4 FATE AND FORTUNES OF vice-primate of all Ireland. Immediately after the arrest, the deputy wrote to lord Burghley, " that O'De- vany was a most dangerous and pestilent member, fit to be cut off; yet finding that we cannot pro- ceed against him but by praemunire, I humbly beseech assistance and direction for some other means whereby we may be rid of such an obstinate enemy to God, and so rank a traitor to her majesty, as no doubt he is." What answer Burghley returned to this we know not; but O'Devany remained close prisoner in the Castle two years, at the expiration of which he presented the following memorial to the privy council : — " Your poor distressed suppliant, Cornelius O'Devany, prisoner in the castle of Dublin, sheweth : That when in the government of sir John Perrot, knt.,* your suppliant was committed concerning matters of religion; and albeit your suppliant cannot deny but in those days he com- mitted divers faults worthy of condign punishment, yet having recei ved the hyere thereof, being a prisoner ever since, and heartily repenting of his former wicked life, doth utterly denounce, from henceforth, ever to live in so disorderly a manner ; and therefore most humbly pros- trating himself before your lordships' merciful consi- deration, beseecheth your honours, and for God's cause, that he may be set at liberty, to go and live among his poor friends, the rather that he is now ready to starve for want of food, and hath no friends to become bound for him whom your lordships would accept of; and he utterly refuseth all favour or mercy from hence- forth if ever he shall willingly transgress her majesty's proceedings in all causes of religion. And he shall pray, &c., &c." * His daughter married sir Arthur Chichester. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 345 This memorial was referred to the lord chancellor Loftus, then pseudo-archbishop of Dublin, Long, the queen's primate, and Jones, so-called bishop of Meath, to take such course thereon as should be thought meet. After giving it consideration, order was sent to the con- stable of the Castle, empowering him to enlarge the bishop, he paying all fees due to the former. Whatever claims the constable had on the poor bishop for starving him, were discharged ; but as the wife of one Stephen Segar, a former constable of the Castle, in her husband's absence, alleged that said O'Devany owed her £20, which he utterly denied, enlargement was stayed till the bishop gave security for answering said sum, or as much thereof as should be justly proved to be by him due to Stephen Segar.* Thereon the bishop was set at liberty, and returned to his diocese. Some time afterwards, when Loftus was carrying on a lawsuit with sir John Perrot, two witnesses for the latter affirmed that Loftus had delivered out of the Castle "a Romish bishop, that now wandereth up and down, and doth great hurt in the north." To this Loftus replied that he did enlarge O'Devany, " who had been a long time prisoner in ex- treme misery for want of relief, and who, being brought before him, not only took the oath of supremacy, but also a corporal oath ever afterwards to be her majesty's faithful subject." There can be no doubt that this statement was false ; for had O'Devany taken the supre- macy oath, Loftus would have produced the jurat, which he did not do. We may also add that O'Devany would not have exercised episcopal functions, alluded to in the objection, had he ever so far forgotten himself and his allegiance to the pope. Loftus deserved no credit, for * The second warrant for the bishop's enlargement is dated and signed by Loftus, 17th Nov. 1590. Segar was constable when Hugh Roe O'Donel escaped, 1592. 346 FATE AND FORTUNES OF he was too intent on piling up a fortune for himself and family to stick at a deliberate untruth, when a Romish bishop was concerned. Had O'Devany wished to effect his enlargement from the Castle dungeon and starvation, by taking the oath of supremacy, he might have done so as well after one month's experience of English prison discipline, as after the lapse of two dreary years. Meanwhile the bishop applied himself to the duties of his high calling, and, of course, was included in the general pardon granted by James I. on his accession to the English crown ; nor have we any mention of him by the government till June, 1611, when he was arrested while administering confirmation in a private domicile, where he was assisted by a young priest of his own order, recently come to Ireland from Louvain. Both were committed to the castle of Dublin, and arraigned, after seven months' detention, before Sarsfield, chief justice of the king's bench, on a charge of high treason. The jury impannelled to try the prisoners being composed of eleven Scotchmen and one Irishman, O'Devany challenged the array, objecting that not one of the eleven was qualified to be a juror. This plea, however, being overruled, the bishop asked for counsel, but was inhumanly refused by the frantic bigot who then disgraced the bench. There were sixteen counts in the bill found against him, and, among the rest, that he had assisted the traitor Tyrone during his wars, and also in making his escape from Ireland. Thrown upon his own resources, O'Devany made the best defence he could ; denied that he had taken any part in Tyrone's wars against the queen's government ; appealed to the act of oblivion ; and, after protesting against the competency of the jurors, denounced the mockery of trial to which he had been subjected. Sarsfield made a long, rambling reply to the bishop's objections, and when comment- TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 347 ing on his demand to be tried by an ecclesiastical tri- bunal, reminded him that Christ received sentence from Pilate. Hearing this, the venerable prelate bowed his head, white with the crown that eighty winters had set upon it, and thanked heaven that he was found worthy of being arraigned before one who so fitly represented the Roman proconsul. The Irish juror refused to sanction the verdict ; but the eleven " good men and true" found the bishop guilty on all the counts ; and Sarsfield, with assumed solemnity, sentenced him to be hung and quartered on the 1st of February immediately following. The priest, father O'Loghran, being arraig-ned before the same chief justice, and asked what he had to say to the charge of having aided the flight of the earls, whom he accompanied from Lough Swilly to Belgium, briefly remarked that a fairly constituted jury would acquit him, but at the same time would involve themselves, which he did not desire ; and as to the twelve indivi- duals actually impannelled, knowing as he did that they were bent on finding him guilty, he preferred to forego pleading, and abide the consequence. Sars- field then repeated the sentence pronounced on the bishop ; and the two condemned men were brought back to the Castle to await execution. Before crossing his cell-door, a sympathising girl, daughter, probably, of some Castle official, asked the bishop how he did, when he told her that he was never better or more happy, and that she had it in her power to do him a kindness if she would. " What is it ?" demanded the girl. " That, when I am dead, you will wrap my mutilated remains in the habit of my order, which I have always worn under my ordinary apparel." The girl generously promised to see his wish carried out. The day on which O'Devany was to make his last 348 FATE AND FORTUNES OF exit, or real escape, from the Castle, with whoi^e dungeon he had been long familiar, was an auspicious one — Candlemas-eve — when he and father O'Loghran were placed on a hurdle, and conveyed to the foot of the Old Bridge, on the north bank of the Liffey, where the work of death was to be done by an English felon, who had graduated in the shambles, and whose sentence was commuted as reward for supplementing the Irish headsman, who fled the city to avoid staining his hands with the blood of such criminals. Indeed, there was admirable unity in the whole proceeding — an Eng- lish jury, a judge with feelings devotedly English, and an executioner without feelings, but with English ideas of what was due to Irish traitors — ecclesiastics especially. O'Sullivan's narrative of the slaughter of the bishop and the priest was gathered in Spain from parties whom he met there ; and is already so well known, that we prefer giving that of an Englishman who was an eye- witness of the scene, and, of course, blended much truth with falsehood, enlivening the whole with humorous touches, which show that he was above all Celtic suc- ceptibility. The name of this individual was Barnaby Rich, " Gentleman servant to the king's most excellent majesty," and the title of his book, from which the fol- lowing narrative is taken, " A Catholic Conference be- tween Sji Tady MacMarcull, a Popish Priest of Water- ford, and Patrick Plaine, a young student of Trinity College, by Dublin:"* " On the 28th of January, the bishop and priest, being arraigned at the king's bench, were each condemned of * It was published in London, 1616, and the author describes his performance as " strange to be related, credible to be believed, and pleasant to be perused." In Gilbert's Dublin there is frequent refer- ence to Rich. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 349 treason, and adjudged to be executed the Saturday fol- lowing ; which day being come, a priest or two of the pope's brood, with holy water and other holy stuffs, were sent to sanctify the gallows whereon they were to die. About two o'clock, p.m., the traitors were delivered to the sheriffs of Dublin, who placed them in a small car, which was followed by a great multitude. As the car progressed, the spectators knelt down ; but the bishop sitting still, like a block, would not vouchsafe them a word, or turn his head aside. The multitude, however, following the car, made such a dole and lamen- tation after him, as the heavens themselves resounded the echoes of their outcries. Being come to the gallows, whither they were followed by troops of the citizens, men and women of all classes, most of the best being, present, the latter kept up such a shrieking, such a howl- ing, and such a hallooing, as if St. Patrick himself had been going to the gallows, could not have made greater signs of grief; but when they saw him turned from off the gallows, they raised the whohuh with such a maine cry, as if the rebels had come to rifle the city. Being ready to mount the ladder, when he was pressed by some of the bystanders to speak, he repeated fre- quently, ' Sine TYie qucBSO.'* The executioner had no sooner taken off the bishop's head, but the townsmen of Dublin began to flock about him, some taking up the head with pitying aspect, accompanied with sobs and sighs ; some kissed it with as religious an appetite as ever they kissed the Pax ; some cut away all the hair from the head, which they preserved for a relic ; some others were practisers to steal the head away, but the executioners gave notice to the sheriffs.*!* * Do not disturb me, I beseech you. t In 1611, Thomas Bishop was Mayor of Dublin, and the sheriffs were Chalkwret and Richard Wigget. 350 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " Now, when he began to quarter the body, the women thronged about him, and happy was she that could get but her handkerchief dipped in the blood of the traitor ; and the body being once dissevered in four quarters, they neither left finger nor toe, but they cut them off and carried them away ; and some others that could get no holy monuments that appertained to his person, with their knives they shaved off chips from the hallowed gallows ; neither would they omit the halter wherewith he was hanged, but it was rescued for holy uses. The same night after the execution, a great crowd flocked about the gallows, and there spent the fore part of the night in heathenish howling, and performing many Popish ceremonies; and after midnight, being then Candlemas-day in the morning, having their priests present in readiness, they had Mass after Mass, till day- light being come, they departed to their own houses. The bishop was invested by the pope, for those Ba- laamite idiots be fit instruments to spread the pope's doctrine, especially in Ireland, where the poor people are so infested with this locust vermin of priests and friars, that they will sooner believe an ass that comes from Rome with a pope's bull, than an angel from hea- ven that should be sent with the light of God's Word." Such is the account of this barbarous transaction given by Rich, who followed the condemned from the Castle to the scene of their murder, and looked on with that morbid delight which such spectacles afford to imbruted natures. It is almost unnecessary to offer any comment on this ribald's narrative ; for, notwith- standing its coarseness, it clearly shows that O'Devany's fortitude in presence of such a dreadful doom was all that the most zealous Catholic could have desired. By his death he expiated his weakness in making " sup- pliant memorial " to such heartless wretches as Jones TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 351 and Loftus, the Anglican bishops. As to the venera- tion shown by the Catholics of Dublin for the reliques of one whom they justly regarded as a martyr, need we say that it was in perfect keeping with the conduct of the early Christians, who, at a period not much worse than that in which O'Devany suffered, were wont to piously collect the mutilated limbs of their cham- pions, nay, and the very instruments wherewith they were done to death, estimating them more valuable than gold, silver, and priceless gems ?* Rich did not understand this ; and he, doubtless, would have written in the same style had he been present when Polycarp was torn piecemeal by beasts, in the amphitheatre. Father O'Loghran met his fate as became him, piously and with that superhuman heroism which Heaven alone can inspire. The remains of both were interred in the ol dgraveyard of St. James', Dublin ; and thither, for many a generation, the citizens of Dublin, and pilgrims from the ends of Ireland, were wont to repair, on the anniversary of the execution, to pray beside their graves, according to sacred usage, sanctioned by apos- tolic constitutions.f " There was not," says the Four Masters, " a Christian in Ireland whose heart did not shudder at the terror of the martjnrdom which this chaste, wise divine, and truly righteous man, suffered for the re- ward of his soul. The Christians who were then in Dublin vied with each other to have one of his limbs, and they * The respect shown by the primitive Christians to the instru- ments of martyrdom cannot be doubted, for they were regarded as ^* instrumenta triumphi mpplicii;" and for the rehques of those who died for the faith, no shrine was deemed too costly for them. " Ossa Polycarpi gemmis pretiosissimis cariora, et quovis auro pretiosiora, sepulta sunt ut decebat." — Ep. Eccl. Smyrnensis. t " Congregamini in ccemeteriis lectionera sacrorum librorum faci- entes atque psallentes pro defunctis martyribus — eucharistiam oflFerte in ecclesiis vestris, et in coemeteriis."— Const. Ap. apud Cotelar. 352 FATE AND FOETUNES OF also tad fine linen in readiness to prevent his blood falling to the ground ; for they were convinced that the bishop was a holy martyr of the Lord." This assertion of the Donegal annalists, however, may be questioned, for archbishop Jones, sir Arthur Chichester, and the whole staff of officials in the Castle, although baptized Christians, exulted over the bloody work, which they regarded in the light of a mere holy- day spectacle. But view it as they might, the deputy could not shut his eyes to the effect which his ruthless conduct had wrought in the minds of the Catholics, from the centre to the remotest limits of the island. Instead of extinguishing popular veneration for the legally murdered bishop and priest, Chichester rather intensified it; and he himself all but confesses this, in a letter which he addressed to lord Salisbury, five days after the execution : — " I have given charge," he whites, " to sir K. Cooke to tell you how obstinately the cities and corporate towns have demeaned themselves; how the priests abound everywhere, who sway and carry this people at their pleasure; how a titulary bishop and priest, being lately executed here for treason merely, are, notwith- standing, by them thought Tnartyrs, and adored for saints" Another victim, however, was wanting to satisfy his Excellency's lust of blood, and that was Eugene Mac Mahon, recently appointed archbishop of Dublin ; but so lovingly did his people shelter him, that Chichester was obliged to complain " he never could get a draught upon him, albeit he had offered largely for it." Pitiable, in sooth, was the condition of this ogre, whose sanguinary cravings the Catholic citizens of Dublin TYRONE AND TYECONNEL. 358 refused to gratify ! His attempt to corrupt, by bribes and other artifices, were so many avowals of his guilty conscience ; but the people — and they were the middle class — who harboured their archbishop, treated the deputy and his proclamation with the contempt and loathing both deserved * • The history of the Irish Church does not record a solitary in- stance of bishop or priest having been betrayed to the govemmeDt by any of the middle class, which has always been the chief support of the clergy, and builders of their churches ; whereas, it is notorious that lord Fleming of Slane, a Catholic, delivered O'Hurley, archbishop of Cashel, to Loftus, the queen's archbishoj) of Dublin, who caused him to be grilled to death, a.d. 1584. See Eev. Dr. Brady's " Alleged Conversion of the Irish Bishops. " 2 A 1 "--l^ E ^f( ((((((•'^1^ M a H 1 ■*H ■SHhb IMimiJiw'wwii i™i™ ^fitoMd BSH CHAPTER X. jBOUT four months after O'Devany's execution, Cecil, earl of Salisbury, who had so long and so exclusively possessed king James' confidence, influencing his policy, and monopolizing the distribu- tion of favours, passed out of this world.* The infamy of this statesman's career is notorious, for his whole life was a conspiracy against the Catholics, English as well as Irish, for whose utter extirpation he was inces- santly contriving plots, and resorting to basest artifices. Cecil, as is well known, was a bitter enemy to O'Neill, and, indeed, to the Irish Catholics in general — against whose religious doctrines he found time to write a very indifferent treatise — and also a zealous advocate for the plantation of Ulster, and the settling there of colonies of Scotch and English, who were to sweep out the natives, and introduce "true religion and civility." There can be little doubt that he perused " the Arti- cles" which the earls sent from Louvain to thekiner, and to which the latter never deigned a reply; and we may, therefore, infer that O'Neill deemed it entirely useless to make any further appeal to his majesty, while" Cecil exercised predominant influence in the cabinet. Meanwhile, Robert Carr of Fernyherst, member of ♦ May 4, 1612. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 355 a family which distinguished itself in the cause of the unfortunate queen Mary of Scotland, had become the king's minion, acquiring great control over the monarch himself, and, through him, the government of the three kingdoms. Carr, in a word, was prime favourite, one of those " who had a good and gracious maker in this world ;" and although he did not hold the official position of first minister, he, nevertheless, transacted state business as such, and also as principal secre- tary. The king received no suit or petition, except through him; nor did his majesty make any grant that did not first pass through the hands of Robert Carr. He himself was the recipient of broad lands and forfeited estates — the minion of minions, whom the king loved to honour, and for whom he thought no expenditure too great, because he was "straight- limbed, well-favoured, smooth-faced, with some sort of cunning and show of modesty." In 1611 he was created baron Brancepeth, viscount Rochester, a knight of the Garter, and, soon after, earl of Somerset. The subsequent career and fate of this favourite is well known ; how he married the lady Essex, after she had obtained sentence of divorce ; connived at the murder of his secretary, sir Thomas Overbury; and how he and she, known in the annals of crime as the " beautiful devil," were brought to trial, and banished the court, with a pension of £4,000 a-year, to prevent the disclosure of a dreadful secret, which would have destroyed the king in the eyes of all mankind. The story is not without its moral, for it shows that the idol, in the insolence of power, too often exacts painful sacrifices. We are not aware that O'Neill was personally ac- quainted with Somerset ; but it is certain that he thought the latter could, if he only wished it, influence 356 FATE AND FORTUNES OF his majesty at one of those moments, when he "went about the court hanging on his favourite's neck, pinch- ing his cheek, smoothing his ruffled garments, and blubbering in his face." Surely, it was only reasonable to suppose that the personage who was now, to all intents and purposes, first minister of the crown, and the envied of all beholders, in the most profligate of European courts, could, with one tender word, cause the effeminate king to revoke all he had said and done against O'Neill, and restore him to his estates. Bribes, too, for all sorts of services, were not novelties to the courtiers of James I. ; and O'Neill, doubtless, had it in his power to compensate the favourite with red gold from the Spanish treasury, if he only interested himself ever so little in urging his suit. Influenced by such motives, and yearning for skies le^ sapphire than those of Italy, O'Neill addressed the following letter to the minion : — "Earl of Tyrone to the earl of Somerset " Right hon. and my very good lord, — Inasmuch as I have been always desirous, since I came to these foreign countries, to labour my reconciliation with his most excellent majesty, I attempted sundry means whereby my humble petitions might come to his princely hearing, yet aU, I know not by what causes, frustrated. Now, of late, finding no fitter means to effectuate what I long desired, I gave directions to some persons in Flanders to deal with his majesty's agent there concerning the same ; who, after some time, resolved that he was warranted by your honour's letters to entertain confidence with those persons whom I have assigned for the purpose ; which, when I understood, I TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 357 have sent a most humble petition to his most excellent majesty, not doubting the same to have a happy suc- cess, albeit, I did not receive his majesty's resolution, a great time being past. Seeing it hath pleased your honour to interpose yourself in my affairs, whom I most earnestly beseech — in respect I have not given cause of indignation to his majesty, other than to leave his royal dominions without licence, being thereto con- strained by unjust vexations, and sundry expressions of some ministers — to procure that his majesty may be pleased to receive me to his favour and grace, con- sidering my innocence, and that none can justly affirm that ever I intended any hurt to his majesty's state and dignity. Wherein I hope your honour shall do his majesty service in representing to his clemency his subject's innocence, and to be living in exile, a most particular favour, thereby obliging me for ever to be a servitor to your honour, to whom only I will ascribe, as to a principal actor, what good service I shall have in these my affairs and petitions. Expecting, with all ex- pedition, your honour's resolution, and committing myself and my suit to your honorable care and patron- age, I rest your honour's most affectionate friend, " Tyrone. "Rome, Dec. 1613." "We have sought in vain for Somerset's answer to the foregoing letter ; but, indeed, it is likely enough he was then too much occupied with the masques and revels given by his majesty, in honour of his unhallowed nuptials, to concern himself about O'Neill or his suit. At all events, we can clearly perceive, by O'Neill's petition, that he utterly repudiated the charge of treasonable conspiracy so unblushingly made against 358 FATE AND FORTUNES OF him by the lord deputy, Howth, Delvin, and others. As for the agent he employed to negotiate for him with Turnbull, then representing English interests at the court of the archdukes in Brussels, he was John Bath, a merchant of Drogheda, and the same who had carried the fugitives from Lough Swilly to the shores of Normandy. If we may rely on Turnbull's de- spatches, it is evident that the negotiation was afoot even before the death of Cecil, and that the latter saw the necessity of entertaining it. The terms de- manded by O'Neill were that the king should restore him to his lands, with other concessions ; and he also stipulated that, for his better assurance, his majesty should pass his royal word to Continental princes to maintain the conditions on which both might agree. But should his majesty refuse to grant all O'Neill demanded, the latter would prove to the world that he was compelled to have recourse to arms, and land with forces on the Irish shores. Viewing this matter according to' our modern notions, nothing seems more ludicrous than O'Neill's alternative of making war on the king of England ; but it is to be borne in mind that the people of Ireland — those of the province of Ulster especially — were then so cruelly oppressed on the score of religion, and so harassed by the new settlers, that they were ready, at a moment's warning, to rally round the standard of their old chieftain, should he appear in their midst. Moreover, the king's troops then serving in Ireland were quite incompetent to deal with the people should they rise in a few of the counties, while the twelve years' truce between the Spanish crown and the United Dutch Provinces, left a large force of Irish in the archdukes' service unem- ployed, and only desirous for an opportunity to debark on their native coasts. Need we say that O'NeiU was TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 359 intimately acquainted with king James' proverbial pusillanimity, and his unconquerable aversion to cold steel ? Moreover, discontent and disaffection then per- vaded all classes of the Irish people, and the treasury of the kingdom was unable to support anything like a respectable contingent. Chichester himself was aware of this, as appears from a passage in one of his letters, written at this period to Secretary Winwood : — "The hearts of the Irish," says the deputy, "are against us : we have only a handful of men in enter- tainment, so ill-paid that every one is out of heart, and our resources so discredited, by borrowing and not repaying, that we cannot take up £1,000 in twenty days, if the safety of the kingdom depended upon it. The Irish are hopeful of the return of the fugitives, or invasion from foreign parts." Good reason, therefore, had the king and his Irish officials to dread the appearance of O'Neill and the " practised Irish " in Ulster, or any other province of the kingdom. After weighing all these circumstances, which were so well calculated to inspire most serious apprehen- sions, Cecil commanded the minister at Brussels to negotiate with Bath, whose overtures for Tyrone are given in the following despatch : — " William Tumhull to lord Burghley, " To captain Bath I have imparted the contents of your lordship's letters of the 18th, and have found him ready to attempt the performance of his overtures both concerning Tyrone and the colonel,* who, for his * Henry O'Neill, Tyrone's son. 360 FATE AND FORTUNES OF better education, is also admitted to "wait as a minimo [page] on the infanta. The said captain is constant in his former opinion, that if he might make a voyage to Rome, and speak with Tyrone in person, he should be able to draw him to his majesty's obedience upon terms of reason and indifferency. He telleth me that Tyrone is in Spring to remove from Rome, but to what place he cannot ascertain. His present condition doth induce him (seeing he is, for his majesty's service, to quit a pension, which he holdeth of the king of Spain, of forty crowns) to become a humble suitor that he may, with his pardon, have some certain means assigned him in Ireland, which he leaveth wholly to his majesty's gracious consideration, without prescribing anything on his part. If it should, in his majesty's wisdom and counsel, be found convenient to treat with Tyrone for his remission, I could rather wish that the business and managing thereof might be committed to this man than to the friars, both because I hold him to be more sincere, and much better affected towards his majesty and his country. "He hath something to impart unto me for his majesty's service, touching certain practices now ma- naged by certain religious men lately sent into Ireland ; but being scrupulous in his conscience (as a Romanist) to put their lives in hazard, he most humbly beseeches his majesty that he may have his royal word and promise not to spill their blood, in case they be ap- prehended and found guilty. " Yesternight I was told by a priest of my familiar acquaintance, that the Irish nation was so much dis- gusted with the oppositions (for so he termed them) of his majesty's ministers that have the command of that kingdom, as they were reduced to extreme despair ; and it was thought if they had not some redress of the said TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 361 wrongs upon the return of his majesty's commissioners, lately sent thither for that purpose, that they would generally take arms, and cut the throats of the lord deputy and council ; saying further, that he had heard an inkling of such a matter, and told me of it, to the end it might be timely prevented ; and he added like- wise that the Irish, not daring, for matter of conscience, to put that wicked design in practice, had sent the case hither to be consulted of among their divines," &c. Now anent this Bath, in whom O'Neill placed such trust, it is to be observed that he was a double-dealing fellow, who, availing himself of the opportunity given him by the former to confer with the English minister, resolved to turn it to his own account. For this cha- racter of the negotiator we are indebted to Turnbull, who wrote to the king commending him thus : " One John Bath, a merchant of Drogheda, being much dis- gusted with the earl of Tyrone, with whom he fled out of Ireland, hath earnestly entreated me to be his me- diator towards your majesty for a pardon, and to be redintegrated into your majesty's favour and good opinion ; and because he is a man of good experience and understanding, by whose coming home the said Tyrone's counsels shall be much weakened and his credit impaired; as also that Bath may be able to redeem his fault by doing some good service to your majesty." Bath had already done good service to the king, for, allured by TumbuU's promises of " redintegra- tion," he disclosed to the latter Tyrone's project of in- vading Ireland, and the means by which he thought he could accomplish such a venture. Turnbull attached great importance to the revelation, because Bath was an experienced mariner, had lived four years at Rome 362 FATE AND FORTUNES OF Tinder the same roof with the earl, and, consequently, was well acquainted with all his projects. Bath was also deeply interested for his uncle John [Bath], then resid- ing in Ireland, and was ready to disclose more and more on condition that the king and his deputy would under- take to make provision for the latter. There is an ascetic proverb which says, that if the devil succeeds in catching one by a single hair of the head, he soon becomes master of the entire body ; and something like this befel Bath ; for Turnbull tempted, cajoled, and lured him step by step, till, eventually, he became a dela- tor and betrayer of the unfortunate earl, at whose board he had been maintained by thepopeand the king of Spain, in consideration of the good services he had rendered to the fugitives. We will now let Mr. Turnbull detail the important information which he obtained from Bath : "Advertisements and offers of service presented to his majesty by captain John Bath. " First, it had been consulted, before the earl of Ty- rone should attempt any action, that he should demand of his majesty his lands, with certain other conditions ; and for his better assurance, that his majesty should pass his royal word to foreign princes for maintaining the conditions agreed on ; and if Tyrone's said attempt should fail, then that he might manifest to the world that he was forced to pretend a war. " Then to employ captain John Bath to sea with such men of quality of the Irish regiment as should be thought fitting, with order to take the spoil of English and Hollanders ; to receive into protection all pirates which are abroad, and to join with them ; and when they should be able to make 4,000 or 5,000 men, to land in some part of Ireland most convenient for their purpose TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 363 upon the sea-coast, and to fortify, and there to employ certain principal men of each province to begin a tumult; and their shipping to be despatched to sea again to follow their former courses. In the meantime, Tyrone, with foreign forces, doth pretend to succour them. " He will certify what pension Tyrone and Tyrconnel had before their departing out of Ireland, which was the greatest motive of their flight, fearing they were discovered. The merchant which was employed by Tyrone into Spain to receive his pension is now in Ireland. " He will certify what merchants in Ireland have given certain intelligence. "He doth presuppose, by all likelihood, that if it please his majesty to receive Tyrone to grace upon good terms, he will submit himself; and the reason of that persuasion is in regard that captain Bath hath laboured these four years to draw him thereunto ; for if his ma- jesty think fit to employ captain Bath in that business, he must go to Rome and speak with Tyrone himself, because there are certain persons which would persuade him to the contrary. "If, on Tyrone's return, there shall be found any difficulty, the said captain will endeavour to procure the colonel to submit himself to his majesty, his inten- tion being thereunto well inclined. " After having him, the said captain will, by all means, procure to bring over the earl of Tyrconnel,* whereby more that desire to succour them wiU withdraw their affection, and that will also be a means to disperse the Irish regiment. " He wiU certify what knowledge Cormac O'Neill, * He was then a page in the court of the archdukes, and had taken the name of Albert at Confirmation. 364 FATE AND FORTUNES OF brother to Tyrone, had of his said brother's departure out of Ireland ; and he will also give his majesty notice of the merchant's name that lately brought John O'Neill, son of the said Cormac, out of Ireland into these pro- vinces. " He will lay open unto the king of Spain what false relations father Florence and father Hugh Cawell* have given of certain persons, whereby their future relations shall lose all esteem with the said king. " Of Emir Mac Collo Mac Mahon and of Macgennis, his mother, he can say somewhat. " These do pretend that Con O'Neill, son to Tyrone, should be secretly brought over the seas. " He will procure his uncle, John Bath, to submit himself; and they two will acquaint those of the Eng- lish race which are in Ireland and abroad with the malice and hatred borne against them by the mere Irish, and their will to do harm if they had power, which may be a means that those of the English race shall not have any desire to join with the others. He will not be tied to some of the above-written conditions more than lieth in his power, but will employ himself in them with as great zeal and fidelity as any other servant his majesty hath. "This is the substance of captain Bath's advertise- ments and overtures, which I have seen written with his own hand, and have made this copy out of the ori- ginal, almost verbatim. "W. TURNBULL." Little, indeed, did O'Neill think that Bathf had been betraying him almost from the moment he left Ireland, * M'Cawell, afterwards archbishop of Armagh, t Bath was son of the widow of sir William Warren, in whose house at Drumcondi-a O'Neill was married to Mabel Bagnal. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 365 through his friends and kinsmen there, but least of all, that he would have sold himself to the Belgian minister. In short, while O'Neill was preparing his approaches towards the Irish shores, his agent was employed counter- mining him at every step. Happily, however, for the earl, he was unconscious of all this turpitude. But there was another traitor, if possible baser than Bath, living in the same palace with O'Neill, and, like him, subsisting on the largess of Paul Y. and the king of Spain. This individual was Robert Lombard, nephew to the vene- rable archbishop of Armagh ; for it was his misfortune — one of the greatest that can beset a bishop or priest — to be hampered with a crowd of brothers' and sisters' sons, who not only existed by him, but exposed him, according to the babble of gossipers, to the suspicion of nepotism and favouritism, which, were it true as it was false, would have been a blur on the archiepiscopal purple. Well, this Robert being a very worthless nephew,* and tired probably of his do-nothing life at Rome, bethought him that he might provide for himself by waiting on sir Dudley Carleton, then British minister at Venice, and disclosing to him all he knew of O'Neill's designs. Full of this idea, and feigning a fit of devotion, he set out from Rome, and with money enough in his pocket took a passage from Ancona to Venice, where he presented himself to Carleton, and disburdened himself of all the secrets he had learned in the Salviati Palace. The hypocrisy which this man unblushingly avowed, is ample reason for discrediting his statement regarding the countess of Tyrone ;f but as to his other * The etymology of nepos (nephew) is curious. Columella says it signifies a sucJcer — "In vines nepos means" — and others derive it from Ne (i.e., non), and posse, equivalent to worthless. —See Sheller*B Lexicon. t Propriety forbids the publication of Lombard's libeL 3G6 FATE AND FORTUNES OF assertions, there can be little doubt tbat they were well founded, and garnered at the convivial board. Carle- ton's history of the whole transaction is very graphic, and we will let himself relate it : — " Sir Dudley Carleton to the king. "Venice, 8th March, 1613. " On Saturday last here came unto me an Irish gen- tleman, for so his speech and appearance declared him, naming himself Eobert Lombard, born at Waterford, but bred up on this side of the sea. He saith he is nephew to Peter Lombard, titular primate of Armagh, by whom and by the cardinal Borghese, whom he depends upon, he is maintained in Rome, and lodgeth with his uncle in the same palace with the earl of Tyrone. His coming to me he pretended to be expressly to give your majesty information of Tyrone's purpose to leave Rome and go into Flanders, from whence he doth sus- pect he intends to transport these Irish companies, which are there in the king of Spain's service, into Ireland, and there raise rebellion. This he saith he hath by secret information, and confirmed the same unto me by these circumstances. " That in January last, at the Spanish ambassador, Don F. di Castro's departure from Rome to Naples, the day before he set forward he sent for Tyrone, with the rest of the northern Irish, his followers, into a vine- yard outside the town, and showed them the king of Spain's letters for their transmigration to Brussels. That since his return from Naples he hath again many times conferred with Tyrone touching his going, and offered of himself to supply him with money for his journey in case no order came out of Spain in fit time, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 367 for which he had written. That they rested in appoint- ment together to acquaint the pope this present holy week with their purpose, and likewise to demand of him that he would take upon him the naone of any enterprise Tyrone should undertake in his country, in case he would contribute no further succours, whereof his avarice did make them despair. That Tyrone, whilst he is his own man, is always much reserved, pretend- ing ever his desire of your majesty's grace, and by that means only to adoperate his return to his country; but when he is vino plenus et ira, as he is commonly once a night, and therein is Veritas, he doth then declare his resolute purpose to die in Ireland, and both he and his company do usually in that mood dispose of govern- ments and provinces, and make new commonwealths. That there would be a house provided for Tyrone at Brussels, where he thought he would make show of set- tling himself, and so remain for a time, whereby to attend the opportunity of transporting himself with commodity and secrecy. " That for the better transportation of the Irish out of Flanders, they have been long since quartered in Ostend, Nieuport, and other port-towns of that province, which he guessed was thus done purposely beforehand, that the drawing them into those parts when Tyrone should be there present might not breed jealousy. That howsoever the late reformation took place in Flanders, the Ii'ish are exempted, and order given for restoring their pensions, and receiving into pay as many of that nation as shall present themselves. And finally that this is a fit opportunity for their enterprise, owing to the wants of England, Scotland, distractions in Ireland; and Tyrone's age and weakness growing upon him, necessitates them to defer the time no longer. " I asked him his reasons for making this discovery 368 FATE AND FORTUNES OF to me, seeing lie lives in exile as those of his nation do, professeth the same religion, and therefore may seem to run the same fortune. His answer was, first, a hope to obtain hereby the grace and favour of your majesty. Next, that religion was the pretence of their designs, hut amhition the true motive. Lastly, he said, that in case Tyrone should succeed in his enterprise, the condi- tion of all the other provinces to be subject to those Ulster lords would be most miserable; if he failed, which was likely, that then your majesty's clemency would be turned into so great displeasure, that they could promise themselves nothing but the oppression of their persons, and utter extirpation of their religion. And that most of the other Irish who were abroad, particularly his uncle, the bishop of Armagh, and one Wise, the grand prior, his kinsman, who lives upon a Spanish pension at Naples, were of the same mind. " Neither of them, he said, knew of his journey to me; and that his pretence of absenting himself from Rome, was the following : the prior, now come- in devo- tion to Loretto, who, he said, hath long since known of Tyrone's purpose to go into Flanders, but suspects no further design. " And for his uncle, the bishop, he insisted so much upon his integrity and loyalty, besides his love and devotion to your majesty's person and service, as if the effect of his coming unto me had been to negotiate in his favour. " There may be amongst these men majus and minus, hut there is little trust in any of that nation of a con- trary religion, especially those who have frequented KoME and Spain. And I cannot but apprehend the coming of the "prior at this present to Home, where he hath nofbeen many years before; and the more, in that I have another information both of his opinion TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 369 and affection than this party gives me, in that he delivered in confidence, about a year since, to one of whom I have the relation, tliat he was well assured those would have hard keeping and enjoying of Tyrone's land that now possessed it, as formerly others have had with his predecessors, who were always able to patronise themselves. And in further discourse declared so much disaffection, that my informer con- cludes him to be as great an enemy to the present government as can be of the Irish. " It is likewise considerable, that the companies of the Irish in the Low Countries are most of them com- posed of men drawn out of other provinces, though the captains made or changed since Tyrone's coming over are all of them of the noHh; and unless they were well assured of their affections, they would not presume of their persons. " I hear there is one Meth, a merchant in Cork, in Munster, pensioner to Spain, who hath thirty crowns a month paid him in Naples. He is now coming to Rome, from thence goeth to Bourdeaux, pretending, as this party saith, to be nearer his friends, whereby to hear often from them. But I have formerly understood, by another hand from Naples, he gives out his business is to send wines into Ireland, for which this is not the season ; and, therefore, it may he suspected he will he a merchant of munition. And I am entered at the present into some doubt, that this party's coming to me, without any foreknowledge of him, or he pretending anything of me, may he to hreed amusement with news of a journey into Flanders ; whilst, according to two former expeditions, made in the time of the late queen and Gregory XIII. — the first by Stukely, diverted into Portugal, and the second in Desmond's wars, defeated in Ireland, both under countenance of the pope, and 2 B 370 FATE AND FORTUNES OF at the charge of the Spaniard, and both sent by sea directly out oi Italy towards Ireland, in ships of Genoa — they may embark themselves in the pope's dominions, or some other parts of Italy, with assistance of strangers, and take the same course ; the opportunity serving so aptly of these forces now on foot in Italy, and shipping already prepared against the Turks, whereof the use depends upon uncertainties. " And particularly there is great quantity of arms lately transported from Milan to Genoa, which must be designed to some place where the people are unfur- nished, in that all the Spanish and Italian compa- nies, now on foot in these parts, are completely armed. This provision is as proper for the Greeks in Morea and Dalmatia as for the Irish ; but the late discovery and impaling the bishop oi AntivaH,^ and cutting in pieces all his confederates, shows that intelligence to be broken ; and whilst the memory thereof is so fresh, it is not likely that people will run the same hazard. I have this further suspicion of this person, that he should he purposely employed to engender an opinion of their going hy land, that the less care may he taken of inter- cepting hy sea, in that he refused such offers as I made for discharging of his journey ; and as I have learned since his departure, he was at extraordinary expense in his inn, besides the payment of his bark to Ancona, which he hired expressly, and at a high rate, which shows his expenses to proceed out of some hetter purse than his own ; though there may be another argument made of his ingenuity, in not being mercenary. It * This is an allusion to a fearful slaughter committed by a band of freebooters at Segna, on the bay of Quarnero. They were called Uscocchi—a. rabble of various countries, Croats, Dalmatians, and even English, who lived by piracy. See Sketches from Venetian History, vol. ii. p. 363. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 371 may be presumed, that if Tyrone ship himself in these parts, the Irish regiment in the Low Countries shall have assignation to meet him ; but of this I shall be watchful, as likewise if the other information be true ; and if he takes his journey through any place where your majesty hath friends, / luill not fail to waylay him in that sort that is fit* I have written this week by the ordinary of Lyons, both to Turin and Paris, concerning his remove from Rome to Brussels, that there may be. the greater vigilance in advertising your majesty, and doing those offices in time which are fit for your service. " This party tells me that Tyrone hath been with Monsieur de Breves, the French ambassador at Rome, to demand safe conduct for himself and his wife through France ; but his opinion is, they will go in several com- panies, and set forward before the end of this next month. He hath undertaken to give me knowledge what is concluded between the Spanish ambassador and the pope touching this business, with such other circumstances as are necessary for your majesty's know- ledge and service ; for which purposes he took addresses for letters and departed hence Monday last. He came from Rome, j% of this present. " He told me the chief instruments and agents in this practice were : in Rome, one Darby Cnoghor [O'Conor], a friar of St. Francis, who daily, and almost hourly, passes betwixt Tyrone and the Spanish ambassador; in Spain, Flcfrence Conry of Connaught, named arch- bishop of Tuam and Duhlin.f " And upon this man's practising, whom he described * That is, to have him assassinated. f This is utterly false. Conry was never named archbishop of Dublin, and never came to Ireland after his appointment to the see of Tuam. 372 FATE AND FORTUNES OF to be as able and active as wicked and malicious, he conceives most of this enterprise to be founded. He said further, these Irish do not desire the assistance of strangers, whom experience shows to be unfit for the service of that country, only they require to have writings from Rome and dollars from Spain" The foregoing documents prove that a relentless fate pursued O'Neill at home and abroad, and that it was his destiny to be surrounded by dissembling friends, who, looking to their own sordid interests, determined to make capital out of his misfortunes. They well knew that there was not the faintest hope of a recon- ciliation between the king and the illustrious exile ; and, as for the latter, he entirely miscalculated the chances of a breach in the friendly relations then exist- ing between the cabinets of England and Spain, which would have enabled him to make a descent on the shores of Ulster. The twelve years' truce, concluded in 1609 — when the archdukes, in their own names and in that of the king of Spain, recognized the independence of the United Provinces — was guaranteed by the sovereigns of France and England ; and although to all appearances temporary, it was destined to run its allotted time, scru- pulously observed by the contracting parties. Meanwhile, notwithstanding his many disappoint- ments, O'Neill had good reason to be grateful to the king of Spain and the Catholic sovereigns in the Low Countries ; for his son, Brian, or, as he was more com- monly styled, Don Bernardo, was named to the command of a regiment,* and appointed minimo or page to the * He was tlien only fifteen years old ; but we are to bear in mind that it was not unusnal at that period to confer a regiment on infants of the royal family of Spain, and other Catholic monarchs. Even in the Church, we find mere children named to abbacies and bishoprics, TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 373 archduchess Isabella. The young earl of Tyrconnel, then not quite ten years of age, was also made a member of their highnesses' household, and a page to the archduke Albert, who was his godfather in confir- mation. As for the Irish fugitive ladies who resided at Brussels, the archduchess was unremitting in her attentions to them, and received them at her court with all the honours bestowed on the highest nobility. She, indeed, was their sympathizing friend, for she regarded them as princesses, driven into exile by a cruel and unprincipled monarch. But the most memorable e^ent of this year, 1613, was the parliament held in Dublin, to attaint O'Neill and the rest of the fugitive nobles of treason, and confiscate their vast territories, which, according to the recent Ordnance Survey, consisted of above two mil- lions three hundred thousand acres,* over which O'Neill, O'Donel, and their sub-chiefs, exercised ancient suze- rainty. King James was at peace with the Continental sovereigns ; and having nothing to ruffle him in his profligate court but the discontent of the Irish and the petitions of his greedy parasites, he resolved to strike a blow which he foolishly imagined would con- vince the banished lords, and their adherents at home, that they never should regain their lost estates. as in the case of Giovanni de' Medici, afterwards Leo X. , who held the abbacy of Fonte-dolce when only seven years old, and, at the same time, was nominated, by the king of France, to the archbishopric of Aix. * J. O'Donovan. CHAPTER XI. ^/^^s^^VEKY parliament assembled in Ireland (and 1^^^ the first of them was convened 1374, in the reign of Edward III.) had for its object the enactment of cruel laws against the native Celts, and the sanctioning, by its authority, of the plunder and robbery which, under the name of confiscations, were carried on by the executive, the deputies, and their officials. In order more effectually to accomplish this, the deputies always contrived to command an over- whelming majority in the upper and lower houses, whose benches were invariably filled by obsequious expectants, who were always ready to pass whatsoever acts the former thought it expedient to frame.* * ** As for the principal parliaments whicli have been holden during the reigns of king Henry VIII., queen Mary, and queen Elizabeth (for king Edward VI. did call no parliament in Ireland), they were all summoned upon special and particular occasions, and not for the general settlement of the whole kingdom. For to what end was the parliament holden by the lord Leonard Grey, in 28th year of Henry VIII., biit to attaint the Geraldines, and to abolish the usurped authority of the pope ? Wherefore did sir Anthony St. Leger call the next parliament after, in 38th year of Henry VIII., but to invest that prince with the title of '* king of Ireland," and to suppress the abbeys and religious houses ? To what purpose did Thomas, earl of Sussex, hold his first pairliament, in 8rd and 4th years of king Philip and queen Mary, but to settle Leix and Offaly (now King and Queen's counties) in the crown ? And his second, in the second year of queen Elizabeth's reign, but to establish the reformed religion in TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 375 The last parliament held during the reign of queen Elizabeth was that of 1585 ; and in the long interval of twenty-seven years, that is, till the eleventh of James I., the deputies and their privy councils legislated as they liked for the government of the entire island. But the time had now come for assembling another parliament, as the king wished to obtain its sanction to the attainder of the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and those who fled with them. The lord deputy Chichester was equally interested in this momentous business, and very intent on passing a series of hard measures against the adherents of the old religion — then as now con- stituting the great mass of the Irish people — whom this rapacious bigot never ceased to revile and exasperate. Apprehending that • sir Arthur Chichester contem- plated the utter extirpation of Catholicity in Ireland, a large section of the nobility of the pale professing that religion, addressed an energetic remonstrance to the king, complaining that additional grievances were about to be enacted against them ; but they might as well have abstained from doing so, since the only answer they got was, that they had acted rashly and insolently. Withal, the apprehensions of the Catholic nobles were but too well-founded; for one Knox, a low-bred fanatic, and, by the grace of James I., bishop of Raphoe, had been persuading the deputy that the only sure means this kingdom ? What was the principal cause that sir Henry- Sydney held a parliament in the 11th year of queen Elizabeth, but to extinguish the name of O'Neill, and entitle the crown to the greater part of Ulster ? And, lastly, what was the chief motive of the last parliament holden by sir John Perrott, but the attainder of the two great peers of this realm — the viscount Baltinglass and the earl of Desmond— and for investing their lands and the lands of their adhe- rents in the actual possessions of the crown." — Davys' Hist. Tracts, pp. 305-6. 376 FATE AND FORTUNES OF of outrooting " Popery " in Ireland, was to banish or massacre the Papists, and then confiscate their pro- perties. The sentiments of this so-called bishop of Eaphoe — whose bloody instincts would have better qualified him to be a chief of Mohammedan dervishes — were shared by his colleagues ; and there is little doubt that Chichester would have attempted to realise them, if the king had not placed him under some restraint. King James' Irish parliament was convoked for the 18th May, and Chichester, in the meantime, had taken special care to be able to command a majority in both houses completely subservient to his unscrupulous designs. In all preceding parliaments only thirty boroughs returned representatives, but in this forty- seven new boroughs, created for the occasion, were to have members. Each and all of these boroughs were poor, mean, and contemptible — some of them consisting of a few mud cabins, hastily got up by the "settlers" — and without a single claim to represen- tation.* Nevertheless, each was to return two members, elected, in the north especially, by Protestants, who * "A number of new boroughs, most of them inconsiderable, and many of them too poor to afford wages to their representatives, must entirely be influenced by government, and must return its creatures and immediate dependents. Such an accession of power could not fail to encourage the administration to act without reserve, and pursue the dictates of its passions and resentments," — Leland, ii, p. 442. The petition of the Irish lords to king James complained of the same. It states that : — "A fearful suspicion that the project of erecting so many corporations in places that can scantily pass the rank of the poorest villages in the poorest country in Christendom, do tend to nought else at this time, but that by the voices of a few selected for the purpose under the name of burgesses, extreme penal laws should be imposed upon your subjects here. " — Idem. "The deputy continued to increase the number of new boroughs to forty, of which several were not incorporated until the writs for sum- moning a parliament had already been issued." — Leland, il 445. See also Crawford's " History of Ireland," i. 346. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 377 had a particular interest in sweeping out the native Irish. As many of the boroughs as could do so were to pay their representatives a daily stipend during the sessions, but most of them were too poor to afford even a moderate wage to their ignorant and beggarly nominees. Good reason, indeed, had the Catholics to be alarmed at this extraordinary innovation, the scope of which was so patent ; but even so, they would have been able to command a majority in the lower house, had the government only acted fairly with them. But instead of this, Chichester, with the king's connivance, incorporated many of the new boroughs before issuing the writs for the elections, and continued even after the writs had been issued to incorporate others. This was de- cidedly contrary to all precedent and forms of law ; but what cared the sovereign and his deputy, provided they realised their unconstitutional projects ? Sir John Davys, as might be expected, was an active agent and organizer in this infamous proceeding, of which, as we shall see hereafter, he was th6 unblushing apologist. Scandalous and unparalleled as this proceeding was, many of the elections were, if possible, still more so ; for nearly every one of the newly-created boroughs was represented by two individuals of no character, no pro- perty, and no principle, save the selfish one of benefiting themselves. Many of them were officials in the pay of the government, and all of them would willingly vote for any measure that contemplated the extermination of the " barbarous Irish," and the extinction of their " idolatrous worship." What else could have been ex- pected from individuals whose total dependence was on the executive, and who had no means of support except what it gave them, or held out, by way of bribe, to their expectations ? Never, indeed, at any former period, did Ireland 378 FATE AND FORTUNES OF witness such profligate contempt of justice as this par- liament was destined to exhibit ; for many of its mem- bers were Englishmen, having no residence in Ireland; judges, who returned themselves; and, if we may credit lord Mountmorris,* even felons, whose flagitious crimes excluded them from the benefit of the law. To add to the gross injustice of all this, we may not omit to mention that no writs were issued to sundry boroughs, which, by reason of their ancient charters, were fully entitled to return representatives. In fact, nothing that the exe- cutive could do to effect their main object was left un- done; and although money was scant at the time, Chichester's agents expended large sums in the most shameless bribery. Corruption was the order of the day, and no price was deemed too great to secure a government majority. As for the house of lords,-|" it was composed of fifty members, of whom one-half con- sisted of bishops of that alien Church, whose chiefest aim was, and has ever been, to sweep out the native popula- tion, since proclamations and penalties could not warp them from the religion of their fathers. The total number returned to the house of commons was 226, of whom 101 were Catholics, thus giving the government a decided majority, most of whom were chosen from the lowest stratum of society — barbers, quack-doctors, hall -porters, and lawyers'-clerks,;]: who must have won- dered at finding themselves transfigured into senators. * ** Transactions of the Irish Parliament." t Touching the spiritual peers, bishop Montgomery, who was one of them, writes thus: "The establishment of bishoprics will be a great strength in the higher house of parliament for enacting statutes for the geTieral reformation of Ireland in religion, which otherwise than by their means will hardly be yielded in that house, the whole nobility in that kingdom, some few excepted, being all professed Catholics." $ O'SiUlivaa, Hist. Cath. Hib. p. 309. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. S79 On the 18tli May, 1613, Chichester, now baron of Belfast, riding a sumptuously-caparisoned horse, and attired in a robe of purple velvet sent him by the king, the train of which was borne by eight gentlemen, pro- ceeded from the Castle to St. Patrick's, with all the peers of the realm dressed in scarlet robes, to assist at service there,and hear a sermon preached by Christopher Hampton, pseudo-archbishop of Armagh, recently in- truded into that primatial see. The procession,* ac- cording to contemporary authorities, was very stately, as beseemed the occasion ; the lord Barry carrying the sword of state, and lord Thomond the cap of mainte- nance, while the Castle guns and the blare of trumpets might be heard far away north and south of the Liffey. On reaching the old cathedral, however, the Catholic nobility and gentry remained outside, till Chichester and his immediate retinue had gone through the solemn farce of invoking heaven's blessing on the unscrupulous robbery which he was about to perpetrate in the name of law and justice. This done, he and his officers of state returned to the Castle in manner as they came. It is remarkable that all the members of the house of commons do not appear as figuring in this pageant ; but the absence of many of them — those of the newly- created boroughs especially — may be attributed to their want of becoming attire, and the dread of facing the public, who, like dogs, have instinctive aversion to rags. It was a wise precaution to leave them in their places in the Castle, for, unquestionably, the members for such boroughs as Carrickdrumrusk, Limavady, Ardee, Dingle- coish, and Cloghnakilty would have looked like beggars bidden to a bridaLf The session opened with an unseemly * Chichester is said to have expended £10,000 on this occasion. I See the Roll of the Commons' House in Appendix. 380 FATE AND FORTUNES OF brawl about the election of Speaker. The Catholics chose sir John Everard, but the partisans of sir John Davys dragged the former from the chair, and set the attorney-general in his place, declaring him duly elected. Pending the settlement of this momentous business, the deputy had filled the Castle and its approaches with military, to overawe the " Papists," both inside and outside that deliberative assembly. The question of the speakership being decided, the Catholic members petitioned against the returns from certain places, but only succeeded in two — namely, the boroughs of Cavan and Kildare, both places being hotbeds of corruption, and designed, as sir John Davys tells us, " to be perpe- tual seminaries of Protestant burgesses, their charters providing that the provost and twelve chief burgesses, who are to elect all the rest, must always be such as will take the oath of supremacy." As it is not our intention to go into a detailed history of this parliament, which neither represented the popu- lation nor the wealth of Ireland, landed or commercial, we must confine ourselves to a brief account of a few incidents, in order to show that it was an assemblage organized to establish ascendancy, and rob the fugitive nobles of their estates. After vainly protesting against the election of Davys to the speakership, the Catholics sent four of their own religion to lay their complaints before the king. The deputation was accompanied by lords Fermoy, Killeen, Delvin, sir Patrick Barnwell, and some lawyers. Having obtained access to the royal presence, and represented their grievances, the king told them that, as Papists, they were only half subjects, and therefore deserved only half privileges. Nothing daunted by this specimen of James' dialectics, the de- puties remonstrated against the returns of the newly- created boroughs ; but all they could get from his ma- TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 381 jesty was, that " it ill-became any subject to dispute his power in such point ;" remarking, at the same time, "What is it to youwhetherl make few or many boroughs ? what if I created forty noblemen and four hundred boroughs ? — the more the merrier, the fewer the better cheer !" Little, indeed, did James trouble himself about the statements of the recusants, titled or untitled, for he had been already assured by his deputy that he knew not any false or undue return made; and that he thought all the returns of Protestants would not fail to be legal without any just exception. Having insulted them thus, he commanded them to return to Ireland, admo- nishing them at their peril to attend their parliament- ary duties, the chiefest of which was to levy supplies of money for the revels of his lewd court. Two of the recusant agents, Talbot and Luttrell, were committed prisoners, one to the Tower, and the other to the Fleet ; and on reaching Dublin, sir James Gough was impri- soned in the Castle. Such was the redress given to the Catholic deputies; and when we remember their hosti- lity to O'Neill, at a period when, by joining him, they might have saved their common country and religion from being trodden down by this pedantic king, we must conclude that they deserved no better. They doubt- less fancied that remonstrances coming from such men as Killeen, Delvin, Trimbleston, and others of their order, would have great weight ; but they were signally disappointed, and found to their cost that James refused to reimburse the expenses they had incurred by crossing the Channel; nay more, that he regarded them one and all with supreme contempt. The only good trait in their character — if, indeed, they deserved commenda- tion for it — was fidelity to their religion ; but as for any real good they ever did their country, we would look 382 FATE AND FORTUNES OF for it in vain, since tlie Catholic nobility of the pale were ever foremost in maintaining English oppression, so long as it did not interfere with their territorial pos- sessions. It is probable, however, that some deference was shown to their expostulations, when this parliament withdrew certain bills which had been prepared for the expulsion of seminary priests and the lay professors of Popery ; and to the same consideration we may like- wise attribute the favourable entertainment of a peti- tion, praying that Catholic lawyers, who would not take the supremacy oath, might be allowed to plead at the bar. These, indeed, were the only concessions for which the Irish people were indebted to this sKam parliament, and for which the Catholic members — a mean and spirit- less body — professed themselves deeply grateful. But the grand object for which this parliament as- sembled was not consummated till October, 1614, when sir John Everard, member for " Crosse, Tipperary," and leader of the Catholic section in the commons' house, brought in the bill for confiscating the vast territories of the fugitive earls and their adherents in six counties of Ulster, amounting, as has been already stated, to above two million acres. This, in fact, was the most memorable as well as most fatal act ever done by any one in his position ; but before we describe the progress and accomplishment of this most unparalleled legal plunder, we may not omit a brief sketch of the time-serving Catholic leader. Everard was a native of Fethard, co. Tipperary, and, being learned in the law, had attained the chief justice- ship of the king's bench, which, however, he forfeited because he could not be induced to take the oath of supremacy. There can be no doubt that he was in necessitous circumstances after his removal from the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 883 bench, for his constituents had to make him an allowance of two hundred pounds during the long sessions. What other qualification, besides his legal knowledge, he may have possessed for the leadership of the "recusant members," we know not ; but there is good reason to suppose that he thought he might make it useful in ad- vancing his material interests. Everard, in a word, was a wretched temporiser — one of those despicable Catho- lics, who, at the hustings, secured the suffrages of the people on the plea of religion — a mean, crawling crea- ture, who courted the smile of the aristocracy, and whose political temperature was regulated by that of the deputy's and speaker's kitchens. With such a " leader " — ah, when will Irish constituencies discredit such impostors ? — it was easy for Chichester to foresee that the other Catholic members would make no oppo- sition to the bill attainting Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and the other fugitives, and vesting six whole counties of Ulster in the crown. We can easily imagine the applause which greeted this contemptible Everard, when he moved the bill, and how the beggarly members for Limavady, Killileagh, Newtown-in-le-Ardes, and such places, then consisting of a few straggling farmhouses, cheered him to the echo for his liberality, and obsequious deference to the royal wishes. The annals of Irish parliaments record no conduct more flagitious than this, which is rendered still more execrable when we remember that its prime mover was a Catholic leader, or, in other phrase, a trader on the credulity of those who sent him to parlia- ment. , Everard was intimately acquainted with the feelings of thp Catholic peers in the upper house, and knew that they cared nothing for the fugitive earls ; but, on the contrary, were only too anxious to exhibit their liberality by sanctioning the confiscation of Ulster. 884 FATE AND FORTUNES OF So long as their own lands escaped the rapacity of the crown, and they themselves had " toleration " to prac- tise their religion within the walls of their castles, it mattered little to them what became of the estates of those whose forefathers held them for many an age before the days of the Second Henry. Peers and commons, they were one and all insensible to the dic- tates of honour and conscience, and solely intent on catering to the king's avarice. Not a single voice was raised to deprecate the gigantic swindle ; and in vain did Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam, warn them against the line of conduct which he foresaw they were all bent on adopting. His remonstrance,* addressed to them from the cloister of Valladolid, and bearing in its every line the impress of a great mind, religious and patriotic, they treated with neglect; nor was there, in that large muster of Catholic members, even one in whom it awakened a responsive echo. All of them connived at the iniquitous spoliation; and it sickens one's heart to find such names as Wadding, Talbot, Nugent, and other Catholics, figuring prominently in this nefarious business. The same may be said of the Catholic lords, since we find Gormanstown, Killeen, Delvin, and others of their religion, leaguing with the baron of Howth, and exercising whatever ability they possessed to deprive men, unheard in their own j nstifica- tion, of their ancient inheritances. They were all veriest slaves and cravens, abettors of absolutism in its most re- volting phase, for they, one and all, subscribed the dogma, "that no man ought to rise against the sovereign either for religion or justice, and that recourse to arms was never lawful where parity doth not exist" — Vim vi rejpellere licet uhi paritas, non aliter. But they little knew * See it translated in Appendix. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 385 that they were sowing the whirlwind, and were destined to soon reap the storm. On the 19th October, Wadding, one of the members for the city of Waterford, moved that the bill for the attainder of Tyrone and Tyrconnel should be conferred with the names set forth in the bill of indictment ; and this being moved, the bill was that day read a second time, and committed to twenty-one members, comprising among others sir Toby Caulfield, Luttrell, Oliver Lam- bert, sir Hugh Montgomery, brother to the pluralist bishop of that ilk, each of whom had a special interest in the confiscations. On the 28th of same month the bill of attainder passed both houses, and on the day following the lord deputy came in his parliamentary robes to the house of peers, lord Gormanstown carrying the cap of mainte- nance before his Excellency ; the baron of Kerry and Lixnaw, the sword of state ; and the baron of Howth, as beseemed him, his lordship's train. Chichester then, standing erect in the midst of that assemblage of peers and commons, gave the royal assent to the act of recog- nition of his majesty's title to the crown of Ireland, and to the attainder of the earls of Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and their followers, which runs thus : — "In most humble manner beseeching your most excellent majesty, your loyal, faithful, and true-hearted subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the com- mons, in this present parliament assembled : That whereas Hugh, late earl of Tyrone ; Bory, late earl of Tyrconnel; Hugh O'Neill, late baron of Dungannon and eldest son of the said earl of Tyrone; Henry O'Neill, second son of the said earl of Tyrone ; sir Cahir O'Dogherty, late of Burt Castle, in the county of Donegal, knight; Cuconnaught Maguire,late of Enniskillen, in the 2c 386 FATE AND FORTUNES OF county of Fermanagh, esq. ; Oghy Oge O'Hanlon, eldest son of sir Ogliy O'Hanlon, knight, late of Tovergy, in the county of Armagh, esq.; Gaffer O'Donel, brother to the late earl of Tyrconnel, late of Caffersconec, in the said county of Donegal, esq. ; Gaffer Oge O'Donel, late of Scarfollis, in the said county of Donegal, esq. ; Doud Oge O'Donel, late of Donegal, esq.; Brian Oge M'Mahon, late of Glonleege, in the county of Monaghan, gent. ; Art Oge M'Gormack O'Neill, late of Glogher, in the county of Tyrone, esq. ; Henry Hovendon, late of Dungannon, in the county of Tyrone, gent. ; Mortogh O'Quyn, late of the same, gent. ; Richard Weston, late of Dundalk, merchant; John Bath, late of Dunalong, merchant; Ghristopher Plunket, late of Dungannon, gent. ; John Opunty O'Hagan, late of the same, gent. ; John Bath, late of Drogheda, merchant ; Hugh McDon- nell O'Gallochor, late of the same, gent. ; Tirelagh Garragh O'Gallochor, late of the same, gent. ; Phelim Reagh M'Davit, late of Elagh, Donegal, gent. ; John Crone M'Davit, late of the same, gent. ; Edmond Grome M'Davit, late of the same, gent. ; Matthew Oge O'Multully, late of Donegal, gent. ; Donogh M'Mahon O'Brien, late of BathmuUin, Donegal, gent. ; Henry O'Hagan, late of Dungannon, gent. ; Teigue O'Hagan, late of the same, gent. ; and Teigue Modder O'Quin, late of the same, gent. ; most falsely and traitorously, as well by open rebellion in divers parts of this your majesty's realm of Ireland, as well as by sundry treacherous con- federacies and conspiracies, have committed, perpe- trated, and done many detestable and abominable treasons against your majesty, tending to the utter subversion and ruin of the state and commonwealth of this kingdom, of which treasons the said Hugh, late earl of Tyrone, &c., &c. : it may please your most excel- lent majesty, of your gracious disposition, which your TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 387 highness doth bear towards the settling of this unre- formed kingdom, and as well for the comfort of your true and loyal subjects, as for an example and terror to all rebellious and traitorous persons, that all and every the attainders of the persons above-named be approved and confirmed by the authority of this present parliament. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, as well the said Hugh, late earl of Tyrone, &c., &c., and every one of them, stand and be adjudged persons convicted and attainted of high treason ; and that as many of the said offenders and persons before-named as be yet in life, and not pardoned for the same offences, shall and may, at your highness' will and pleasure, suffer pains of death, as in cases of high treason ; and that all and every of the said offenders by this present act attainted for the said treasons, shall be declared and adjudged to have lost and forfeited to your highness, and to your heirs and successors, from the time of their several treasons com- mitted, all and every such honours, territories, countries, castles, manors, messuages, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, remainders, possessions, rights, conditions, interests, ofifices, fees, annuities, and all other their hereditaments, goods, chattels, debts, and other things of whatsoever names, manner, or qualities they be, which they or any of them had to their or any of their uses, or which any other had to their or any of their uses, on any of the days of their several treasons com- mitted, perpetrated, or done, or at any time since then. Provided always and nevertheless be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that this act, or anything therein contained, shall not in any wise extend to make void any grant, gift, lease, or demise made by our sovereign lord the king, of any of the said honours, to any person or persons, by letters-patent under the great seal of Ireland, or under the great seal of England, at any time 388 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF or times since the said treasons were committed, but that the same gifts, grants, and leases, and every one of them, shall stand and be of force and effect in the law to all intents and purposes, anything in this act contained to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. Provided, nevertheless, that this act shall not extend to ratify, confirm, or make good any letters-patent here- tofore made to the said Hugh, late earl of Tyrone, Rory, late earl of Tyrconnel, Cuconnaught Maguire, deceased, father of the said Cuconnaught Maguire above-men- tioned in this act, sir Cahir O'Dogherty, knight, and the said Brian Oge M'Mahon, or to any or either of them ; and all estates, gifts, or grants in use, possession, reversion, or remainder, granted, limited, or mentioned to be granted or limited to any person or persons what- soever in and by any letters-patent made unto the said Hugh, late earl of Tyrone, Rory, late earl of Tyrconnel, Cuconnaught Maguire, the father, sir Cahir O'Dogherty, knight, and Brian Oge M'Mahon, or any or either of them, be utterly repealed, and from henceforth deemed and adjudged void to all intents, constructions, and purposes, anything in this present act contained to the contrary notwithstanding." Three days afterwards, sir John Davys, who played such a leading part in bringing about this unexampled proscription and confiscation, addressed the following letter to one of the lords of the king's privy council. It is a most valuable document, and we, therefore, give it in its entirety : — " My most honorable good lord, — It may please your lordship to receive a short advertisement, first, of the manner of our meeting ; next, of the course of our TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 389 proceeding in this present session of parliament here in Ireland. " 1. Touching the manner of our meeting on the 1 1th day of this month of October, which was the day whereunto the last session was prorogued, all the mem- bers of both houses, as well the recusants as the Protestants, making a full and dutiful appearance in the Castle of Dublin, the lord deputy sent several messages to the lords and commons, signifying that he was to impart unto them his majesty's pleasure, in some points of importance, touching the parliament, and that, to that end, they should forthwith repair into a spacious room in the Castle, prepared and furnished for that purpose. To that place they came accordingly, where the lord deputy, standing under the cloth of estate, made a short speech, expressing how glad he was to see them all assembled in that place, and that now he conceived good hope that they would continue toge- ther in concord and amity; the rather, because his majesty, by his royal judgment, had reconciled all dif- ferences, which judgment his majesty himself had pronounced in the hearing of divers of them who were present then in England ; and yet, to the end that such as were absent also might understand from himself his princely pleasure in some principal points, his majesty had signified the same by a special letter, which he thought fit to communicate unto them all ; and, there- upon, his lordship delivered unto the lord chancellor his majesty's letter, brought over by me in August last, containing his majesty's direction and resolution in divers points concerning the parliament, which the lord chancellor did then openly read to the whole assembly, and that being done, his lordship willed them to repair to their several houses to perform the public service. When the commons were assembled in the 390 FATE AND FORTUNES OF lower house, the Speaker, as the manner is, began with prayer, divers recusants being then present in the house, who departed not, but sat still soberly during the time of prayer, and some other recusants who were without, when the prayers began came in and sat down w^ith the rest, and thus they did every day for the first week ; but afterwards they withdrew themselves altogether, and came not into the house till our prayers were fully ended. " It was said at first that the recusants of our house of commons did conceive that they might safely be present at our prayers, being said by the Speaker, who is a layman ; but that the lords in the higher house might not so do, because the prayers there are said by a bishop. Howbeit, within few days after, it appeared that that distinction was not allowed by their priests. " Prayers being ended the first day, the Speaker, in a short speech, did congratulate the reassembling and reuniting of the members of that house ; and that being done, he did only read one bill, and so that house rose the first day: and this was the manner of our first meeting. " 2. Touching the course of our proceeding the second day, upon the second reading of the bill, which was read the day before, a motion was made by one of the recusant members, which did a little move and startle the Protestants, for it was to this effect : that the house should forbear to pass any act, or to engross any bill, until the places of such as were dead since the last session might be supplied, and until such as were sup- posed not to be lawful members of the house, upon examination, might be removed. To this, answer was made on the other side, that this motion was contrary to the course observed, not only in parliaments, but in all chapters and corporations, wherein the major part of those that are present in their common assemblies TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 391 do always pass their common acts, without respect to the dead or to the absent ; for if nothing shall be done till return be made of others in place of the dead, how long shall this house sit idle without any proceed- ing at all ? There are now two knights and one burgess dead since the last session : for the knights that are dead, there can be no new election made of others but at the sheriff's court, which is held but once every month ; besides, there must be a time for issuing out of the new writs for the delivery thereof to the sheriff, for the executing and returning of those writs, and for the repair of those new knights out of the country hither. All this while we must sit still, and at last, perhaps, when all places are supplied, some other knights or burgesses may die — our whole number being above 200 — and then we must have a new cessation ; and so the public service may be delayed in infini- tum. And touching the supposed unlawful members of the house, all doubts that could be moved were cleared in England, by his majesty's final judgment in that behalf, whereunto we ought all submit ourselves, since we did all appeal unto his majesty's judgment; in obe- dience of which judgment, divers gentlemen, who sat in the house the last session, do forbear to sit now ; the rest, by' his majesty's sentence, do hold themselves law- ful members, without question. Divinatio in lahiis regis, et os ejus non errahit in judicio. This is a most direct text, said one of the house, to justify and confirm the king's judgment specially in temporal causes, than any is to be found in all the Scripture to maintain the pope's not erring judgment in spiritual causes. " This answer gave stay to that motion for that day ; but the same being revived again at sundry times after, divers quick and sharp speeches passed on both 392 FATE Al^D FORTUNES OF side, but yet with such respect to the honour of the house as the gravity and solemnity of that council was not diminished, but both been better preserved in this session than in any former parliament in the memory of man. Howbeit, to remove this stumbling-block out of the house, which gave some impediment to our pro- ceeding, it was moved at last that certain commit- tees should be appointed, according to the manner of the parhament of England, who should examine all undue returns of sheriffs, and other breaches of privi- leges of that house, and report what they found from time to time; whereupon the house might take such order as should be meet. "This being condescended unto all parts, and the committees accordingly named and authorized by the house, all protestations against our proceeding ceased, and the public business went on without contradiction. " Hereunto we passed, first, the act of recognition of his majesty's undoubted title to the crown, &c., which act before had passed the upper house ; next, the act against piracy ; after that, an act to take away clergy in cases of rape, burglary, robbery, &c. ; and now, lastly, we have passed the act of attainder of Tyrone, Tyr- connel, and others. "In the meantime, the committees for returns and privileges had divers meetings, wherein, at first, there was a little difesension, but it was sine acerhitate dis- sentio, touching some exceptions which had been pro- pounded and overruled in England ; but in two or three conferences they talked themselves good friends, and came to a perfect atonement ; so as they resolved to make report to the house, that they thought fit that all these questions should utterly cease during this session of parliament; which report being made accordingly, was forthwith approved and entered as an order of the TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 393 house, and thereupon there did appear a manifest alteration in every man's countenance; for whereas before we looked sadly and strangely one upon the other, we might perceive a serenity and clearness in every one's aspect, which argued that all parties were well pleased and contented. After this the Speaker, at several times, invited the principal gentlemen and mer- chants of the recusant party to his house, and gave them the best entertainment he could, and they accepted his entertainment cheerfully and friendly ; so as now our disjointed body is pieced and joined so well together, as that the public service doth proceed with- out impediment; and if we could meet as willingly and agree as well in a church as we do in the parlia- ment house, the peace of Ireland were established for ever. Thus far, and in this manner, have we proceeded in this session of parliament. " To conclude, though we should proceed no farther, the service that is already performed is of that impor- tance, as greater hath not been eifected in any parlia- ment of Ireland these hundred years. For, first, the new erected boroughs have taken place, which will be perpetual seminaries of parliament burgesses ; for that it is provided in the charters, that the provost and twelve burgesses, who are to elect all the rest, must always be such as will take the oath of supremacy. " Next, all the states of the kingdom have attainted Tyrone, the most notorious and dangerous traitor that ever was in Ireland, whereof foreign nations will take notice, because it hath been given out, by some fugi- tives of this nation, that Tyrone had left many friends behind him, and that the Protestants only did wish his utter ruin. Besides, this attainder doth secure and settle the plantation of Ulster, and doth perfect his majesty's work therein, being the most excellent work 394 FATE AND FORTUNES OF for the good of this kingdom that any service per- formed since the conquest. Lastly, we have passed laws to root out felons upon the land, and to punish pirates upon the sea, I speak not of the act of recog- nition, for that it addeth nothing to his majesty's un- doubted right; yet such a universal acknowledgment of this nature, all circumstances considered, is well obtained at this time ; and now, if we had the bill of subsidy here, I hope we should conclude with that oblation to his majesty, and then we should have cause to thank the divine Majesty for this peaceable and pro- fitable session of parliament. " Your lordship's to do you all humble and faithful service, "John Davys. " Dublin, 81st October, 1614." The last act of this 'parliament was to grant a large subsidy in money to the king, in return for which his majesty assured them that he now would hold his Irish subjects in equal favour with those of England; and by way of proving this, he soon afterwards ordered a proclamation to be published, commanding all priests, bishops, &c., " who sustained the party of the ill- affected at home, and set forth others to bring back Tyrone with forces to begin a rebellion," to quit Ireland, or stay there at their imminent peril. But there were two episodes connected with this parliament which are worth recording, the first espe- cially, as it proves that sir John Everard, although a miserable parasite — or, to use a more homely term, tuft-hunter — was not ungrateful to John Bath, who, as detector, rendered such signal services to the crown. In fact, he exerted himself strenuously in behalf of the TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. S95 uncle of ihis meritorious individual, and procured from the parliament an act of State, securing to him the town and lands of Balgriffin,* which were conveyed long before, by mesne conveyance, to John's father. Bath, we may presume, was thankful to the loyal knight, and more so to his own nephew, who is entitled to a niche among those who earn renown by betraying their friends for a consideration. The second incident, which partakes of the ridiculous, relates to one of the spiritual peers who had a hand in confiscating the domains of the fugitive earls — namely, Miler Magrath, by grace of queen Elizabeth, archbishop of Cashel, on the legitimacy of whose son, James, one Gerald Nugent, not having fear of the episcopal bench before his eyes, cast a libellous aspersion, which, because of its truth, was the more defamatory. Flesh and blood could not bear such indignity, and Miler deemed it his duty, for the many weighty reasons he himself assigns, to present the following memorial : — " To the knights and burgesses of his majesty's most honorable house of parliament. "Showing unto your wisdoms, — That whereas one Gerald Nugent, esq., and one of this honorable house, did, within these few days last past, at St. Sepulchre's, in the house of the right honorable the lord chancellor, and in the presence and hearing of his lordship, and of many others, gentlemen of great quality and condition, utter and speak to one of your petitioner's sons, named James, these words following, viz., that he was ' a base priest's chit, and a scald priest's son,' which words he repeated very often, without any respect to your sup- * In 1545, Con, earl of Tyrone, had a grant of BalgriflBn, with remainder to the baron of Dungannon in tail male. 396 FATE AND FORTUNES OF pliant's person and calling. Now, for that the said injury doth not only extend to the petitioner alone, but it is a very great wrong and contempt of all the archbishops, bishops, and clergy of the kingdom, whose function and calling all his majesty's loving and loyal subjects ought to have in due reverence and respect, as well in regard of their duties to Almighty God, whose ambassadors on earth they are,* as likewise in respect of his majesty, the estate, and the laws and statutes established in this kingdom, the breach and contempt whereof in so high a point, touchiDg all the clergy of the kingdom, cannot but, in some degree, reach his majesty, to whose godly and zealous care to maintain God's church, and the ministers thereof, in their due respect, is well known to the most of this honorable house. And for that the privilege of the said Mr. Nugent, being a parliament man, doth now extend to free him from censures of this honorable house, the petitioner doth, therefore, appeal to your wisdoms for justice in so high a wrong, most humbly beseeching that heavy punish- ment may be inflicted on the said offender, according to his demerit, whereby all his highness' subjects may take notice, by his example, how far he hath offended." Mr. Nugent, as might be expected, was summoned to the bar of the house to answer the archbishop's complaint, when it would appear that instead of apologising to his Grace, Miler, he only embroiled himself more by a quibble, known to logicians as a distinction without a difference. The edifying affair * There is a volume of fun in the archbishop's estimate of himself and colleagues, and he, doubtless, must have held his sides after penning it. Miler Magrath, an ambassador of the Almighty, with credentials obtained through queen Elizabeth! What a true por- traiture of himself might he not have found in Erasmus' sally — " Ens vagabundum, errans per mundum, omnia rapiens et nihil dans !" TYKONE AXD TYRCONNEL. 897 is recorded in the journal of the Irish house of com- mons thus : — " Mr. Nugent thereupon alleged for himself that he spake not those words, but that he said he was a paltry friar's son. " And Mr. Speaker informed the house, that the lord chancellor gave him notice, how that a member of this house carried a challenge from the said James Magrath to the said Mr. Qerald Nugent " Mr. Edmond Nugent — To see the malice of this man, that was not content to send him a challenge, but to prefer a malicious petition against him. " Sir Robert Dighy. — Not only these things, but to scandalize the archbishop ; therefore, that Mr. Edmond Nugent should to the bar. " Mr. Bryan M'Donough. — The member of this house confessed the carriage of the letter, but vowed that he knew not that it contained a challenge. " Hereupon Mr. Gerald Nugent, the party challenged to speak the words in the petition, fell down into a trance, his senses being for a season taken away, being troubled with falling sickness. " It was alleged in Mr. Gerald Nugenfs defence, that the sueing James Magrath for some moneys delivered by the wife of the said Nugent, very unworthily told him, that his wife gave it him for a lewd purpose, alleged to be done between the gentleman's wife and Magrath, which caused the said Mr. Nugent to say he was a paltry friar's son. "Mr. Edmond Nugent, upon his oath, which he offered to take, explained himself that he knew not that the lord archbishop's name was used in the peti- tion, but his son's only, which explanation was held sufficient. 398 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF " But it was ordered that the sergeant-at-arms should presently go for Mr. Magrath. " And the words of Mr. Gerald Nugent, mentioned in the petition, were by him denied ; but, considering that others as bad were by him spoken in the house, it was thought fit he should be censured. " But lest that, by censuring him, he being now come to his senses again, might fall into the same sickness, whereby his life might be endangered, it is thought good by the house to forbear censuring him." CHAPTER XII. II^^ERE we to believe sir John Davys, it would appear that this parliament, which dissolved October, 1615, so tranquillized the minds of the Irish, that they no longer entertained either hope or dread of T3T:one's return. This, however, was far from being the case; for, during the sessions of 1614, Chichester was fully persuaded that the adherents of the fugitives were preparing to land either in Wat erf or d, Galway, or in some of the northern ports. Indeed, none knew better than the deputy that the confiscation of the wide domains of the Ulster nobles, should necessarily exas- perate Tyrone, and convince him that he had now no alternative, if he did not prefer dying in exile, but to cut the act of attainder to pieces, with the sword he had often wielded so successfully on Irish ground. That this was O'NeilFs resolve there can be no doubt, for he was thoroughly convinced that he had not the faint- est hope of pardon or redintegration from the king. But before we relate the circumstances which combined to thwart his plans, we may observe, that Irish history, chequered as it is, has no episode more humiliating than that which exhibits six entire counties passively sub- mitting to the rapacity of an insignificant number of individuals, who might have been crushed by a mode- rate amount of energetic resistance. It must be ad- mitted, however, that there was no organized elBfort on 400 FATE AND FORTUNES OF the part of tlie natives to hold their own, ever since tliey lost the few leaders whose superior judgment enabled them from time to time to achieve a transitory- triumph. The Catholics of the pale had no sympathy with their coreligionists in the north, and did nothing but petition for mitigation of the lav/s enacted against their common faith ; and as for the latter, they seemed to have lost the spirit of self-reliance, and all apprecia- tion of the resources they had within themselves, if they only knew how to employ them. These traits, so pecu- liar to the Celtic character, have been justly stigmatized by a friendly and observant Italian,* who, some thirty years after the period of which we are writing, tells us that the native Irish were behind the rest of Europe in the knowledge of those things that tended to their material improvement — indifferent agriculturists — liv- ing from hand to mouth — caring more for the sword than the plough — excellent Catholics, albeit rude — and placing their hopes of deliverance from English rule on foreign intervention. For this they were constantly straining their eyes towards France or Spain ; and no matter whence the ally came, were ever ready to rise in revolt. One virtue, however — intensest love of country — more or less redeemed these vices, for so they deserve to be called ; but to establish anything like strict mi- litary discipline or organization among themselves, it must be avowed they had no aptitude. This, to some extent, will account for the apathy of the northern Catholics, while the Undertakers were carrying on the * The nuncio Einuccini, wlio says : ' ' Questa nazione forse piu d'ogn' altra d'Europa e' negligentissima per natura a qualsivoglia industria I)er migliorare le cose, ma si contenta di quel solo che la natura va dettando gli Ultoniesi, per natura asai harbari benchfe buoni Cattolici piu gelosi della Spada e moschetto, che dei loro corpi medesimi. bevonno latte, e per gran delizia acquavite." — Nunz. in Irlanda. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 401 gigantic eviction, known as the plantation of Ulster ; for, since sir Cahir O'Dogherty's rebellion, till 1615, there was only one attempt to resist the intruders — an abortive raid on the city of Derry, for which the meagre annals of that year tell us, six of the earl of Tyrone's nearest kinsmen were put to death * Withal, the people of Ulster were full of hope that O'Neill would return with forces to evict the evictors ; but the farther they advanced into this agreeable perspective, the more rapidly did its charms disappear. Recurring to Chichester's apprehensions of such an event, we need only quote a few of his own letters, written while the parliament was sitting in Dublin, to show that he looked on it as all but certain, while, at the same time, he avowed that the means at his dis- posal were powerless to either repel invasion, or repress those of the natives who were but too well inclined to aid it. His correspondents abroad made him aware of the movements of every priest who was on the way to Ireland ; for no matter what the individual's business might be, the deputy believed, or pretended to believe, that each one returning from Rome was an agent sent by O'Neill to prepare the Irish for revolt. To add to his vexation, Dublin itself was frequented by priests in disguise, and, worst of all, archbishop M'Mahon, whom he insolently styled " titulary," presumed to take up his abode in the city, where, in spite of the deputy's police, he moved about from house to house, intangible as his own shadow. But as Chichester laid great stress on the incidents at which we have glanced, we will let himself furnish the narrative of his embar- rassments, watchfulness, and forebodings : — * Philipps' MSS. 2 D 402 FATE AND FORTUNES OF " Lord deputy Chichester to secretary Winwood. " In a letter of yours of the 18tli of January, you sent me an advertisement made to sir Dudley Carleton, by one Nathaniel Brant, of the purpose of one James Meagh, a priest, to come hither. Those I received the 15th of February. I had notice of that man's practice of coming hither in November last, by letters from Padua, and that a brother of his, named Peyrs or Peter, should come in his company. I laid the ports for them, being sure to light upon Peter, albeit I might miss the priest, and it is so fallen out ; for about the beginning of this month he came to Cork, and was examined by sir Dominick Sarsfield, according to my directions, but confesseth no more of his brother but that he was at Bourdeaux with him, and went from thence to Paris, as by the examina- tion, which herewith I send, will appear unto you ; but I verily believe that the priest came with him, who is a dangerous fellow, and was employed by the recusants from hence about the beginning of the parliament in May, 1613, as I am credibly informed. We are full of men of this priest's condition, practisers of sedition and insurrections, of which there is not a greater worker than Owen M'Mahon, the titulary archbishop of Dub- lin, son to Owen M'Cooly M'Mahon, who is still in the kingdom, and often in this city of Dublin, albeit I cannot get him. " By these gathering of the clouds together, I foresee a storm is threatened ; and surely they have some des- perate practice in debate amongst them. The hearts of the natives are, for the most part, against us ; we are a handful of men in entertainment here, so ill-paid that every one is discontented and out of heart. " I do my best to discover their plots, and to frustrate TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 403 them ; but without more help I shall be soon wearied in a tempest, when commands, law, and proclamations are of no use without the sword to make them obeyed. The Irish are hopeful of invasion from foreign parts and return of the fugitives, or of some home insurrec- tion. Arthur Chichester. " Castle of Dublin, " 18th of March, 1614." " Lord deputy to secretary Winwood. " Honorable sir, — Since the date of my former letters I am advertised that James Meagh, the priest, is landed. He came, I doubt not, in the same ship with his brother. He reports that Tyrone, with other fugitives, are pre- paring to come with forces into this kingdom, to regain their lost patrimonies, and to gain to those of the Church of Rome the free exercise of their religion. This news is pleasing and welcome to a people so discontented and inconstant ; what effects it will produce we may better foresee than prevent. I will do my best to get him, and some others as bad as himself, apprehended ; but they are so watchful, and have so many friends, that we shall hardly light upon them. I doubt not but his majesty hath good espial upon those fugitives, and will either prevent their coming, or enable us to encounter them upon their landing. Without such care much mil be left to hazard. Arthur Chichester. "At Dublin, tbe 21st of March, 1614. 404) FATE AND FORTUNES OF It cannot be doubted that O'Neill did intend return- ing to Ireland with forces, and Bath's informations are explicit as to the means by which he meant to carry the Irish regiments along with him. A couple dozen Spanish caravels, which could have been so easily chartered, would have sufficed for the purpose, and Bath himself, according to the earl's arrangement, was to pilot them to some Irish haven, where they were sure to be joined by the " disaffected." Turnbull was fully aware of this, and so much was he alarmed by the project, that he wrote to the king impressing on him the necessity of making provision for Bath, and detaching him alto- gether from O'Neill. " Finding now," says he, " that Tyrone is in hope of a breach between his majesty and Spain, doth begin to bristle and set up new hopes of a rebellion in Ireland, I will, once more, in all humility, desire your lordship's permission to put your lordship in mind how requisite it may be for his majesty's ser- vice to recall this person, being the only mariner among the Irish living here, and to give him some competent means of living in Ireland, necessity being subject to no law, and his wants being such as I fear may compel him to undertake some desperate course."* The allusion to the probability of a breach between the court of Spain and the king of England, leaves no doubt that Philip III. was well disposed to aid T3rrone's project once it was launched ; for, devout Catholic as he was, and special benefactor of Irish ecclesiastics,-|- he must have felt • This letter is dated January, 1614. + He founded the Irish college of Salamanca in 1610, as appears by the inscription above its entrance-door : ' ' This college was erected by the kingdoms of Castile and Leon, for maintaining the Christian re- ligion in Ireland, in the year that Philip III. expelled the Moriscoes. " The late archbishop of Dublin was educated there, and its actual rector, the reverend doctor Gartland, is well known for his extensive learning and urbanity to tourists in Spain. TYEONE AND TYRCONNEL. 405 for his coreligionists, then suffering such unmitigated persecution in their unfortunate country. But as all human speculations are liable to be thwarted by merest accidents, so was it with Tyrone's ; for, in the first place, there was no interruption of the amicable relations be- tween the crowns of Spain and England ; and secondly, the British minister at Brussels was thoroughly ac- quainted with O'Neill's preparations and designs in Rome. For this valuable information Turnbull was indebted to Lombard, correspondent of a captain Daniel, then in Belgium, who, being "a man of desires," that is, an expectant of favours, did not fail to certify him of every circumstance which he thought might tend to defeat either the invasion of Ireland or rebellion there. We may also premise that Lombard admits that sus- picion had already fallen upon him, and that, notwith- standing his pilgrimage to Loretto, the inhabitants of the Salviati Palace entertained doubts of his honesty — another illustration of the proverb which says that sanc- tification does not always attend long travel. " Robert Lombard to captain Daniel. " Loving cousin, — I have" received yours of this 8th, and the last week's most courteous and gracious letters, together with the order in them mentioned, all which God pay you, for in me, as there is no merit, so conse- quently can be no possibility of able forces for to satisfy the least part of so many benefices. The last week I have left to write for the suspicions and vigilancies of this house and people, in which interim I learned of cardinal Cappone's grounds for the advice given here, which is the self you know ; and besides told me that in Livorno [Leghorn] and Venice, and consequently he 406 FATE AND FORTUKES OF said Genoa, as all other seaports, were sails and people waiting to take the earl of Tyrone and convey him for England, in case he took that way. The old man every night hereupon sleeps with his sword naked by his bed- side, and believes that he and his doubt not to have a day yet at home : howsoever, there are lets and obstacles many in their way. The earl of Tyrone was to progress at Caprarola, a very pleasant place of cardinal Farnese's, where, through the means and instance of the Spanish ambassador, great preparations were to be made for him, both of sports and cheer, for to drive away the melan- choly which occupies him through his staying here this summer ; but the weather is so rainy and tempestuous, as none can put out his head, and so dures here all these six weeks. Herewith I betake you from Rome, this 11th May, 1614. " Your loving cousin, "Robert Lombard." Another of this man's letters, written in the same month, and addressed to Daniel, would incline us to believe that Lombard was as conversant with the affairs of the college of cardinals as he was with CNeill's pro- jects. This, however, may not have been the case, and the probability is that he pretended such intimacy for the purpose of exalting himself in the estimation of Turnbull. Apart from the ecclesiastical intelligence it contains, it is valuable as showing that Tyrone had a friend in the person of a Roman patrician, who was ready to invest his fortune on the Irish venture, which promised, along with other returns, the " bubble repu- tation." Any document coming from a man who had already so degraded himself by his conduct in Venice, must naturally be received with suspicion ; and we may TYRONE AND TYECONNEL. 407 therefore conclude that the archbishop's lectur^e to Wall was invented by his over-fertile brain, in order to con- vince TurnbuU that he was a loyal subject. Nothing is more unlikely than that the archbishop ever gave utterance to the sentiments which Robert attributes to him ; for it is impossible to conceive that he would not have been glad to assist O'Neill in regaining his own, and vindicating for the Irish Catholics the untrammelled exercise of their religion : — " Eohert Lombard to captain Daniel. " Loving cousin, — ^True it is that I have forgotten, and more than once, to enclose in mine a certain writing sent me from the secretary of the Inquisition, concern- ing D. Woodinton's promotion, the which, in fine, as my disgrace would have it, is lost, and I can find the same nowhere. I remember that therein were these words : Quale delli tre archivescovati Castellen. Duhlinen. et Tuamen. sia piu vicino Inghilterra'^ whereby, as other circumstances, I weU perceived our Jesuitical machine. Tyrone would in no sort that Eng- lishmen should have entrance in title or other that con- cerneth Ireland, and much less that the college [of cardinals] should put itself or be heard therein, know- ing that, of howsoever so little occasion or beginning, the Jesuits would make reason thereof for them ever hereafter to enter into full possession and right of the matters and whole government of that kingdom, and the same auia humeris tanquam Tantalo coelum initi dehere. " Besides, also, you shall understand that Tyrone is a dependent of Franciscan friars, and governeth by them 408 FATE AND FOKTUNES OF here, in Spain, and Flanders, never yet Laving meddling ■with Jesuits, nor giving them any access nor entrance into his secrets, being much solicitated by them every- where, and chiefly in this city, by father Parsons,* upon his first arrival, who could prevail nothing ; for which I believe that satisfaction is not for him, and therefore against, as I know by divers of themselves. " I am deceived or I told you by mouth of one Marcio^ and his speech unto a Jesuit of our nation now in Flanders, named Henry Fitzsimons, to wit : this Jesuit, discussing with the aforesaid Marcio of the facility to conquer Ireland, and the commodity therein to extend fame and fortunes, this nobleman, moved with such interest, gave to understand unto the said Jesuit that he most willingly would engage himself and his fortunes for the like enterprise, so that he could have the con- currence of some in the country, or see possibility for him to prevail by any other means. This was no sooner with the Jesuit than he gave part thereof unto Tyrone, and with another of his habit now in Ireland, called father Wall, came to treat with my lord primate there- of, with whom, when they could not prevail, they cast against him as reproach that he was a friend of the king of England, and affected him too much; to which the holy man replied : ' I am affected to my prince; my duty and obligation is no less, and commandment of God will have it so. And for you religious people it should better become you to attend to serve God in your country, with your vocation and function, than put yourselves in matters of state and conquest of countries opposite unto your profession, knowing that under * Author of "Leicester's Commonwealth," and a treatise called " A Conference about the Eight Succession to the Crown of England, " " The Three Conversions of England," &c. He died rector of the English college at Home, 1610. I TTEOITE AND TYECONNEL. 409 many etlmic emperors have lived great saints and servants of God, who, notwithstanding all persecutions suffered, still conserved their duty and allegiance unto their prince, secundum redde Ccesari quod Ccesaria est et quod Dei Deo. This Marcio was visited by Tyrone, and Tyrconnel by him, but I believe that nothing was done to any purpose betwixt them, for I should, I believe, hear thereof se cib fosse. This Marcio is of 12,000 crowns rent, and hath been a soldier in Hungary, and luogotenente-generale in all the pope's states, which now principe Savelli hath. Other I have not to say of him, but that he is the prince of Parma's kinsman, and very great with him. Tyrone hath not been in villa. And so I rest, whose hand you know, at Rome, this last of May, 1614." It would appear, however, that Robert's artful practices were discovered, and that he found it prudent to quit Rome for some other part of Italy. The real cause of his separation from the archbishop of Armagh has not transpired, but it is likely that the venerable prelate heard how he had slandered the countess of Tyrone to Carleton, and in consequence determined to get rid of him. The archbishop's estimate of the last consort of O'Neill has been given in the opening pages of this volume, and we may not doubt that he would shrink from all contact with one who had presumed to defame her. The extract from Robert's last letter is redolent of loyalty to king James, and such as he thought would commend him still more to the notice of Turnbull, with whom captain Daniel was in constant communica- tion : — "Loving cousin, — I have written unto you by the two last of the occurrences here as in Rome, 410 FATE AND FOETUNES OF where great ill language is spoken of our king, who, they give out, intended nothing by the drawing of our country noblemen to England than to imprison them there till such time as he, with the weaker at home, and them also, could effectuate his will in matter of religion, in which, if he find difficulty, he shall not leave to make a mas- sacre and slaughter of the whole country. Tyrone has no particularity of their imprisonment, nor cause there- of, nor yet their names, yet leaves not with that little flying report of their imprisonment to give the whole, or rather forge the same, as his ministers about him think fit for that purpose, and fill all men's ears there- with." This intelligence, which TurnbuU transmitted to Eng- land, greatly alarmed the king, so much so that he com- manded the lord deputy to repair to London, in order that he might have the benefit of his advice as to the best means of defeating O'Neill's project. Chichester accor- dingly presented himself at court, where James gave him cordial greeting, and expressed his royal approval of the precautions he had taken to meet an emergency which they both regarded as inevitable. Having con- ferred with the privy council on the same subject, and agreed upon the line of conduct which they deemed best to pursue, Chichester set out for Ireland in July, 1614, after having been again appointed lord deputy.* Towards the close of same month he landed at the Head of Howth, and rode to Dublin with great pomp, the lord of Howth carrying before him the sword of state, till he reached his own house in Hoggin-green.*f* Once more head of the executive, he relentlessly persecuted the * In this year, Lodge says, tlie Harp was first marshalled with the arms of England, and impressed on British coin. t For a graphic account of Chichester House, see Gilbert's Dublin. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 411 "recusants," imprisoning such as refused to frequent the Protestant churches, and levying fines off those who v/ere able to pay them for non-attendance. A statute of 2nd Elizabeth directed that said moneys should be distributed to the indigent ; but Chichester refused to comply with it, alleging that " the poor of the parishes were not fit to receive the same, being Catholics, and therefore bound to pay the like penalty." Indeed, the harsh measures which this deputy enforced against the " Papists " after his reappointment, were of the most atrocious character, and such as would have justified the Catholics, if they had the means to do so, in over- throwing an administration which contemplated nothing short of their utter ruin. Trial by jury had become a mere mockery, for Chichester dragged before the star- chamber all those who refused to find for the crown ; while the court of Wards laid hold of minors, and, not- withstanding the remonstrances of the Catholic nobility, sent them to be brought up in Trinity College, "in English habits and religion ;" which the deputy declared to be anything but a grievance. According to this ferocious bigot, no Irishman had a right to live on Irish soil till he took the oath of supremacy, refusing which, says he, " they are intruders upon the king's possession, for which intrusion they are justly sued in the Exchequer, and the damage they suffer is by their own wilful default and contempt of the law."* At length, in November, 1615, the king was pleased to disburden Chichester of the deputyship, allowing him to retire to his estates in the north of Ireland, or, if it pleased him better, to fix his abode in England. He embraced the former alternative, and took up his resi- dence in Carrickfergus, where he devoted much of his * Desid. Curios. Hib. v. i. p. 263. 412 FATE AND FORTUNES OF time to erecting a magnificent mansion, which he called Joymount — a very antithetical designation, since every storey of it, from the foundation to the coping-stone, was built out of the wreck of honest men's fortunes. The entire career of this man was an uninterrupted outrage upon honour and justice ; but he was a " favor- ite," and James thought no dignity or amount of wealth too much for him. In February, 1609, the king granted to him and his heirs male, for ever, the entire territory of Inishowen, otherwise called O'Dogherty's country ; and two years afterwards he had an additional grant of the castle of Dungannon, with 1,320 acres of escheated lands within that precinct, and other hereditaments of great value. And in order to grace the gifts which his majesty had no right to bestow, the king, by letters-patent, dated Westminster, 23rd February, 1612, created him baron Chichester of Belfast, entailing the honour on his issue male ; thus proving that titles are in many instances decorations of the worthless. The honours, however, did not devolve on his issue male, for his only son died in 1606.* As for Chichester himself, it was decreed that he should survive the object of his dread and hatred many years; for he did not die till 1625, when his remains were taken from London, and buried beside those of his infant son and wife, in St. Nicholas', Carrick- fergus. A richly-sculptured monument marks his rest- ing-place there ; but his epitaph, like the generality of such compositions, is a blending of truth and lies, for it sets forth that he " well and happily governed the kingdom in flourishing estate after the flight of Tyrone, Tyrconnel, and the suppression of O'Dogherty and other * In 1614, the deputy erected a costly alabaster monument in Christ Church, Dublin, to the memory of his child, but there is now no vestige of it. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 413 northern''rebels." The beauty of the marble would be far more charming if it could only blush ! After Chichester's retirement, the government of Ireland was confided to Jones, Protestant archbishop of Dublin, and sir John Denham, chief justice of the king's bench, who were empowered to act as lords-justices till it pleased his majesty to appoint a deputy. We need hardly say that the personages who now held the des- tinies of the Irish Catholics in their hands, were in every respect as vigilant and exacting as their predecessor. Both enforced the laws against recusants with unqualified severity, and surrounded themselves with a large staff of officials, whose interest it was to swell the amount of fines levied off Papists for not attending the church- services on Sundays and holidays. The actual sum, by payment of which a Catholic might compound with the lords -justices for refusing to save his soul according to the new religion, was twelve pence, but it usually amounted to ten shillings when the clerks and collectors were paid their fees.* The malversation of the moneys thus gathered, was flagrantly continued by the lords- justices ; for, like Chichester, they regarded all Papists as intruders on the king's possession. Jones, moreover, had very earthly views, for he deemed it his duty to be the founder of a family, for whose sublunary happiness it was necessary to provide an ample estate. The re- venues of the see of Dublin being thought insufficient for this, the king empowered him to hold in commen- dum the prebend of Castleknock, which, with the salary of chancellor, archbishop, and lord-justice, enabled him to leave his son, who was afterwards created viscount Ranelagh and baron of Navan, a fair fortune. * See Haverty's History of Ireland, the best work of its class that has ever appeared. 414 FATE AND FORTUNES OF The state papers of this period prove that the arch- bishop and his colleague were very apprehensive of O'Neill's return, and that they exercised unrivalled watchfulness in " laying the ports/' and arresting sus- pects who came from abroad. As for Tyrone, Jones was personally acquainted with him ; and apart from his de- testation of such an " excommunicated traitor," he pre- served certain recollections of the earl, which were far from agreeable, and nowise impaired by an interval of more than a quarter of a century. We have already made passing allusion to this episode ; but as it is one of more than ordinary interest, with a dash of the ro- mantic, we reproduce it here for the reader's gratifica- tion. In the year 1591, Mabel Bagnal, sister to the marshal of that name, was summering with her sister, wife of sir Patrick Barnwall, in the ancient manor house of Turvey, where the earl of Tyrone, then a widower, won her heart. Having mutually pledged their troth, the earl presented his affianced with a gold chain — symbol of the bond which death alone could sever — and agreed to meet her on a future day, at the residence of sir William Warren, to be united in wedlock. Faithful to her word, Mabel rode, one August evening, from Turvey to Warren's house, where she was soon afterwards joined by the earl, who followed her thither with a gallant train of cava- liers, English and Irish, desirous to witness the wed- ding. The earl having no chaplain with him, and wishing to be " handfasted " according to her majesty's laws, despatched one of his gentlemen to Jones, then bishop of Meath, with earnest suit that he would lose no time in coming to Warren's, where he was re- quired on business of great urgency. Jones complied, and seeing how matters stood, he married the lovers, to the great contentment of the bystanders, but most of TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 415 all to that of Mabel, whom he then and there declared countess of Tyrone. News of this remarkable occurrence reached Dublin very soon, and exasperated the countess' brother, who, being at feud with Tyrone, gave out that his real wife was still living, and that bishop Jones had com- mitted a heinous offence against God and man by solem- nizing the nuptials of a bigamist. lu his view of the mat- ter, the bishop had disgraced himself and his lawn, and deserved to be unfrocked. Swayed by this conviction, he sent a letter to lord Burghley detailing all the circum- stances, and beseeching him to lay the whole matter before the queen. Burghley did so, and her majesty com- manded him to write to the bishop, requiring the latter to lose no time in accounting for his very scandalous be- haviour, in wedding a lady of English blood and education to an Irish chieftain, who, if she had been rightly in- formed, was more like an infidel Turk than a Christian gentleman. This, indeed, was an awful predicament for Jones, who, feeling himself placed, as it were, between the anvil and the sledge-hammer, despatched the sub- joined deprecatory letter to the lord high treasurer: — " The bishop of Meath to lord Burghley. "It may please your good lordship, I have received ad- vertisement, that by the information of Mr. marshal, the late marriage of the earl of Tyrone with his youngest sister, is brought into question before your honorable lordship, and that, amongst others, myself is charged with several points in that action, that I was a worker and procurer of the match, and the celebrator of that marriage. And because I understand that the matter itself is diversly censured, being very desirous that my doings in this, and all other actions, may be allowed of in your lordship's grave judgment, I have presumed to 416 FATE AND FORTUNES OF present unto your lordship a short report, both of my knowledge and dealings in this cause. " And first, my good lord, where I am charged to have been a solicitor and compasser of this match, I protest unto your lordship, in the presence of God, and upon my credit, I never dealt directly or indirectly by any means therein; I was never conferred with, my advice was never demanded, neither was I acquainted with this purpose, either by the earl, or any of his depen- dents. Only this, my good lord, I heard by reports from others which knew, how things proceeded from time to time ; that as the earl was wholly possessed with the love of the gentlewoman, so he had left no honest or ordinary good means untried to procure the good liking and consent of the marshal and other her nearest friends. Upon what cause of dislike they still rejected his most earnest suit and solicitation, I never heard, neither as yet do learn. If the bar of a former marriage, which is now so mightily urged, had been then in due season alleged, it would thoroughly have dis- couraged the earl in his attempt, and easily have diverted the gentlewoman's humour to some other love. But, my good lord, as then this allegation was mute, and not once spoken of for ought that I did ever hear or know, so do I, upon my poor credit, avouch unto your lordship, and do herein call God to witness, that never before, during the life of the earl's late wife, which was O'Donel's daughter, nor since, until of late, since this last marriage of the earl's, I did hear or know, either by secret speech or open report, that he was formerly married to any other. And therefore hath Mr. marshal done me very great wrong to charge me with the knowledge hereof ; had I but an inkling of any such matter, I would not, for Mr. marshal's yearly revenue, have done that I did, which, what it was, and in what sort I have done it, I TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 417 most humbly crave your lordship's pardon to license me to make kno-vvn unto you. " Being at Dublin on the 8rd of August past, attend- ing upon the lord deputy for some occasions of her majesty's service, one of the earl's servants came unto me, and told me that his lord and master did most earnestly desire me to come presently unto him to Drumcondra, within a mile of Dublin. I, little know- ing, God is my witness, either what was done, or to be done, granted to go, and deeming the matter to be weighty by reason of the earnest message, went pre- sently to the place, where at my coming I found his lordship and the gentlewoman in a chamber, accom- panied with ten English gentlemen of good sort. The earl, after some courteous salutations, entertained me in this manner. My lord, I have made bold to send for you hither at this time, to entreat you to take the pains to marry together myself and this gentlewoman, to whom, said the earl, I was betrothed about twenty days since, and now, by her own consent, I have brought her hither, and both her desire and mine is, that, for both our credits, you will now marry us ; and for my part, said the earl, I am desirous that rather you than any other should perform this office between us, that the world may know that we are married together accord- ing to her majesty's laws. I answered the earl, that the matter which he required me to do was of great im- portance, and therefore J desired him to pardon me until I first conferred with the gentlewoman herself; and taking her aside from the company, I privately dealt with her, and, by way of examination, demanded of her whether she had, before that time, plighted her troth and given her promise to the earl to marry him. She answered me that she had made promise to the earl, and had betrothed herself to him about three weeks 2 E 418 FATE AND FOETUNES OF before that time ; and further she told me, that upon that promise she received from the earl a token worth a hundred pounds, which since I have learned was a chain of gold. Secondly, I demanded of her whether the manner of her coming away from sir Patrick Barn- well's house was a thing done and agreed upon with her own consent. She told me that she had given her free consent thereunto, and accordingly was come away with the earl, adding this, that unless she had agreed to that device and manner of her escape, as she termed it, it had been never attempted. I demanded of her one question more, viz. : whether she were now resolved to take the earl to her husband and to be married unto him ? The gentlewoman answered me on this matter : My lord, you see in what case I am, how I am come hither with my own consent, and have already promised my lord the earl to be his wife ; I beseech your lord- ship therefore, for my credit's sake, to perfect the marriage between us^ the sooner the better for my credit's sake. " Whereupon seeing the young gentlewoman in that place where she was neither mistress of herself nor of her affections, and knowing that all ordinary means had been urged and wrought to procure her friends' consent, I resolved, chiefly in regard of the danger wherein the gentlewoman's credit and chastity stood, to perfect that knot which themselves before had knitted, and did ac- cordingly, at the same place, being at an honest English gentleman's house, celebrate that marriage, whether well or evil, whether justly or unadvisedly, I leave it to your lordship's most grave and discreet censure. " Thus have I plainly and truly made known to your lordship the matter and manner of my dealings in this action, wherein as I do wholly submit myself to your lordship's wise consideration, so do I most humbly be- TYRONE AND TYECONNEL. 419 seech the same, not further than this, to give credit to any suggestions against me. Once again protesting to your good lordship that whatsoever I have written doth contain a truth, and so with remembrance of my bounden duty and service, I commend your good lordship with my prayers to God's best blessings. " Your good lordship's humbly at command, "Thomas Midensis. "From Dublin, " this 22nd of October, 1591." It is hardly necessary to state that the [marshal's allegation was false, for O'Neill, far from being a biga- mist, had obtained a divorce, duly sanctioned and registered in the church of Armagh, which he exhibited in his own defence, and also to clear the bishop of com- plicity in a transaction that would have been discredit- able to all parties concerned. The earl's endeavours to conciliate the marshal, and the disquietude of the countess, are best told in the following passage of a letter which he addressed to lord Burghley : — " It is known to your lordship that I have taken to wife sir Henry Bagnall's sister, which I did chiefly to bring civility into my house, and among the country people, which, I thank God, by her good means, is well begun, both in my house and in the country abroad. I have, since my marriage, sought his friendship by such means, as further I may not, without embasement of myself, which as yet I cannot obtain. I am persuaded his strangeness in this behalf is caused chiefly for that neither her majesty nor the lords there have signified any good liking or allowance thereof. Therefore I humbly pray your lordship to do me the favour to procure 420 FATE AND FORTUNES OF me a letter from their lordships to the lord deputy and coimcil here, signifying their allowance of the match. The marshal is my neighbour, and I desire his friend- ship, chiefly for furtherance of her majesty's service, which, if we two do agree together, will go the better forward in this province. And the gentlewoman, my wife, is wonderful disquieted for want of his good coun- tenance, being the chief of her kindred. This I humbly pray your lordship to work for me, and my servant, this bearer, shall attend your pleasure in this and all the rest."* Jones' apologetic account of himself may not have satisfied the queen, but it is certain that her majesty's successor thought well of it, since he caused him to be translated to the see of Dublin two years after he ascended the throne of England. Had Elizabeth lived a few more years, Jones might never have attained the archiepiscopal dignity, and he doubtless would have had good reason to lament the day he crossed Warren's threshold to make two lovers happy, and himself, per- haps, the most miserable and disappointed of men. Indeed, it was impossible that he should not have re- tained disagreeable impressions of his share in O'Neill's marriage ; for, although one of those clever people who could turn the most untoward accident to his own ad- vantage, he nevertheless must have often called to mind that he had all but compromised himself with the head of his Church — a head, in sooth, capricious as a weather- vane. Time and exalted position could not make him forget the incident, and we may therefore presume that the dread of O'Neill coming back to Ireland to over- throw the government, and " set up the pope," must * This letter is dated a year after O'Neill's marriage. TYRONE AND TYECONNEL. 421 have sorely disquieted him by day, nay, and scared slumber from his pillow, with which some imaginative people were wont to associate dreams of heaven and visions of angels, whenever his Grace had not drunk Canary or Malmsey of indifferent vintage. But there was little reason why he should have been so alarmed, for the king's agents abroad, and the legion of spies he maintained all over the continent — in Spain and Belgium especially — so watched O'Neill, and an- ticipated all his plans, that invasion, unless counte- nanced by the Spanish monarch, was hopelessly im- practicable. Nevertheless, there was, it seems, some chance of an infraction of the truce between the United Provinces and Spain. Now, in case it did occur, England, being bound to side with the former, would doubtless have drawn upon herself the large Irish contingent then serving in the Low Countries. That this was the con- viction of James' privy council there can be no doubt, for about this period we find Abbot, archbishop of Can- terbury, writing to sir Dudley Carleton, to let him know "whether the earl of Tyrone intends to come nearer, as is reported, and if a Roman nobleman has engaged his fortune to attend him to Ireland." The archbishop, however, might have made his mind easy on this sub- ject, for even though Marcio expended his wealth in chartering transports, the English government was already aware of the project, and had taken measures to meet it. Withal, it would appear that England had not then a very firm reliance on the good faith of Spain. Indeed Tumbull's despatches show this to have been the case ; and as for O'Neill, there is every reason to suppose that he calculated on some such lucky rupture, and that Philip would then have an opportunity of retriev- ing the disaster of Kinsale, by sending a flotilla to the coast of Ulster, where the native population would rally to the 422 FATE AND FORTUNES OF standard of their attainted chieftain, and drive the new settlers back to England or Scotland — anywhere from off the face of his ancient patrimony. Yielding to these apprehensions, James instructed his minister at the court of the archdukes to redouble his vigilance, and make frequent reports of the movements of the Irish troops in their Highnesses' pay, and, above all, to certify to him the names of the Irish officers on whom the court of Spain bestowed special marks of its con- sideration. In fact, from the middle of 1614, till the close of the following year, TurnbuU's correspondence is wholly devoted to these points, so much so, that the English cabinet had not only intelligence of Tyrone's designs, but ample information concerning all those who were suspected of countenancing them. Nothing could surpass the minister's susceptibility on this subject, for if we were to believe himself, no Catholic • functionary visited the court of Brussels without im- pressing on their Highnesses the expediency, as well as duty, of aiding the banished earl and his coreligionists in Ireland. As evidence of this, we need only cite two of his letters, addressed to the king, about the close of 1614, in one of which he tells his majesty that " M. Maes, the archdukes' ambassador at the holy see, had recently come from Eome, and was then actively negotiating in some business of great importance, in which, it is thought, he is to do somewhat in favour of Tyrone." His second letter, was of still greater moment, for in it he assures the king " that M. Maes did, not long since, inform one of his acquaintance that he expected Tyrone would pass this way, and kiss the archduke's hand before he proceeded with his intended return towards Ireland." It is almost superfluous to remark that the king of England dreaded such a contingency as much as O'Neill desired it: for it would not onlv have TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 423 involved the former with Spain, but would have given that power occasion to utilize O'Neill in working out its own political aims. No one had a clearer perception of this than Mr. Turnbull ; and, indeed, we must admit that he was a vigilant minister, since he allowed nothing that related to the Irish in Spain, Belgium, or Italy, to escape his observation, which at all times was as penetrating as it was jealous. His despatches would enable us to adduce numerous evidences of the latter characteristic, but it will suffice to state that he complained to his government that Philip III. had bestowed the cross of St. Jago on O'Neill's son, Henry, and that he deemed it part of his duty to act the marplot, when the young Irish colonel was negotiating a marriage with the daughter of a noble Spaniard attached to the court of the archdukes. As we shall have occasion to revert to this subject, we barely allude to it here in proof of the malevolence of the minister, as well as that of his master, whose feelings he may be supposed to have represented. As for the knighthood of St. Jago, which raised O'Neill's son to the rank of a Spanish grandee, Turnbull regarded it as a deliberate insult to the majesty of England, since, as he himself informs us, " it was meant to attach the re- cipient, and those of his nation, still more to the crown of Spain." And, indeed, he rightly calculated the result ; for it was only reasonable that young O'Neill, and those serving under him, should be devoted liegemen to a monarch whose generous conduct contrasted so strongly with that of their own natural, albeit unjust and heart- less sovereign. If Turnbull had not deemed those facts sufficiently important, he would not have communicated them to his cabinet ; nor would the cabinet have com- mended his zeal in forwarding such advertisements, if it did not look upon them as portentous. Hence it was that he spared no pains in striving to discover what 424 FATE AND FORTUNES OF were O'Neill's ultimate intentions, how the court of Madrid feLfc in his regard, and what amount of support it was likely to give him, should the truce with the Hollanders come to a sudden rupture. Meanwhile, despite this surveillance, and the apparently tranquil relations of England and Spain, O'Neill, although now far advanced in years, thwarted by countless vexations, and eating the salty bread of exile, did not despair of being able to make an effort to regain his own, or, at all events, to close his career in the attempt. His yearn- ings for the land of his birth were incessant, and the associations of home, where his name was still ho- noured by the native Irish, and feared by the feeble government, were far dearer to him than any which the mighty monuments, under whose shadows he pined, could awaken. The fields of Tyrone were greener than those of Tivoli or Frascati ; and surely Tullaghoge was, to his vision, a holier rath than any of the seven hills, or even Mons Sacer, beyond the Tiber. The Famesian palace at Caprarola, with its rich frescos, fountains, and galleries, could not chase away such melancholy as his. Ah, how could it I when he reflected that a heartless churl, whom he often worsted on the battle-field, was then biding beneath his own roof- tree in Dungannon. There yet survived in Ulster thousands who witnessed his inauguration, shared his triumph at the Yellow Ford, and on other fields of renown — they, doubtless, would hail his return; and as for those regiments of Irish which had learned the art of war in Flanders and Sweden, they would make small account of the mise- rable force at the disposal of Jones and Denham, if he could only land them at the mouth of the Foyle. Still animated by that high military genius, which so often enabled him to baffle Elizabeth's best ge- nerals, O'Neill set little value on any opposition he TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 425 might have to encounter ; and it doubtless must have often occurred to him, that the prestige of his name, and the distinguished treatment he had experienced from Paul y., would bring to his banner even the Catholics of the pale, exasperated as they must have been by penal enactments against their creed, and the unconstitutional proceedings of the Star Chamber. These thoughts and hopes sustained the grand old chieftain from the first to the latest moment of his exile, and it was only natural that he should give expression to them, when, sur- rounded by his associates in misfortune, the Montepul- ciano, that "king of wines,"* was gladdening his aged heart. Now whether it was that O'Neill had got promise of countenance from the king of Spain secretly, or had been supplied with moneys by the patrician Marcio, he made up his mind to quit Eome at the commencement of January, 1615, with the intention of embarking in some port of the Low Countries for Ireland. Like all his other projects, however, this was speedily communicated to Turnbull, who lost no time in making it known to the English cabinet, which, doubtless, must have been alarmed on learning that a Belgian nobleman was aiding O'Neill's enterprise. " Letters," says the minister, " have passed between the duke of Newburg and Tyrone, and the Spanish and archdukes' ambassadors in England, advis- ing their friends to deal with Newburg for the moving of the pope and king of Spain to send Tyrone, and other certain men of his nation, with some succours into Ire- land, for the raising of a war there, and the diverting of his majesty from assisting the marquis of Brandenbourg Give ear and give faith to our edict divine, Montepulciano's the king of all wine." — Leigh HunVs translation of Recti's Ode. 426 FATE AND FOETUNES OF and princes of this union. Tyrone, as the Irish give out, is shortly to remove from Kome, and should have come into these parts ; but now it is thought he shall rather go into Spain, because he cannot pass from hence into Ireland with any number of men or shipping, but that he shall be discovered, and in danger to be beaten on the seas by his majesty's navy ; whereas from Spain he may go at his pleasure, having the wide ocean to favour his passage." But this intelligence was not authentic, for O'Neill neither went to Spain nor received succours from the Belgian duke, although we may presume that the latter was well disposed to assist him, if for no other reason than to thwart king James, whose sympathies were with the Dutch provinces. At all events, be the cause what it might, O'Neill did not remove from Rome, as he intended ; for, two months after the date of the letter we have just quoted, the Belgian agent sent another despatch to the king, informing him " that O'Neill hath sent from Home two of his instruments into Ireland, called Crone and Conor, with order to stir up factions and seditions in that kingdom, where, in Waterford alone, there are no less than thirty-six Jesuits." Little reason, indeed, had the agent to ex- pect danger" from the latter, for he ought to have known that they were at all times the staunchest friends of monarchical government. On receipt, however, of the foregoing despatch, TurnbuU was instructed to wait on the archduke, and solicit him to stay Tyrone's passports, if he really meant to pass through Belgium on his way to Ireland. The agent's account of his negotiation runs thus : " I told him [the archduke] that Mr. Edmonds had obtained a stay of the passports which Tyrone had re- quired of the French king, and I prayed him, seeing the said Tyrone was a traitor and a fugitive, and so declared by the proclamation, not to receive him into his domi- TTKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 427 nions, because it would breed jealousy between the king my master and his Highness : whereupon he promised tt) take such order as should be correspondent to the amity between this state and the crown of Great Britain." Nevertheless, it would appear that the archdake did not mean to stay the passports ; for, two months after- wards, Turnbull writes : " It is a decided intention of Tyrone to remove from Rome, even having remitted three months' pay of his entertainment, to serve at his arrival in Brussels." This, indeed, was quite enough to bewilder the vigilant minister; but we can easily imagine how greatly he must have been perplexed by Tyrone's promised approach, when he despatched the following advertisement, under date July 22, 1615 : — " Doctor Chamberlaine,* the Franciscan friar of the Irish monas- tery at Louvain, is newly returned from Rome, and bringeth an order from Tyrone to have some of his countrymen employed at sea in ships-of-war, as pirates, with commission to take all vessels that come in their way, until they be increased to the number of twenty sail, or thereabouts, and then to make their descent on some convenient part of Ireland, not only to find mal- contents eno' of that realm to join with them, but to be assisted with forces from the king of Spain." This, surely, was a startling project, and O'Neill might have realized it with or without the aid of the king of Spain. Nothing, in fact, was more feasible. The English navy was not then sufficiently numerous to protect the Irish shores against an inroad of that sort, which, doubtless, would have been welcomed by the native population. At all events, the dread of it disquieted king James' * A native of Ulster, and lecturer at St. Antony's, Louvain. " He wrote," says Ware, *' a treatise, De Scientia Dei, and another, De Futuris Co7itingentibus," which are now, probably, in the Burgundian Library, Brussels. 428 FATE AND FORTUKES OF privy council, and gave ample employment to Mr. Turn- bull, from whose numerous despatches we select the fol- lowing, in order that the reader may see what stress he laid upon a contingency of such moment : — " William Turnhull to the king. "Dr. Chamberlaine, the Irish friar at Louvain, is already despatched from hence towards Tyrone, with an errand of great secrecy. He told one of his confidants, the day before his departure, that Tyrone was either removed by this time from Rome, or else would shortly go from thence with intention to transport himself into Spain or these countries. And within these two days all the Irish pensioners and reformados abiding here were summoned to appear before the officers of the Spanish army, to be mustered, and, as they give it out, restored to their former entertainments, being promised, besides, to have 1,000 crowns monthly distributed among them oyer and above their ordinary pays, for the retaining of them still at the devotion of the Spaniard. Mens. Maes, ambassador for these provinces with the pope, shall forthwith be sent back to his charge at Rome, of purpose to assist there, among other com- missioners of like nature, for the setting forward of the troubles already begun in Germany, and the diverting of your majesty from giving assistance to your allies in the empire, by favouring Tyrone's practices upon the realm of Ireland. "Brussels, September 14, 1615." " William Turnhull to the earl of Somerset " I am much perplexed for Ireland. Your honour may perceive by that I writ to his majesty, that TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 429 Tyrone is shortly expected in these parts. He hath promise from Spain to be assisted when times shall serve. It was told his eldest son lately, by the archduke's am- bassador that came from Rome, and is shortly to return thither again, that his father should pass this way into Ireland. Do«i Diego Sarmente de Acuria wrote hither by the last ordinary, that it was a shame for the Catholic princes they did not assist Tyrone for matter of religion, since all the heretics, as he is pleased to term them, aided the prince of Orange when the troubles began in the Netherlands. The copy of his letters are sent to the pope. In Spain the court is now open again for all Irish suitors, which was shut against their pretensions for two or three years. The friars of that nation at Louvain are to have a new monastery of their order in Poland, and two of the busiest pates among them are to be sent thither, for what purpose this is God knoweth ; but I fear it is to further an invasion. That I wrote to your honour in my last of sending arms secretly into Ireland from Spain, was delivered to me here for a truth by one of his majesty's pensioners. He had it from a friar, and is now in the camp, so that I cannot make any new inquisition about the matter until his return. Though it prove not true, it can do no harm, in my poor opinion, to impart it. I know not what grounds they may have for it, but am well assured the Irish are very jocund upon the beginning of these wars in JuUers, in the hope, as they say, to go shortly home- wards. "Brussels, August 18, 1615." Turnbull's despatches leave no doubt that he was in possession of all that O'Neill contemplated, and that his information was obtained from some one who affected 430 FATE AND FORTUNES OF to sympathise with the projected invasion. Lombard, we may presume, had much to do with the disclosures, and got his reward ; but the Belgian agent tells us that he was mainly indebted to captain Daniel, for whom he procured a pension of six score pounds sterling per annum, with permission to remove to England or Ire- land, if he did not think the latter an unsafe place for one of his calling. Where or how he terminated his career we have not been able to discover ; but it may be supposed that, along with his pension, he earned for himself scorn and self-reproach, the never-failing salary of treason. As for 0'Neill> who had no sufficient reason to conclude that he had been betrayed by those who were familiar with his intentions, he was bitterly mor- tified at finding that the contingencies on which he calculated were not likely to be realized. His chiefest hope, as we have already said, was a rupture between the crowns of England and Spain ; but instead of find- ing his opportunity in such a crisis, the gradual decline of that kingdom, under Philip III., consequent on the lavish expenditure of blood and treasure in the Nether- lands, during his own and predecessor's reign, rendered peace an absolute necessity. The history of this period also shows that James reciprocated the pacific senti- ments of his Spanish majesty, and rather than involve himself in war, preferred the more congenial field of polemics, in which he championed Gomar against Yor- stius and other disciples of Arminius. In short, the aged chieftain, for he had now reached his seventy-fifth year, began to see that all his cherished day-dreams had been deluding him — that he was nothing more than a dependant on the bounty of Spain and Paul Y., or, at best, an instrument reserved by the former to be used as occasion might require. Now, indeed, he observed that whatever aids he received from Spain during his TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 431 wars with Elizabeth, were given, not for the sake of the Irish and their religion, but rather to divert the English from Flanders, and revenge the hostilities they had committed there. These, indeed, were subjects for painful reflection, and all the more poignant, because unquestionably true. What wonder, then, if the iron, well-knit frame, which Camden likened to Cataline's, should have begun to find itself a prey to growing infiniiities, and that the mind which informed it should have become conscious of fast-fading powers and loss of that energy which another exile pathetically tells us are the consequence of disappointment and anxiety * At the commencement of June, 1615, O'Neill fell seriously ill, and was attended by the pontiff's physician, doctor Barnardini, who then ranked among the most distinguished of his craft. He, doubtless, was well skilled in the pharmacopoeia of the period, when potable gold, brayed lapislazuli, dissolved pearls, and mummy- dust from the Pyramids, were the specifics most in use. But Tyrone's sickness was of a character which none of these nostrums could cure ; and we can readily fancy that a breach between the Dutch provinces and Spain would have done more for his restoration than all the phials in Bamardini's store. At all events, his malady depressed and confined him to his bed some three months or more, till autumn, when he was visited by a doctor Doyne^ — whether English or Irish does not appear — who was going to enlarge his knowledge of the healing art in Padua,-|* then ''the nursery of Gallian phisick, prime angular stone of anatomy, and only * "Jam vigor, et quasso languent in corpore vires. Confiteor facere hoc annos : sed altera causa est Anxietas animi, continuusque labor." — Ovid, Eleg. v. t "ExtoUit Paduam, Juris Studium, et Medicinse." — Urb. Ital. Descriptio. Thomae Edward's Angli. 432 FATE AND FORTUNES OF phcenix in Eurojpe of medical science, in speculative as well as theorick"* The earl and his countess gave Doyne a cordial reception ; and as he was their guest during that glowing month when the grape is ripe for the treaders in the winepress, we will let himself relate what he saw and heard during his sojourn with such distinguished hosts. The letter containing this rare in- formation was addressed by the doctor to " My loving friend, Mr. John Bourke, at Whitehall, in London." " I wrote from Kome unto you with the post of Paris, and now I have more at large to write unto you, for I was as near to Tyrone and his wife, for the space of two months daily, as any that was in the palace. It was my fortune that she was sick at my coming into the town, and doctor Barnardini, which is their doctor, could do her no good ; but as soon as she heard of me coming into the palace she sent for me, and told me of her disease. With what I did for her she began to be better and better. When Tyrone saw it he was very familiar with me, and had me lodge in his palace. He goes often to the Spanish ambassador's house. He is well beloved from pope, and from all those which are under him, and especially he that thinks to be pope after the death of this man. Last Easter he sent Tjrrone a present, and desired him to be of a good courage, and that God keepeth him for to have some comfort in his, country hereafter. Though a man would think that he is an old man by sight : no, he is lusty and strong, and well able to travel ; for a month ago, at evening, when his frere*|* and his gentlemen were all with him, they were talking of England and Ireland, and he drew out his sword : ' His majesty,' said he, ' thinks that * Aphorismical Description of Faction, MS., T.C.D. t F. Chamberlaine, O.S.F. TYKONE AND TYRCONNEL. 433 I am not strong. I would he that hates me most in Eng- land were with me to see whether I am strong or no.* These that were by said, ' We would we were with forty thousand pounds of money in Ireland, to see what we should do.' Whereon Tyrone remarked, 'If I be not in Ireland within these two years, I will never desire more to look for it.' " This is the discourse Tyrone and his company had. Posts every Thursday with letters from Spain, from Flan- ders every Friday. Many pensioners go to Ireland, but for no goodnesses ; for if the king of Spain can do anything there, they will take his part before any other. There came from Livorno letters from a lord of England, which is a general of the galleys there, unto Tyrone. Mr. Weaston is dead, the chiefest man he had. O'Neill wrote to his son in Flanders in my behalf, for to have me to serve in his company. Tyrone's wife is young and fair, and the lord primate of Ireland with his men, six Flemings, had one part of the palace of Luny* these seven years, but now, because he and Tyrone could not agree, he is removed into another palace ; but some say that this Robert Lombard is the causer of that. I know not ; but he departed out of this city a great while ago. Tyrone's wife's foster-sister is gone for Ireland ; her husband came out of Ireland against [to] her, and brought all the news and secrets that he could unto Tyrone, and brought with him such secrets as Tyrone could afford him withal. His name is Nicholas Hollywood, dwelling three miles of Dublin. There is another politic fellow, called Shean Crone MacDavit. * Accoi'ding to O'Keenan's narrative, the palace assigned to O'Neill was the Salviati, built 1557, to lodge Henry III, of France, and re- stored by cardinal Dezza, 1590, after designs of Longhi. At all events, it is certain that he resided in the Borgo Vecchio, and parish of S. >Spirito. 2 P 434 FATE AND FORTUNES OF He went to the city of Bourdeaux, and parted from thence into Spain, and wrote unto Tyrone all the news he had from Ireland. The archbishop in Spain * and the freres in Flanders, receive letters every three months from Ireland. There is but few things done in the court of Ireland, let it be ever so secret, but it will be heard, or else sought out by them ; for the Jesuits and freres of Ireland have such good friends about the court which bring them news, and the doings of the said court, wherein that your honour may be assured of. As I am a true servant unto your honour, if you do not take some other course for all your policy and wisdoms, you will be deceived. Tyrone sent for his son, Con, into Ireland. Those that promised that would perform it, if they could do it, they shall be very well considered for their pains ; but there came news unto them that he was brought into England some two months past, which news grieved him. " P.S. — Sixteen ounces of blood I took out of Tyrone's legs drawn by boxing-glasses, the which, for the space of thirteen days, he would have me to come unto him into his bedside, afore he will get out of his bed, to confer and talk with me, and to see how he did." The few passages of O'Neill's table-talk, for which we are indebted to the peripatetic doctor, seem to argue a state of despondency and melancholy apprehension of the future. There can be no doubt but his thoughts and temper were affected by the difficulties and delays he had already experienced, and perhaps also by a sad presentiment, which he could not suppress, but dared not avow. Moreover, the intelligence he had received of conspiracies in Ulster to exterminate the planters, * F. Conry. TYRONE AND TYRCONNEL. 435 must have made him grieve that he could not be present where his ability and influence would un- doubtedly have concentrated and strengthened those j^^igelected.* Gilbert Domville,) William Latten. Christopher Sherlock. Bobert Digby, knt., of the privy council. Walter Weldon. Bobert Grace. Luke Shee. Patrick Archer. Nicholas Langton, alderman. Thomas Staunton. John Swayne. William Boothe. Pierce Hey don. f William Murphy. Crihen Murphy. Nicholas Bobooke. Bobert Porter. Gerald Nugent. William Beynolds. * Walter Fizgerald and Thomas Farbeck elected in their place, t Richard Fristall and William Booth elected, after death, in his place. 526 B. Carrickdrumrusk. lAinerick, . . City of Limerick. B. Kilmalloch . B. Askeaton. Longford. . . South Louth. . Town of DrogJieda, B. Ardee. . . Tovm of Dundalk B. Garlingford. Mayo B. Gastlehar. Meath . . . APPENDIX. B. Trim. . B. Athhoy. B. Navan. B. Kells . Monaglian. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. Maurice Griffith. Thomas Bellott. Francis Barkeley, knt., privy councillor. Thomas Browne, knt. James Galway. Nicholas Arthur, alderman. Henry Yerdon. Patrick Kearney. Anthony Stoughton. Koger Bise. Connell OTerrall. John O'Ferrall. Christopher Yerdon, of Clon- more. Richard Gernon, of Strabane. John Blakeney, alderman. Boger Beelinge. Barnaby Mathewe. Patrick Dowdall Fitzpatrick. William Cashel. Richard Ellis. Marmaduke Whitechurch. Roger Hope. Theobald Burke, knt. Thomas Burke, knt. John Bingham, knt. Thomas Peyton. Patrick Hussey, baron of Gal- trim. Robert Barnwell. Thomas Ash, knt. Roger Jones, knt. Melchior More. Richard Browne. Patrick Begg. John Warren. Oliver Plunkett. Gerald Balfe. Edward Blakeney, knt., privy councillor. Bryan M'Mahowne, knt. APPENDIX. 527 B. Mcmaghan. . . . .165. Thomas Reeves. 166. Henry Cowley. Qiteen'a County. . . .167. Henry Power, knt., of privy council. 168. Robert Piggott, knt. B. Maryhwd . . . .169. Adam Loftus, knt. 170. Alexander Barrington. B. BallinakilL . . . .171. Robert Ridgway, knt 172. Arthur Brereton. King^s County. . . .173. Francis Ruish, knt., privy coun- cillor. 174. Adam Loftus, knt., privy coun- cillor. B. Phillipstoum. . . .175. Robert Leycester. 176. Colly PMUips. Roscommon 177. Oliver St. John, knt., vice-presi- dent of Connaught, privy councillor. 178. John King, knt., master clerk of the Checque, privy councillor. B. Roscommon. . . .179. William Marwood. 180. Maurice Smith. B. Boyle 181. John Cusacke. 182. Robert Meredith. Sligo 183. Thadeus O'Hara. 184. Brian M'Donogh. B. Sligo 185. Henry Andrews, clerk of the Crown. 186. Edward SouthwortL Tipperary 187. Walter Butler, knt, of Kilcash. 188. John Everard, knt B. Clonmel 189. Nicholas White. 190. John Bray. Tyrone 191. Thomas Ridgway, knt., privy councillor. 192. Fnuicis Roe, knt City of ClogJier. . . .193. George Watkins. 194. William Ferrar. B. Dungannon. . . .195. Gerald More. 196. Hugh Pollard. B. Strabane 197. Daniel Mollineux, U.K. A. 528 APPENDIX. B.Agher. . . . . . 199. Randulph Birkenshaw. 200. Edward Skorye. Waterfm-d. . . . . .201. James Gough, knt. 202. John Power, of Campier. City of Waterford. . . 203. Paul Sherlock. 204. Richard Wadding. B. Dungarvan. . . 205. Peter Roe. 206. Thomas Fitzharris. B. Tallaght . . . . 207. Gerald Lother. 208. Lawrence Parsons. B. Lismore. . . . . . 209. Richard Boyle. 210. Francis Annesley. Westmeaih. . . . . .211. Christopher Nugent. 212. Edward Nugent.* B. Mullingar. . . . .213. Nicholas Casey. 214. John Hamon. B. Athlone. . . . . . 215. Richard St. John. 216. Walter Nugent. B. Kilbeggan. . . . .217. Robert Newcomon, knt. 218. Beverley Newcomon. Wexford. . . . . . 219. James Furlong,t of Horetown. 220. Thomas Wadding. Town of Wexford . . . 221. John Turnor. 222. Robert Talbott. Town of Boss . . . . 223. James FitzHenry. 224. Mathew Shee. B. Enniscorthy. . . . 225. Edward Fisher. 226. Richard Perkins. B. Fethard. . *. . . . 227. Nicholas Loftus. 228. Richard Pemberton. Wicklow . . 229. Gerald Birne, of Tynepark. 230. Phelim M'Feagh Birne. B. Wicklow. . . . . . 231. William Usher, clerk of the council. 232. Laurence Esmonde. * Died first session ; Edmund Nugent elected in his place, 1st May, 1615. t Walter Synnott elected after the death of James Furlong. APPENDIX. 529 Page 384. TJie Remonstrance addressed hy the archbishop of Tuam to ilie Catholic members of tlie Parliament held in Dublin, 1613. I received your letter of December 24th, informing me of what has taken place in your anti-national parliament. I entirely agree with you that the religious constancy of the Catholic party, in which you so confidently trust, deserves the highest praises. In my love of them, which is great and lasting, I heartily wish and pray that their virtues may be made known to the whole world ; but I must tell you frankly that I think their honour is somewhat blemished, if true, as I am assured, that it is mainly through their doings that the Catholic religion has been reduced to such fearful extremities in Ireland. For they have not only frustrated the efforts of their brethren and countrymen, who had undertaken the de- fence of the Catholic religion against Elizabeth, and those who sought to restore it to its ancient splendour and greatness, but by depriving those brave defenders of the faith of their estates, they backed up the enemies of our holy religion. If we calmly reflect on their conduct, we shall be forced to admit that their present endeavours and fidelity, no matter how great, can never repair the injury done religion, or restore it to that greatness from which they precipitated it. Though their glory be now more obscure than it should have been, had they not, by their faults, driven the whole kingdom into such misery ; still, as the past cannot be recalled, or what is done undone, I feel certain they will do great service to the cause of religion in persevering in the course they have taken. Should they act otherwise, they will deserve the Gospel rebuke : " This man began to build, and was not able to finish." However, I have great misgivings that in some things they may show themselves weak and inconstant. The circum- stances you relate to me, of their accepting that Protestant Speaker* so undeserving of the country, and again, their acknowledging those new members in open violation of the laws and customs of the country, prove no small falling away from the old Catholic spirit. And, besides, by tolerating those * Sir John Davys. 2 M 530 APPENDIX. unconstitutional members, they seem to confirm all the wicked- ness that has been committed in that parliament. I feel obliged, too, to tell you, though with sorrow, that my fears have been greatly increased by what you write concerning the bill of confiscation. Even you, though well aware, I am sure, of its injustice, are inclined not to oppose it lest offence be given to those who advocate it. What folly ! Are they not offended at Catholics who refuse to take the oath of supre- macy 1 Will they not likewise take offence if, by-and-by, you offer opposition to the confiscation of your own property 1 In short, nothing can be more impotent and foolish than this con- duct in Catholics. How can persons, seeking to put such designs into execution, be regarded as staunch Catholics ? Is not the Protestant error, which asserts that by faith alone, and without good works, one may be a good Catholic, totally opposed to the teaching of the Church 1 And again, what evil work is equal in wickedness and injustice to that of robbing men convicted of no crime whatever 1 It may be said that all this has been done by solemn act of parliament : I answer, this makes the act of injustice more atrocious, inas- much as parliament should not proceed without certain and public knowledge of the crimes of the accused, and should be willing to admit all possible excuses and defences. But in the present case, no such thing has taken place. On the contrary, I have been told, and it is universally known, that those men, whose property is now being confiscated, were most kindly and honorably received and treated by the king, and con- firmed in the possession of all their estates. And if afterwards, in order to shield themselves from the calumnies of enemies who sought to excite the prejudice of the king against them ; or preferring the salvation of their souls to the gain of the whole world, they passed into other countries where they might more freely practise their religion : have they thereby committed an offence against his majesty? For what crimes do your Catho- lic members arraign those men, lately reconciled to their king, and pronounce sentence of confiscation? Have they been taken flagrante delicto ? Have they been convicted by their own judicial confession? Has their guilt been proved on reliable testimony ? Most assuredly this confiscation is a grievous sin, and the greater because the law which prohi- bits the coveting or robbing your neighbour's goods, is not APPENDIX. 531 positive law, which the king might dispense with. Neither will it excuse you to say, that subjects are not bound to examine the orders of a superior as to whether they are just or not. Is that excuse to hold good when such orders are openly unjust 1 Upon what proofs have those Catholics been induced to condemn those men 1 Is it by the cunning and false-witness of malicious enemies? Strange idea of justice! Men are accused and condemned by their enemies and calum- niators, without trial or time to make their defence ! No one can doubt the iniquity of the proceeding, which even by the heathens was regarded with horror : " It is not the custom of the Romans to condemn any man, before that he who is accused have his accusers present, and have liberty to make his answer, to clear himself of the things laid to his charge." God grant that those Catholics who boast themselves staunch defenders of the faith, may in no wise take part in such an in- famous proceeding. Let them remember that the faith of good Catholics is a living faith, that worketh by charity ; not that dead faith, which permits the spoliation of your neighbour's property. And, besides, I do not know how good Catholics can take any part in doings which, sooner or later, must inevi- tably prove instrumental in perverting the people from the Catholic faith. I call God to witness that I have no other object in expressing these opinions than pity for the misled Catholics, who, for some moments of apparent repose, place their eternal salvation in jeopardy ; and, to please the whims of heretical enemies, inflict a deadly wound on their own Catholic brethren. You who scruple to infringe the laws of the Church, do not hesitate to break the immutable laws of God and nature. You cannot escape the rebuke of our Lord : " Ye blind guides, who strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel." Through the passion of our Redeemer, I beg of you to keep in mind " that you are the children of saints, and look for that life which God will give to those that never change their faith from Him ;" and to remember with the Apostle, " that you have not here a lasting city, but seek one that is to come." Take care lest you all, clergy and laity, fall under the judgment of the Lord. If the threats of heretical ministers, "who to- morrow shall descend to hell to dwell with devouring fire, with everlasting burnings, unless, peradventure, God may give them repentance to know the truth, and they may recover them- 532 APPENDIX. selves from the snares of the devil, by whom they are held captive at his will " — if these threats are sufficient to frighten you from the way of justice and truth, verily we may cry out with the Apostle, " we are of all men most miserable." If, by- and-by, the Church ask those theological abettors of the confis- cation to prove their reasons for counselling it, I feel certain that they would decline. " But, beloved, we are persuaded better things of you, and things that accompany salvation, though we thus speak." And we have confidence that the words of the Apostle will be ful- filled in you : " Who shall separate us from the love of Christ ? shall tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or sword V We earnestly beseech the Almighty to avert such a calamity ; for by this act of injustice your glory will be sullied. His anger provoked against you, heresy will strike deeper roots in the country, thereby depriving Him of many souls. Farewell Valladolid, March 1st, 1614. Page 446. the flight of the earls. Tis an old story : Might awrath with right : A nation conquered and her shrines o'erthrown ; Her chieftains flying seaward in the night, And not a trumpet of departure blown. For the last hope of Ireland quenched its light ; The master-spirit of the Past had flownf ; And England, glaring through the smoke and heat, Beheld the people prostrate at her feet. Prostrate and broken ! though O'Donel made Peace with the robbers of his home and race. Prostrate and broken ! though O'Neill had laid In English dust a vanquished heart and face. Prostrate and broken ! slanders, foul and base, Dishonoured them. They sheathed the shattered blade, They furled the Irish flag, and sailed away, Out of Lough Swilly, with the setting day. APPENDIX. 533 And with O'Neill went kith, and kin, and wife ; Brother and sister with O'Donel fled ; Clansmen and friends, that oft in bloody strife Thronged the deep spear-ranks flashing bright and red. Slowly the heavens around were pulsed with life ; The great stars throbbed in the silence overhead ; The low moon glimmered thro' the southern lights, On the grey abbey of the Carmelites.* And then arose hoarse farewells from the shore, And shrieks of women pale with misery ; And ever and anon, amid the roar. Clenched and imploring hands were lifted high. It was the feast of Holy Cross — no more Bell-tone or vesper floated to the sky ; For war and pestilence had blighted all The myriad valleys of green Donegal. Out on the surges — from the holy spot Where Hugh O'Donel was entrapped by foes ;t Far from the battle-fields where they had fought ; Far from the castles, and the dear repose Of hills and meadows, through which rivers sought The ocean, psalming immemorial woes ; Far from the holy sanctuaries of home. They cleft the billows between wind and foam ! Then, as they saw the violet mountains wane Dim in the misty distance of the lee, Upswam a cry, like a funereal strain — One awful canticle of agony. White faces turned to the dark land again. Wild looks were strained across the hoary sea ; They cursed the traitor, Cecil, and the hand That smote their lives, their liberties, their land. * The venerable ruins of this abbey, founded by the Mac Swineya of FanaJ, still remain on the shores of Lough Swilly. t For the perfidious capture of young Hugh O'Donel, vide Mitchel's *' Life of Hugh O'Neill." 534j appendix. Silent and cold, his shoulder to the mast, Blackwater's* conqueror stood motionless ; Near him O'Donel, lip and face aghast. Bent, pallid, comfortless and purposeless. The canvas crackled in the moaning blast ; The holy mountains glimmered less and less ; The sun went down as to a fiery sleep — They were alone with God upon the deep. Alone ! alone ! and never more to hear The morning bugle on their native hills ; Never to chase the mighty-antlered deer. Through the brown forests and the leaf -strewn dells ; Never again to hurtle a free spear In battle, when the roar of conflict swells Round tent and standard, when the stubborn earth Eeeled to the alHed shock of west and north. Even for them the ocean was not free ; Grim hostile ships were ploughing in their wake : Chichester, counselled of their flight to sea, Despatched his murderous crews to overtake The little bark, that bore right gallantly Hearts that calamities could never break — Fortunes that outlived the sun and rain ; And honour that afflictions could not stain. But the saints watched for them ; and with the dawn The mighty waters slumbered all around ; But with the noon the tempest vapours, drawn Out of the cloud and froth, up-scaled and wound Their giant arms and locks of lightning tawn Across the sun, that, hid in the profound Gloom of their thund'rous chaos, ceased to shine, And second midnight brooded on the brine. Sudden, the topmasts glittered all ablaze, And half the sails flashed whitely in the dark ; Against the heavens like many-coloured rays, The dazzled yards stood out, austere and stark ; * AUas the Yellow Ford, where O'Neill routed the English army commanded by Bagnall. I APPENDIX. 535 And like a hell-blast, in the dusk and daze, The thunder-throated tempest struck the bark : Down, down, she plunged, but yet to rise again, Dashing her bow across the surge to Spain. Three days, three nights, amid the howling storm, Tost at God's mercy on the shaken wave ! They saw the reeling mists of ocean form. Like pillars guarding a Druidic grave. But hope in One in heaven was strong and warm : Their consciences were free, their hearts were brave : Under the green flag on the billows broad. The compass of their souls still turned to God, And close behind them, trailing in the brine, A relic of the cross of Calvary Sparkled in the surf — a brilliancy divine — Cast out to tame the fury of the sea ; Two sea-larks, as the morning beUs beat nine. Folded their wings upon the good ship's lee : Auspicious comers ! Sudden the wind ceased, And the slow fires of sunrise lit the East. And round the bark the tranquil waters shone. Nigh the thick-masted port of Havre-grace. Thanks rendered they to God, through Whom alone The tempest and the bolt unscathing pass. Then up the golden Seine they wandered on. Tin Rouen's towers dipped straight in th€; clear glass Of the broad river ; and the scent of vines Was blown to them across the meadow pines. Sweet is the sense of troubles drifted o'er. Dear the remembrance of griefs gone by ; Like the low moan from a receding shore. When the last gleam of day is in the sky : But woe for them, for there was woe in store. Foul enemies, and worse — captivity — England had tracked them, like avenging fates, Kouen received them captives at its gates. 536 APPENDIX. To Henry, king, and victor of Navarre, With solemn brows the English envoy went. Saying : " These are rebels who have waged foul war 'Gainst us, with deeds and arms incontinent ; I pray you, knighthood's high, ascendant star, In fetters let them be to England sent ; For they are men of bloody minds and hearts, And masters of abominable arts." But the king answered, while the valiant blood Flashed to his cheek : " We know for what they fought ; We know the plunderers they have withstood ; We know the deeds their chivalry has wrought. The brave man battles with the winter's flood ; The coward sinks. Our succour they have sought ; And if our lieges hold them, set them free, France shall not outrage hospitality." And Freedom, knocking at the city gates. Gave them acquittance : so they issued forth, Fugitives hounded by relentless fates, Finding no resting-place on God's fair earth. O Grief, that time and passion antedates ! O bitter memories, of fireless hearth ! The chieftains of a race and faith sublime, Forlorn and outcast, in an alien clime ! Albert and Isabella, may your name In the gold book of ages ever shine ! When unto Brussels, comfortless, they came, You honoured them with sympathy divine. Once more they sat and saw the cresset's flame On silver beakers, brimmed with banquet wine ; And heard, until the morning waxed star-proof, The minstrels' voices beating to the roof. And endless glories bless thy waUs, Louvain ! Thy people welcomed as men welcome kings — To thy Franciscans, whilst his eyes dropped rain, O'Neill consigned his son. The spurred heel rings On the dim pavements sown with marble grain ; And the red shield's-breadth in the oriel brings, To him who sees it, the grief -stricken face Of the great lord of all his lordly race. APPENDIX. 587 Drift by, dark days, drift by, and bring them rest ; Lorraine's thrice ducal portals greet them soon. They crossed the shining thresholds, prince and guest, And there, in halls of porphyry fair hewn. The Duke received them ; whilst along the West Clouds loomed, fire-scabbered ; and the waning moon Looked through the lofty windoVs traceries. On the wild splendour of the revelries. Across the Khoetian Alps, with dawn, they go. Scaling their purjjle scalps and crimson peaks ; Up through the vast eternities of snow. Where never cleaving wing of eagle breaks The chilling silences, with motion slow — Where the frost crackles in a thousand creeks Of ice, that, gleaming in the cloudless blue, Blooms at the heart into a violet hue. Higher and higher, till, below their feet. The olive lands slept, bronzing in the sun ; Down the sheer slopes, till, margining the sleet. The Alpine daisy, amber-cored and dun. Blossomed ; and the air was faint and sweet. With gusts of odour from the poplars wan, And all around — a verdurous, rich sea, — Laughed like an autumn vineyard — ^Italy ! Milan, that best like a frozen dream In the rare vagueness of a precious Past, To thy chiefs palace, turreted and dim, 'Mid myriad welcomings, the exiles passed. Whilst Spanish chivalry in song shall gleam. No cloud, Fuentes, shall thy name o'ercast — ■ Glorious exception to the petty ways Of strangled valour and ignoble days ! They sat, thrice-honoured guests, around thy board — Thy bounty gifted them with steeds and arms ; In the great city temples they adored God, who delivered them from hates and harms, When the green banner tottered, and the sword Was hacked, from slaughter of invading swarms. Before St. Charles' vast shrine they knelt long hours, And strewed the holy sanctuary with flowers. 538 APPENDIX. Parma and Bologna saw them feast With Duke and Legate ; thence they bent their way Unto Loretto, as a solemn feast Kindled the joyaunce of a holiday. And from the north and south, and west and east, The pious pilgrims came to kneel and pray Within the lowly house, whose roof did hide The patient Mother of the Crucified. There is no exile given unto faith, No region too remote for God to hear Voices that, lifted from this vale of death, Like crystal arrows, cleave the atmosphere : So they adored and prayed, with sob and tear, The Virgin to deliver them from wrath ; And comfort fell upon their burning pain, As gently as the mist of summer rain. Rome ! splendrous temple on eternal hills. Vast miracle of wedded faith and art, God's shrine, from whose bright cisterns there outwells Strength to the spirit — wisdom to the heart ; In thee, the Past beside the Present dwells. Lights of the Future through thy twilight dart — Tomb of the Caesars — sepulchre and shrine Of all humanity believes divine. Towards thee they journeyed. From the latest ridge Of upland, glowing in the noonday light, They saw the immemorial Milvian-bridge, Where Constantino beheld the cross of light Blaze in the Latin heaven — a lustrous pledge Of hope and victory in the coming fight. Quick beat their hearts, their words were choked with sighs. Tears rushed unbidden to their aching eyes. For there stood Peter Lombard, of Armagh, Exiled archbishop, widowed from his see ; And, grouped around the prelate chief, they saw The princely chiefs of Rome's nobility. ' Soon there were voices raised in joyful awe. Embraces and exultant jubilee ; " Faithful and strong, we welcome you," they said ; " Rome loveth the Lord's disinherited." APPENDIX. 539 And when they prayed before St. Peter's tomb, To the Fifth Paul, the Pontiff, they were led. Up through the Quirinal, in the gorgeous gloom Of pillared corridors and halls, o'erspread With frozen dreams of beauty, through whose bloom Shine out the spirits of the gracious dead — Eich in the fervour of the soul and heart, Bright in the immortality of art. The Pontiff rose, and took them to his breast, And weeping, blessed, and welcomed them to Rome : " Here may the exiles of the world find rest ; Here, O my children, find a hearth and home — Religion is the host, and you the guest. Lord, with thy sweetest consolations come To those who, firm through agony and shame, Contended for the glory of Thy name." Close by the holy church, where Tasso's bones Sleep like a precious perfume in an urn. Where genius consecrates the silent stones That round the high-priest of the Muses mourn, And solemn vespers rise, in thrilling tones. The roofs and casements of a palace burn ; Under whose roofs, afront the radiant West, The chieftains and their retinues found rest. Great honours on their heads the Pontiff showered ; 'Twas theirs to bear his canopy, when slow, Thro' the long spaces of St. Peter's, poured The long procession ; and the choirs sang low. And from S. Angelo the cannon roared. And heaved the surging multitudes below The wondrous dome, that, floating in mid-air. Lets in celestial splendours everywhere. But, thro' all glories of the heart and soul, The bitter memories of Ireland strove With feigned f orgetfulness. The world might roll Still closer to the sun ; but their great love Had holy Ireland for its deathless goal. They saw the happy seasons change and move. The leaf fall, and the star of spring wax dim. But that survived which never changed with them. 540 APPENDIX. Home, home ! O pleasant valleys of Tyrone ! Dear woods and rivers of green Donegal ! Castles, by the spoiler's hand o'erthrown. The death moss rooted in the banquet-hall ! Land of their sires, they might not call their own, Priesthood and people suffering in thrall ! O give them, for Rome's brightest miracles, One hour of battle on their native hills ! Hope, buried hope ! O'Donel, sick and tired, Journeyed to Ostia : but for him no peace ! There came not to his heart what it desired ; He looked to heaven, and hungered for release. God gave it. In Rome's heart the chief expired, Calling on Christ until his tongue did cease. Far from the home of mournful memory, He closed his eyes beneath an alien sky. They buried him with majesty and pomp — Rome's noblest held his pall ; from street to street Slow cannon thundered, and the mournful tromp Blared ; whilst the drum of lamentation beat Its deepening clamours under cross, and lamp. And torch, diffusing odours exquisite. And when the iron-throated echos ceased, Up-swelled the requiem of the black-robed priest. Past fount and temple, and high monument, • Trophy and arch, the vast procession streamed ; On the great funeral-car, with tears besprent, The sun in melancholy glory beamed. And close behind, bowed down, paced one who seemed Crushed low by an immortal discontent ; The Romans bared their heads in mute appeal. Or whispered, as he slowly paced — " O'Neill." - On the Janiculum, in the holy shade Of Monte d'Oro, they interred his dust. There, in the habit of St. Francis laid, He waits the resurrection of the just. For thro' all wishings, baffled or delayed. Unshaken was his long-abiding trust : Over all earthly ills, his soul could see The radiance of a white Eternity. APPENDIX. 541 Death mowed his race ; Cathbar, his brother, died In the bright flower and vigour of his youth ; Too soon young, young O'Neill, the great Earl's pride, Fell prostrate in unseasonable ruth. Their precious ashes were interred beside O'Donel's. Tender was the pagan truth, Ages ago, with inspiration sung : Whom the gods love, the singer said, die young ! Sick and abandoned, and companionless. From shrine to shrine the comfortless great chief "Wandered in a dream of wretchedness. Time brought no soothing quiet to his grief ; But tho' his hope-star glimmered less and less, There triumphed thro' all doubt a strong belief In vengeance — in a quick-approaching day, With Irish pikes embattled in array. Often, mayhap, oppressed with iUs, he heard The trumpet throbbing on an Irish plain. Or saw the Ked-hand in the war- wind flared — A comet-splendour glittering on the slain. And when the looming cloud of battle stirred, Out-flashed the lances of his ally — Spain. O dream deferred ! vision most forsook ! " It shall not be 1" was written in the book. And so in silence — dumbest agony, The grey years ate his heart and blanched his hair. There were no friendly ships upon the sea ; Vastness and vagueness girt him everywhere. His spirit lost its old divinity — A pestilence was brooding in the air — God's heaven was blank to him, for he grew blind, And triple darkness locked his eye and mind. He died ; Rome keeps his ashes evermore. Of all his greatness but his tomb remains — A fragment wreck upon a sainted shore. The dawn breaks and the golden evening wanes Down crypt and aisle, and folds its splendour o'er The sepulchres abloom with tender stains — The holy monuments, within whose space, Inurned, repose the chieftains of our race. 542 APPENDIX. The old, old story ! Have they died in vain 1 Be there no solemn voices from their dust ? Beside their graves, although our hearts complain — Let us confess that Destiny is just. God rules the epochs, and His works remain — And we are blind ; but leaning on our trust, We know, although the substance mocks our sight, This sacred truth — whatever is, is right. Page 460. On the death of Dr. Lombard (1625), John, earl of Tyrone, addressed the following report to the Sacred Col- lege of Cardinals. The original is in the Archives of S. Isidore, whence we have procured this copy. The reader will perceive that earl John did not despair of recovering his patrimony, and was anxious that none but a native of Ulster should be appointed to the primacy of all Ireland. Relatio ad electionem Primatis Hib. loco Illmi. Primatis hoc ipso anno (1625), Romoe defuncti. Hib. Divisio politica. Antiquissima et celeberrima est iUa saecularis, et politica Hibernise divisio in quinque partes, sen provincias, videlicet Ultoniam, Conactiam, Momoniam, Aquil. et Mediam quae est media tantum provincia. Harum pro- vinciarum maxima est ultima in qua praecipue olim regnave- runt illustrissimi comites de Tirone, et de Tirconnel, qui exules facti vitam ambo finierunt, eorumque illustrissimi filii et hseredes jam in Belgio, sub Catholici regis protectione degunt. Divisio Eccl. Ecclesiastica vero Hibernise divisio est in quatuor Archiepiscopatus videlicet Ardmachanum, cui semper annexus est Primatus Hibernise, estque in Ultonia ; DubUn- ensem, qui in Lagenia, Cassiliensem, qui in utraque Momonia ; et Tuamensem qui in Conactia est. Horum maximus est Ard- i APPENDIX. 543 machanus, utpote decern sub se habens suffraganeos, quot nullus alius habet. Cum igitur rectae rationi, ecclesiasticisque constitutionibus conseiitaneum sit ut externi ad ecclesiasticas dignitates aut beneficia in aliqua provincia, aut patria non eligantur modo aliquis in ipsa proyincia repereatur idoneus. 1*. ratio. iEquum profecto videtur ut si ullus in provincia Ultoniae literis, et vita commendabilis, et ad dignitatem pri- matus sufficiens inveniri possit cuilibet externo, sive ex alia provincia oriundo praeferatur. Turn quod in Ultonia maxime omnium Hiberniae provinciarum persecutio grassetur, securius ibi possit residere, et vivere incola Ultoniensis, utpote loca tutiora melius cognoscens, et plures amicos habens, quam ullus externus. 2a. ratio. Tum quod experientia comprobatum est externos, qui hactenus illam dignitatam obtinuerunt, aut nunquam, aut nonnisi raro, et obiter in eadem diocesi residisse, qua negli- gentia quanta parat mala, omnes bene aflfecti norunt; quan- tumque juri tam divino, quam canonico adversetur, omnes docti intelligunt. Sed si Ultoniensis aliquis ad illam dignitatem promovebitur, praeter alias obligationes ipsa naturalis propensio in provinciam et contribubium suorum commodum impellet eum ad residendum. 3*. Quum denique quod supradictorum comitum filii, qui prae- cipui olim erant, et jam esse deberent provinciae Ultoniae tempo- rales domini aegre ferent se tantum non obtinere a sua Sancti- tate ut aliquis ex eadem provincia Primas creatur, cum eorum piae memoriae illustrissimi parentes, aut praedecessores ecclesiae inimicis tamdiu restiterint, ipsorumque dumtaxat auxilio, Deo duce, speretur restauratio verae religionis, et ecclesiasticae libertatis in Hibernia. Verentur enim, nee sine causa, ut fertur, exemplo apreterritis accepto, ne si aliquando a Deo assistente, et Catbolico rege favente, ipsi in Hiberniam re- dirent (quod quotidie sperant) et bellum contra Anglos gerent, Primas externus, seu aliunde, quam ex Ultonia oriundus, non tam diligenter, aut fideliter eis auxilium ferret, tum ipsos Hibernos hortando, tum externos principes rogando, ut subsi- dium darent ; non quidem quod aliquis Catholicus Primas baeresi faveret directe ; absit ; sed quod consideratione quadam politica nollet vinci Anglos, aut regno Hibernae deturbari. 544 APPENDIX. Et sic saltern indirecte faveret haeresi, ut piitatur, cum non optaret extirpationem Anglorum, quibus remanentibus, vix aut ne vix quidem (secundum hominem dico), liseresis ex illo regno extirpati potest. Adde quod non tarn illorum Comitum, quam ipsius sanctissimi Domini causa hie agatur ; ipsi siquidem optant habere Primatem ex Ultonia oriundum ; praeter alia ut ad Hiberniae regnum tarn Ecclesiae, quam sibi ipsis aliquando recuperandum favorabilior et diUgentior esset. Ergo cum ad- ipsum sanctissimum Dominum, ut omnes fateri debent, Hiber- niae monarchia et principale dominium spectet, sitque Christi in terris vicarius, et supremum ecclesiae caput, congruum est ut ilium constituat Hibernise Primatem, qui et regnum illud ab ecclesiae filiis recuperari optet, et juvet, et tidem Catholicam modis omnibus introduci satagat. Postremo rogatur ut si praedictae rationes minus efficaces videntur, cleri saltem et populi Ardmachanae diocesis suffragia expectentur, ut sic majori cum effectu, et fructu recipiant Primatem quem ipsi optabunt. Si de persona duntaxat questio sit, dignissima nominabitur aetatis provectae, scientiae consum- matae, multiplici virtute praedita, et omnibus Ultoniensibus gratissima, nimirum rev. admod. P. F. Hugo Cavellus, Ulto- niensis, Ord. Min. Strict. Obs. Religiosus, S. T. L. Jubil. Juris. Canonici peritus, Jurisque Civilis non ignarus, olim guar- dianus CoUegii Frat. Min. Hib. Lovanii, et Ord. Seraphici generalis Definitor, quinquaginta aut circiter annos natus, qui variis aliis in suo ordine officiis laudabitur functus, sui nominis memoria, et bonae famae odore per Hispaniam, Germaniam, et Hiberniam praedicationibus, consiliis, conversatione, vitae inte- gritate, et scriptis non vulgaribus in diversis Unguis, resperso et relicto : tandem a revmo. Ord. Seraphici generali Illustris- simo Komam vocatus, ubi jam in conventu Aracoelitano Frat. Min. primae cathedras regens constitutus est. Hunc et mag- nates omnes, et clerus, et populus Ultoniensis, summo prose- quuntur affectu, votisque communibus, et unanimo consensu, hand dubie, ad dignitatem Primatis Hiberniae eligerent. Duo sunt alii ejusdem Ord. Religiosi, videlicet Henricus Mellanus, et Mauritius Ultanus, Ultonienses, ambo viri graves, provectae aetatis et docti ; qui hisce multis annis elapsis in vinea Domini in Hibernia laborarant, et etiamnum laborant nihilominus Patri Hugoni Cavello supradicto nuUatemus sunt sequiparandi. APPENDIX. 545 Ex clero secular! unum duntaxat novi qui ad hanc dignita- tem promoveri posset ; is autem est Edmuudus Dunganus Ultoniensis, S. T. D., nuper creatus Episcopus Dunensis et Conretensis in Ultonia ; sed et hoc etiam Pater Cavellus longe lignior censetur aetate, doctrina, et rerum experientia." Page 4G6. The Archives of S. Isidore contain a considerable amount of original letters relating to the Irish Eising in 1641, many of them written by Owen Roe O'Neill to father Luke Wad- ding, and other members of the Irish Franciscans in that convent. We append a few of them, which will have special interest for the Irish reader. The first, translated from the Spanish, was written during the memorable siege of Arras, 1 640 ; and those in Latin, at the time when Owen Roe was about to embark for Ireland : — Very Rev. Father, — The letter of your very reverend Pa- ternity reached me yesterday evening, the 7th of this montL I am deeply grieved to learn from it the little foresight our nation has shown in disarming at this particular time, without taking into consideration the evil and loss that may thence come upon them, which, I am certain, wiU be extirpation, and the total ruin of that poor country, if God, in His divine mercy, through means of some who understand these things, does not put it into their hearts to agree among themselves, and look forward to the great tempest that will surely burst upon them, to deprive them of their property, and reduce the survivors to perpetual slavery, without the hope of ever being able to free themselves, except by a miracle from God, which, I fear, will not be in our day. I consider very well-timed, and to the purpose, the valiant and noble resolution which your Paternity has taken, to run personal risk in order to see if it be possible to give a helping hand to remedy these things, and the difficulties and dangers that are in them. I trust in God, as this cause is His own, 2 N 546 APPENDIX. that He will overcome them ; and as regards the means for the journey, they shall not be wanting to your Paternity,- although I were to sell all my horses. It will be necessary to keep this business a great secret, and let as few as possible know about it, and this even as regards the community, although I respect them all as good and holy men. Because, as all the world knows the high opinion and estimation in which your very reverend Paternity is held throughout these kingdoms^ and as you are a public personage, there is reason to fear that if some persons knew of your being there [in Ireland] at this particular time, they would suppose it to be on some business of importance. It is true that there is great persecution there, but up to the present they have not laid hands on any Irish- man. I do not know whether they may not do so before long, but I fear that the imprudent inertness of our countrymen will give them an opportunity of treating them as they please. It certainly would be of much importance if we could meet one another for a while before this journey is undertaken, and [it would be well] if your very reverend Paternity were to write, letting me know the day you intend to arrive at Lille, and give a letter to my wife, to whom I will write, that she forward it to me by an express beforehand, in order that I may arrive there on the same day, if I can ; or, if our close position to the enemy does' not permit me to go so far [as Lille], that I may appoint the nearest possible place for an interview with your very reverend Paternity. I have always been in the habit of going to lodge at the " Ked Knight," at Lille, but I will not go there now, as it is well known to the Irish, aU of whom lodge there. I will rather go to the " Three Kings," and await a brief answer from your very reverend Paternity touching these matters. The news from this place is not very good, as we are witnessing a wretched spectacle — the loss of this town — miser- ably [brought about] by past neglect The place is so closely besieged, that the enemy has erected two other batteries almost over the very edge of its entrenchments. If reinforcements do not come, I fear it wiU be lost sooner than is imagined- We are quartered here over a Kttle hill in front of the enemy, a marsh intervening, and our sentinels and those of the enemy are very near one another. With aU this, we can give no relief whatever to the poor people who are suffering inside, and we have no other hope than in the duke of Lorraine. One day he APPENDIX. 547 is a friend, and comes ; another day he is an enemy, and treats with France. Up to the present nothing is known of his High- ness that can be relied upon ; but every moment we expect letters from the count Garcia, who has been sent to treat with him. If, however, his Highness were willing to come with the troops he is said to have, and others that he has sent for, not only would the town be delivered, but hope would be enter- tained of completely routing the enemy. The nephew of your very reverend Paternity has been four or five days with us in La Basse Deule, and has retired to Lille. He may rest assured of my desire to serve him in every possible way, which indeed he does with entire confidence. An English Jesuit father arrived here yesterday from St Omer's, and says that they received letters by the last post from England, in which it was stated that the Irish refused to disarm, and that they answered the king and the English parliament, that if they are mad, they [the Irish] do not wish to be so too, and would not lay down their arms until they see their affairs settled to their satisfaction. I do not know whether this be true or not, but the father told it as certain. May our Lord preserve your very reverend Paternity many years, as I desire. The most affectionate servant of your very reverend Pater- nity, who kisses your hands, Don Eugenio O'Neill. From the camp, 8th of July, 1640. Admod. Rev. Pater, — Accepi V. P. Htteras zeli vestri in patriam aliis multis argumentis noti, testes. Utinam posse patriae prodesse ac velle seque vobis esset integrum, ut affectui effectus responderet. Tempus labitur, et afflicta patria inge- miscit, et fatigatur non laboribus quos ad mortem usque pro fide parata est sustinere ; sed longa spe, et expectatione extemi succursus, quem mature afferturum non dubitavit, et appropin- quantem non vidit. Non dubitavit enim si principes CathoUci sua in hac parte denegarent auxilia, quin S. S. A. solita sua pietate adjutricem porrigeret manum, pro fidei Catholicse dig- nitate et defensione. Non ignorat enim non solum S. Ap. 548 APPENDIX. Christianae fidei magistrse et propagatrici ex officio incumbere eamdem fidem refovere, et ab interitu preservare ; unde ad horas habet oculos praestolantes ejusdem S. Sedis pium adjuto- rium, quod non ambigit adfuturum, licet sub tarn gravi onere ingemiscens miretur, et doleat ejus tarditatem. Intellexi in litteris P. Hugonis Hartigan aliquod pium legatum sive subsidium missum esse ad partes Gallise ; quod ad has partes mallem mitti ubi melius procommuni ejusdem patriae bono expendi posset. Posset enim simile negotium ipsi patri Hugoni tanquam superintendenti optime committi ; qui ex suo zelo, et prudentia non permitteret illud aUter expendi quam ut communis utilitas postularet, et ipsi subsidium conferentes vellent. Sed hoc, et qusd hactenus significa\i P. V. zelo et pru- dentiae committo : a qua non aliud in similibus expecto quam quod ad bonum commune patriae, et gloriam Dei promovendam melius judicabit expedire. Interim me et afflictam patriam, Pateraitatis vestrae precibus, aliisque pii zeli officiis recom- mendo. Rdae. P. V. servus ad obsequia paratissimus, Don. Eug. O'Neill. BnixelHs, hac 18 Mai, 1642. Rde. Admod. Pater, — Post varias vias partim frustra ex- pectatas, partim frustra attentatas, quibus spes videri posset afflictae patriae succurrendi postquam majorem morem, quam alias, optarem in his exquirendis contractam ; jam resolvi non amplius in his immorandum, nee patriae cui aliter succurrere non possum, meae personae operam subtrahere. Unde statui et maris periculis me committere, ut patrias qua possum per meam praesentiam non videar deesse. Nunc sum accinctus ad navim cum aliquot meae gentis nobilibus. V. P. vale- dico, et gratias ago magnas provestro in patriam zelo, et erga me affectu. Non duxi V. Reverentiam multum rogandam ut in suo erga patriam zelo, pergat ejus negotia apud S. Sancti- tatem, ne videar vestrum zelum, multis argumentis testatis- simum, in dubium vocare. Omnes litterae ex Anglia, Francia, ¥ ^VPPENDIX. 549 Hollandia, et ipsa etiam Hibernia clamant omnia feliciter suc- cedere Catholicis, et nisi penuria pulveris tormentarii, et ap- paratibus bellicis mnltnm laborarent, jam haberent universum regnum in sua potestate. Oh, si sciret Sanctitas sua baud am- bigendnm est quin vellet ejus defectui apponere remedium. Sed haec P. V. zelo et prudentiae relinquimus, et omni animi de- votione nos et aflOiictae patriae statum vestris patruumque sub- jectorum sacrificiis et precibus ; humiliter recommendamus. V. P. humilis et devotus servus, Don. Eug. O'Neill. Bruxellis, hac die 7 Junii, 1642. P.S. — Quod inter prima recommendandum erat, rogo quod V. P. dignetur S. Sanctitati porrigere has adjunctas quibus be- nedictionem mihi, aliisque pro fide certantibus suppliciter pos- tulo. INDEX A. B. , 103. Abbot, archbishop of Canterbury, 421. "Abuses committed by Boyle and Capstock, an English Law- yer," 55n. Acuria, Don Diego Sarmente de, 429. Adamnan, St., 119ra. Adamnan's-bridge, 119. Adams, Bernard, bishop of Lime- rick and Kilfenora, sketch of, 332— Account of his flock, 332 — Letter of, to Chichester, con- taining informations of Donougli OCallanan, 382-Vahie of the informations, 337 — Second let- ter of, enclosing list of names of persons in Ireland to whom Flo- rence Conry brought letters from Tyrone, 338. "Admonition to Kings and Princes," 341. Adriatic, 17". Advertisement of sir Richard Hansard, 133. Advertisement of John Crosse of Tiverton, 226. Advertisements and ofiFers of ser- vice of captain John Bath, 362. Ainoch, castle of, 16. Aix, archbishop of, 373n. A Lapide's commentary on Ruth, iv., 17 n. Albanagh, father Rory, 235, 249, 250, 500. Alban HiUs, 276, 445. Albert and Isabella, favours of, to Irish Catholics, 12— Mar- riage of, 43" — Henry O'Neill's promotion in service of, 62 — Chaplain to, 107" — Reception of Cuconnaught Maguire at court of, 113 — Grant of money by, to aid O'Neill, 174 -Cour- tesy of, to Irish exiles, 129, 131 — Liberal provision for, 262 — Kindness to wives and children of, 372— Intrigues of Turnbull with, to stop O'Neill's pass- ports, 426— Letter of O'Neill to. concerning Douay College, 127, 505. Alberti, 269". Alcala, 447. "Alithinologia," 125. ' ' Alleged Conversion of the Irish Bishops," 353", 493. Allen's, cardinal, vindication of sir WilHam Stanley, 130". Almerus, 108". "Ambassades en Angleterre de M. de la Boderie," 163w. Amiens, 126. "A Most Lewd Oration made before the Earls," 127". Anaghclart-bridge, 14". Ancona, 269, 365, 370. Angelo, S., 274, 445. " Angli," 431". " Annal. Reg. Eliz.," .39". "Annalid' Italia." 337". Annals of the Four Masters, where compiled, 48" — Descrip- 552 INDEX. Annals of F. M. — continued. tion in, of Cuconnaught Magnire, 64— Sliight-Art, 90»— Remarks in, on flight of the earls, 120 — Hawks, 224— Death of Tyr- connel, 275 — Mnrder of Ray- mond O'Gallagher, 3437^ — O'Devany's martyrdom, 351— Tyrone's death, 444— Lord In- ch iquin, 5087Z. Annunziata, church of, 270. "Antiquities of Down and Con- nor," 18». Antivari, bishop of, 370. Antoninus, column of, 277. Antony's, St., Louvain, 427/1. Antrim, marquis of, 469. Antrim, earl of, llOru Antwerp, 19, 161. " A})horismical Discovery of Fac- tion," 321w, 432/1, 466», 470». " Apologia," 125w. Apsley, sir Allen, report of pri- soners in his custody, 320 — Account of Con O'Neill, 454. Archer, father, account of. 43 n — Visit of, to Tyrone at Kingston, 43 — Disguises of, 43 — Employ- ment of, in Ireland, 43 — In Eng- land, 43 — Causes arrest of earl of Ormond, 44 — Influence of, 44 — Description of, 46 — Bird's character of, 46. Ardee, 379. Argyle, seventh earl of, 95, 138, 156. Ariosto, sir John Harington's translation of, 39. Arlon, 263. Armada, conduct of Catholic lawyers on news of defeat of, 51 w — Fitzwilliams' treatment of survivors of, 65. Armagh, city of, Sw, 41, 118, 162, 304n, 305, 444. Armagh, cathedral of, 18. Arminins, 430. Arran, isles of, 70, 73, 120, 121. Arras, visit of Tyrone and Tyr- connel to, 126— Defence of, by Owen Roe O'Neill 127, 465. Artane, 135n. Arthur, father Richard, 27, 334. Articles exhibited by Tyrone James, 192. Assaroe, 140, 508w. Assassins hired by Moimtjoy to murder Tyrone, 3w. Assisi, 271. Assistance given by Grecrory XIII. to Irish Catholics, 337n. Ath-Culuain, 508». "Ath. Oxon.,"81n. Atkinson, William. 45. Atkinson, Robert, informations of, 43. Audley, lord. 69». Augher, battle of, 292. Aughrim. battle of, 226. Augustine, St., 76. Austria, house of, 304. Aylmer, father Nicholas, 455. Aylmer, 238. Babington, 293, 294, 295, 296. Babingtons, the, 295ri. Bacon, lord, extracts from, 229, 230. Bagenall, sir Samuel, 510. Bagnal, sir Henry, where killed, 9 — letter of, to privy council, ac- quainting them with O'Neill's coronation, 17» — Grant to, 65n — His slander of Tyrone, 415 — Letter of, to lord Burghley, on his sister's marriage, 415. Bagnal, Mabel, her courtship and marriage with Tyrone, 9», 414. Baker's " Chronicle," 6571, Balgriffin, 395. Ballagh, meaning of, 15. Bailindrait, 119w. Ballintobber, UQn. Ballycullien, 115. Ballymaky, 494. Ballymagroarty, 2\\n. Bally nacor, 40«. Ballyshannon, 41, 70, 73, 75, 117, 140w, 205w, 208, 209, 213?i, 225, 234, 2a5, 284, 290, 508ra. Baltinglass, viscount, 103w, 375n. Bancroft, archbishop of Canter- bury, application of James to, for money, 1 80 — Letter of James to, 181. INDEX. 558 Bann, river, 15, 22, 79, 82, 84, 85, 93, 193, 439. Barberini, cardinal, recommencls Florence Oonry for archbishopric of Tuam, lOSw, 280w— His re- ception of Tyrone and Tyrcon- nel at Bologna, 269. Barkley, 309. Bamaby, Francis, 246. Bamardini, dr., 431, 432. Bamwells, the, mansion of, 9 — Tomb of, 9n. Barnwell, sir Patrick, 59, 226, 227, 380, 414, 418. Barnwell, Christopher, 9n. Barry, lord, 379. Basle, 264. Bastogne, 263. Bath, earl of, 211. Bath, captain John, mother of, 364/1 — Takes command of ship in which earls sailed, 114, 499— Interview with Tyrone, 116, and Tyrconnel, 117 — Negotiations with Turntsull, 358 — Accoimt of, in letter from TurnbuU to lord Burghley, 359— Character of, 361— Intreats Tumbnll to inter- cede with James for him, 361 — His betrayal of Tyrone's pro- jects, 362 — Advertisements and offers of service of, 362 — Indict- ment of, 386 — Everard's interest for, 395- Murder of 0' Sullivan Bere by, 44Qn. Bath, John, 362, 364, 386, 395. Bath, James, informations of, 489. Bath, father, 327. Battleford, U8n. Baylough, 503. Bayonne, 447. Bearhaven, 227. Bearhaven, master of, 447. Beatrice, 277. Beaumaris, 37. Becky, chancellor, 455. Bedell, bishop, 2S8n. Belfast, baron of, 379, 440. Bell of St. Patrick, custodians of, 18— Account of, 18n. Bellanargit, 118. BeUanathabuidh, 9w, 20. Bellarmine, cardinal, 27». Belleek, 508n. Bellinzona, 265. Benburb, 53n, 465, 474. Ben-Hedir, 237. Bentivoglio, cardinal, 129. Beresforde, mr., 437. Bernard, St., letter of, to pope Eugene, IQn. Bill of Attainder of Tyrone, &c. , 386. Bingham, 62. Bingley, sir Ralph, 77, 205w, 210, 211, 214, 217, 218, 300. Bird, 46. Bishop, Thomas, 349». "Bishops" (Ware), 493. Black Abbey, Kilkenny, 30n, Blackstone, 35n. Black water, fort of, 19, 40. Blackwater, river, 89??, 118. Blomer, Edmond, 449. Blount, sir C, 3Sw. Boderie, M. de la, 162, 163. Bodley, Josias, 300. Boisisse, M., 14?i. Bologna, 184, 268, 465. Bonamargy, monastery of, llOn. Bonnaght, meaning of, 93. Borghese, cardinal, 271, 366. Borgo Vecchio, 271, 277, 43371. Borough, lord, 508n. Borromeo, St. Charles, 265. Boucbier, sir George, 21 Iw, 242. Boulogne, 56n. Bourdeaux, 258, 369, 402, 434. Bourke, sir Thomas, IIOt?, 235. Bourke, sir Theobald, llOw, 339. Bourke, viscount, llOii, Bourke, Eichard, 500. Bourke, David, 500. Bourke, Thomas, 339. Bourke, mr. John, letter addressed by dr. Doyne to, 432. Bowes, Robert, 510. Boyle, first earl of Cork, 55n. Boyle, abbey of, 222%, 223n. Boyne, battle of, 226. " Boyne and Blackwater," 226n. Brade, the, 438, 451w. Brabant, trade with, 16w, 19. Brady, bishop, 72, 73. Brady, rev. dr., 353w, 490. Braidstanes, laird of, 60n. 554 INDEX. Bramante, 276. Brancepeth, baron, 355. Brandenbourg, marquis of, 425. Brant, Nathaniel, 402. Breves, M. de, 371. Brian, father, 242, 243. Brittany, 121, 258. Brook, captain Basil, 208n, 210, 216. Brown, K, esq., 271 w. Brown, J. , of Graigue, 302. Bruce, Eobert, 437 w. Brussels, 113, 114, 129, 130, 189, 254, 270, 358, 366, 371, 373, 405, 422, 427, 446, 456, 460, 466. Buckingham, duchess of, anecdote of, 321. Bullock, 258, 570. Buncrana, castle of, 293, 303. Burgundian Library, Brussels, 427n. Burn-Dennett, 119». Burghley, lord, 239?i, 344, 415, 419. Burke, sir Bernard, 252/^. Burke, M 'William, 259, 509. Burke, Raymond, 447. " Burial of Bed Hugh O'Donel," Mangan's poem on, 479. Burt, castle of, 293, 299, 300, 303, 306. Butler, viscount, 110. Butler, Walter, offer of Wallen- stein to, 305». Butler, 226. Buy, castle of, 513. C. D., 105. Caddell, captain, 511. Caffersconec, 386. Cahir, lord, 44, 227, 340. Caldani, father Maurizio, 476. CaUan, 525. "Canib. Eversus," 125n. Cambray, cathedral of, 61. Camden, lOn, 39, 46, 61n, 104??, 125n, 431. Campagna, 445. Canossa, 264. Cappone, cardinal, 405. Caprarola, 406, 424. Capstock, 55n. "Capugnano Italiae Itin.," 266n, 277«. Cara^ena, marquis de, 500. Carew, lord George, 456. Carew, sir George, 42, 444. Carey, sir George, appointment of, as lord deputy, 12 — Salary of, 35 — Religious sentiments of, 48 — Letter of, to the privy coun- cil, 49— To Cecil, 5! (—Appoints first sheriffs for country of Ty- rone and Tyrconnel, 51— Re- duces Wicklow to shire ground, 51 — Period of deputy ship of, 51 — How he amassed his fortune, 51— Present representative of, 51 w — Charges of Tyrone against, 193, 204— Tyrconnel, 208 225. Carey, sir Edward, 51 n. Carey, R. S. S., esq., 5 In, Carey, recorder of Derry, 320, 321. Carinthians, 17 n, 83n. Carleton, sir Dudley, Robert Lom- bard's interview with, 365 — Letter of, to the king, contain- ing Lombard's revelations, 366 — Remarks on, 372 — Letter of archbishop of Canterbury to, 421 — Communicates news of CNeill's death to English cabi- net, 444, 446. Carleton's "Thankful Remem- brance," 7Sn, 79n. Carlingford, battle of, 104. Carn mountains, 238. Carr, Robert, earl of Somerset, sketch of life and character of, 355 — Tyrone's letter to, 356. Carrickdrumrusk, 379. Carrickfergus, 15, 52, 202, 411, 412, 437, 443. Carte Papers, 470«. Cart Wright, 53. Cart Wright, cornet, 133. Cashel, George, 290. Cashel, rock of, 27. Cashel, 30, 323. Caslanlough, 339. Castile, 404?^. Castlehaveu, 338. Castleknock, 239n, 413. Castro, Don E. di, 366. INDEX. 000 Cataline, 431. •* Catalogue of the R.I.A.," 118«. Catalonia, 460. " Catholic Conference, a, between Syr Tady MacMarcull, a Popish Priest of Waterford, and Patrick Plaine, a Young Student of Tri- nity College, by Dublin," ex- tract from, 348. Catholic lords who signed procla- mation of James, lln. Caulfield, sir Toby, antecedents of, 67?i — Account of his interview with countess of Tyrone, 66 — With Bartholomew Owen, 66 — Informs Chichester of the earls' flight, 132 — Appointed receiver over Tyrone's estates, 132, 519 — Kidnaps Tyrone's son. Con, 280, 28411, 448— Takes posses- sion of Tyrone's property, 282— Memorandimi of, on Irish chief- tains levying their rents, 282 — Term of his receivership, 283 — Amount levied by, yearly, 283 — Note of, on yoimg Con O'Neill, 284 — Marches against O'Do- gherty, 300 — Manner of dispos- ing of clan O'Dogherty, 304— His method of keeping accounts, 304w— Fears of, at rumour of Tyrone's return, 324 — Vigilance of, 325— Letter of, to Chiches- ter, inclosing father Drea's in- formations, 325 — Inquiry of, about cellar in Castle of Lime- rick, 331/1— Bill of attainder committed to, 385 — Confiscated lands granted to, Q7n — Year of death of, Qln — Descendants of, 67w. Caulfield, James Molyneux, 475. Cavan, 380, 472. Cavanaghs, the, 1307». Cawley, 58n. Cecil, sir Robert, Mountjoy's let- ter to, 3— Sir H. Nevili's letter to, 1471 — Weston's character of, 42ri — Sir George Carew's letters to, 42n, 44 — Persons employed by, to assassinate Tyrone, 42— Death of, 354— Review of life of, 354. Celestine I., pope, 343. Ceretto, Padre Melchiorri de, 278«. Chalkwret, 349». Chamberlaine, father, 255, 427, 428, 432/i, 444, 456. Charlemont, earls of, 67w. Charlemont, earl of, 475. Charlemont, fort of, 8, 41, 70, 115, 284«, 442, 448, 453. Charles I., letter of Owen Roe O'Neill to, on releasing of lord Montgomery of Ards, 468. Charles v., 13l7i, 224?^. Chatillon, 127. Chester, 37. Chichester, sir Arthur, verbal mes- sage of O'Cahanto, 21 — Answer of, 21— Letter of O'Cahan to, 21 — Appointment of, as lord deputy, 52 — Ancestry of, 52 — Parents of, 52 — Where born, 52 — Sketch of antecedents of, 52— Offices held by, 52— O'Neill's opinion of, 52 — Cha- racter of, 52— Portrait of, 52 — Lloyd's notice of, o2n — Religion of, 53— Salary of, as lord de- puty, 53— Sends justices of assize to Connaught and Mun- ster, 53 — His treatment of Irish septs, 53 — Dispossesses Irish lords and gentlemen of their estates, 54 — Undertakes a "re- formation" in rehgion, 54 — Means used by, for effecting it, 54:11 — Fears of, at state of Ulster, 55 — Determines to disarm na- tive Irish, 55 — Proclamation of, for this purpose, 56, 497 — Re- vives penal statutes of Eliza- beth, 57 — Tyranny of, towards citizens of DubHn, 58— Receives congratulations of James, 59 — Insulting remarks of, to Tyr- connel, 60 — Reasons of, for en- couraging ruffianly proceedings of delators, 63 — Refusal of, to grant patent to Cuconnaught Maguire, 64 — Means employed by, to seek charges to frame an indictment of treason against Tyrone and Tyrconnel, 65— His 556 INDEX. Chichester — continued. account of interviews of sir Toby Caulfield with countess of Ty- rone, 66, and Bartholomew Owen, 66 — His visitation of Ulster, 67— Description of, 69 — Conduct of inhabitants at, 69 — Investigations before, 69 — Tempts criminals to accuse the earls, 76— What success, 76— Urges Montgomery to come to Ireland, 76— Montgomery's flat- tery of, 80 — Hears complaint of O'Cahan, 82 — Appeases Tyrone, 82— Decision of, on O'Cahan's petition, 93 — Application of, for presidentship of Ulster, 94 — Letter of, to earl of Salisbury, on anonymous letter to sir William Usher, 96— Howth's revelations to, 105 — His opinion of them, 1 12— Letter of, to Salisbury, I I2n — Proceeds to Slane, 115 — Suit made to, by Tyrone, for life of his nephew, 116 — Returns to Dublin, 117 — Interview of, with sir Cormac O'Neill, 131— Re- ceives intelligence of Tyrone's flight, 131 — Despatches of, to privy council in England on, 136, 143 — Letter of, to lord Salisbury, 146— Salisbury's re- ply to, 150 — Summons a privy council at Rathfarnham, 229 — His proclamation from, 230— Effect of, 232 — Inducements held out by, to Howth, to corroborate his "revelations," 233^Arrest of Delvin by, 233 — Informations of Delvin to, 234— Proclamation to people of Ulster by, 239— Seeks informa- tion from countess of Tyrone, 241— Her letter to, 242— Letter of countess-dowager of Kildare to, 244— His faith in sir Geoffry Fenton, 259— Preparations of, for confiscating Tyrone and Tyrconnel's estates, 284 — Fore- castings of, 285— Discretionary powers granted to, 286— Orders bill of indictment to be framed, 286 — Holds session at Lifford, Chichester — continued. 286 — Description of, 287 — Another at Strabane, 288— De- scription of, 288 — Sets out to suppress O'Dogherty's rebellion, 301 — Issues proclamation at Dundalk, 300, 520 -Mode of suppressing the clan O'Dogherty, 303— Effect of Dundalk procla- mation, 307 — His "progress" of Ulster, 308 — Importance of, 309 — Delight of, at extirpation of native Irish, 310 — Returns to Dublin, 311 — Congratulations there to, 311— His idea of O'Dogherty's rebellion, 312 — Precautions of, against Tyrone's landing in Ireland, 312 — Letter of, to sir John Davys, on at- tempted escape of O'Cahan, 318— Conduct of, towards Ca- tholic clergy, 322 — Extract from letter to lord Salisbury on, 323 — Effect of his persecution, 323 — Short-sighted policy of, 342 — Martyrdom of bishop O'Devany and father O'Logh- ran by, 343— His opinion of the effect of, 352— Efforts of, to capture doctor Eugene Mac Mahon, 352— Calls parliament to sanction attainder of the earls, 375 — Remonstrances of nobles of the pale against, 375 — His manner of forming a par- liament, 375 — Character of members of, 377 — Description of his procession to St, Patrick's on opening of parliament, 379 — Amount expended by, on, 379/1 — Gives royal assent to act of attainder, 385 — His apprehen- sions of O'Neill's return, 399 — Letters of, to secretary Winwood on, 402, 403 — Repairs to Lon- don, 410 — Reception of, by James, 410— Confers with privy council on state of Ireland, 410 — Persecutions of the Catholics by, 411 — Retirement of, from the deputyship, 411— Mansion erected by, 412— Grants of land to, 412— Created baron Uhi- INDEX. 557 Chichester — continued. Chester of Belfast, 412— Letter o^ to privy council, on conspi- racies in Ulster, 440 — Death of his only son, 412, and monu- ment to, 412n— Death of, 412— Place of burial of, 412— Epitaph on, 412. Chichester, baron, of Belfast, 412. Chichester House, 410/i. Christ Church, Dublin, 412n. Cianachta, 19, 320. Cintio, cardinal, letter of, to O'Neill, 3ln, 495. Cios-righ, 16, 17, 23. Cirencester, Walleren de, bishop of Exeter, 52. Civita-Castellana, 271. Cladie, island of, 73, 74. Clandeboy, 201, 436. Clandonnells, 450. Clanrickarde, earl of, 110, 220. Clarendon State Papers, 466w. Clement VIII., presses upon Philip III. the relief of Irish, 2 — Favours James' title to the crown of England, 26 — Con- gratulates James on accession, 26n — Founds Scots' College at Eome, 26w — His gifts to ONeill, Sin — Indulgences offered by, to those who joined O'Neill, 31 — Letter of Raymond O'GaUagher to, 343n, 521. Clifford, sir Conyers, 223w, 508. Clogher, first Anglican bishop of, 60w, 76— Cathedral of, 77— Parish and barony of, 494w — Parsonage of, 511 — City of, 510. Cloghnakilty, 379. Cloonahee, 108n. Clones. 321, 467. Clonleege, 386. Clonmel, 27. Clontibret, incidents at battle of, 20w. Clontuskret, 62. Clotworthy, captain, 203n, 204n. Cloughouter, 238, 468. Clovis I., 128;i. Cloyne, 27. Cobos, Alonso, 506. Cockington, Devon, 51. Coill-Iochtra, 90w, Coinage, description of, in Eliza beth's time, 13w— New issue of, 13w — Ballad on, 13?i — James tries to establish relative value of, 13re— Cause of his failure, 13n. Cole, sir William, 295w. Cole, captain WiUiam, 2l3n. Coleraine, 15, 436, 437, 438, 443. Colgan, 108?i, 324. Colonna, 271. Colosseum, 276. " Colton's Visitation," 78», 343n. Colton, archbishop, JSn. Columba, St., 77, 119;i. Columbkille, St., abbey of, 205w. Columella's derivation of "ne- phew," 365/i. Combus, Richard, on. Como, 265. " Conference about the Right Suc- cession to the Crown of Eng- land," 408w. Conley, father John, 334. Conley, Patrick, 334, 339. Connell, father Thomas Fitzed- mund, 333, 334. Conor, 426. Conry, Florence, archbishop of Tuam, sketch of life of, 108» — Deputed by O'Neill to solicit aid from Philip III., 2— Attends Hugh Roe O'Donel in his last moments, 2, 108?i, 280 — Founds convent at Louvain, 108/i— In- forms Cuconnaught Maguire of James' intention to arrest Ty- rone and Tyrconnel, 113— Meets exiles at Douay, 128— Narra- tive of adventures of, presented by, to Holy See, 131 — Letter of archbishop Lombard to, 187 — Accompanies Tyrone from Louvain, 263 —Residence of, in Rome, 280— Consecrated arch- bishop of Tuam, 108/i, 280n— Works of, 108^i, 324 -Falsehood respecting, 338 — Remonstrance to Cathohc members of the par- liament held in Dublin, 384, 629 -Death of, 108/*— Epitaph on, 1 )8;i. 558 INDEX. " Const. Ap. apud Cotelar," 351n. Constable, sir Ralpb, 213. Cooey-na-gall, 10, 317. Contarini, Francesco, 270. Coote, sir Charles, 473, 474. Cooke, sir R. , 352. Cooke, Richard, 499, 510. Cork, mayor of, 26. Cork, city of, 26, 27, 30, 134, 257, 259, 313, 334, 402. Cornwallis, sir Charles, letter of, to lord Salisbury, on Henry O'Neill's promotion, 62— James' instructions to, 163— Despatch of, to lord Salisbury, containing account of interview with Phi- lip's secretary, 164 — Remarks on, 168 — Letter of lord Salis- bury to, with directions regard- ing James' proclamation, 170 — Intrigues of, at Madrid, 189 — Despatch of, to privy council, on O'Neill's reception at Milan, 266 — Extract from Salisbury's re]>ly to, 268 — Extracts from de- spatches of, on conduct of Irish in Spain on news of Tyrconnel's death, and on pension to Tyrone, 279 — Letter to privy council on Tyrone's invasion of Ireland, 340— Remarks on, 341. Corunna, 2, 121, 313. Cottington, sir Francis, letter of, to secretary Winwood, on O'Neill's death, 446. Courtenay, Gertrude, 52. Cox, 65tc. Crafford, David, 335, 336. Craflford, Owen, 335. Craik, Tin. Crannoges, account of, 1 ISra. Crawford, 376/i. Creagh, primate, \%n. Creagh, bishop of Cork, 44. Creaghts, meaning o^ 210n. Creeve, 16, 118. Croaghonagh, 25w. Croagh-Patrick, 121. Croisic. 122. Cromwell, IIOti, 470. Crone, 426. Cronin, father, remarks on, 256— Examination of, 257. Crosse, John, advertisement of, 256. Crosse, 335, 336, 382. " Crown Garland of Golden Roses," 270/1. Cuconnaught, meaning of, 64w. Culmore, "fort of, 42», 293, 296, 297, 298, 300, 502. Curlew mountains, 223w, 508. Curry, dr., 191. Cusack, father Christopher, 109n, 113, 127, 233, 255. Cusack, 211, 212. Cuttings, cosheries, and spendings, meaning of, 53m, 83?i. '*Dalgetty, captain," 253. Dalmatia, 370. Damaschino, Primo, 125w. Daniel, king's archbishop of Tuam, translation of Book of Common Prayer by, 54/i— Pro- phecy concerning Hugh Roe O'Donel submitted to, 153w. Daniel, captain, letters of Robert Lombard to, conveying infor- mation about Tyrone to Tum- bull, 405, 407, 409— Pension to, 430. D'Arcy, Thomas, 257. Dartry, 209. D'Aumale, duke, 130. Davers, sir Henry, 10, 12. Davys, lady, 69. Davys, * sir John, his description of territory of O'Cahans, 16 — Appointed solicitor and attor- ney-general, 51w, and justice of assize for Tyrone and Tyrcon- nel, 51— His account of Ma- guire's mensal lands, 53» — As- sistance given to Chichester in his confiscations by, 54 — Letter of, to Cecil, on manner of con- fiscating, 54 — His remarks on Montgomery's appointment, 607i — Accompanies Chichester on visitation of dlster, 67 — His • This spelling appears in all the State Papers ; and is, therefore, retained in preference to the modem mode, Davies. INDEX. 559 Davys, sir Jolin — continued. estimation of the beauty and fruitfulness of the country, 88 — His note on ecclesiastical ap- pointments, 77 — Altercation of, with Tyrone, 81— A. Wood's characteristics of, 81 w — Speech of, before privy council, in fa- vour of O'Cahan, 93— Appointed to proceed with Tyrone to Lon- don, 115 — His description of "fostering," 118» — Letter of, to lord Salisbury, on flight of O'Neill, 151 — Comments on, 159 — Attends ])rivy council at Eathfarnham, 229 — Draws \\\) bill of indictment against the exiles, 286 — Accompanies Chi- chester to Ulster, 286 — His account of sessions holden at Lilford, 287, and Strabane, 288 — Specimens of his " rhetoric," 287, 288— His characteristics of an Irish lord, 289 — Remarks of. on absence of O'Cahan at the sessions, 289, 290 — Forwards copy of indictment to Salisbury, 290— His note on, 291— His re- marks on O'Dogherty's death, 301??, and on conduct of a monk in Burt Ciistle, 306— His de- scription of under-sheriffs, 308/2, and treatment of surveyors by people of Ulster, 309/i— Accom- jmnies Chichester in " progress" of Ulster, 308 — His notes on, 309 — Letter of Chichester to, on attempted escape of O'Cahan, 318 — Ap])ointment of, as Speaker, 380— Protest of Catho- lics against, 380 — Letter of, to privy council in England, de- scriptive of ])roceedings in the parliament) 388. Davys' "Historical Tracts," 374n. DAquila, Don Juan, 1, 2, 505, 511. • De Bello Belg.," 130n. ' ' De F uturis Contingentibns, ' ' 427«. Delahyde, mr., 242w. Delvin, ninth baron of, 105», 234w, 236/i. Delvin, tenth baron of, sketch of, 105/i — Knighthood conferred on. 47w — Arrest of, 233 — Informa- tions of, 234 — Remarks on, 236 — Committal of, to the Castle of Dublin, 237 — Manner of escaj)e of, 237 — Place of refuge of, 238— Extract from letter to Chichester of, 238— Treatment of, by the peasantry, 238 — Pro- clamation against, 238, 512 — Pardon of, 238 — Appointment of, as one of a deputation of Ca- tholics to James, 380 — Created earl of Westmeath, \0on. Denham, sir John, 413, 424. " De Rebus in Hibernia gestis," 107w. "De Regno Hib.," 9;i. Derg Castle, 90/i. Derry, see of 60w, 76— Black Ab- bey church of, 16, 77, 205n — City of, 79, 80, 90/i, 139, 201, 204, 209, 212, 222, 226, 295, 296, 299, 321, 443, 470. Derrylaconnell, 501. " De Scientia Dei," 427w. " Descriz. de Paesi Bassi," 15n. "Desid. Curios. Hib.," 41 Li. Desmond, earl of, 375. Desmond, 447. D'Esne, monseigneur, bishop of Tournay, 128. Devenish, round tower of, 69, 70. Deventer, 130. Devereux, Hon. W. B., 103w. Devonshire, lord, 38«, 46n, 192. 3097i. Devil's-bridge, 264 Devorgilla, 5. Dezza, cardinal, 433/i. Digby, sir Robert, 397. Dinglecoish, 379. Documents : — Letter from O'Cahan to Chi- chester, 21. Manifesto of O'Neill to Catho- lics of towns in Ireland, 31. Report of Robert Atkinson, 43. Letter from sir George Carey to privy council, 49. Letter from sir George Carey to lord Cecil, 50. 560 INDEX. Documents — continued. Letter from sir Charles Corn- wallis to lord Salisbury, 62. Letter from sir Arthur Chiches- ter to Cecil, 66. Informations of Nial Garve O'Donel, 69. Informations of Teigue O'Cor- coran, 72. Petition of Donald Ballagh O'Cahan, 82. Answer of Tyrone to O'Cahan's petition, 86. Letter from T3rrone to king James, 89. Letter from Chichester to earl of Sahsbury, 96. Anonymous letter to sir Wil- liam Usher, 100. Informations of Christopher St. Lawrence, baron of Howth, 105. Hugh O'Carolan's discovery, 135. Letters from Chichester to privy council, 136, 143. Letter from Chichester to lord Salisbury, 146. Letter from lord Salisbury to Chichester, 150. Letter from sir John Davys to lord Salisbury, 151. Letter from sir Charles Corn- wallis to lord Salisbury, 164. Letter from lord Salisbury to sir Charles Cornwallis, 170. Proclamation touching the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, 175. Letter from James to arch- bishop of Canterbury, 181. Letter from Daniel O'Carroll, 183. Letter from archbishop of Ar- magh to lord Maguire, 185. Letter from primate archbi- shop of Armagh to lord O'Donel, 186. Letter from the archbishop of Armagh to father Florence Conry, 187. Articles exhibited by the earl of Tyrone to the king's most excellent majesty, 192. Documents — continued. A brief collection of the exac- tions, wrongs, and grievances wherewith the earl of Tyrcon- nel doth find himself grieved and abused, 207. Advertisement given by John Crosse of Tiverton, 226. Proclamations by sir Arthur Chichester on flight of the earls, 230, 239. Informations of Christopher, baron Delvin, 234. Letter from countess of Tyr- connell to Chichester, 242. Letter from countess- dowager of Kildare to Chichester, 244. Examination of Thomas Fitz- gerald, a Franciscan friar, 248. Examination of James Roche, 253. Examination of John Cronin, priest, 257. Letter from sir Geoffry Fenton to lord Salisbury, 260. Letter from sir Charles Corn- wallis to privy council, 266. Letter from Leonardo Donato, doge of Venice, to Francesco Contarini, ambassador to the sovereign pontifi", 270. Letter from father Midford, 273. Examination of Teigue O'Falvey, 313. Letter from Chichester to sir John Davys, 318. Letter from Chichester to lord Salisbury, 323. Letter from sir Toby Caulfield to Chichester, 325. Petition of Nicholas Hollywood, 327w. Informations of father Drea, 329. Letters from Adams, bishop of Limerick, to Chichester, 332, 338. Paper found on bishop O'De- va:iy, 242;?. Petition of Cornelius O'Devany, bishop of Down and Connor, 434. INDEX. 561 Documents — continued. Letter from earl of Tyrone to earl of Somerset, 356. Letter from William TumbuU to lord Biirghley, 359. Advertisements and offers of service presented to his ma- jesty by captain John Bath, 362. Letter from sir Dudley Carleton to the king, 366. Bill of attainder of the earls, 385. Letter from sir John Davys, 388. Petition to Parliament of Miler Magrath, 395. Extract from the journal of the Irish house of commons, 397. Letters from Chichester to se- cretary Winwood, 402, 403. Letters from Robei-t Lombard to captain Daniel, 405, 407, 409. Letter from bishop of Meath to lord Burghley, 415. Letter from Tyrone to lord Burghley, 419. Letter from William Turnbull to the king, 428. Letter from William Turnbull to the earl of Somerset, 428. Letter from dr. Doyne to mr. John Bourke, 432. Examinations of Teigue O'Len- nan, 435, 436. Letter from Chichester to privy council, 440. Examination of Dermod Oge Dun, 449. Letter from William Turnbull to sir Ralph Winwood, 458. Letter from lord dejiuty Falk- land to lord Killultagh, 459. Letter from William Turnbull to the king, 461. Letter from Owen Roe O'Neill to father Luke Wadding, 466. Letter from Owen Roe O'Neill Charles to I. 468. Memorial in reference to College of Salamanca, 489. Letters from Tyrone to Con O'NeiU, 493, 494. Documents — continued. Cardinal Cintio's letter to O'Neill, 495. Proclamation for disarming of kernes, 497. Information of James Bath, 499. Notice of the MacSwines, 501. Letter from O'Neill to Philip IIL, 504. Letter from O'Neill to arch- duke Albert, 505. Letter from Tyrone, O'Donel, and Montford, to Don Juan d'Aquila, 505. Letter from Philip III. to Tyrone, 506. Letter from T3rrone to Philip III., 507. Sir WiUiam Warren's decla- ration touching his journey to Tyrone, 508. Letter from Tyrone to sir Wil- liam Warren. 510. Examination of Piers O'Cullan, 510. Proclamation of Chichester against Delvin, 512, Inventory of O'Neill's effects in Castle of Duugannon, 519. Proclamation by Chichester concerning O'Dogherty, 521. Letter of Raymond O'Gallagher to Clement VIII., 521. List of the members of the par- liament held in Dublin Castle, 18th May, 1613, 522, Remonstrance addressed by Florence Conry to the Ca- tholic members of the parlia- ment, 529. Report addressed by John, earl of Tyrone, to Sacred College, 542. Letters from Owen Roe O'Neill, 545, 547, 548. Docwra, Sir Henry, services of O'Cahan accepted by, 22 — Sti- pulation of, with O'Cahan, 22 — Supports O'Cahan against Ty- rone, 23 — Account of interview of, with Mountjoy in Dublin, concerning O'Cahan, 24— Cha- racter of, 24 — His mediation 2 562 INDEX. Docwra — continued. for Nial Garve O'Donel, 25— Church biiilt by, in Derry, 77 — Proposal of MacDavitts to, 291 — His acceptance of, 292 — Con- duct of, towards sir Cahir O'Dogherty, 292 — His account of bravery of sir Cahir, 292. "Docwra's Narrative," 22;i, 24?i, 293n. Doddington, captain, 213. Doe Castle, 215, 284, 296, 300, 467, 501, 502, 503, 504. Dominic, Saint, 269— Order of, 472. Donaghmore, 25n, 89n. Donato, Leonardo, doge of Ve- nice, letter of, to his ambassa- dor in Rome, 270. Donegal, Franciscan convent of, 48w, 275n, 343. Donegal, 60, 73, 74, 75, 119, 120, 134, 140, 304, 335, 338, 467, 503, 508. Don Bernardo, 372. Don Carolo, 511. Don Eugenic, 465, 470. Doon, rock of. 3017J.. D'Ossuna, duke, 130. Douay, city of, 127, 254— College of, lOln, 127n, 183, 233. Dover, 258. Doyne, dr., 431, 432, 444, 448. Drake, sir Francis, 52. Drea, father, remarks on,. 328 — Informations of, 329. Drogheda, 3, 4, 100, 114, 144, 256, 327w, 334, 459. Drum, Edmund, 451. Drumcondra, 9n, 364, 417. Dubh-Regles Columbkille, 16. Dublin, city of, 8, 11, 76, 78, 113, 117, 128n, 131, 138, 202, 210, 235, 286, 294, 295, 296, 300, 303, 334, 349, 350, 351, 401, 410, 439, 452, 510. Dubhn, castle of, 10, 17, I8n, 59, 79, 81, 101, 102, 104, 10571, 132, 154, 200, 234, 249, 302, 304«, 316, 318, 342, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 379, 443, 453, 512. Dublin, University of, 317, 411. Dublin, cardinal-archbishop of, 218n. ' ' D uffy ' sirish Catholic Magazine, ' ' 29n. "Duffy's Hibernian Magazine," 4:7n, 1271, 464?i, 493. Dunalonge, fort of, 140. Dunalong, 386. " Dunboy," 227?^, 446 w. Duncannon, 235, 290. Dundalk, 118, 152, 300. Dun, Dermod Oge, examination of, 449. Dungannon, 6, 14, 53, 60, 78, 79, 114, 118m, 140, 152, 200, 306, 386, 412, 511, 519— Barony of, 8, 89n. Dungannon, baron of, see "Henry O'Neill." Dungiven, IQn — Castle of, 16. Dunglow, 501. Dunluce, castle of, llOn. Dunkirk, 114, 466, 499. Dunsany, lord, 3w, lln. Dyle, the, 190. % E. F., 106. "Earls of Kildare," 244m. Ecclestou, Tristram, 238. Ednumds, sir T., 62, 212n. Edmunds, mr., 426. Edward III., 374. Edward lY., statute of, 203n. Edward VI., 374«. Edwards, Thomas, 431w. Elagh, castle of, 293, 297, 303. Elizabeth, queen, instructions of, to Mount joy, 3 — Efforts of, to regidate coinage, 13n — Caution of, to Essex, 14n — Mount joy's flattery of, SQn — Penal statutes enacted by, 57— Patent granted by, to Tvrone, 92— Death of, 6. EUis, captain, 220, 221. English College at Rouen, 408n. Enniskillen, 53, 70, 74, 385. "Eoghy," 305. " Ep. Eccl. Smymensis," 35ln. Epitaphs : — Florence Conry, 108n. Hugh, earl of Tvrone, 446. Rosa O'Dogherty, 474.. INDLX. 563 'Ei>ita.])hs—co7iti7i2ied. Eory, Caffar, and Hugh O'Donel, 476. Baron of Dungannon, 477. Erasmus, 396n. Erck's " Inrolments," 42n, 193. Erck's "Rep.," 205, 211. Erne, river, 508». Erne, lough, 114, 213». Escurial, 257, 447. Esk, river, 208n. Essenden, baron of, 50. Essex, earl of, 14n, 52, 103, 104». Essex, Walter, earl marshal, 20n. Essex, countess of, 355. Eton College, 454. Eugene, pope, extract from letter of St. Bernard to, 76/i. Eunan, St., 77, U9n. Everard, sir John, nomination of, as Speaker, 380 — Bill for con- liscating Ulster brought in by, 382— Sketch of life and charac- ter of, 341, 382 — Services ren- dered by, to captain John Bath, 394. Everard, Joise, 202. Examination of Thomas Fitzge- rald, a Franciscan friar, 248. Examination of James Roche, 253. Examination of John Cronin, priest, 257. Examination of Teigue O'Falvey, 31.3. Examinations of Teigue O'Len- nan, 435, 436. Examination of DermodOge Dun, 449. Examination of Piers O'Cullan, 510. Faenza, 269. Faido, 265. Falkland, lord deputy, letters of, to lord Killultagh, 304n, 459— Letter of sir Henry de Vic to, 466n. Fanad, 119, 134, 501, 533n. Faruese, cardinal, 406. Famesian palace, 424. Farney, 65», 74?i, 326n. " Father Laurence," 252. Faughan, river, 22. Fenton, sir Geoffry, employed to assassinate O'Neill, 3;i —Amount of salary of, as master of the hawks, 224?z — Attends privy council at Rathfaruham, 229 — Avarice of, 259 — Letter of, to lord Salisbur)'', suggesting con- fiscation of Ulster, 260. Fentonagh, 452. Ferdinand of Austria, 465. Ferdinand and Isabella, 275?i, 276. Ferguson, mr., 519. Fermoy, lord, 380. Ferrys, the, 503. Fersatmore, 119. Fethard, county Tipperary, 382. Fews, 8n, 118, 192. Finn, river, 25, 67. Fingall, earl of, 303w. Fitzgarret, 296. Fitzgerald, lady Brigid, 47. Fitzgerald, lady Mary, 236». Fitzgerald, sir E., 43. Fitzgerald, sir Luke, 473. Fitzgerald, Gerald, 465. Fitzgerald, father, examination of, 248. Fitzsimons, father Henry, 14n, 408, 510. Fitzsimons, captain, 256. Fitzwilliams, lord deputy, 65n, 153/^ 239/1, 343. FitzwiUiams, Thomas, 294, 296. Flaminian gate, 187, 271. Fleming of Slane, lord, 353. Flemings, mansion of the, 115. Fleming, 108n, 324. Florence, duke of, 314. Floyd, captain, 36. Foligno, 291. Folliott, sir Henry, 205, Folliott of Ballyshannon, baron, 205w. Fonte-dolce, abbey of, 373n. Fortescue, Ulster king-of-arms, 303n. Foster, Thomas, 435. Fostering, description of, llSn. Fotheringay, 225. Foyle, river, 15. 16, 22, 67, 79, 82, 93, 152, 205, 208, 424, 45 bi. 564 INDEX. Fra Sebastiano, 276. Francesca Romana, S% 272, 273. Francis of Assisi, St., 123, 275. " Francis, St.," frigate, 467. Frascati, 424. French, dr., 108, 204. Freres de Charite, 474w. Fuentes, conde de, 125», 265, 266. Furlong, 503. Fyan's Castle, 36. G. H., 110. Galicia, 257, 314. "Gallia Christ.," I28n. Gal way, 138, 220, 227, 399. Gal way bay, 121. Garcia, count, 546. Gartland, rev. dr., 404«. Gaundestowne, 327. Genoa, 277, 370, 406. "Geraldines, the," U7n. Gilbert, J. T., esq., llw, 348?i, 410w. Gill, 436. Giraldus Cambrensis, 301w. Glanfynne, 70, 436. Glasgow, 501. Glenconkeine, 1, 3, 16, 20, 80, 90, 93, 196, 309. Glenmalure, lln, 40w, 130, 239w. Glenveagh, 501, 503. Glin, knight of the, 339. Glynnes, the, 435. Godolphin, sir William, 4, 6. Golden Book of Venice, 275. Gore, sir Paul, 12^. Gormanstown, lord, lln, 293, 294, 296, 384, 385. Gormanstown Castle, 294. Gough, sir James, 381. Gouldinge, father, 135. Graigue, 302. Grange, manor of, 205n. Gravelines, 466. Gregory XIII., 337w, 369. Grey, lord Leonard, parliament of, 375. Grey de Wilton, lord, 103, 104», I30n. Grome, Rice M'Donnell, 438. Groyen, 313, 314. Guernsey, 122. Guicciardini, I5n. Gustavus Adolphus,'304. Hakluyt, 15n. Hal, Notre-Dame de, 128, 463. " Half-burnt House," 296. Hamilton, sir F. , 295». Hamilton, sir George, 304:71. Hampton Court, 39, 40. Hampton, Christopher, archbi- shop of Armagh, 379. Hansard, sir Richard, 133, 295, 437, 439. Harold, 108w, 460. Harp, the, when first marshalled in arms of England, 41 0«. Harington, sir John, jealousy of, at Tyrone and Tyrconnel's re- ception by James, 39 — Letter of, to dr. Still, 39 — Translation of Ariosto by, 39— His description of a visit to Tyrone, 39n — Ap- pointment of, as seneschal of O'Byrne's country, 4:0n. Harington, sir Henry, 229. Harris' Ware, 278;i. Harrison, William, 46. Harte, lady, 298. Harte, Henry, castellan of Cul- more, 42«, 293, 297, 298. Harte, general, 502. Harte, captain, 502. Harte, lieutenant, R.N., 502, 503. Harte's "Gustavus Adolphus," 305n. Hatton, sir Christopher, 20w, 39. Haverty, Martin, esq., 413n. Havre de Grace, 123. Henry IV., emperor, 264:11. Henry II., 224w, 384. Henry VIL, 11. Henry VIII., 5, 92, 179, 37^n. Henry III. of France, 433?^. Henry IV. of France, knighthood conferred by, on sir Arthur Chichester, 52 — His opinion of O'Neill, 125w— Reply of, to the English ambassador, 127 — Pass- port given by, to Tyrone, 162. Henry Oge's land, S9n. INDEX. 565 Hensflower, captain, 65n. Hericourt, 126n, 465. High Cross of Dublin, 11. " Histoire de France," 340». " Histoire de Jansenisme," 108w. " Histoire de Louvain," anecdote related in, 108n. "Histoire des Saints de la Pro- vince de Lille," 128/i. " Hist, ^dis Lauretanae," 269n. "Hist. Cath. Hib.," 31n, 62w, 162/1, 299;i, 305n, 31 8n, 44Qn. "Historical Explication," 107 n. * ' History of the Civil Wars in Flanders," 129«. "History of Dublin," llw, 348w, 410n. " History of Ireland" (Crawford), 376n. ' ' History of Ireland " (Haverty), 413w. "History of Ireland" (Moore), 244/1. "History of Limerick," 2o3n, 331n. Hoggin-green, 410. Hollywood, father, 135. Hollywood, Nicholas, petition of, 3'27n, 433. Holyhead, 36. Holyrood, 10, 36. Hooker, 2lln. Horace, 61n. Horn Head, 503. * Horsewell, father, 257. Hospice of St. Gothard, 265. Hovendon, Henry, 290, 386. Howard, lord, 112/i. Howth, Christopher St. Lawrence, baron of, initials known by, 103— Sketch of antecedents of, 10.3— Character of, 104— Infor- mations of, 105 — Chichester's opinion of them, 112 — Insinua- tions of, to Tyrone, 113— Re- fusal of, to corroborate his "revelations," 233— Engages to induce Delviu to substantiate them, 112w, 233— Committal of , to the Tower, 237. Howth, castle of, 227. Howth Head, 410. Huge, Fran,, 185. Hunt, Leigh, 425». Humes, sir George, 45. Humphrey, Thomas, 336. Hussey, father, 45. Hy Tuirte, 89n. "D Cappuccino Scozese," 43n. Imola, 269. Inchiquin, lord, 508n. Ineenduv, 307. Inishowen, 193, 291, 297, 303, 308, 312, 412. Innocent X., pope, 468. Iraghticahan, 86, 90, 194, 196. Irish Society, 90n. "Irish Writers," 7lw. Isidoro, S., 8n, 120n, 460, 542, 546. Istock, Mary, 336. J. K., 110. Jacob, soHcitor-general, 206. James, St., church of, Bologna, 269. James, St., church of, Dubhn, 351. . James I., proclamation of, in Dub- lin, 11— Description of, lln — Proclamation of, in Waterford and Cork, 26— Obligations of, to Roman court, 26 — Treaty of, with king of Spain, 55/i, 112 — Penal statutes enacted by, 57 — Characteristics of, 57», 113 — Congratulations of, to Chiches- ter, 59 — Montgomery's flattery of, 80— Character of, 225- Vex- ation of, at reception of the earls in France, 162 — Instruc- tions of, to Cornwallis, 163, 170— Proclamation of, concern- ing Tyrone and Tyrconnel, 175 — Application of, to Bancroft, for money, 180 — Letter of, to Bancroft, 181 — Articles exhi- bited by earl of Tyrone to, 192— By Tyrconnel, 207— In- fluence of Carr, earl of Somerset, over, 355 — Answer of, to deputation of the Catholic members of parliament, 380. 566 INDEX. James TI., ISn. Janicuhiin, 276, 445. Jersey, 122. John the Baptist, St., head of, 126. Jones, archbishop of Dublin, 9n, 68, 83n, 229, 311, 322, 342, 345, 352, 413, 414, 415, 420, 424, 444. Jonson, Ben, 5. •'Journey, a, through the Aus- trian Netherlands," 127w. Joyes, M 'Cloud, 437. Joymount, 412. Julian stowu, 327w. Juste Lipse, 128. Justices of assize, first, for Ty- rone and Tyrconnel, 51. Kearney, David, archbishop of Cashel, I28n, 329. Kearney, Paul, 323. Keating, Geoffrey, 107w. Keenaght, 15. Kelly, 211, 212. Kennay, Arnogh, 452. Kernes, 56w, 497. Kerry and Lixnaw, baron of, 385. Kilcormack, 193n. Kilderry, 502. Kildare, Grerald, eleventh earl of, 236n. Kildare, Henry, twelfth earl of, 47. Kildare, countess-dowager of, let- ter of, to Chichester, 244. Kildare, marquis of, 244??. Kildufr, 193«. Kilfenora, anglican bishop of, 332, 339. Kilkenny, 27, 334. "Kilkenny Journal of Archaeo- logy," 9n. Killarney, 64n. Killeen, lord, lln, 380, 381, 384. Killileagh, 383. Killitragh, 16, 90, 93. Killultagh, lord, letters of lord deputy Falkland to, 304w, 459. Killybegs, 221, 335. Kilmacrenan, 25n, 47, 301, 308, 520. KilmaUock, 334. King, sir John, 223n. King, Neal, 319. Kiugsland, Nicholas, viscount, 252. Kingston, 43, 45. Kinnaweer, woods of, 25n. Kinsale, disaster of, 1, 105?i, 108n, lU)7i, 206/2, 234:71, 338, 421. Knox, bishop of Eaphoe, 375, 376. L. M., 110. La Basse Deule, 546. Labouille, 123. Lacie, 511. Lacraffin, Cecily, 340. Lady of Hal, 128, 463. Laegharie, lough, 90?i. Lagan, river, 14w. Lag-clogh-finn, 119. Laght, 25. Lambert, sir OHver, 97, 99, 100, 136, 220, 224, 229, 385. Lambert the Chronicler, 264«. Lane, sir Ralph, 20n. Laughlin, major, 469. Laurence, St., chapel of, Bally- fermot, I03n. Lawlers, the, 53. "Laws of Elizabeth, James, and Charles, concerning Jesuits,'' 58w. Leac-na-righ, I7?i. Leicester, earl of, 38. Leicester, countess of, 38n. Leicester, Robert, 193. "Leicester's Commonwealth," 408/1. Leigh, captain Edmond, 116, 132, 144, 198, 199, 205n. Leix, 44, 339, 374?i. Leland, 191, 376;i. Lenehan, 263«, 33ln. Lennon, father, 135. Leo X., 373w. Leon, 404/1. Lerma, duke of, 447. Letterkenny, 474. Lienard, 128w. " Life and Letters of Florence MacCarthy," 3n, 227n, 331h. I INDEX. 567 "Life'' and Times of Hugh O'NeiU," 20n, 70?i, 162;i, 508n, 53Sii. '* Life of St. Malachy," 5n. " Life of Wadding," IO871, 460. Liffey, river, 11, 239n, 348, 379. Liflford, 70, 75, 90n, 133, 139, 208, 209, 215, 216, 234, 235, 286, 288, 290, 291, 294, 295, 299, 437. Lille, 546. Limavady, 16, 316, 317, 321, 379, 383. Limerick, 27, 30. 259, 263, 331, 332, 334, 335, 337, 339. Linch, Nicholas, 500. " Lion's Whelp," frigate, 138. Lisbon, 447. Lisieux, 123. Lismore, 27, 339. Lisnaskea, 64?i. *' Lives of the Archbishops of Dublin," I28n. " Lives of the Earls of Essex," 103». Livonia, 304. Livomo, 405, 433. Lloyd's description of Chichester, 52n. Lodge, 37^, 105w, 237?i, 41071. Loftus, archbishop, 47, 51w, 345, 351, 353w. Loftus' Castle, Rathfarnham, 229. Lombard, Peter, archbishop of Armagh, his account of O'NeiU's wives, 9n — Absence of, from Ireland prejudicial to the Catholic cause, 61— Parentage of, 6hi — Reasons of, for leaving Ireland, 6l7i— Camden's opinion of, 61?i— His dedication of " De Regno Hib." to Clement VIIL, 61 n — Charles' direction to Strafford about both book and author, 61«— His eulogy of O'Neill, 61m — Announces arri- val of exiles in Belgium to Holy See, 131— Pastoral letter of, 134— Letters of, to Cucon- naught Maguire, 185, Tyrcon- nel, 186, and Florence Conry, 187 Reception of the earls in Rome by, 271 — Residence of, in Rome, 280. Lombard, Robert, interview of, with sir Dudley Carleton, 365 — Informations of, in a letter from Carleton to the king, 366 — Letters of, to captain Daniel, enclosing "revelations" for TurnbuU, 405, 407, 409. London, 38, 115, 116, 117, 159, 163, 180, 258, 285, 293, 323, 410, 412, 432, 462. London, Tower of, 59, 125, 1.32, 155, 163, 237, 3L9, 454, 461. Long, primate, 345. Longara, the, 445. Longhi, 4S3n. Loretto, 269, 365. Lorraine, duke of, 263, 546. Loughcarme, 258. Lough Ena West, 16. Lough-Gall, 40. Lough -Leine, 64. Louvain, convent of, 108/1, 474. Louvain, 130, 131, 163, 182, 183, 189, 190, 226, 228, 248, 254, 262, 280, 346, 354, 427, 428, 429, 456, 461, 463, 465. Lucerne, 264. Luny, palace of, 433. Lusk, round tower of, 9n. Luther, 179. Luttrell, Thomas, 381, 385. Lynch, 17w, Lyons, 371. "Mac-an- Ward's Lament," Man- gau's translation of, 278w, 513. Macartain, St., 77. M'Art, Brian, 257, 258. M'Art, Dermot M'Callanan, 258. M 'Arthur, father Robert, 71, 72, 263. M 'Brian, father Owen, 257. M'Callum More, 95, 156. M'Canna, Thomas, 334, M'Carragh, Donneli, 339. M'Carthy, D. P., esq., 3n, 9«, 227«, 489. M'Cawell, father, 8, 364, 456, 460. M'Cormack, Owen Groome, 220. M'Cready, father Donatus, 307. M'Davitt, Edmond Groome, 290, 386, 433. 568 INDEX. M'Davitt, Jolin Crone, 290, 386. M'Davitt, Hugh Buidh, 291, 292, 293, 295, 296. M'Davitt, Phelim Reagh, 291, 292, 29.3, 295, 296, 299, 300, 301, 521. M'Davitt, clan, 291. M'Dermott's country, I08n, 499. M 'Donald, lord of the Isles, 95 w, 308w. M'Donnells, the, 435. M'Donnell, sir Raudall, 71, 110, 339, 437. M'Donnell, sir James M'Alaster, 467. M'Donnell, lieut.-col. Anguish M'AllasterDuffe, 469. M'Donnell, Grorrie, 440; M'Donnell, James, 153re. M'Donnell, Alexander, 435, 436, 439 440 441 442, M'DonneU,' Lother, 435, 436, 437, 438, 440. M'Edmond, Thomas, 134. M'Egan, 255. M'Eny, Brian Art Eoe, 336. M'Esheall, Cormack Eoe, 439. M'Felymye, Henry, 201. M'Gauran, primate, 62. M'Gettigan, Owen, 335. M'Gillaspie, CoUo, 437. Macharie, 84. M 'Henry, James Oge M' James, 438. M 'Henry, James M 'Morris, 438. M 'Henry, Gilpatrick MacGorie Gilpatrick, 438. M'Hugh, Shane, 73. M'Hugh, Raymond M'Feagh, 337. M'Hugh, Phelim M'Feagh, 337. Mack Ogg, 266, 267. M'MarcuU, syr Tady, 348. M'Mahons, the, 407. M'Mahon, doctor Eugene, 128, 352, 401. M'Mahon, James, 64. M'Mahon, Hugh Roe, G4cn. M'Mahon, sir Brian, 73, 336, 338. M'Mahon, Art M'Rory, 98, 104. M'Mahon, O'Reilly, 259. M'Mahon, 258. M'Mahon, Brian Oge, 279, 386, 388. M 'Mahon, Donough O'Brien, 290. M'Mahon, 3l9ri. M'Mahon, Ever M'Cooley, 259, 326, 364. M'Manus, Gorrie, 439. M'Murrough, Dermod, 5. M'Neale, Hugh Mergagh, 436. M'Neale, Neale Oge, 436. M'Quillans of the Glynnes and the Route, 435. M'Quillan, Manus, 436. xM'Quillan, Cormack. 460. M'Quillan, Shane, 436. M'Quillan, Gorrie, 436. M'Quinn, Hugh Oge, 436. M 'Shane, Shane Oge, 435. M'Sorley, O'Cahan Randolf, 259. M'Sorley, sir Randal, 156. M'Swdnes, account of the, 119, 501. M'S wines of Doe Castle, 501, 502, 503. M'S wines of the Rosses, 501, 502. M'S wines of Moyagh, 504. M'Swines of Baylough, 503. M'Swines of Glenveagh, 501, 503. M 'Swine, Eman, 504. M'Swine Doe (na-Tuath), 299. M 'Sweeny, Miles Maol Murrough, 503. M 'Sweeny of the Club, 503. M 'Sweeny, sir Huajh Ruadh, 503. M'Swyne, Neal, 215. M'Swyne, Owen, 216. M'Swyne, Donali Gorme, 224. M'Swyney, 259. M 'Thomas 42n. M'Trener, Aghy, 73, 75. Maddison, mr., 50.3. Madrid, 108w, 129, 163, 164, 169, 174, 189, 266, 268, 278, 424, 446n. Maes, M., 422, 428. Magheraloghere, 511. Magnese, sir Arthur 339. Magrath, Miler, protection of bishop of Cork by, 44n— Ac- companies Chichester on " visi- tation " of Ulster, 68 — His con- nexion with Teigue O'Corcoran, 72 — Petition of, to parliament concerning insult offered to his INDEX. 5G9 Magraih— continued. son, 395 — Letters of Tyrone to Con O'Neill, desiring him to set Magrath at liberty, 493. 494. Magrath, James, 395, 397, 398. Magrath, Owen Groome, 134. 236, 242, 243, 248, 249, 250. 251. Maguinness, 258, 259, 364. Maguinness' country, 257- Maguires, the. historians of, I20n. Maguire, Cuconnaught, meaning of agnomen of, 64n — Tyrone's "superiority" over, 20 — Ac- count of mensal lands of, 53n — Inauguration of, as chief of Fer- managh, 6471 — Grant of Ferma- nagh to, 64 w — Refusal of Chi- chester to give patent to. 64— Four Masters' description of, 64— Arrest of, 75 — Insolence of Chichester to, 75 — Outrages on, 7p— Escape of, 113— Reception of, by the archdukes, 113 — Sends warning to the northern chieftains of James' intention to arrest them, 113 — Purchases vessel to take away the earls, 114— Disguises of, 114, 500— Ar- rival of, at Rouen, 124— Letter of archbishop Lombard to, 185— Death of, 279— Indictment and confiscation of territory of, 290, 385. Maguire, lord, 319;i. Maguire, Connor Roe, 75, 339. Maguire, Hugh, 64n. Maguire, Conor, 64w. Maguire, Brian, 73, 75, 259. Maguire, Owen M 'Fardoragh Boy, 449. Magiiire, Bryan Roe, 449. Maguire, Cormack M 'Redmond Moyle, 449, 450. Malachy, St., shrine of, 5. Malahide Haven, 227. Malines, 161. Mancisador, secretary, 457, 458. Mangan, James Clarence, 2n, 278n, 472, 479, 513. *'MS. History of Irish Francis- cans," 15«, 47 n. Marcio, 408. 409, 421, 425. Marie ni-Guire, 70. Marimont, 129. Marldon, Devon, 51n. Martial law, meaning of, 40». Martin's description of poor Irish in France, 340«. Mary, queen of Scots, 225, 355. Mary, queen of England, 374. Masserine, 437. Mattock, river, 5. Maurice of Nassau, 189, 253, 258. Maynooth, 234, 241, 242, 244, 245. Mead, father, 27. Meagh, James, 402, 403. Meagh, Peter, 402. Medici, Giovanni de', 373/i. Meillarie, 127. Mellifont, 4, 5, 6, 7, 11, 89, 91, 96, 117, 135, 151, 152, 22Sn. *' Memoirs of Elizabeth and James L,"42«. " Memoir of Tempi emore," 4Sn. " Memorial of State Papers," 272«, 34171. Memorandum Roll of the Ex- chequer, 283. Merrion, 294. Meth, 369. Midford, father, letter of, 273. Milan, 184, 265, 266, 268, 370, 371. Milesius, 302. Milvian-bridge, 271, 276. Mitchel, John, 207i, lOn, lQ2n, 508)1, 533n. " Miscellany of the Irish Archaeo- logical Society," 227?. '* Miscellany of the Maitland So- ciety," 9571. "Modern Solomon," 57, 94. Monaghan, 65, 68. '* Monks, the, of Kilcrea," 265n, 501. Mons Lucretilis, 61». Mons Sacer, 424. Mont St. Gothard, 264 Monte Citorio, 277. Montepulciano, 425. Montford, Francis, 505, 511. Montgomery, bishop, appoint- ment of, as dean of Nor^^^ch, 6077 — Object of, in coming to Ireland, 60?7, 94 — Created bi- shop of Derry, Clogher, and Raphoe, 60;i — Why his advent 570 INDEX. Montgomery — continued. to Ireland so long deferred, 76 — Arrival of, 77 — Difficulties ex- perienced l)y, in taking posses- sion, 77 — Espouses O'Cahan's quarrel, 78 — Account of his in- terview with 0'Cahan,78 — Coun- sels O'Cahan to discard his wife, 78— Accompanies O'Cahan to Dublin, to lay complaint before privy council, 78— Meeting of, with Tyrone's son, Hugh, at Dungannon, 78 — Retort of, to Tyrone, 79 — Exactions of, in dio- cese of Raphoe, 79 — His de- scription of O'Cahan's country and forces, 79 — Malevolence of, towards Tyrone, 80 — His flat- tery of James and Chichester, 80— Letter of, to Salisbury, 80 — Attends with O'Cahan be- fore privy council, 81 — Advises O'Cahan to draw up a petition, 82— Tyrone's complaint of, to James, 89 —Gratification of, at decision of deputy and privy council, 94 — Burning of library of, by Phelim MacDavitt, 299 — Grant to, 317 — Note of, on spiritual peers, 378m — Sugges- tion of, [for disposing of con- vent of Donegal, 48w — Trans- lated to Meath, 60?4— Death of, 60n. Montgomery of Ards, lord, QOn. Montgomery of Ards, viscount, 468, 469. Montgomery, sir Hugh, 385. Montorio, S. Pietro, church of, site of, 276 — Restoration of, by Ferdinand and Isabella, 275n, 276 — Burial-place of dr. Eugene MacMahon, archbishop of Dub- lin, 128)1, Tyrconnel, 276, Caf- far O'Donel, 277, Hugh, baron of Dungannon, 278, Maurice O'Multully, 279, O'CarroUJof Moydristan, 279, O'Neill, 445, and Henry O'Hagan, 464 — Re- sidence of Luke Wadding, 27871, and Florence Conry, 280 — Epi- taphs in, 446, 477, 478— Re- toration of, 475, 477. Montrose, marquis of, 477. Mooney, father, sketch of Hugh Roe O'Donel by, 239n— Hig account of murder of Bernard O'Neill, 454. Moore, sir Garret, commissioned by Mountjoy to parley with Tyrone, 4 — Preparations made by, to receive Mountjoy, 4 — Visit of Tyrone to, 89 — Tyrone's farewell of, 118. Moore, Thomas, 2447i. Moran, rev. dr., I28n. Moryson, sirR., 300. Moryson, Fynes, attends Mount- joy to Mellifont, 4 — Informs him of queen's death, 6 — His account of Tyrone's submission, 6 — Comments of, on Tyrone's grief at Elizabeth's death, 10 — His description of Ulster, 14, and Mountjoy' s proceedings there, 11 n — Notice by, of Tur- lough O'Hagan, on retreat from Kinsale, 11 n — Accompanies Mount jojr to England, 36 — Statement by, of the amount of Tyrone's mensal lands, and O'Cahan's acts of vassalship, 53n — Note of, on the hawks of Ireland, 224?i. Mountgarret, viscount, 44, 110. Mountjoy, fort of, 8, 41, 52, 70, 437. Mountjoy, lord deputy, pro- ceeds to Ulster to effect O'Neill's capture, 1— Instruc- tions received by, from Eliza- beth, 3 — Endeavours of, to pro- cure O'NeiUs assassination, 3 — His opinion of the effect of O'Neill's submission, 4— Em- powered by privy council to treat with O'Neill, 4— Journey of, from Drogheda to Mellifont, 4 — His amusements there, 4 — Receives tidings of Elizabeth's death, 6 — Keeps them secret, to induce Tyrone to ' ' come in," 6 — Tyrone's submission before, 6 — Returns to Dublin, 8 — Knights courier who brought intelligence of queen's death, 9 INDEX. 571 Mount joy — continued. — Appointed lord deputy, 10 — Despatches sir Henry Davers with letters to king .James, re- lating his success in Ireland, 12 — Solicits lord-lieutenancy, and permission to return to Eng- land, 12 — Reasons of, for sup- posing no refusal, 13 — Breaks coronation chair of the O'Neills, 17)1 — Interview of, with sir Henry Docwra, concerning O'Cahan, 23— Retribution of, on Nial Garve O'Donel, 24 — Sends copies of James' procla- mation to principal towns in Ireland, 25 — Affects to be scandalized at ])roceeding8 of Catholics on news of James' ac- cession, 27 — Sets out for Water- ford, 28— Controversy of, with father "White, 28— Refuses free exercise of Catholic religion, 29 — Enters Waterford, 29 — Places churches at disposal of Pro- testants, and commands Catho- lics to close theirs, 29 — Pro- ceeds to Cork, Limerick, Cashel, &;c., 29— Appointment of, as privy councillor in Eng- land and lord lieutenant of Ireland, 36 — Specimen of his flattery of Elizabeth, 36?i— Em- barks for Holyhead, 36— Nar- row escape of, from shij)wreck, 37— Reaches London, 38— His stay at Wan stead, 38 — Message from king to, to proceed to Hampton Court with O'Neill and O'Donel, 39— Created earl of Devonshire, 40. Mountmorris, lord, 378. ^Joyagh, 504. Moydristan, 275. Moyglare, 242. Moylurg, 209, 220. Moyne, convent of, lOSw. Muckish, 503, 504. Mulnagore, 8. Mulrine's-bridge, Udn. Multifernan, 72, 73, 74, 258, 333, 334. Muni'oe, major-general, 321, 468. Munterloony, 15. Muratori, 337w. Murray, most rev, Daniel, arch- bishop of Dublin, 404w. Murray, sir Patrick, 147. N. 0., 110. Names of those who accompanied Tyrone in his flight, 120. Names on bill of attainder, 290, 385. Namur, 189, 263. Nancy, 263, 264. Nangle, friar, 40». Narni, 271. * ' Narrative of the Flight of the Earls," 120. Nation, the, 319». Navan, baron of, 413. Navarre, college of, 257. Neagh, lough, '52, 93, 310. Necrology of S. Pietro Montorio, 464. Nevill, sir H. , letter of, 14». Newbury, duke of, 425. Newcomen, sir Robert, 103n. Newgate, 301. Newry, 14, 257. Newtown-in-le-Ardes, 383. Newtownards, castle of, 139, 140. Nicholas, St., Carrickfergus, 412. Nieuport, 367. " Noctes Lovanienses," 47«, 48n, T2n. Nonsuch, 104?i. Normandy, 122, 358— Marshal of, 123, 125, 126. Norris, general, 162. Northampton, lord, 95. Norwich, dean of, 60». " Nxigae Antique, " 40/i, 57w, 179n. Nugent, sir R. , 83/i. Nugent, mr. Gerald, 395, 396, 397, 398. Nugent, mr. Edmond, 397. " Nunzio in Irlanda," 153», 400n. Oath of abjuration, 58w. O'Bane, M'Swyne, 74. O'Boyle, bishop of Raphoe, 508n. O'Boyle, 74. 572 INDEX. O'Brien, lord Inchiquin, 508n. O'Brien, Donagh, 220. O'Brien, Donougli M'Mahon, 386. O'Brien, Donough, 250. 0' Byrne, the, 239n. O'Byrne, Bryan M'Phelim, 465. O'Byrne's country, 40n. O'Cahans, the, Irish name of, 15 — Boundaries of territory of, 15 — Description of it, 15— Castles of, 16— Grants to the Church by, 16 — How their lands were held, 16— Burial-place of, 16w— Duty of chief of, at O'Neill's installa- tion, 17 — Amount of contin- gent furnished by, 18— Services performed by, 18— Attainted by Elizabeth, 19 -Effect of, 19— Montgomery's account of terri- tory held by, 79. O'Oahan, Donald Ballagh, com- pact of, with Chichester to be- tray Tyrone, 15 — Conduct of, during O'Neill's wars, 20— Cha- racter of, 21 — Message of, to Chichester, 21 — Letter of, to Chichester, 21 — Referred to Docwra, 22 — Stipulation of, with regard to his lands, 22 — Mutiny of bis troops when led against O'Neill, 23- Effect of his defection from O'Neill, 23 — Refusal of, to pay Tyrone his accustomed dues, 23 — Refusal of Mount joy to sanction his acts, 23 — Hypocrisy of, towards Tyrone's son, Hugh, 24 — Tenure by which he held his lands from O'Neill, 53— Statement of, to Nial Garve O'Donel, concerning countess of Tyrone, 71 — Es- pousal of his quarrel by Mont- gomery, 78 — The bishop's opinion of him, 78— Repudiates his wife, 78— Proceeds to Dub- lin with Montgomery, to lay his complaint before privy council, 78 — His escape from capture on the way, 78 — Alter- cation of, with Tyrone, before privy coun cil,8 1 — His petition to lord deputy, 82 — Perquisites of, O'Cahan — continued. at O'Neill's inauguration, 8'2n — Counsel assigned him, 86— De- cision of privy council on his petition, 93 — Further disputes of, with Tyrone, 93— Refusal of, to attend commission held to indict Tyrone, 289— Sir J. Davys' remarks on, 289 — Quar- rel of, with Montgomery, 289 — Arrest of, 308 — Imprisonment of, in Dublin Castle, 310— Re- collections of, 316 — Forfeiture of his lands, 316 — Attempted escape of, 318 — Chichester's account of it, in a letter to sir J. Davys, 318— Transferred to the Tower, 319— Intrigues of, to escape from, 319 — Death of, 320. O'Cahan, Daniel, 321, 465. O'Cahan, Eliza, 302. O'Cahan, Modder, 438. O'Cahan, Patrick, 302. O'Cahan, Rory, 320. O'Cahan, Rory Oge, 435. O'Cahan, Shane Carragh, 306. O'Cahan, Shane M 'Manus, 436. O'Callanan, D., informations of, 332-338. O'Carolan, Hugh, discovery of, 135. O'Carolan, Shane, 318. O'CarroU, king of Oriel, 5. O'CarroU of Moydristan, 275, 279 O'Cassidy, Henry, M.D., 302. O'Cleary, Cormac, 508n. O'Cleary, W8n. O'Connors, the, 44. O'Connor, Roderic, 224/1. O'Connor, the, 82n. O'Jonnor, Darby, 371. O'Connor, sir Donagh, 223. O'Connor Sligo, 12, 41, 339, 509. 0' Corcoran, Teigue, informations of, 72, 73. O'Cruice, lieut. -colonel, 469. O'Cullenan, father, 304/i. O'Daly, 447n. O'Daly's Keene of Owen Roe, Mangan's translation of, 472. INDEX. 673 O'Devany, Cornelius, bishop of Down and Connor, arrest of, 343 — Document found on, 343?i — Petition of, to privy council, 344 — Release of, stayed, till claim for fees paid, 345 — False- hood of Loftus respecting, 345 — Conduct of, on his release, 346— Re-arrest of, 346— Trial of, 346 — Reply of, to chief justice, 347 — Condemnation of, 347 — Request of, 347 — Rich's account of execution of, 349 — Remarks on, 350 — Burial-place of, 350 — Four Masters' note on his mar- I tyrdom, 351. O'Develins, the, 283. O'Dogherty, lady, 293, 297, 298, 301. O'Dogherty, sir Cahir, grant of lands to, 41 — Terms of grant, 42 — Acts as foreman of Lif- ford jury, 287 — Fosterers of, 291— The MacDavitts' terms with Docwra to maintain him in his estates, 291 — Docwra's training of, 292 — Account of bravery of, 292— Marriage of, 293 — Occupations of, 293— Bond entered into by, not to leave Ireland, 294 — Insult oflfered to, by sir George Paulet, 295— Refusal of, to enter ap- pearance on his bond, 296 — Counsel of the MacDavitts and Nial Garve O'Donel to, 295, 296 — Message of, to young O'Hanlon, 296- His treachery to captain Harte, to induce him to surrender Culmore, 297 — How capture of Culmore was effected, 298 — Burning of Derry and bishop Montgo- mery's palace by, 298 — Murder of Paulet by, 299— Beleaguers Lifford, 299— Proclamation of Chichester against, 300, 520— Death of, 301 — Pedigree of, 302— Attainder of, 385. O'Dogherty, sir John, 41, 120, 291, 310. O'Dogherty, Cahir, 302. O'Dogherty, Clinton-Dillon, 302. O'Dogherty, doctor Henry, 302, 303. O'Dogherty, Henry, 302. O'Dogherty, John, 42, 301, 302. O'Dogherty, Owen, 302, 465. O'Dogherty, Phelim Oge, 291. O'Dogherty, Rory, 42, 301, 302. O'Dogherty, Rosa, 120, 275, 465, 474. O'Dogherty, William, 302. O'Dogherty, clan, treatment of, by Chichester, 303, 304. O'Donel, The, see "Earl of Tyr- connel." O'Donel, Caffar, 41, 71, 119, 120, 143, 275, 277, 290, 386. O'Donel, Caffar Oge, 386. O'Donel, Calvagh, 120. O'Donel, Donald Oge, 41, 120, 290. O'Donel, Donell M'Con, 436. O'Donel, Dowd Oge, 386. O'Donel, Hugh Roe, mother of, 95?i, 307 — Prophecy concerning, 153» — Father Mooney's sketch of, 239 — Escape of, from Dublin Castle, 17;t, 239;i— Sent by Ty- rone to Spain, 2 — Character of, as a soldier,2 — Presents petition against abuses in Irish college of Salamanca, 2, 489 — Death of, 2 — Mangan's poem on burial of, 2, 479. O'Donel, Hugh (son of Caffar), 120, 262«. O'Donel, Hugh (son of Tyrconnel), accompanies his father in his flight, 120— Left behind at Lou- vain, 262— Efforts of TumbuU to get possession of, 461 — Ac- count of interview of TurnbuU with lady Nuala O'Donel, rela- tive to, 461 — Future career of, 464, O'Donel, Hugh Boy, 69, 70. O'Donel, Hugh Boy M'Con, 436. O'Donel, Naghtan, 120. O'Donel, Naghtan (son of Calvagh), 120. O'Donel, Naghtan (son of Nial Garve), 308, 320. O'Donel, Nial Garve, character of, 25 — Assumes title of 574 INDEX. O'Donel, Nial Garve — continued. "O'Donel," 25— Punishment of, by Mountjoy, 25— Escape of, to London, 25— Grant of lands to, 25 — Destruction of convent of Donegal by, 47 — His exami- nation before Chichester, 69 — Depositions of , 69 — Chichester's note on, 72«— Counsel of, to sir Cahir O'Dogherty, 296— Eea- Bons of, for refusing to join O'Dogherty's rebellion, 296 — Arrest of, 308— Committal of, to Dublin Castle, 311 — Abortive attempt at escape from, 318 — Letter of Chichester to sir John Davys on, 319 — Transferred to the Tower, 319— Intrigues of, to escape from, 320 — Apsley's report on, 320— Death of, 320. O'Donel, James, 449. O'Donel, Sorley M 'James Oge, 435, 436, 437. O'Donel, lady Eliza, 25271. O'Donel, lady Mary, 252n. O'Donel, lady Nuala, 25, 120, 263, 461. O'Donlevy, Maurice, see * ' Maurice Ultagh." O'Donnell, John F., poem of. on ' ' The Flight of the Earls, " 446w, 532. " O'Donnells in Exile," 464w. O'Donnellys, the, 283. O'Donnelly, Oge, 319. O'Donovan, dr. John, 90w., 373;i. 464w. O'Duffy, Maurice, 222;i. O'Duffy, Brian M'Hugh, 259. O'Falvey, Teigue, examination of, 313. O'Farrell, right hon. Moore, 43n. O'Farrell, 235. Offaly, 374». O'Flahertie, Murrough-ua-More, 147. O'Freel, 25w. O'Gallagher, Carragh, 290, 386. O'Gallagher, Hugh, 290, 386. O'Gallagher, Raymond, bishop of Derry, letter of, to Clement VIIL, 343, 521 — Murder of, 343n. O'Hagans, the, duties of, at in- auguration of the O'Neill, 17 — Eesidence of, 17n — Armorial bearings of, I7w — Lands held by, 17n — Bards' description of, lln — Burial-place of, I'Jn — Present representative of, I7w. O'Hagan, Henry, sent by Tyrone to Mellifont, to announce his approach, 6 — Place chosen by, for conference between O'Neill and Essex, I4n — Despatched by Tyrone with message to James, 36— Included in bill of attain- der, 290, 386— Death of, 464. O'Hagan, John O'Punty, 290, 386. O'Hagan, Loughlin, 283. O'Hagan, Turlough, aids escape of Hugh Iloe O'Donel, lln, 239n — Bravery of, on retreat from Kinsale, I7n. O'Hanlon, sir Eoghy, 283, 296, 386. O'Hanlon, Eoghy Oge, 296, 297, 305, 386. O'Hanlon, rev. J., 5n. O'Harie, 436. O'Hely, archbishop of Tuam, 511. O'Henesy, abbot, 16. O'Holahan, Teigue, 333, 335. 0' Hurley, archbishop of Cashel, 353n. Oireachta-O'Cathain, 15. O'Keenans, the, 120n. O'Keenan, Teigue, 120n, 121, 122, 130, 189, 190, 262», 264, 271, 273/1, 274, 284, 290. 0' Kelly, Mary, 302. O'Kelly, E., 302. 0' Kelly, Terry, 220. O'Laverty, father Loughlin, 439. O'Laverty, Bryan, 439, 440. O'Lennan, Teigue, examination of, 435. O'Loghran, father, martyrdom of, 347. O'Mollan, Bryan, 438. O'Mollan, Gilliduffe, 438. O'Moores, the, 44, 53. 'Moore of Leix, 43n. O'Morcan, father Denis, 242, 243, O'Mulcoury, 82«. INDEX. 675 O'Mulholland, 18. O'Miillan, 18. O'Miillarky, father Edmond, 1.S3, 134, 258, 307, 449, 450, 451, 452. O'Multully, Matthew, 124, 126. 185. 211, 250, 279, 290, 386, 500. O'Murray, Patrick BaDagh, 439. O'Neill, The, see "Earl of Ty- rone. " O'Neill, Alicia, llOn. O'Neill, Art M 'Baron, l]0?i, 258. O'Neill, Art Oge, 120, 230, 290, 450, 451, 452. O'Neill, Art Oge M'Cormack, 385. O'Neill, Bernard, father Mooney's account of murder of, at Lou- vain, 454 — Lord Carew's com- ments on, 456. O'Neill, Brian, 120, 262, 372. O'Neill, Brian M'Art, 116, 190, 199, 201. O'Neill, Bryan Crossagh, 438, 439, 441, 449, 450, 451, 452. O'Neill, Con, letters of Tyrone to, for freeing Miler Magrath, 493, 494. O'Neill, Con (son to Tyrone), kidnapping of, by sir Toby Caulfield, 282, 284, 448.— Plots to recover him, 448— Examina- tion of Dermod Oge Dun, 449, and letter of Chichester on, 453— Removal of, from Eton College to the Tower, 454 — A])sley's report on, 454. O'NeiU, Con Baccagh, 83, 86, 87, 92. O'NeiU, sir Cormac, 19, 120, 131, 132, 138, 139, 290, 363, 364. O'Neill, sir Cormac M 'Baron, 143, 154, 292, 320, 437, 438, 49371. O'Neill, Donell M'Owyne M'Donell, 438. O'Neill, DonoughM 'Baron, 438. O'Neill, Fadorcha, 120. O'Neill, Henry, colonel, sent to Salamanca to complete his studies, 8, 456— Sir J. Ha- O'Neill, ^er\Ty— continued. rington's description of, 39» — Promotion of, to colonelcy of regiment of Irish in service of the archdukes, 62 — Efforts of Cornwallis to hinder it, 62 — Cornwallis' letters to Salisbury on, 62 — Date of his appoint- ment, 63n — Presents Cucon- naught Maguire to archdukes, 11.3— Meeting of, with his father, at Hal, 128— Takes leave of him at Namur, 263 — Attainder of, 385 — Cross of St. Jago conferred on, 421— Suc- cessful intriguing of Turnbull to prevent his marriage, 456 — Probable time of death of, 459. O'Neill, colonel Henry (son of Owen Roe), 471, 473, 474. O'Neill, Henry M 'Shane, 72. O'Neill, Henry Oge, 8, 89, 192, 196, 201, 288, 289. O'Neill, Hugh, baron of Dungan- non, hypocrisy of O'Cahan to, 24 — Sir J. Harington's de- scription of, 39/i— Meeting of, with Montgomery, at Dungan- non, 78 — Reversion of his father's estates granted to, 92^ Preparations for marriage of, ^o — Sails from Lough S willy with the earls, 120 — Death of (a.d. 1609, omitted in the text), 279 -Attainder of, 385. O'Neill, Hugh na-Gavaloc, 46w. O'Neill, Hugh M 'Shane, 438, 439. O'Neill, Hugh Oge, 120. O'Neill, James M'Sorley Boy, 452. O'Neill, John, accompanies his father on flight from Ireland, 120— Left behind at Lou vain, 262 — Succeeds to command held by his brother in Spanish service, 459— Apprehensions of lord deputy Falkland of his return to Ireland, 459 — In- fluence of, with Holy See, 460 — Erects monument to his tutor, father M 'Cawell, archbishop of Armagh, 8», 460 — Mistake 576 INDEX. O'Neill — continued. concerniug, 460 — Letter of, to the Sacred College, 542 — Death of, 460. O'Neill, John (son of Cormac), 364. O'Neill, M 'Bryan, 435. O'Neill, M'Hiigh, 435. O'Neill, lady Margaret, 110?i. O'Neill, Mathew, 92. O'Neill, Owen, 450. O'Neill, Owen Roe, father of, 127, 465— Left at Lou vain, during earls' journey to Kome, 262 — Education of, 465 — Defence of Arras by, 127, 465— Wife of, 465— Deputation of Irish to, to take command of Ulster forces, 465 — Persons who accompanied him to Ireland, 321, 465— At- tempts of English government to arrest him, 466 — Embark- ation of, for Ireland, 466 — Letter of, to father Luke Wad- ding on, 466— Landing of, 467 — Chieftains who joined him on his arrival, 468 — Victory of Benburb, 468 — Keply of, to Charles I., soliciting release of lord Montgomery of Ards, 468 — Letter of, to marquis of Ormond, 471— Death of, 470— Burial- place of, 238, 470-Descrip- tion of deathbed of, 471— Man - gan's translation of O'Daly's Keene for, 472. O'Neill, sir PheUm, 467, 468, 470. O'Neill, Shane, the Proud, 18, 19. O'Neill, Turlo Lynagh, 19, 20, 90w. Oona-bridge, \\B>n. O'Neill, Turlough M 'Henry, 8, 89, 192, 199, 325. Oona-ne-Sheil, 327. Opinion of Salamanca theologians on joining O'Neill, 31. O'Quiuns, the, 283. O'Quinn, the, 288. O'Quinn, Moriarty, 290, 386. O'Quinn, Teigue Modder, 386. Orange, prince of, 429. Ordnance Survey of confiscated estates, 373. O'Reillys, the, 467. O'Reilly, 74. O'Reilly's " Irish Writers," 7l». O'Reilly, Brigid, 302. O'Reilly, Hugh, bishop of Clogher, 303?i. O'Reilly, Miles, 302. O'Reilly, Phihp, 470. O'Reilly, Shane M 'Philip, 98, 104. O'Reilly, Terry, 219. Ormond, marquis of, 470. Ormond, earl of, 43w, 44, 110. O'Rourke, the, 12, 301, 302, 509. O'Rourke, sir Constantino, 302. O'Rourke, Mary, 302. Ostend, 113, 130w, 367, 466. Ostia, 275. 0' Sullivan, the, 227m. O'Sullivan, 31n. O'SuUivan Bear, 227, 257, 314, 446. O'SuUivan Bear (historian), 31w, 62m, 162w, 299/1, 305n, 378«, 466;i. O'Sullivan, T. D. S., 227 w, 446». O'Sullivan, Teigue, 330. O'Tooles, the, 130>i. Overbury, sir Thomas, 355. ' ' Overthrow, the, of an Irish Rebel," 311. Ovid, 431/1. Oviedo, Matthew de, archbishop of Dublin, 128?i. Owen, Bartholomew, 66, 140. Oxford, 52, 107w, 320. P. Q., 110. Pacheco, 277. Padua, 402, 431. Palestine, 31. Paris, 371, 402. Parliament held by Chichester, protest of the nobles of the pale against, 375 — When convoked for, 376— Chichester's means of securing a majority in, 376 — Character of new members of, 377— Bribery in, 378— Consti- tution of upper house of, 378 — Number of members of lower house of, 378— Proceedings at opening of, 379— Scene at elec- INDEX. 577 Parliament — conti7iu€cl. tion of Si^eaker iii, 380 — Protest of Catholic members against the election, 380 — Deputation of, to James, with James' reply to, 381 — Bill for confiscating estates of the earls brought in, 381 — Koyal assent given by Chiches- ter to bill of attainder, 383— sir John Davys' letter on, 388 — Subsidy panted by, to the king, 394 — Episodes connected with, 395 — List of members of, 522. Parma, 268. Parr, 6hi. Parsons, father, 408. Patrick, St., 158, 349-Cathedral of, 27, 379— Festival of, 264— Life of, 107«. Paul v., pope, 77, 180, 264, 271, 272w, 274, 275, 276, 312, 337, 341, 365, 425, 430. Paul, captain, 74. Paulet, sir George, 77, 195, 293, 295, 297, 299. Pelham, sirK, 51. Penal laws enacted by James, list of, 57. Perrot, sir John, 19, 344, 345, 375«. Peter's, St., Rome, 272, 273, 274, 337. Petrie's, dr., description of Cooey- na-gall's tomb, IQn. PhiUp II., 16», 174. PhinpIII., 1, 2, 8, 11, 20, 55n, 108n, 112, 227, 277, 341, 404, 421, 423, 430, 447, 465, 489. PhiUpIV.,112w, 459. Phimpps'MSS.,401«. PhiUips, Patrick, 257. PhilHps, sir Thomas, 195, 203,441, 442. Pierce, mr. Henry, 319. Pietro Palomba, S. , 61w. Pinnar, captain Nicholas, 208, 210, Plaine, Patrick, 348. Plunkett, sir Christopher, 43, 45, 290, 386. Plunkett, father James, vicar-ge- neral of Meath, 135, Plunkett, father P., bishop of Meath, 303n. Poly carp, 351. Pons Adamnani, 119». Pont-a-Mousson, 128w, 263, 264. Pont de Demon, 264w. Porter, rev. J. S., 322?*. Power, Richard, 494, 495. Powerscourt, 28?^, 308w. " Principles of the Catholic Reli- gion," 107w, Prophecy of St. ColumbkUle, 488?i. Prophecy concerning Hugh Roe O'Donel, I53n. Publications of the Camden So- ciety, 466/1. Pyramids, the, 431. Quarnero, bay of, 370/j. QuiUebceuf, 123, 164. Quirinal, 272, R. S., 110, Rache, 128n. Raffaelo, 276, 277. Rafter, father, 27. Raghlin island, 437w, Raleigh, 52. Ranelagh, viscount, 413. Ranuccio, duke of Parma, 268, 409. Rapin, 108n. Rathfarnham, castle of, 136, 146, 149, 229, 232. Rathmelton, 119. Rathmullan, monastery of, 210n. RathmuUan, 119, 152. Redi, 42on. Reeves, dr., 18«, 78w, 11971. Reggio, 268. Regular Canons of St. Augustine, monastery of, 16. Report of privy council on O'Cahan's petition, 92. Reuss, river, 264. " Review of the Civil Wars in Ire- land," 191«. '* Revolutions of English History," Ihi. Rich, Bamaby, 348, 350. Richmond, 3, 4. 578 INDEX. Rinucclni, nunaio, 153», 400n, 460, 468. Roche, viscount, 44. Koche, lord, 340. E,oche, James, description of, 253 — Examination of, 253. Rochelle, 327. llochester, viscount, 335. Roe, river, 16, 316. Rohan, M. de, 14??. Roll of the Commons' House, 379w, 522. "Romance of the Peerage," 27«, 36w. Rome, 8w, 29w, 61w, 120w, 130w, 1.35, 179, 186, 187, 189, 256, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275, 312, 313, 337, 363, 365, 366, 368, 369, 371, 372, 405, 406, 409, 425, 426, 427, 428, 429, 432, 444, 445, 446, 447/^, 453. Roper, sir Thomas, 213, 300. Ross, 27. Rosses, the, 501, 502, 503. Rothe, David, Ghi. Rouen, 114, 122, 123, 124, 254 Route, the, 435, 436. Rowley, mr., 437. Royal pardon, legal meaning of, 35n. Rush, sir Francis, 300, 301. Russell, lord deputy, 239w. St. Catherine's hill, Rouen, 126, Saint Georges, 124. St. Jago, cross of, 423. St. John, captain, 138. St. John, sir Oliver, 97, 99, 319, 444. St. Leger, Anthony, 374?». Saintleger, 6471. St. Malo's, 313, 511. St. Sepulchre, 395. Salamanca, Irish College of, 2, 8, 43», 404w, 456, 489. Salamanca theologians, opinions of, on joining O'Neill, 31. Salariau road, 280w. " Sale and Settlement of Ireland," 204?i. Salisbury, earl of, 67, 69, 72w, 79, 80, 82, 95, 96, 103, 107, 112n, Salisbury— cont'mued. 116, 123w, 151, 164, 170, 260, 268, 290, 322, 323, 352. Salviati Palace, 276, 365, 405, 433?i. Sampson's " Statistical Survey of the County of Derry," 321. Sandford, caj^tain, 304. Sarsfield, sir Dominic, 312, 315, 328, 330, 346, 347. SaveUi, principe, 409. ScarfoUis, 386. Schear-Saullis, 474. Scots CoUege at Rome, 26». " Scrinia Sacra," 229w. Segar, Stephen, 345. Segna, 370». Segrave, 20w. Seine, river, 123, 124. Seringapatam, 502. Sexton, mr. Arthur, 333, 335. Shakspere, 5, 56w, 252. Shane, sir Francis, 55w, 235. Shanemullagh, 115. Sheller's Lexicon, 365/}. Sherle, dame Marian, 9?». Sheskinloobanagh, 25. Shrewsbury, earl of, 123n, 237, 252. Sidney, sir John, 193. " Sieges d' Arras," 127», 465. Silken Thomas, 224«. Silverbridge, 118w. Simancas, 108w, 275, Skerries, the, 37. " Sketches from Venetian His- tory," 370w. Skinner's Row, 10. Slane, 115, 116, 117, 132, 151, 199. Slieveshiose, 90, 196. Sligo, 121, 209. Slught-Art, 90, 196. Somerset, Robert Carr, earl of, sketch of, 355— Influence of, over James, 356 — Letter of Tyrone to, 356. Sorbonne, 303. Southampton, 206. Spaniagh, DoneU, 259, 339. Special traverse, form of, 88. Spenser, 16. Spinola, 109, 128, 129, 254. INDEX. 579 Stanlhurst, father Richard, 107, 113. Stanley, sir William, 130, 253. *' State Worthies," 52n. Stephen, king, 54. Stei)hen's Commentary on Black- stone, 335«. Stewart, William, 452. Still, dr., bishop of Bath and Wells, 39??.. Stowe, 3Sn, 39;?. Strabane, 53n, 90m, 288, 290. Strada's description of Irish in Spanish service, 130rt. Strafford, lord. Gin. Stroud, 97, 99. Stukely, 369. "Survey of Ulster, 1619," 20Sw. Sussex, Thomas, earl of, 374w, Swaine, king of Norway, 501. Swift's chai'acter of informers, 133. Swilly, lough, 119, 126, 138, 139, 144, 151, 152, 230, 242, 250, 293, 347, 358. Sydney, sir Henry, 315n. Talbot, sir John, 227, 341. Talbot, WiUiam, 381, 384. Tamlaghtard, 343?i. "Thankful Remembrance," 78w, 19n. Thomond, earl of, 44, 379. " Three, the, Convei-sions of Eng- land," 40Sn. Thurles, lord, 37. Tikeeran, 15. Tu^wley, 209. Tirrell, captain, 70, 339. Tivoli, 424. Todd, rev. dr., 18n. Tohrannie, 196. Toome, 202. Torr Abbey, Torquay, 5ln. Tottenham Court, 41/2. Tougher, 6. Tournay, 128. Tovergy, 386. Tramontana, the, 36, 37. *' Transactions of the Irish Parlia- ment," 37S». Tredagh, 144, 334. Trim, 76, 212, 303. Trinity, church of the, 27. "TripliciNodo," 27 n. Troy, F. J., arclibishop of Dublin, 303w. Trymbleston, lord, lln, 381. Tudor, princess Margaret, 11. TuUaghoge, 17, 424. Turnbull, William, letter of, to Burghley, containing overtures from Tyrone, 359 — Betrayal of Tyrone to, by Bath, 361— His interest for Bath \vith the king, 404 — Tyrone's projects an- nounced to, 405 — Vigilance of, 422 — Extracts from despatches of, 422, 423, 425, 426, 427. 467 ?i — Letters of, to James and Somerset, 429— Prevention of Henry O'Neill's marriage by, 456— Efforts of, to get Hugh O'Donel into his keeping, 461 — Letter of, to the king, on inter- view with lady Nuala O'Donel, 461. Tursellini, 269??. Turvey, 9, 414. Tyburn, 3l9)i. Tyrconnel, earl of, submission of, to Elizabeth, 12 — Accompanies Tyrone to London, 36 — Recep- tion of, by James, 39-^Terms of patent granted by James to, 41 — Created earl of Tyrone and baron of Donegal, 41 — Arrives in Dublin, 47 — Investiture of, in cathedral of Holy Trinity, 47 — Marriage of, 47 — Partly re- builds Franciscan convent of Donegal, 47 — Insults offered to, by Chichester, 60 — Influence of Cuconnaught Maguire over, 64 — Outrages on, 75, 94— Bath's interview with, 117 — Joins Ty- rone at Lough Swilly, 119 — Embarks with Tyrone, 120— Arrival of, at Rouen, 124 — Banquet to, at Brussels, 129 — Proclamation of James against, 175 — Letter of archbishop Lom- bard to, 186— Compliment paid to, by citizens of Lou vain, 190 — Determines to send a justifica- 580 INDEX. Tyrconnel — continued. tion of himself to James, 191— Statement of grievances pre- sented by, to the king, 207 — Death of, 275, 290 — Four Masters' note on, 275 — Attainder of, 290, 386. Tyrconnel, countessof , Chichester's request of, 241 — Letter of, to Chichester, 242 — Chichester's interest for, to privy council, 252— Sir Roland White's ac- count of her reception by James, 252 — Second husband of, 252w— Pension to, 252n. Tyrone, earl of, retreat of, to Glenconkeine, followed by Mountjoy, 1 — Standard of, 1 — Reasons of, for expecting Span- ish assistance, 2 — Despatches Florence Conry and Hugh O'Donel to Spain for succours, 2 — He despairs of assistance, .3 — Resolution of, to submit to Eli- zabeth, 3 — Mount joy's efforts to entraj) him, 3 — Persons em- ployed to assassinate him, Sn — Mountjoy empowered to treat with, 4 — Commissioners en- trusted to parley with, 4 — Elizabeth's death kept secret from, 5— Sends O'Hagan to an- nounce his approach to Mellif ont, 6— His arrival there, 6 — Fynes Moryson's account of his sub- mission, 6 — Terms affixed to his pardon, 8 — Proceeds to Dublin, 9— Effect of news of Elizabeth's death on, 10 — Signs proclama- tion of James, 11«— Repeats his submission, 1 1 — Letter of, to the king of Spain, 11— Sets out for the north to restore order, 14 — His complicity with Essex to de- throne Elizabeth, 14n — Quarrel of, with O'Cahan, 15— Last O'Neill crowned at Tullaghoge, Mn — Charter to, by Elizabeth, 19 — Duel of, with Segrave, 20n — Demands accustomed dues from O'Cahan, 23 —Receives peacock's crown and letter from Clement VIII., 31n — Manifesto Tyrone — continued. of, to the Catholics of Ireland, 31— Effect of manifesto, 34— Protection granted to, 35 — Em- barks for Holyhead, 36 — Narrow escape of, from shipwreck, 37 — Proceeds to Chester, 37 — Sets out for London, 37 — Treatment of, by the people, on the road, 38 — Repairs to Wan stead, 38 — His reminiscences of, 38— Reception of, by James, 39 — Camden's description of, 39/i — Sir J. Ha- rington's account of visit to, 39w — Terms of patent granted by James to, 40 — Arrival of, in DubUn, 47 — Mensal lands of, where situated, 53n — O'Cahan's tribute to, 53/i — Apprehensions of, at Chichester's proceedings, 55 —His indignation at Usher's proclamation, 59 — Treatment of his remonstrance, 59 — Ruffianly conduct of delators to, 63 — Cautiousness of, 63 — Outrages on, 75 — Cited to appear before privy council, 79 — Montgome- ry's remark to, 79 — Appears before privy council, 81 — Alter- cation of, with O'Cahan and sir John Davys, 81 — Answer of, to O'Cahan's petition, 86 — Letter of, to king James, 89 — Dissatis- faction of, at interpretation of his patent by privy council, 92 — Lawsuits with O'Cahan, 94 — Determines to submit his claim to the king, 94 — Renewal of outrages on, 94 — Seeks office of president of Ulster, 95— Prei)a- rations of, for marriage of his son, 95 — Howth's insinuations to, 113 — Makes survey of part of his lands, 115— Dispute of, with primate Usher, 115 — Accompa- nies Chichester to Slaue, 115 — Refusal of Chichester to grant him his nephew's life, 116 — Mortification of, at reported appointment of Chichester as president of Ulster, 116 — Ap- parent effects of appointment, 116 — His interview with Bath, INDEX. 581 Tyrone — continued. 116 — Determination of, to quit Ireland, 117 — Takes leave of the deputy, 117— Repairs to Mellif ont, 1 1 7 — Reminiscences of, 117— Bids farewell to sir Garret Moore, 118 — Account of his journey to Rathmullan, 118 — Embarks at Lough S willy, 119 — Tempestuous weather en- countered by, 121 — Incidents during voyage of, 121 — Lands at Quilleboeuf, 123 — Straits re- duced to, 123 — Journej'^ of, to Rouen, 123^Reception there by marshal of Normandy, 123 — Protection granted by Henry IV. to, 124— Efforts of English am- bassador to get possession of, 124 — Henry IV., Lynch, and Primo Damaschino's opinion of, 125n — Account of visits of, to Amiens and Arras, 126— Arrives at Douay, 127 — Entertainment of, there, 127 — Interest of, for Douay College, 127 n, 504— Meeting of, with Florence Con- ry and dr. Eugene MacMahon, 128 — His reception at Toumay, 128— Pilgrimage of, to Notre Dame de Hal, l28— Meeting of, with his son Henry and Spinola, 128— Welcome given to, by the archdukes, 129— Proceeds to Brussels, 129 — Banquet given by Spinola to, 129 — Distin- guished persons present at ban- quet, 129 — Place of honour assigned to, 129 — Arrives at Louvain, 130— Meeting of, with sir William Stanley, 130 — Man- sion placed at disposal of, 131 — General account of entertain- ment of, in Belgium, 161 — Receives congratulations from pope Paul v., 179— Sets out for Spain, 189 — IPreparations of, for journey, 189— Recalled by cou- rier from the archdukes, 189 — Reason for his change of desti- nation, 189 — Winters at Lou- vain, 190 — Conduct of chief citizens at Christmas to^ 190 — Tyrone— continued. Resolves to send a statement of his grievances to James, 191^ Articles exhibited by, to the king, in justification of his leav- ing Ireland, 191 — English spies on, 226 — His reply to deputation of principal citizens of Louvain, 263— Departure of, from Lou- vain, 263 — Friends who accom- panied him on his way, 263 — Continuation of his journey, 263 — Generous treatment of, by duke of Lorraine, 263 — Lu- cerne, 264 — Crosses the Alps, 264 — Mishap on the passage, 264 — Entertainment of, by monks of St. Bernard, 265 — Sensations of, on first vision of Italy, 265 — Journey of, to Mi- lan, 265— Honourable welcome to, by governor, 266 — Umbrage of British ambassador, 266 — Parma, 268— Reggio, 268— Car- dinal Barberini's kindness to, at Bologna, 269 — Makes a pilgrim- age to Loretto, 269 — Arrival of, at the Milvian-bridge, 271 — His entry into Rome, 271 — Pil- grimage of, to St. Peter's, 271 — Reception of, by pope Paul V., 272 — Pensions granted to, by the pope and the king of Spain, 272 — Distinguished honours conferred by his holiness on, 273— Offerings presented to, by the pope, 274 — His grief on death of his son, 279 — Age of, at this period, 280 — Anxiety of, about his son Con, 280 — Conso- lations of, 281 — Sees uselessnesa of appeals to James, 354 — Letter of, to earl of Somerset, 356 — Opens negotiations with Turn- bull, 358 — His conditions to the king, 358— Betrayal of, by cap- tain Bath and Robert Lombard, 364 — Kindness to his children, by the king of Spain and the archdukes, 372— Indictment of, by James, 373 — Amount of ter- ritory confiscated, 373 — Parlia- ment assembled to pass act of 582 INDEX. Tyrone— continued. attainder, 375— Copy of bill of attainder, 385 — Determines to recover his lands by force, 399— His preparations for, 404 — Cir- cumstances which combined to thwart his intention, 405 — Account of his courtship and marriage with Mabel Bagnal, 414 — His letter to Burghley on, 419 — Spies maintained to keep watch on his actions, 421 — Yearnings of, for his country, 424 — His hopes, 425 — Resolves to embark for Ireland, 425 — His intention communicated to English cabinet, 426 — Turn- bull's action thereon, 426 — Fail- ure of his project, 430 — True position of, 430 — Illness of, 431 —Table-talk of, 432— His loss of sight, 444— Death of, 444— Description of, by Four Mas- ters, 444 — Account of burial of, 445— Epitaph on, 446. Tyrone, Mabel, countess of, see "Mabel Bagnal." Tjrrone, Catharina, countess of, 65, 66, 71, 120, 464. *' Ulster Journal of Archeeology," S2hi. Ultagh, father Maurice, 133, 134, 333, 334, 335, 337. *' Urb. Ital. Descriptio," 431 w. Urban VIII. , 108w, 269, 465. Uscocchi, the, 370». Usher, Henry, archbishop of Ar- magh, 59, 115. Usher, James, archbishop of Ar- magh, 59n, 61n, lOln. Usher, sir William, anonymous letter to, 100. Vaast, St., 126. Valladolid, 2, 62, 186, 308, 384. Vatican, the, 180, 257, 273. Vaughan, dr., lln. Vaughau, captain Henry, 193, 216, 293, 295. Vayen, Don Roderigo do, 507. Venice, 169, 179, 269, 270, 337, 365, 366, 444, 445. Virgil, 309. Vic, Henry de, letter of, to lord Falkland, 466/^. " Vicissitudes of Families," 252«. Vorstius, 430. "Voyages" (Hakluyt), 15». Wadding, father Luke, 278, 324, 465, 466, 545. Wadding, Richard, 385. Wadding, life of, 108?^, 460. W^alker 3n. Wall, father Walter, 329, 407, 408. Wallenstein, 305n. Walsh, James, abbat of Mellifont, 135. Walsh, Nicholas, chief justice, 27. Walshingham, sir Francis, 226. Wanstead, 38. Wards, court of, 411. Ware's " Bishops, " 493. Ware's '* Writers of Ireland," 8/^^ 108/i, 135/1. Warren, sir William, 301w, 364», 414, 508, 510. Warren, Anthony, 30 Iw. Warrenstown, 30ln. Waterford, 26, 27, 28. 29,30, 61w, 109, 135, 348, 398 -Mayor of, 26. Weldon, 42n. Westchester, 45. Westmeath, earl of, 105n, Westminster, 213;i, 178, 412. Weston, sir R., lord treasurer, character of Cecil by, 42w. Wexford,, 27, 258»— Mayor of, 30. White, father, 27, 28, 29. White, sir Roland, remarks of, on Howth's imprisonment, 237, and countess of Tyrconnel, 252. Whitechurch, Marmaduke, 198. Whitehall, 432. Wigget, Richard, 349». Wilde, sir William, 226w. Wilkinson's form of oath of abju- ration, 58«. INDEX. 583 Wiiigfield, elr Richard, command of Mountjoy's army entrusted to, 28— Threatens father White, 28— Portrait of, 28w.— Efforts of, to obtain Delvin's capture, 238— Capture of Burt Castle by, 300 — Arrest of Nial Garve O'Donelby, 308— Grant of lands to, 308n. Winwood, secretary, 2727*, 341w, 359, 402, 403, 420. Wood, A., 81 ?i. Woodinton, D., 457. Wotton, sir Henry, note of, on duties of ambassadors, 169 — Lines of, on Tyrone, 270w. Yellow Ford, battle of the, &«, 424. Youngs of Lough Esk, 208«. THE END. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY R«"™ to desk from which borrowed. Thzs book is DUE on the last date stamped below. LD 21-957n-ll,'50 (2877816)476 389901 UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA UBRARY