^2S^*^> ■■ -r> 3 "5i> "' -— . :»^> so > ?3 :> :so .^— ' 3»- J> v X>->' sag> : > Sq ;'".t5p 6> '.'■?&£> }fjj*.^>-:> :>:> s ; 5>^il3 V> ^ : ^>^Sfcl>0 ;'^D l;> Ol3* ^ ^ ^7'i!^ » «>i>;» -2> *>,3»>i-">^ J* >s>j / % . i' up. 1 01 Iv ^'u'un'nuc MEMOIRS OF THE MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, " Le Comte ile Montross, Ecossois,et chef de la maison de Graham, le seul homme du monde qui m'ait jamais rapelle l'idee de cer- tains heros que Ton ne voit plus que dans les Vces de Plutarque, avoit soutenir le parti du Roi d'Angleterre dans son pais, avec une grandeur d'ame qui n'en avoit point de pareille en ce siecle."— Memoir es du Cardinal de Retz. Printed by George Ramsay & Co. Enj? hY~W.k~D.~Llx**' Ediof MARQFIS OrlOITTlROSE, FH M A H A H.K I' I! I IV T PTTB1ISHBD IJT XjHjE YEAR L64/8.XBJ THE P (TS SX S SX03ST OF I I i I 1 1 E B T G-B.j1.H1 AJVT ESg B AIM'ii "ATE . MEMOIRS OF THE MOST RENOWNED JAMES GRAHAM, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE.. u*^ TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN OP THE REV. DR GEORGE WISHART, AFTERWARDS BISHOP OF EDINBURGH. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, SUNDRY ORIGINAL LETTERS, NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED. EDINBURGH: PRINTED FOR ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & CO. EDINBURGH ; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, & BROWN, PATERNOSTER. ROW . AND HURST, ROBINSON, & CO., 90, CHEAPSIDE, LONDON. 1819. PREFACE. As the last series of the Tales of My Land- lord will probably call the attention of the public towards the biography of the Mar- quis of Montrose, it has been deemed ex- pedient to republish this translation of Bishop Wishart's Memoirs, adding a few Notes to those already subjoined, and in- creasing the original Appendix with va- rious interesting documents, some of which are now for the first time printed. For these the Editors are indebted to the liberality of the Honourable Mrs Stewart Mackenzie, eldest daughter and heiress of the late Lord Seaforth, by whose per- mission such letters in the archives of her VI PREFACE. noble family as were esteemed illustrative of this volume are laid before the public. Those written by the Marquis of Montrose are in a large hand, and bear seals with va- rious devices. On one is a horse, on ano- ther a lion, and on a third are two rocks, with a chasm between, and a lion mounted on one pinnacle, with this motto> — " Nil Medium." Various other additions have been made to the Appendix from printed sources ; and to the kindness of Robert Graham, Esq., Advocate, the Editors are indebted for the loan of a beautiful portrait of Mon- trose, engraved by Matham, and prefixed to the edition of Wishart's Memoirs, print- ed in the year 1648. An accurate copy forms a Frontispiece to this volume. It only remains to subjoin the short sketch of Wishart's life, as given by Bishop Keith. " George Wiseheart, of the family of Lo- gy in Angus, was minister at North Leith, and deposed anno 1638, for refusing to take the Covenant. Some correspondence havin der to procure the easier access to the king, who had hitherto been always led by their advice, and to recover the former good opinion he had conceiv- ed of them, they gave out all along on their jour- * Our reverend author is probably here mistaken, in say- ing Montrose was at this time made commander-in-chief ; for other writers say, that he declined the chief command to pre- vent any envy or jealousy from the other nobility, and con- tented himself with being named lieutenant-general under prince Maurice, the king's nephew, whom he desired should be named geueral, or commander-in-chief. And accordingly we find, that our author afterwards takes notice, ch. xv. that his commission of commander-in-chief was brought him by President Spotiswood, after the victory of Kilsyth, and deliver- ed him at Bothwell. Montrose was at this time also dignified with the title of Marquis. D 50 MEMOIRS OF THE ney through England, that, for their attachment to the king, they had been banished Scotland by the covenanters ; that their estates were plunder- ed, and they had with difficulty escaped with their lives. Montrose and his partizans immediately perceived that these reports were altogether false, and calculated merely to cover the suspicions of their late guilt ; for, trusting to the favour and es- teem wherein they formerly stood with the king, and to the powerful faction in court which was addicted to them, they made no doubt of attaining the same degree of favour, could they but find ad- mission into the king's presence. Their only pur- pose of coining to court was, if possible, to disap- point Montrose's designs, and thereby to extin- guish that little spark of loyalty which yet remain- ed in Scotland. Montrose was sensible of this, and frankly begged of his majesty, that if he was again to restore these to his favour and confidence, who had already deceived him so often, he would allow him liberty to go abroad, and push his for- tune in some foreign country ; for he would never stand by and see his country ruined ; not that he desired his majesty to use any severity towards them ; only he entreated him to take care that they might not be suffered to perplex his affairs any more. Notwithstanding, the king was, with much ado, prevailed on at their arrival * to forbid them the * December 16, 1643. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 51 court ; and after all, he allowed the Earl of La- nark to stay within the city ; but he immediately left Oxford, and went to London, where he ad- dressed himself to the English parliament ; after that he went down to the army of the Scots cove- nanters, which had now entered England, and from that time forth devoted himself entirely to their service. Lanark's escape struck the king so much, that he now saw it was high time to confine his brother, the duke, to prison. * There were several Scotsmen, both at court and in the army, who were suspected, and not without reason, of inclining to the covenanters, and of hav- ing perfidiously discovered to them the king's se- cret counsels. In order to bring these to the test, Montrose fell on the following contrivance : He caused draw up a declaration, which, by the king's order, all the Scots that were there, and who would be esteemed loyal and dutiful subjects, were to subscribe ; they professed thereby an abhorrence of the designs of the covenanters ; particularly they condemned their bringing an army into Eng- land against the king, as contrary to the laws of the land, and an act of high treason ; and solemnly promised to do their utmost endeavour to bring such as were guilty of it to justice, though with the risk of their lives and fortunes. This declaration * The duke, whose patent as such had passed the seals two months before, was imprisoned in Pendennis Castle 52 MEMOIRS OF THE was readily subscribed by all men of honour and honesty ; yet there were two, who, of all Scots- men, after the Hamiltons, were most trusted by the king, the Earl of Traquair, and William Mur- ray, a gentleman of the bed-chamber, * who, with very great difficulty, and partly through fear of dis- covering their own treacherous hearts, were at last induced to subscribe it ; and they further promis- ed, upon oath, to meet Montrose in Scotland, with some assistance, against a certain day ; but in this they afterwards broke their oaths most unworthily. After this, Montrose set out from Oxford for Scotland. But he was no sooner gone, than the friends of the Hamiltons, and other perfidious courtiers, began to represent him as a vain, ambi- tious young man, and that he had undertaken a thing which was impossible ; and, in order to frighten any who should incline to assist in so noble an enterprise, they extolled the forces and strength of the covenanters most immoderately, and concluded, that no good could possibly be ex- pected from Montrose. Montrose, as he was conscious he did not merit such calumnious treatment, despised it with a be- coming greatness of soul, and would not, on that * This Murray, one of the worst characters of that perfi- dious age, finally obtained from his injured master a patent creating him Earl of Dysart, but it never passed the seals He was father of the celebrated Duchess of Lauderdale. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 53 account, desist from the prosecution of his enter- prise. He came first to York, and from thence to Durham, where he sent off the king's instructions to the Marquis of Newcastle, and next day they met and conferred. Newcastle told him there was a scarcity of every thing in his army ; that, during the winter, the Scots had unexpectedly broke in upon him, and spoiled his recruiting, and that they were now quartering within five miles of his camp, much superior to him in numbers ; and, in short., that he could not part with any of his horse, with- out the manifest hazard of the whole army. Mon- trose urged, on the other hand, that nothing could contribute more to the success of the war, than to send a part of his horse, in which he was pretty strong, with him into Scotland ; as he would thereby either divert, or, at least, divide the ene- my, and, by carrying home the war to their own country, force them to return to defend themselves. Newcastle courteously replied, that so soon as he was free from the present danger, he should be wanting in nothing to assist Montrose ; which, as he was a person of so much honour and loyalty, he would undoubtedly have performed, had he conti- nued longer in the command in these parts, and been but once sensible of Montrose's integrity and honour. In the mean time, all the assistance he could afford him, in the present strait, was only an hundred horse, and these very lean and ill appoint- 54 MEMOIRS OF THE * ed, and two small brass field-pieces ; * which was not the general's fault, but occasioned by some men's sinistrous views. He further sent orders to the king's officers, and captains of the militia in Cum- berland and Westmoreland, to attend Montrose with their companies when he was to set out for Scotland, and give him what assistance they could. Accordingly, when he was on his road to Carlisle, he was met by the Cumberland and Northumber- land militia, to the number of eight hundred foot, and three troops of horse, who, in obedience to Newcastle's orders, were to follow him into Scot- land. He himself had two hundred horse, most of them noblemen and gentlemen, who had served as officers either in Germany, France, or England. With this small army, and that not over trusty, he entered Scotland, on the 18th of April 1644, and made the greater expedition, lest he should disap- point the Earl of Antrim at the time concerted be- twixt them. * The Duchess of Newcastle, in the Memoirs of her hus- band's life, asserts, that he gave 200 horse aiid dragoons to Montrose, " though he stood most in need of a supply him. self, and thought every day to encounter the Scottish army/' MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 55 CHAP. IV. Montrose's English soldiers mutiny and desert. — He takes in the towns of Dumfries and Carlisle.— State of affairs in Scotland.— Sets out for Scotland in disguise; arrives at Graham oflnchbrakie's house in Perthshire. Montrose having entered Scotland, and advan- ced the length of the river of Annan, a mutiny arose among his English soldiers, upon some pro- vocation given them by Richard Graham's servants, and they immediately left him, and went back to England. Nevertheless, he marched forward to Dumfries with his own men, which was surrender- ed to him by the inhabitants. He waited here some days in expectation of the Earl of Antrim and his Irish auxiliaries ; but the time which he had fixed being now long elapsed, and there being neither any notice from him, nor report of his land- ing in Scotland, and the covenanters every where overspreading the country in considerable bodies, he found himself in danger of being surprised by them, if he did not speedily shift his quarters : he therefore returned to Carlisle, where he arrived safely with his troops. * * Sir James Turner, in his MS. Memoirs, mentions an in- citation sent at this time to Montrose to occupy Stirling 56 MEMOIRS OF THE When he found that he could neither procure any succours from England, nor saw any prospect and Perth. " Meane while my Lt.-Colonell (a brother of the Lord Sinclair) and I had severall consultations with my Lord Erskine, my Lord Napier, the Master of Napier, the Master of Maddertie, and Laird of Keir, all of them verie loy- all persons, with whom we concluded it was fit to send two, one from them, and another from us, to Montrose, who was then in the border, to invite him to come to Stirline, where he sould find castle, toune, and regiment at his devotion, and St Johnston likewise. And, least he might think we meant not honestlie, in regard there had been no good understanding between him and my Lord Sinclare formerlie^ his neece, the Ladie Keir, sent him a well-known token with Harie Stewart, who was the man we sent; and this he receaved. The mes- senger they sent was young Balloch Drummond, then very loyall, whatever he was afterwards. I beleeve he got not to him ; bot Montrose having a little too sone entered Scotland, and met with a rasle near Dumfries, and upon it retired to England ; it seems he thought it not safe with so inconsider- able troops to hazard so far as to Stirline, perhaps not giving full trust to our promise, and most because the committee had appointed a second levie, which then was farre advanced, un- der the command of the Earl of Callander, who, with the deepest oathes, even wishing the Supper of our Lord to turne to his damnation, which he was to take next Sunday, if ever he sould engadge under them, or with these covenanters, had persuaded me in his oune house of Callander, and upon a Lord's day too, that he would faithfullie serve the king. I say, by Montrose bis neglect, and Callander's perfidie, was lost the fairest occasion that could be wished to do the king service ; for, if that levie had been suppr^st, as very soon it would, and Montrose have corned to Stirline and joynd with MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 57 of speedy assistance from abroad ; when he had lost all hope of the Irish auxiliaries, and, besides, had the mortification to hear that the Earl of Cal- lander had raised a new army in Scotland to strengthen General Lesly, who, along with the English covenanters, had by this time laid siege to York ; he, resolving not to be altogether inac- tive, determined to join the king's forces which were in Northumberland and Durham. This re- solution proved neither unprofitable to them nor dishonourable to himself; for he immediately drove a garrison of the covenanters out of the town of Morpeth, and took the castle ; he gave the pillage to his English soldiers, and dismissed the garrison upon their giving their parole that they should never more draw a sword against the king. His next attempt was upon a fort at the mouth of the river Tyne, which the covenanters some time before had taken from an English garrison ; our two regiments, a« easilie be might, he wold with the as- sistance of Huntlie in the north, and these Irish, who sooue after came over from Antrim, have reduced Scotland, without bloodshed, to their dutie and obedience, or else the Scots ar- mie beene forced to have left England, and marched home to oppose us ; upon whose retreate it is more than probable most of England wold have embraced the king's interest; the re- putation of the Scots armie at that time keeping up the Eng- lish parliament's interest; bot the inauspitious fate and dis- astrous destinie of the incomparable good king wold not have it to be so." 58 MEMOHES OF THE * this lie likewise took, and sent the prisoners into Scotland, upon the same conditions as he did those he had taken at Morpeth ; and then supplied New- castle plentifully with corn from Alnwick, and other places thereabouts. After this success he received letters from Prince Rupert, Count Pala- tine of the Rhine, who was then marching up to raise the siege of York, desiring him to come to his assistance : he obeyed the summons with all expedition ; but for all the dispatch he made, he did not come up with the prince till he was upon his retreat from York, the day after that un- fortunate battle. * The prince at first frankly of- fered him a thousand horse to carry with him in- to Scotland ; but some of the people about the prince, who had too much influence with him ? made him alter this resolution ; in so much, that the very day after he had made that offer, Mon- trose could not prevail with him to give him a single horse, t Montrose, though thus disappointed at all quar- ters from which he expected any assistance, yet never lost his courage ; and returning to Carlisle with these few f but trusty and valiant, companions * This battle of Marston-moor was fought the 2d of July 1044. •j- Prince Rupert is represented by Sir Philip Warwick, and other historians, as having been exceedingly harsh in manners. " answering every proposal he did not like with a pish." MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 59 who stuck by him, be dispatched from thence the Lord Ogilvy and Sir William liollock in disguise, that they might escape the enemy, to go into the heart of Scotland, and learn the situation of affairs there. They returned in about fourteen days, and brought an account that all was lost in Scot- land ; that the whole passes, towns, and forts, were in the hands of the covenanters ; and that they did not find any person who dared to speak with any tolerable reverence or affection of his majesty. Struck with these melancholy accounts, many of those who had hitherto adhered firmly to Montrose, begun now to cast about how they might best provide for their own safety. What contributed not a little to stagger them in their resolution was the intrigues of the Earl of Tra- quair, who, forgetting all the vows and impreca- tions he had made before the king, undertook, in name of the covenanters, not only for an indemni- ty, but for rewards and preferments to all who should desert the king's cause and join them ; as if he had been all the while an agent for the covenanters, and not for the king, as he pretend- ed : yet this very man stood highest in the king's favour, and was more trusted than any other per- son, excepting the Hamiltons. Montrose upon this called his friends together, to advise with them what was proper to be done in this miserable conjuncture. Some were of opi- nion that he should go to Oxford, and inform his 60 MEMOIRS OP THE majesty that his affairs in Scotland were past re- covery ; that the Earl of Antrim had not come with his Irish auxiliaries as he promised, and that there was no reason to expect them ; that little or no assistance had been got from the English ; and as to any supply either of men or arms from a- broad, he had not so much as heard a word of it ; so that it was none of his fault, that the business committed to him had not met with better success. Others again advised him to return his commis- sion to the king, with letters of excuse ; and that he himself, in the mean time, should go abroad, till a more favourable opportunity of his being ser- viceable to his king and country should cast up : but all of them agreed, that nothing further should be attempted at that time. Montrose's generous and undaunted spirit represented the matter to him in a very different light: he conceived him- self bound never to forsake his dearest lord and king, though reduced to the lowest ebb of fortune; that he ought never to despair in so just a cause ; and if he should enterprise something beyond the reach of common apprehension, he was sure it would be interpreted to his own honour, and might possibly redound to the king's interest : for as it was uncertain whether the king's fortune, at that time so cross, might not, by a more favourable turn of Providence, be disposed at length to smile upon him; this, however, he held for certain, that, should he fall in the attempt, he would at least die ho- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 6l nourably, and his death would be lamented by all <>;ood men. Upon these motives he resolved privately with himself what conduct he would pursue; and- re- commending himself and his success to the care and protection of Almighty God, he afterwards performed such exploits, without men, without money, and without arms, which, as they were an admiration to us who were present, and eye and ear witnesses of them, so they may very properly be the objects of emulation and imitation to the greatest generals in succeeding ages. What these were will appear in the course of this history. Montrose thereupon delivered over to Lord Ogilvy those few gentlemen who had remained constant in their fidelity to him, in order to convey them to the king ; and as he had all along commu- nicated his counsels to him, he likewise made him privy to his present resolutions, and charged him to entreat the king to hasten the supply* if not of men, at least of arms from abroad. He accom- panied them two days journey on the road ; but at length withdrew privately, leaving his horses, servants, and baggage behind him, and returned to Carlisle with all expedition. His company, not suspecting his departure, as they had Lord Ogilvy and his other most intimate friends still along with them, continued their march to Oxford ; but they never reached that length ; for the most of them, particularly Lord Ogilvy himself, John Innes, who 62 MEMOIRS OF THE was colonel of a regiment of horse, Henry Grame his own brother, a very promising young man, James, John, and Alexander Ogilvies, Patrick Melvil, and several others, all gentlemen of great bravery, and particularly esteemed by Montrose, * fell into the enemy's hands, and endured a long and nasty imprisonment, until they were set at li- berty by Montrose himself the next year, and af- terwards proved of eminent service to him. When he came to Carlisle, he imparted his de- sign to the Earl of Aboyne, that he, whose assist- ance might afterwards be very necessary to him in the prosecution of it, might not have the least cause to complain, that an affair of such import- ance was gone about without his participation and advice ; but, at the same time, being afraid of the fickleness and inconstancy of that young noble- man, he did not incline to take him along with him on so hazardous a journey ; and, therefore, easily prevailed on him to remain at Carlisle, till he should hear what success he had in Scotland, by which time it might be more seasonable for him to return into the country. Being now prepared for his journey, he made choice of only two men for his companions and guides, Sir William Rollock, a gentleman of ap- proved honour, and remarkable both for his know- ledge and courage, and one Sibbald, who was much * Among these was Dr Wishart himself, our reverend author. 4 .MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 63 respected by Montrose for the report of his valour, but who afterwards deserted him in his difficulties. Montrose disguised himself as a groom, and pass- ed for Sibbald's servant ; he rode upon a lean, jaded horse, and led another in his hand, and in this equipage proceeded to the borders, where he found all the ordinary and safe passes carefully guarded by the enemy. But two accidents befell him which gave him much greater concern ; for not far from the border, he fell in by chance with a servant of Sir Richard Graham's, who, taking them to be some of the covenanters, and of Les- lie's army, who were often patrolling thereabouts, he told them very frankly and confidently, that his master was in very good terms with the covenant- ers, and had undertaken to be their spy, and give them intelligence of every one who came that way, whom he suspected to be of the king's side ; an office which appeared to Montrose the more shame- ful and inexcusable, that he had always entertain- ed a very good opinion of Sir Richard, and that his majesty, out of his own favour and mistaken bounty, had raised him from the very dunghill to the honour of knighthood, and an estate which was the envy of his neighbours. They had not long parted with this man, when they met a soldier, a Scotsman, who had served under the Marquis of Newcastle in England. He, passing by the other two gentlemen, came up directly to Montrose, and saluted him by his name. Montrose endeavoured C4" MEMOIRS OF THE to wave the compliment, and refused that he was the person ; but the soldier was positive, and with a voice and countenance full of humility and duty, cried out, " Do not I know my Lord Marquis of Montrose well enough ? But go your way, and God be with you." When he saw that the soldier knew him, and that it was in vain to conceal him- self from him any longer, he gave him some money and left him ; and the man proved very faithful, and never discovered his having passed that way. These things alarmed Montrose prodigiously, and made him push forward, if possible, to antici- pate any accounts there could be of his journey. He did not spare his horses, or draw bridle, till after four days travel, he came to the house of Patrick Graham of Inchbrakie, his cousin, not far from the river Tay, on that side of the shire of Perth which lies next the Highlands.* Inchbrakie was descended of the noble family of Montrose, and as he was endowed with qualities worthy of his descent, the marquis, very deservedly, had a great confidence in him. He staid there for some days, passing his time through the night in a little obscure cottage, and in the day time in the neighbouring mountains alone ; for he had dis- * This was not the house of Inchbrakie, which lies within a mile of the river Earn, and ten miles from the Tay; but the house of Tillibelton, which then belonged to that family, and lies among the hills near the river Tay. — Gutk. Mem. p. 161. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 65 patched his fellow-travellers, Sir William Rollock and Mr Sibbald, to his friends to get intelligence, and bring; him an exact account of the state of the kingdom. After spending some days in procuring infor- mation, they returned with very tragical accounts of the situation of the country ; that all the honest and loyal part of the nation was oppressed by the tyranny of the rebels ; and of those who had at- tempted to preserve their liberty by taking arms, some were put to death, others grievously fined, and severals lay in prison, and daily expected to suffer the worst their enemies could do ; that the Marquis of Huntly had very precipitantly taken up arms, but had yielded at the first summons of the enemy, though he had a very considerable body of men, who only wanted a fit commander ; that, in consequence of this, his friends and follow- ers were exposed to the implacable malice and re- venge of their enemies, and that he himself had fled to the uttermost corner of the island, where he lay concealed. * Montrose was exceedingly af- fected with these news, especially with Huntly's bad conduct, and the ruin of the Gordons ; and not without reason, for the gentlemen of the name of Gordon were remarkable for their loyalty and valour, and therefore the more to be pitied, being * He retired to Lord Reay's house in Strathnaver. 66 MEMOIRS OF THE thus oppressed not for any fault of their own. However, he began to consider if he might not prevail upon them to join with himself, and try their fortune again under another general, in be- half of the king. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 67 CHAR V. The Irish arrive in the Highlands. — Montrose meets them in Athole ; — is joined by the Athole-men^ — and by Lord Kil- pont and Sir John Drummond ; — defeats the covenanters at Tippermoor. In the mean time, a report prevailed among the shepherds in the hills, that a body of Irish had landed in the north of Scotland, and was march- ing through the Highlands. Montrose thought this not unlikely, and that it might be some part of the Irish auxiliaries, which the Earl of Antrim had engaged to send him four months before. However, he could conclude nothing certain about it, till he received letters from some of the High- land gentlemen, his intimate friends ; particularly from Alexander Macdonald, to whom Antrim had given the command of this small body of Irish, These letters they had sent to one of their friends, who was of the same sentiments with themselves, in order, if possible, to be transmitted by him to Carlisle, where they imagined Montrose still was. This gentleman, who suspected nothing of Mon- trose's return to Scotland, though he lived in the neighbourhood of Inchbrakie's house, by a lucky accident acquainted Mr Graham of these letters, G8 MEMOIRS OF THE and very readily took the charge of them, and pro- mised to have them faithfully delivered into Montrose's own hands, though he should ride to Carlisle with them himself ; and thus, by a very singular direction of Providence, they came to his hand much sooner than possibly could have been expected. He returned his answer as if he had been still at Carlisle, and desired them to keep up their spirits, for they should not be long without a seasonable reinforcement, and a general at their head ; and at the same time ordered them, with all expedition, to fall down into Athole. He chose this country for the place of his first rendezvous ; because, besides the obligations which the Athole- men lay under to himself, he entertained a high esteem for them on account of their extraordinary and constant fidelity and loyalty to his majesty, and their remarkable courage and bravery ; so that he reckoned himself sure of them; and, indeed, they continued to deserve his good opinion, even to the conclusion of the war. The Irish, and a very few Scots Highlanders, who were almost all from Badenoch, so soon as they had received Montrose's orders, marched di- rectly down to Athole. As he was not then distant from them above twenty miles, he set out on foot in a Highland dress, accompanied only with his cousin Patrick Graham, as his guide, and joined them so unexpectedly, that the Irish could hardly be per- suaded the man whom they saw was the Marquis of JO MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 69 Montrose ; till, being saluted by the Athole-men and others, who knew him perfectly well, and almost paid him the honours of a guardian angel, they were convinced to their very great joy. He came to them in the nick of time, for they were in the most imminent danger. Argyle was in their rear with a strong and regular army ; the low country was all in arms, waiting their coining down into the plains, and in such numbers as would have trode them down with their horses : the vessels that brought them over had been burnt by Argyle, to prevent their escape : the Athole-men, and even others that favoured the king's cause, refused to join in any enterprise with or for them, as they were strangers, and apparently had come without any authority from the king ; besides, they were not commanded by any person of a noble or an- cient family, a thing much respected by the High- landers ; and they would not fight under the com- mand of Alexander Macdonald, whom they con- sidered as an upstart ; * and then their number * Some curious details concerning the Macdonalds, during their last transactions in Scotland, are contained in the follow- ing extract from Sir James Turner's Memoirs : — " Shortlie after, Lieut.-Gencral Lesley having reduced the north to the obedience of the Committee of Estates, by taking all Huntley's houses, and chaceing himselfe and his party to his Hieland shelters, marched south, being to goe into Kintire. I met him at Dumblaine, where lies the late Marquis of Argile and Major Generall Holburne, who easilie persuaded me 70 MEMOIRS OF THE was inconsiderable, not being above eleven hun- dred, though ten thousand was promised. to accept of the adjutant-general's office in the armie, then vacant ; for, indeed, I thought it duetie to fight against these men, who first had deserted their Generall Montrosse, as E. Aboine and Sir Alaster Macdonald had done when he stood most in need of them, which mainlie had occasioned his ine- parable losse at Philipshauch, and nixt, had absolutlie refusd to lay down armes at the king's oune command, carried to them by Sir James Lesley. I was necessitated to stay for some baggage a day or tuo, and thereafter met the armie at Innerraray, Argile's chiefe house ; from thence we marched to Kintire, which is a peninsull, both before and at the entrie of it, there were such advantages of ground, that our foot for moun- taines and marshes, could never have draune vp one hundreth in a bodie, nor our horse above three in breast, which, if Sir Alaster had prepossessd with these thousand or 1200 brave foot, which he had with him, I think he might have routed us, at least, we sould not have enterd Kintire bot by a miracle. Bot he was ordaind for destruction, for by a speedie march, we made ourselves masters of these difficult passes, and got into a plaine countrey, where no sooner he saw our horse ad- vance, but with little or no fighting he retird, and if the lieur.- general's foot had been with him, to have given the enemie a shot or two, which would have disorderd him, I beleeve none of them had escaped from our horse. Alaster, like a foole, (for no sojor he was, thogh stout enough,) put in 300 of his best men in a house on the top of a hill called Dunaverttie, environed with a stone wall, where there was not a drop of water, but what fell from the clouds. Then leaveing Kintire^ he went to Yla, where he played just such another mad prank, Jeaveing his old father, commonlie called Coll Kettoch, with ueere 200 men in a castle called Dunneveg, where was no MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 71 The very next day the Athole-men, to the num- ber of eight hundred, put themselves in arms, and water either bot what the heavens afforded. The rest of his men he carried to Ireland, (ane excellent general major,) where he was killd in a battell fought by those with whom he joind against my Lord Taffe, now Earl of Carlingford. We be- seegd Dunaverttie, which keeped out well enough, till we stormd a trench they had at the foot of the hill, whereby they commanded tuo stripes of water. This we did take in the assault. Foi tie of them were put to the sword. We lossd five or six, with Argile's major. After the inexorable thirst made them desire a parley, I was ordered to speak with them, neither could the lieut.-general be movd to grant any other conditions, then that they sould yeeld on discretion or mercy. And it seemed strange to me to heare the lieut.- gencrad's nice distinction, that they sould yeeld themselves to the kingdome's mercy, and not to his. At length they did so, and after they were coind out of the castle, they were put to the suord, everie mother's sonne, except one young man, Mackoul, whose life I begd to be sent to France, with a hundreth fellows whom we had smoakd out of a cave, as they do foxes, who were given to Captain Cambell, the chancellor's brother. *.' Here it will be fit to make a stop, till this cruell action be canvasd. First, The lieut.-generall was tuo days irresolute what to doe. The Marques of Argile was accusd at his arraignment [of] this murther, and I was txamind as a witnes. I dc[clared] which was true, that I never heard him advice the lieut.-general to it. What he did in private I know not. Secondlie, Argile was but a colonell there, and so had no power to doe it of himselfe. Thirdlie, Though he had advised him to it, it was no capitall crime ; for councel is no command. Fourthlie, I have several times spoke to the 72 MEMOIRS OF THE came and offered their service most cheerfully to Montrose, who being now provided with an army, lieut.-gcnerall to save these men's lives, and he always assent- ed to it; and I know of himselfe he was unwilling to shed their bloodt Fifthlie, Mr John Nave (who was appointed by the Commission of the Kirke to waite on him as his chaplaine) never ceasd to tempt him to that bloodshed, yea, and threaten- ed him with the curses befell Saull, for spareing the Amalekites, for with them his theologie taught him to compare the Dunaverttie men. And I verilie beleeve that this prevaild most with David Lesley, who lookd upon Nave as the repre. esntative of the Kirk of Scotland. Lastlie, There is no doubt but the lieut.-general might legallie enough, without the least transgression of either the custome, practice, or law of warre, or his oune commission, have vsd them as he did, for he was bound by no article to them, they having submitted themselves absolutelie to his discretion. It is true, on the other hand, summumjus, summa injuria ; and in such cases, mercy is the more Christian, the more honourable, and the more ordinarie way in oure warres in Europe. Bot I reallie beleeve, advise him to that act who will, he hath repented it many times since, and even very soon after doeiug it. " From Kintire we went by sea to Yla, and immediatelye invested Dunneveg. I must remember by the way, that we carried bot about fourskore horses with vs, after we left Kintire, the rest of the troopes being left in Lome, vnder the command of Coll. Robert Montgomerie, since general-major, who blockd vp the house of belonging to Mac- koull in Lome, whose clan was, as I said, extirpated very neere at Dunnaverttie. Dunnaveg, after a stout resistance, for want of water, came to a parley. I am appointed to treat with one Captain Oneale, and one Donald Gorum, who came eut of the house on the lieut. generally word. Life was pro- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 73 and relying not upon his numbers, but on the pro- vidence of God in the protection of a just cause, wished for nothing more earnestly than an oppor- tunity to try his strength, even with the stoutest of his enemies ; and, impatient of any farther de- lay, he marched that very day through the plains of Athole towards Strathern, that his friends and others, whom the news of his motions might en- courage to rise to his assistance, might have an op- portunity to join him, before they were prevented by the enemy ; and likewise that he might sur- prise the rebels, and attack them, before they could bring together their strength, which was then dis- persed. In his way, passing by the castle of Weme, which belongs to the Menzieses, as they had mal- mised to them ; all the officers to goe where they pleased, the sojors to be transported to Fiance, and given to Henry Sinclair, my old lieut.-coionell. The articles I saw couchd in writeing and signed by [bot]h Argile and Lesley. This capitulation was faithfully [objserved. A little skurvie isle in the end of Y"la was keepd by a bastard sonne of Coll Kittoch, which we left to its fortune. Bot before we were masters of Dunneveg, the old man Coll, comeing foolishlie out of the house where he was governour, on some parole or other, to speak with his old friend the captaine of Dunstaffnage Castle, was surprisd and made prisoner, not without some staine to the lieut.-generall's honor. He was afterwards hangd by a jury of Argile's sheriffe-depute, one George Campbell, from whose sentence few are said to have escapd that kind of ' death.'' 74 MEMOIRS OF THE • treated a messenger whom he had sent to them in a friendly manner, and had likewise attacked the rear of his army, he ordered his men to plunder their country, and burn their houses and corns ; that by striking a terror into the country at his first entrance into the war, he might deter them from such insults thereafter. That very night he crossed the Tay, which is the greatest river in Scot- land, with a part of his forces, and the rest follow- ed next day very early in the morning. Being now ready to set out on his march, he gave the command of the Athole-men, at their own earnest desire, to Patrick Graham, of whom there will be often occasion to make mention in the course of this history, and never without honour, and imme- diately thereafter he dispatched him with the choice of the Athole-men, to bring him intelligence. He returned speedily with advice, that he had seen a body of armed men upon the hill beside Buchanty. They were commanded by Lord Kilpont, eldest son of the Earl of Monteith, of a very ancient and noble descent, and sprung from the illustrious fa- mily of the Grahams ; and by Sir John Drum- mond, son to the Earl of Perth, and a relation likewise of Montrose. Both these gentlemen had been summoned by the covenanters to assist them against the Irish, as public enemies, and with that view they had brought out about five hundred men, for at this time they had heard nothing certain con- cerning Montrose. He marched straight up to 6 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 75 them, resolving, if he could not bring them over to his side, to overpower them directly ; but, so soon as they understood Montrose commanded, they sent some of their principal officers to him to be informed what he intended. He returned for an- wer, that he acted by the king's authority, and had undertaken to defend it to the utmost of his power against that unnatural rebellion, and entreat- ed them, as men for whom, on many accounts, he had a very particular regard, that they would not refuse their assistance to the best of kings ; that as this was a service becoming their birth, and ac- ceptable to his majesty, it could not fail to be con- ducive to their present advantage, and would, be- sides, redound to their everlasting honour and re- nown, both at home and abroad, should they prove the first who lent their assistance to support a tot- tering crown. They very readily and cheerfully complied with Montrose's entreaties, and joined him with their men directly, for both of them se- cretly favoured the king's cause. Montrose was informed by them that the cove- nanters were gathered together in a very great bo- dy at Perth, and were waiting there to attack him as he came down from Athole. As he knew that Argyle and his army was following him at the heels, to prevent his being hemmed in betwixt these two armies, he resolved to march directly to Perth, and either force the enemy to an engagement, or take the town, and reduce it to his obedience. Accord- 7^> MEMOIRS OF THE ingly, after he had gone three miles from Buchan- ty, he allowed his men some short time to rest, and began his march by break of day. When he came within three miles of Perth, he saw the enemy up- on a large extended plain, called Tippermuir, drawn up as if they waited a battle. They were commanded by Lord Elcho, who was not reputed an extraordinary soldier ; and they had likewise with them the Earl of Tillibardine, and Lord Drummond ; but the last, it was alleged, against his inclination, he and all his father's family being inclined to the king ; besides several knights, among whom Sir James Scot was remarkable for his skill in military affairs, having served some time in the Venetian army with applause. Their army consisted of six thousand foot and seven hundred horse, and, trusting to their numbers, they had al- ready confidently devoured their enemy in their expectations. It happened to be Sunday, the 1st of September, and their ministers were particular- ly charged to encourage the army, and animate them for the action by their sermons, putting them in mind of the Solemn League and Covenant to which they had sworn. And, indeed, they acted their parts to very good purpose, at the expence of their lungs, promising the army, in the name of Al- mighty God, that they should obtain an easy and unbloody victory. Among the rest, one Frederick Carmichael, who was esteemed by the common people the most eminent for learning and piety, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 77 did not stick to say in his sermon, " That, if ever God spoke truth out of his mouth, he promised them, in the name of God, a certain victory that day." Having finished their devotions, as they thought, in a manner well pleasing to God, they drew out their army in order of battle. Lord Elcho com- manded the right wing, Sir James Scot the left, and the Earl of Tillibardine the main body ; some troops of horse were placed on each wing, by which they expected in such an open plain to surround their enemy. When Montrose saw the superior number of the covenanters, and especially their strength in horse, as he himself had none, there being only three in all his army, ir he was afraid they might surround him, and attack him all at once in the front, flank, and rear ; therefore, to prevent this, he extended his front as much as he could, placing his files only three men deep ; and, that they might all engage the enemy at the same time, he ordered the men in the first rank to rest upon one knee, those of the second to stoop, leaning over the first, and the last rank, in which he placed the tallest men, to stand erect. He ordered them likewise to be sparing of their powder, of which they were very scarce, and not to fire a single musket till they came up to the face of the enemy, * Of these, two were for his own saddle, and the third for Sir William Rollock, who was somewhat lame. 78 MEMOIRS OF THE and that having once discharged their pieces, they should immediately fall on boldly sword-in-hand ; and if they observed these orders, he was confident the enemy would never stand their attack. Mon- trose himself took the charge of the right wing, which was opposed to Sir James Scot ; the left he committed to Lord Kilpont, and placed Mac- donald and the Irish in the centre. This was a very prudent disposition of his men, for, had he placed the Irish on the flanks, as they had neither pikes nor swords, they would otherwise have been much exposed to the enemy's horse. Montrose in the mean time dispatched Mr Drummond, eldest son to Lord Maderty, a very accomplished young nobleman, with a message to the chiefs of the covenanters' army, importing, that he, as well as his royal master, by whose com- mission he acted, had the utmost abhorrence to shed the blood of his countrymen, and that it was their first and most earnest wish to obtain a victory without bloodshed ; and this might be compassed by both armies at the same time, if, without trying the doubtful chance of a battle, they would lay down their arms and return to their duty and obe- dience to their sovereign. He assured them that, for his own part, he aimed at neither the places nor honours, estates nor lives, of any of his fellow-sub- jects, for whom, on the contrary, he entertained the greatest affection : all that he desired of them, and he obtested it most earnestly in the name of MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 7*3 God, was to consult their own safety, and hearken to his advice ; nor any longer obstinately refuse to trust to the clemency, faith, and protection of so good a king ; who, as he had hitherto fully com- plied with the demands of his Scots subjects as to matters both civil and religious, though to the very great detriment of his prerogative, so he was still ready, like a most indulgent parent, though pro- voked by repeated injuries, to embrace them with open arms, when convinced of their error, and be- come submissive. But if they should still conti- nue obstinate in their rebellion, he called God to witness, that he was forced by their own stubborn- ness into the present encounter, for the consequen- ces of which they alone were to be answerable. To this they made no return ; but, contrary to the sacred law of nations, seized the ambassador, whose only motive for undertaking this office was his love to his country, and sent him under a guard to Perth, to be imprisoned like a malefactor ; vowing, that so soon as they had got the victory, they would cut off his head ; but God was more merci- ful, and saved this worthy young man, by ordering matters otherwise than they expected. When the armies came within cannon-shot of one another, some choice men were ordered out from that quarter where Lord Drummond commanded, to skirmish with Montrose, and try his strength. He thereupon sent out a few to meet them, who, having routed them at the first onset, drove them 80 MEMOIRS OF THE back in great confusion to the main body. Mon- trose judged this was the nick of time to make his attack, as nothing could more animate his men, or dispirit the enemy, than to fall upon them while yet in disorder, and alarmed with this first blow, before they had time to recover from their sur- prise, or to rally their men. He, therefore, order- ed his whole army to begin the attack, and they immediately rushed forward upon the enemy, set- ting up a great shout. The enemy first discharg- ed their cannon, which were planted in the front of their army, but being at a distance, they made a greater noise than they did execution ; then march- ing down their army, the horse attacked Montrose ; but as his men had already spent their powder, and few of them being armed with pikes, and many wanting even swords, they had recourse to such arms as were readiest, to wit, stones, of which, by chance, there was plenty at hand, and poured such vol lies of these upon them, with so much strength and courage, as obliged them to retreat, and give them no more trouble. Both the Irish and the Highlanders behaved with the utmost bravery, striving to outdo each other, and bore so hard on the horse in their retreat, that they were at last forced to save themselves by a precipitate flight. The engagement continued longer and more vio- lent on the right wing ; for Sir James Scot con- tended obstinately for some time for the rising ground ; but Montrose's men, who were superior MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. SI in strength of body, as well as quickness and agili- ty, got possession of it ; and the Athole-men, fal- ling down from thence with their drawn swords upon the enemy, and disregarding the bullets, which were flying about their ears as thick as hail, came close up with them, and killed and cut down all before them. At last the enemy, no longer able to stand the shock, fairly betook themselves to their heels. Most of the cavalry saved themselves by the fleetness of their horses ; but there was a very great slaughter among the foot, the conquer- ors pursuing for about six or seven miles. The number of the slain was computed to be about two thousand, and many more were taken prison- ers. Of these some gave their oath of fidelity, and enlisted with the conqueror ; but they did not continue long in their duty, most of them very soon after deserting him ; the rest he set at liber- ty upon their parole, never afterwards to carry arms against the king or his generals. Perth sur- rendered to him that same day, * and he entered the town without committing the smallest hostility, though most of the inhabitants had fought against him in the field, thinking, by this singular instance of clemency, to reconcile the minds of the people more effectually to the king, which was the princi- pal aim of all his designs. * For some very amusing particulars respecting the sur- render of Perth, see an original letter from the ministers there, printed in the Scots Magazine for November 18! 7. F 82 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. VI. Montrose marches from Perth to Cupar in Angus Lord Kilpont assassinated by Ardvorlich. — Montrose is joined by the Earl of Airly and his two sons. — Marches north- wards. — Defeats Lord Burleigh at Aberdeen. JV1 ontrose halted three days at Perth, in hopes that many of the gentlemen of that country, who boasted much of their loyalty and attachment to the king, would be encouraged by the accounts of his late success to take arms, and join him with their friends and followers ; but in this he was dis- appointed, for none came in to him but the Earl of Kinnoul, and a few gentlemen from the Carse of Gowrie ; and even the most of these afterwards forsook him. By this time Argyle was drawing near, with a powerful army of foot, besides a good body of horse, who had joined him from the south. Montrose, therefore, thought it expedient to re- move ; so, crossing the river Tay, he encamped in the open fields, (as was his ordinary custom,) near Cupar, a small town in Angus, where formerly stood a famous monastery, which is now in ruins. Here he was met by that noble youth Sir Thomas Ogilvy, son to the Earl of Airly, and several others of the Angus nobility and gentry, who MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 83 frankly offered him their service. He received them very kindly, and, thanking them for their kind offers, dismissed them in order to prepare and equip themselves for the war. However, very few of them returned to him besides the Ogilvies. Next morning, by break of day, and before the drums had beat for their march, the whole camp was in an uproar, and the men all running to their arms in the highest rage and fury. Upon the first alarm, Montrose, imagining that this tumult had arisen from some quarrel betwixt the Highlanders and the Irish, threw himself into the thickest of the crowd, in order to quell them ; but, to his grief, he was soon undeceived, and saw what shock- ed him extremely, his noble and worthy friend, Lord Kilpont, newly murdered, and weltering in his blood. The villain who had assassinated him was one Stuart,* a vassal of his own, whom this young nobleman had treated with the greatest fa- miliarity and friendship, insomuch, that that very night they had slept together in the same bed. It was alleged, that this abandoned wretch had resol- ved to murder Montrose himself, and, trusting to the great influence he had acquired with Lord Kilpont, he had conceived hopes of prevailing on him to become an associate in the parricide ; but that, having disclosed his design in private to Kil- * This man's name was James Stuart of Ardvorlich.- Guth, Mem. p. 165. 84< MEMOIRS OF THE pont, he treated the proposal as it deserved, and rejected it with horror. Whereupon Stuart, dread- ing that he might discover the matter, had fallen upon him quite unguarded, and suspecting no harm from his friend, who lay under so many obligations to him, and wounded him mortally in several places. However, he made his escape, killing, in his way, the centinel who stood at the entry of the camp, it being so dark that those who pursued him could scarcely see the length of their pikes. Some were of opinion that he was bribed by the cove- nanters to perpetrate this execrable deed ; but others thought he was allured only with the pro- mise or hopes of a reward from them. However it be, this much is certain, that he has been in the greatest favour with them all along ; and very soon after Argyle promoted him to considerable com- mands in the army, although he was no soldier. Montrose was very much afflicted with the untime- ly fate of this nobleman, who* had been his own special friend, and most faithful and loyal to the king his master j and, besides his knowledge in polite literature, philosophy, divinity, and law, his character was eminent for probity and fortitude. After taking his farewell of the dead body, by em- bracing it with the greatest transports of grief, he delivered it to his sorrowful friends and servants, to be carried home to his parents, that he might be buried in a manner becoming that honourable family. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 85 Montrose marched with the rest of his forces to Dundee ; but that town, confident of its strength from the number of its inhabitants, and having, be- sides, got an addition of troops from Fife, refused to surrender. He thought it would be imprudent to hazard the reputation he had acquired by his late victory upon the doubtful success of a siege ; and therefore turned aside, and directed his march towards the river of Esk, the rather in hopes of be- ing quickly joined by several of his own friends and relations, who were men of considerable estates and followings in that part of the country, and who used to speak very highly of themselves, and of their loyalty to the king ; but upon the first notice of his approach they all withdrew, except Ogilvy Earl of Airly, then a man of sixty years of age, who, with his two sons, Sir Thomas and Sir David, and many of his friends and vassals, all men of known courage, came and joined him ; and they stuck firm to his interest during the whole course of the war, with admirable zeal and fidelity, not- withstanding the severest turns of fortune ; being, besides Montrose himself, amidst this almost uni- versal defection, the only remaining glory and or- nament of the Scottish nobility. In the mean time, he received intelligence, that some commissioners from the covenanters, of whom Lord Burleigh was the chief, *lay at Aberdeen with * Robert Arnot of Ferney, who married the heiress of Burleigh, and had the title of Lord Burleigh, in virtue of a 86 MEMOIRS OF THE an army ; and were labouring hard, by fair means or foul, to draw over to their party all that north country, from which Montrose had hitherto ex- pected the greatest succours. He resolved there- fore to attack them before Argyle could join them with his forces ; and set forward by very long marches. Having taken possession of the bridge on the river Dee, and advanced nearer the city, he found the enemy drawn up before it in order of battle. Lord Burleigh had with him two thousand foot, and five hundred horse ; the last he disposed in the wings of his army, and having chosen the most advantageous ground, and planted his cannon in the front, he there waited, ready for action. Montrose's army was now reduced to fifteen hun- dred foot ; for, besides that Lord Kilpont's men had gone home to convey the body of their dead master, most of the Athole-men, as they were not far from their own country, had gone off with their booty, and were not yet returned : and all the horse he had was but forty-four, which he letter from the king. His great grandson, the last Lord Bal- four of Burleigh, while yet a young man, was condemned to be beheaded for the murder of a schoolmaster who had married a waiting maid, with whom Balfour was in love. But he escaped from prison in his sister's clothes, and afterwards join- ing the insurgents in the year 1715, was attainted by act of Parliament, and his estate, ofL. 697 '<*■ year, and honours, werr forfeited to the crown. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 87 divided into two bodies ; and strengthening them with some choice musketeers and archers, who, in point of agility and swiftness, were little inferior to his horse, he posted them in the wings of his army, to prevent the enemy's horse from surrounding him, which office they executed with intrepidity and success, even beyond expectation or belief. He gave the command of his right wing to James Hay and Nathaniel Gordon, and of the left to Sir William Rollock, all of them gentlemen of singu- lar bravery. The rebels' left wing was command- ed by Lord Lewis Gordon, son to the Marquis of Huntly, who was a bold fiery young man, but of a temper extremely violent and changeable, and had forced out his father's friends and clan, much contrary to their inclination, to take arms against Montrose.* He having got possession of the plain grounds, where his horse could engage with most * This Lord Lewis Gordon afterwards became third Mar- quis of Huntly. Spalding records the following circumstance respecting him : — " About this time, (February 1641,) Lewis Gordon, being with his father the Lord Marquis . 98 MEMOIRS OF THE • men, who had joined him at Strathbogie, deserted, even in the sight of the whole army. On the other hand, the enemy attacked the eminence, and made themselves masters of a considerable part of it ; which, had they been able to maintain with the same courage they obtained it, Montrose had been totally ruined ; for his men being discouraged by the desertion of the Gordons and the superior number of the enemy, were beginning almost to despair ; but he immediately restored them to life and courage by his own presence and example, and by putting them in mind of their former achievements and inherent bravery; and calling with an air of unconcern to one Colonel O'Kyan, a young Irish gentleman, he desired him to go, with such men as were readiest, and drive these fellows out of their ditches, that they might be no more troubled with them. He had often had oc- casion to see and commend O'Kyan's courage, and he did not at this time fall short of his general's good opinion ; for though they were far superior to him in number, and were besides supported by a party of horse, yet he quickly drove them from the ditches, and got possession of some bags of powder, which the enemy in their hurry had left behind them : this was a very seasonable supply ; for their powder was now almost spent. And here we must not pass by a remarkable instance of the forwardness and confidence of Montrose's men ; one of whom, upon seeing the bags of powder, 4 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 99 cried out, " What ! have they left us no ball ? but it seems we must take them afterwards from these niggardly stewards j" as if it had been altogether the duty of the enemy to provide them in all the necessaries of war. In the mean time, seeing that his horse, which were but fifty in all, were in danger, by their si- tuation, of an immediate attack from the enemy, he succoured them timeously by lining them with light musketeers. For the Earl of Lothian had sent five troops of horse against them ; but, before they had come half way over the field which lay betwixt, they were so galled by the shot from our musketeers on the height, that they were forced to- wheel about and retire, Montrose's men, now much elated with their success in these two enter- prises, could hardly be prevented from making a general assault upon the enemy's whole army ; Montrose thought it prudent to commend, rather than to check, this forward disposition in his men; only he entreated them to be mindful of their duty, and to wait till he should give the word of com- mand. In the evening, Argyle, having thus fail- ed in his attempt, drew off his men to about two miles distance, and passed the night under arms, without sleeping. But next day, being informed that Montrose laboured under a scarcity both of powder and ball, he brought up his army to the same ground, and appeared resolved to make an assault upon the hill, and beat Montrose out of 100 MEMOIRS OF THE his trenches : but in this his heart failed him ; and nothing remarkable happened, excepting some light skirmishes between flying parties, while the main bodies of the two armies kept each their ground. In the meantime, Montrose caused melt down into balls what dishes, flaggons, chamber- pots, and other pewter vessels could be got ; but even that did not supply the exigency : however, this inconveniency, great as it was, did not much damp the spirits of his soldiers ; one of them in particular, always when he fired his musket, which he presumed was never without execution, called out merrily to his comrades, " I have certainly broke one traitor's face with a chamber-pot." And, indeed, it was no wonder if Montrose's men were often in want of powder and other warlike stores, when it is considered that they had no other way of being supplied but by seizing them from the enemy. The second day being thus near spent, Argyle carried his men again across the river, and retired, by the same road he had come, to the distance of three Scots miles. And thus several days passed at Fyvie in the same manner ; Argyle carrying nothing away with so great an army, but disgrace among his friends, and contempt from his enemies ; for it was entirely imputed to his want of courage, that he had not risked an engagement there. At last Montrose took the advantage of the night, and returned to Strathbogie, being afraid, had he MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 101 marched in the day-time, that his rear might be harassed in his march by the enemy's horse. He intended to stop there for some time, both because the rough and uneven face of the country was a good security to his men from the incursions of the enemy's cavalry, and because it was near those parts of the Highlands from which he daily expect- ed Macdonald, with what Highlanders he could raise. Next day the enemy followed him, with an intention to force him to an engagement in the open fields. So soon as they came in sight, their men were drawn out in order of battle, as if they had been to fall on immediately with their whole force j however, Argyle first sent out some High- landers to skirmish with Montrose, but they were manfully received and repulsed ; whereby Mon- trose had an opportunity to take possession of the most advantageous ground. This induced Argyle to alter his resolution, and think of other measures, which, though safer, were far more dishonourable. He proposed a cessation in order to have a con- ference together, and that engagements should be given on both sides for their mutual security ; but, at the same time, he begun to tamper with Mon- trose's men, and not only to tempt their fidelity, by offering them an indemnity and high rewards if they would desert him, but he also promised a con- siderable sum to any person who should bring him Montrose's head. Montrose, who was well acquainted with Argyle, 102 MEMOIRS OF THE • and knew that his disposition was better calculated to overreach and betray his enemy, than to carry on a fair and open war, so soon as he understood his designs, thought that nothing concerned him more, than, with all expedition, to withdraw his small army, as far as he could, both from the ene- my's horse, and out of the reach of Argyle's knavery. He, therefore, called a council of war, and told them what he thought proper to be done ; they all approved the motion, ^nd promised to con- tinue their fidelity, and their best endeavours to serve him. In consequence thereof, he resolved upon a long march the very next night, as far as Badenoch ; and that his army might be the more expeditious for a march of that difficulty, he sent off his heavy baggage before him under a guard, and ordered his men to hold themselves in readi- ness as if they were to fight the next day. After he had dispatched the carriages and heavy bag- gage, it was suddenly told him, that Forbes of Craigievar, his prisoner, whom he had allowed to live at large in the camp upon his parole, and Sib- bald, who, besides iSir William Rollock, was the only person to whom he had communicated his de- signs, and made his companion in his journey from England, and several others, had deserted to the enemy. This treachery gave Montrose a good deal of uneasiness ; he justly suspected, that, in or- der to ingratiate themselves with the enemy, they would undoubtedly give them intelligence of his MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 103 intended motions ; he immediately, therefore, cal- led back his carriages, and seemed to have altered his resolution entirely. However, he still resolved to prosecute his march, only he thought it neces- sary to delay it for some time, that the enemy might have reason to disbelieve the intelligence they would receive from his deserters. At last, after waiting four days, he again sent off his bag- gage, and, lighting fires through all the camp, sta- tioned his horse in the rear, just in view of the enemy, as if they were upon guard, and immedi- ately marched off his foot ; so soon as they were out of danger, he brought off his horse safe like- wise, and the whole army arrived about break of day at Balveny. When he found he was now be- yond the reach of the enemy's horse, and that they did not pursue him farther, as it was now the midst of winter, he allowed his men a few days to refresh themselve?. The effects of Argyle's craft and secret artifices begun now to appear j for most of the nobility, gentry, and experienced officers who were with Montrose, (for, excepting among the Irish and Scots Highlanders, he had more officers than pri- vate men,) relying upon the conditions offered by Argyle, went over to his side. Some of them pre- tended want of health, others alleged that they were unable to undergo the fatigue of such con- stant and long marches, in the midst of winter, over wild uninhabited mountains, which were im- 104> MEMOIRS OF THE passable for rocks and thickets, and always covered with snow ; and that it was most unwillingly, and on- ly through absolute necessity, that they begged to be dismissed. He readily granted leave to every man who asked it j but it was rather with an air of in- dignation and scorn, than of indulgence or appro- bation. And indeed he foresaw, and soon felt the conse- quences of their deserting him, for it weakened his forces considerably, and disheartened many who intended to have joined him. Of all the low- country men, Ogilvy, Earl of Airly, though then sixty years of age, and very sickly, and his two sons, Sir Thomas and Sir David, sons indeed worthy of such a father, only remained with him, nor could they be prevailed upon, even with the utmost hazard of their lives, ever to leave him. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 105 CHAP. VIII. Montrose marches into Argyleshire ; lays waste and destroys all that country ; marches northivards ; is opposed by Sea- forth ; returns, and defeats Argyle at Inverlochy ; Sir Thomas Ogilvy, son to the Earl of Airly, hilled. From Balveny, Montrose set out for Badenoch ; upon his arrival there, he received certain intelli- gence that Argyle was lying at Dunkeld with his infantry only, having sent his horse to winter-quar- ters ; and that he was employing all his artifice in soliciting the A thole-men to desert him. Though Montrose was pretty confident of the fidelity and constancy of the Athole-men, he, nevertheless, marched down to Athole with incredible expedi- tion ; for in one night he travelled with his army no less than twenty-four miles, through a wild un- inhabited country, by unbeaten tracts, and almost impassable for rocks and depth of snow ; intend- ing to fall upon Argyle, while he had no horse along with him. However, Argyle did not wait his coming ; for, being terrified even with the news of his approach, and while as yet he was six- teen miles distant, he desired his men to shift for themselves ; and he himself fled straight to Perth, where the covenanters had a strong garrison. 106 MEMOIRS OF THE « By this time Macdonald was returned from the Highlands, and had brought along with him the Captain of Clanronald and five hundred of his men ; to these Montrose joined Patrick Graham, and a select number of the Athole-men ; and with this army marched to Loch-Tay, intending to pass through Breadalbane into the shire of Argyle ; being convinced that he could not attack an enemy any where more successfully than in his own coun- try. He had, besides, many powerful reasons to induce him to this resolution ; for Argyle's power and authority among the Highlanders was such, as rendered him formidable to all the neighbouring gentlemen and their dependents ; and he had thereby contributed much both to raise and foment the rebellion from the beginning ; for whenever any of them ventured to oppose the covenanters, or dispute their unreasonable commands, Argyle immediately fell upon them with a tumultuous army of five or six thousand Highlanders, whom, too, he forced out for these purposes much against their inclinations, and utterly ruined their fortunes and estates. He judged it therefore necessary at any rate to reduce the power of such a seditious, cruel, and avaricious tyrant. Besides, these Highlanders who had a warm side to the king's cause, though they hated Argyle mortally, yet having had suffi- cient experience of his oppression, durst make no appearance till he should be once subdued. And lastly, as the covenanters were in possession of all MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 107 the low country, and had strong garrisons and oreat bodies of horse dispersed every where through it, Montrose had no where else to dispose of his troops for their winter-quarters, unless he had a mind utterly to cut up and ruin his own friends. For these reasons, he led his army into Argyle- shire with surprising celerity, and by very long and very difficult marches. Argyle had then returned home to raise some new recruits, and had appointed the day and place of their rendezvous. He was living secure in his castle of Inveraray, not imagining that the enemy was within a hundred miles of him ; for, till now, he could never be induced to believe that an army could penetrate into Argyle, even in the midst of summer ; and used to boast, that he had rather lose a hundred thousand crowns than that any mortal should know the passes by which an armed force could penetrate into his country. When he therefore suspected nothing less, the shepherds came down in a panic from the hills, and inform- ed him that the enemy were not two miles distant. Uncertain what course to take, and almost dead with fear by this unexpected alarm, he went on board a fishing-boat, and consulted his own safety by flight ; abandoning his friends and followers, and the whole country, to their own fortune and the mercy of the enemy. The shire of Argyle is a rough mountainous country, and produces little or no corn ; but is extremely proper for breeding 108 MEMOIRS OF THE cattle, in which chiefly consist the riches of the in- habitants. Montrose divided his army into three parties ; he gave the command of one to the Cap- tain of Clanronald, of another to Macdonald, and the third he commanded himself ; and sent them out to range the country, and plunder and destroy wherever they came. They spared none that were fit to carry arms, and, in particular, they put to the sword all the men whom they met going in arms to the rendezvous appointed by Argyle ; nor did they desist till they had driven all the men who were fit for service out of the country, or at least obliged them to retire to lurking holes known to none but themselves. They drove all their cattle, and burnt down their villages and cottages to the ground ; thus retaliating upon Argyle the treatment he had given toothers, he himself being the first who had practised this cruel method of waging war against the innocent country people by fire and devastation. Nor did they deal more gently with the people of Lorn, and the neighbouring parts who acknowledged Argyle's authority. Thus they were employed from about the 13th of December 1644, till near the end of January. Montrose ever afterwards acknowledged, that he had never experienced the singular providence and o-oodness of God in a more remarkable manner than at this time, in bringing him and his men safe out of these parts ; for, had only two hundred men possessed the narrow passes, and defended MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 109 them courageously, they might either have entire*. ly destroyed his whole army, or at least have easily prevented their retreat ; or if the cowherds had only driven away their cattle out of their reach, which might easily have been done, they must un- doubtedly have perished for hunger in that barren country ; or, had the winter proved as severe and stormy as is usual every year in that country, they must either have been drowned in the snow, or frozen to death with the cold. But God had, at the same time, deprived his enemies of all resolu- tion and courage, and the season of its usual ri- gour ; and the barrenness of the country in other respects was sufficiently compensated by the greatest abundance of cattle. Having left the country of Argyle, and gone through Lorn, Glenco, and Lochaber, he at length came to Lochness. And now he laid his account, that the Highlanders, being either terri- fied by the treatment he had given Argyle, or being now delivered from the apprehensions of his tyranny, would all be ready to join him in defence of. the king's righteous cause against the rebels. But now, lest his invincible spirit should ever want sufficient employment, he received intelli- gence that the Earl of Seaforth, a man of the greatest power in these parts, and of whom he had all along entertained great expectations, was coming against him with an army of five thousand horse and foot ; consisting of the garrison of In- 110 MEMOIRS OF THE verness, who were all veterans, and the strength of the shires of Murray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caith- ness, and the clan of the Frasers. Montrose had only fifteen hundred men ; for the men of Clan- ronald, and most of the Athole-men, had obtained leave to go home, laden with the booty from Ar- gyleshire, on their promise to return so soon as they were again called for, as he did not suspect he would meet with such opposition, or would have such immediate occasion for them. However, with this handful of men, he made no difficulty to encounter Seaforth's disorderly army ; for, though he knew that the Inverness garrison were veteran soldiers, yet the rest of the army were but new levied men, and consisted mostly of husbandmen, cowherds, servants, and such like, and were alto* gether raw and unfit for service. When he had resolved and was preparing to fight them, a trusty messenger came up to him, and in- formed him that Argyle had fallen down into Lochaber with three thousand foot, which were composed of some forces he had got from the low- country, and such of the Highlanders as yet ad- hered to him ; and was then at the old castle of Inverlochy. Montrose, who knew Argyle's crafty but cowardly disposition, easily conjectured what was his design, and that he intended to follow him at a considerable distance, till he had once engag- ed with this north country army, and then to come up and reap the advantage of that battle ; but that MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. Ill he would at no rate fight himself if he could help it. He, therefore, thought it would prove a mat- ter of far greater importance, and at the same time of less danger, if he could attack Argyle, and shew that he could be defeated even in the Highlands, where he was revered, by the ignorant country peo- ple, like a god ; and if he succeeded, he was con- vinced that Seaforth's army, terrified with the re- port of a victory obtained over Argyle, would easily be reduced and brought to order. Montrose, who was then thirty miles from In- verlochy, did not keep the common beaten road ; however, he placed guards upon it, to prevent any intelligence being carried to the enemy, but went straight over the mountains of Lochaber, which no army had ever before attempted, being reckoned quite impassable, and unknown to every body but the shepherds and the huntsmen, who frequented them for sake of the deer, of which there are great herds in these mountains. Having killed the scouts whom the enemy had sent out, he was upon them before they were aware. However, they were not so much disconcerted with this unexpected visit as might have been thought ; but immediately run to their arms, and prepared to receive his attack. When Montrose saw that they were ready to re- ceive him, he stopt a little till his rear, which had fallen behind through the fatigue and difficulty of the march, should come up with the rest. By this time night came on, but the moon shone so clear. 1 VZ MEMOIRS OF THE * that it was almost as light as day ; they lay upon their arms the whole night, and, with the assistance of the faint light they had, harassed each other with slight sallies and skirmishes, so that neither gave the other time to repose. They all earnestly wished for day, only Argyle, more intent on his own safety, conveyed himself away about the mid- dle of the night, and, having very opportunely got a boat, escaped the hazard of the battle, choosing rather to be a spectator of the prowess of his men, than share in the danger himself. At break of" day, which was the second of February, and Can- dlemas-day, Montrose drew out his men in order of battle, and the enemy were equally alert in do- ing the same ; for, as the prisoners afterwards ac- knowledged, they did not imagine that Montrose himself was present, but only one of his principal officers, with a part of his forces. At length, about sunrise, Montrose's trumpets sounding, gave the enemy no small alarm ; for, be- sides that it was the signal of the horse, which made them believe there were some troops of horse along with them, a very extraordinary thing in these parts ; they were thereby likewise convinced that Montrose commanded in person. Nevertheless, the chiefs of the Campbells, (that is, the surname of Argyle's family and clan,) who were, indeed, a set of very brave men, and worthy of a better chief- tain and a better cause, begun the battle with very great courage. But their first rank having dis- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 115 charged their muskets only once, Montrose's men fell in upon them furiously sword in hand, with a great shout, and advanced with such impetuosity, that they soon routed the whole army, and put them to flight, and pursued them for about nine miles, making a dreadful slaughter all the way. There were fifteen hundred of the enemy slain, among whom were several gentlemen of distinc- tion of the name of Campbell, who led on the clan, and fell in the field of battle, fighting rather too gallantly for the honour of their dastardly chief- tain. Montrose, though an enemy, pitied their fate, and used his authority to save and give quar- ter to as many as he could. In the meantime, Argyle himself, who had got into his boat, rowed a little way off the shore, and looked on securely, at a distance, and saw his men thus routed and slain. Some officers whom Argyle had brought with him from the low-country, retired into the castle ; and when the castle was surrendered, Montrose received them very kindly, and gave them their liberty, dismissing them with several marks of his humanity and liberality. Montrose had several wounded in this battle, but he had none killed excepting three private men. However, the joy of this eminent victory was much abated by the death of that worthy man Sir Thomas Ogilvy, son to the Earl of Airly, who died a few days after of the wounds he had receiv- ed in the field. He had behaved very well in the H 114 MEMOIRS OF THE king's service in England, under the command of his father-in-law, General Ruthven, Earl of Forth and Brentford ; a man remarkable over all the world for his noble achievements, and, from the beginning of the Scots war, he had adhered close to Montrose, by whom he was in a particular man- ner beloved. Besides his reputation in a military capacity, he was likewise well versed in the sciences, and was in every respect an additional honour and grace to the ancient family of the Ogilvies. As he was a main instrument in obtaining the victory, his death was answerable to the great character he had acquired, thus falling in the defence of his king and country. Montrose, who was very much afflicted by this loss, ordered his body to be carried to Athole, and there interred in the most magni- ficent manner that the circumstances of the time and place could afford. The power and influence of the Campbells in the Highlands, which for many ages had been formi- dable to all their neighbours, was by this over- throw entirely broke ; and Montrose had now the prospect of executing his designs more easily for the future ; for the Highlanders, who are a very warlike set of people, being now delivered from the hateful oppression and tyranny of Argyle, began directly to offer themselves most willingly for his majesty's service. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 115 CHAP. IX. Montrose takes the tovon of Elgin. — Is attacked by Colonel Urry, whom he puts to flight. — Offers battle to Baillie and Urry. — Deserted by Lexvis Gordon, and the most of that clan. — Obliged on that account to retire north. — In his ivay he seizes Dundee. — Makes a surprising and safe retreat be- fore the covenanters' army. I he Marquis of Montrose, having allowed his men some days to refresh themselves, after the im- mense fatigue they had undergone, returned again over the mountains of Lochaber, and came to Loch- ness. From thence, passing through Strath-erri- gig, Strathnairn, and Stratherin, he came to the river Spey. There he was told, that a consider- able body of the enemy was lying at Elgin, which is the chief town of the shire of Murray, a country that lies beyond the Spey. Montrose marched di- rectly up to them, in order either to draw them over to his side, or to suppress them by force of arms ; but the very news of his approach dispersed this little cloud, and they retired to their lurking- holes in great terror. However, he continued his march, and, upon the 14th of February, had the town of Elgin surrendered to him by the inhabit- ants. 116 MEMOIRS OF THE At this time the Lord Gordon, eldest son to the Marquis of Huntly, who, for his excellent endowments, deserves the highest commendations, left his uncle Argyle, by whom he had been de- tained all along contrary to his inclinations, and openly espoused the king's side, frankly offering his service to Montrose as the king's deputy and general. He brought with him not many fol- lowers ; but these he had were all his choice friends and vassals. Montrose received him with the utmost civility, and returned him thanks for his offers ; but when he came afterwards to know him more thoroughly, and had experienced his honour and fidelity, he entered into the greatest familiarity and friendship with him. As most of the inhabitants of the shire of Murray were extremely addicted to the cove- nanters, so that, on Montrose's coming among them, they had withdrawn and concealed them- selves, he had no grounds to expect any assistance from a people so averse to his interest j he there- fore brought his forces over the Spey, in order to raise the people of the shires of Banff and Aber- deen, if the presence, the example, or the authori- ty of Lord Gordon could have any influence with them ; and having levied what forces he could in these parts, he proceeded, with an army of two thousand foot, and two hundred horse ; and having crossed the river Dee, and passed the Grampian hills, came into the shire of Mearns, and encamp- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 11/ ed not far from Fettercairn. A body of the cove- nanters lay at Brechin, about seven miles distant, commanded by Sir John Urry, colonel of a regi- ment of horse, who had the character of a very brave and gallant officer. He came out with six hundred horse to reconnoitre Montrose's strength ; and as he imagined that Montrose had but few foot, and no horse at all, he expected that, if he should come down into the plain ground, he would be able to give a good account of him ; and at any rate he was confident that he would make a safe retreat with his horse. Montrose, to deceive him and draw him on, having stationed his foot in a low valley out of sight, exposed to his view only two hundred horse ; but these he had as usual lined with his most active musketeers. Urry see- ing their numbers so small, immediately led on his men to the charge, but when too late, observing Montrose's foot, who followed briskly at the horses' heels, he caused sound a retreat ; and, that it might be the more orderly, posted himself in the rear, where he behaved with great bravery. However, Montrose's men pursued them with great eagerness till they crossed the river Esk ; and even then they did not reckon themselves out of danger, though sheltered by the darkness of the night, but run with the utmost precipitation for twenty-four miles, till they came to Dundee. The party who pursued them returned that night to Fettercairn, and next day the whole army march- 118 MEMOIRS OF THE ed to Brechin. Here Montrose was informed that Baillie, * who bore the character of a very good general, had been called from England by the covenanters, and had got the chief command of their forces ; and that Urry had joined him with his horse, and that, besides these, he had got seve- ral old troops, which had been recalled both from England and Ireland. So that the covenanters seemed now resolved to carry on the war with greater earnestness and vigour, and that hence- forth he would have to do with another kind of army, and with more expert generals. Wherefore, to prevent his being hemmed in by * General Baillie was a natural son of Sir William Baillie of Lamington, by a Mrs Home, and born in the lifetime of Sir William's wife, Margaret Maxwell, Countess of Angus. He married Mrs Home after the death of Lady Angus, in order to legitimate his son, but this proved ineffectual ; young Baillie went to Sweden, served under Gustavus Adolphus, and was called into Scotland by the covenanters, 1 638. Nisb. Her. II. 138. His two sons married the daughters of George, first Lord Forrester of Corstorphine, whose patent of nobility extended, as it was said, to the husbands and children of these ladies successively. James Baillie, the second Lord Forrester, was murdered by his wife's niece, leaving no male issue of his first marriage ; his brother, the third Lord, did not assume the title, which was long disputed in the person of his son, William fourth Lord Forrester, who finally, in the year ] 698, presented to the Parliament of Scotland the patent in favour of the deceased James Lord Forrester and his heirs, requesting that it might be recorded, which was accordingly done. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 119 the enemy's horse, in which they were always su- perior, he kept upon the most advantageous ground, and inarched towards the river Tay by the foot of the Grampian hills, intending, if possible, to get over the Forth, where he expected numbers would join him for the king's interest. But the enemy suspected his design, and sent these commanders with a very strong army against him to prevent it. So soon as they came in sight, Montrose offered them battle, but they had no intention to try the fate of an engagement, and did not even so much as disturb his rear as he marched off. He went that night to the castle of Jnnerquharity, and next day to the village of Alyth. Here again he fell down into the low-country, leaving the mountains at a considerable distance behind him, and sent a trumpet to Baillie with a challenge to fight him. The river Isla ran betwixt the two armies, and neither party could pass it safely, if the other opposed their passage ; he therefore desired that he would allow him quietly to pass the river, but if he did not chuse that, that he would allow Baillie to pass it safely, on condition that he would en- gage his honour to fight without farther delay. Baillie returned for answer, that he would mind his own business himself, and would fight by no man's direction, but at his own pleasure. Thus Montrose passed several days in sight of the enemy, without either attempting to cross the river, in order to attack him, or his having any 120 MEMOIRS OF THE * hope of forcing his passage over to them, for want of a body of horse. He therefore went forward to .Dunkeld, intending to cross the Tay ; when an unexpected misfortune happened him, by which he was almost entirely ruined. Lewis Gordon, son to the Marquis of Huntly, who had fought against Montrose in the battle at Aberdeen, had, some little time before, through the mediation of his noble and worthy brother the Lord Gordon, been received into favour with Montrose, and had join- ed him. He, by means of some letters, which he either pretended he had received from his father the marquis, or which were really wrote by him from his concealment, prevailed upon almost all the Gordons to desert, and actually carried them off without his brother's knowledge ; leaving Montrose and him in the most imminent danger from the enemy, who were then near at hand : and truly it is doubtful, to which of the two, Montrose or his brother, he bore the greatest enmity. Montrose was very much disconcerted by this unexpected revolt, which made it absolutely neces- sary for him to return to the north country m or- der to recruit his forces. However, he did not seem to alter his intended march to the Forth ; and this caution seemed to have the desired effect, for his spies all agreed, that the enemy to a man had crossed the Tay, and gone to take possession of the fords upon the Forth, in order to prevent MARQUIS OF M0NTR0SK. 121 his passage. Accordingly, he prepared for his march northwards ; but, that he might not seem to have done nothing of moment al! this while, he thought it would be a piece of good service, if, by the way, he could take in the town of Dundee ; which was a most seditious place, and a faithful receptacle to the rebels in these parts, having contri- buted as much as any other town in the kingdom to carry on the rebellion ; and was kept, at that time, by no other garrison than the inhabitants. He sent his weaker troops, and those who were but lightly armed, together with his heavy bag- gage, in by the foot of the hills, and ordered them to meet him at Brechin ; and he himself, with what horse he had, which were in all but a hun- dred and fifty, and six hundred light musketeers, set out from Dunkeld about midnight, and made such expedition, that he came to Dundee by ten o'clock in the morning, on the 4th of April. He immediately summoned the townsmen, if they con- sulted their own safety and that of the town, to surrender ; but if they refused, he threatened them with fire and sword. They spent some time without returning any answer, and at last they put the trumpeter in prison. Montrose, highly provoked with this affront, stormed the town in three different quarters at once. The townsmen endeavoured for some time to oppose them ; but the Irishmen and the Highlanders made their assault with such fury, that they quickly drove 122 MEMOIRS OF THE • them from their stations, and making themselves masters of their cannon, turned them against the town. At the same time some of them broke open the gates, and took possession both of the church and the market-place, while others set the town in fire in several places ; and had not the common men, by an unseasonable greed of plunder and desire of strong liquors, immediately fallen to pillage and drink, this opulent town had un- doubtedly been soon burnt to the ground. This very thing, however, contributed to save the con- querors no less than the vanquished ; for it hap- pened that the information given by the spies, of the enemy's having crossed the Tay, was alto- gether false ; they had, indeed, seen a few troops cross the river, which they apprehended was the whole army ; and by this mistake had well nigh ruined themselves and their own army. Montrose was standing upon the hill which overlooks Dun- dee, beholding the skirmish, when his scouts came, in the greatest consternation, and informed him, that Baillie and Urry were not above a mile dis- tant, with three thousand foot and eight hun- dred horse. He immediately called his men off from the town, but not without the greatest difficulty; for, imagining themselves now masters of the town, and being a little heated with liquor, and much taken with the hopes of the rich booty, which they already counted all their own, they could hardly be persuaded to leave it ; and before they MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 123 were actually all brought off, the enemy were within uainshot of the last of them. Montrose's council, as almost always happens in critical conjunctures, were of various opinions. Some of them advised Turn to consult his own safety, and to go off with his horse ; for, that it would not be possible to bring off the foot, who, after being sufficiently tired with a march of upwards of twenty-four miles in the morning, were afterwards quite spent with the fatigue of the engagement through the day, and were now loaded with plunder or oppress- ed with drink ; besides, that they behoved to march twenty, and perhaps thirty miles from Dun- dee, before they could safely stop. This, they said, was the chance of war, and to be borne with courage, especially as he himself had often given the enemy much greater overthrows ; and that there was no doubt, if he were only preserved, but he would soon recruit his forces ; whereas, should any misfortune befall him, the case would then be desperate, and the king's affairs utterly ruined. Others exclaimed, that as all was now lost, nothing remained but that they should fall honourably; that they should therefore rush in upon the thick- est of the enemy, and sell their lives as dear as they could. Montrose concurred with neither of these opinions ; he could not prevail with himself to desert such brave men in the most imminent, danger ; and preferred an honourable death, in the company of his own men, to his own personal safe- 124 MEMOIRS OF THE • ty, when purchased by such a disgraceful conduct. On the other hand, for a number so unequal to rush upon the enemy, and, as it were, dash their heads against a stone, was the last remedy, and not to be used rashly. And as God ought not to be tempted by cowardice or neglect, so neither should his assistance be despaired of by good Chris- tians and men of courage, in a good cause. He therefore exhorted every man to do his duty, and to remit the management to his conduct, and the event to God. Accordingly, he first sent off four hundred foot, and ordered them to march with all the speed they possibly could, without breaking their ranks. He then appointed two hundred of his most active and swiftest men to follow them ; and he himself, with the horse, brought up the rear ; but he caus- ed them march with their ranks so wide, as to re- ceive the light musketeers, if there was need. Having thus ordered his march, he did not believe the enemy's foot could overtake him ; and should their horse alone come up and attack him, which he scarce thought they would venture upon, he ex- pected to be able to cope with them : and it being now near sunset, the darkness of the night would immediately favour their retreat. The enemy having been informed by some prisoners they had taken, and having it confirmed by their own view, that Montrose was setting out upon a march, and not to try an engagement, divided their forces into MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 12.5 two bodies, and pursued him. Their design was, not only that they might attack him at once, both in the rear and flank, but likewise to occupy the passes, and prevent his getting up to the High- lands ; and, to encourage their men the more eagerly to the pursuit, the general set a price of 20,000 crowns upon Montrose's head. By this time the foremost of their horse were up with his rear ; but these excellent musketeers, who were mixed with his horse, brought down three of the most forward, one after another ; and the rest be- coming more cautious by their fate, they slackened much of the eagerness of their pursuit. When Montrose's men perceived that they had got the start of the enemy's foot in the march, they reco- vered their strength and courage, and turning upon their horse, skirmished stoutly with them till night parted them. In order, by any means, to elude the enemy, they marched several miles east- ward, by the sea-coast ; though they did not in- tend to proceed that road, but to go northward to the Grampian hills, that they might be relieved from the enemy's horse, which were so trouble- some to them ; but Baillie had laid the greatest part of his army betwixt them and the Grampians, to prevent their retreat. Therefore, about mid- night, when they were not far from Aberbrothock, he ordered his men to halt a little ; and suspect- ing, that all the roads and passes which led straight to the hills would probably be intercepted by the 1^6 MEMOIRS OF THE enemy's horse, in which, indeed, he was not mis- taken, he bent his march to the north-west, and went on with all expedition ; and by this means, though with incredible fatigue, eluded his pursu- ers; and having passed by them that very night, he immediately turned to the north, and next morning at sun rising, crossed the river of South- esk, not far from the castle of Carrestoun. From thence he sent to Brechin for the party which he had sent off with his baggage ; but upon the first notice of this expedition, they had taken a safer rout, and gone up to the hills. While he stayed at Carrestoun, his spies brought in word that the enemy's horse were already within sight, and that their foot, being refreshed with meat and sleep, were fast following them. He was not now much afraid of them, being within three miles of the Highlands ; but his men, who had already passed three days and two nights without sleeping, and had all that time been employed either in march- ing or fighting, had fallen so dead asleep, that they could hardly be awakened by any means. The enemy being at last diverted by a slight skir- mish, suffered him to take possession of the foot of the hills ; and, after all their trouble, returned from this fruitless pursuit ; and he and his army went up to Glenesk. This is that memorable march from Dundee, which, through the mistake of the spies, had almost proved fatal to the whole army j but by the inimi- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 12? table conduct of the general, and his undaunted constancy and presence of mind in the greatest danger, can be paralleled by few. The reso- lution and hardiness of his men, in undergoing the greatest fatigue, was likewise surprising j for they marched about sixty miles, during which time they were often engaged with the enemy, and con- tinued constantly upon their march, without pro- visions, without sleep, and without the smallest in- termission, or refreshment of any kind. Whether these things will gain credit abroad, or with after ages, I cannot pretend to say ; but I am certain that this narration is taken from the best informa- tion, and the most credible evidence. And truly I have often heard those who were esteemed the most experienced officers, not in Britain only, but in France and Germany, prefer this march of Montrose to his most celebrated victories. 128 MEMOIRS of thl; CHAP. X. Montrose returns to Crieff'; — is attacked by Baillie, but se- cures his retreat. — Follows Urry, and obliges him to retire to Inverness. — The battle of Aulderne, in which Urry is defeated. 1 he Marquis of Montrose, having thus made good his retreat beyond all expectation, gave his men some time to rest, and in the mean time re- solved on the following measures for prosecuting the war. He sent Lord Gordon away to his own country, with such of his men as had continued loyal and faithful after his brother Lewis's revolt, in order to bring back those whom his brother had seduced, and likewise to increase his forces by some new recruits. This he executed with the greatest resolution and cheerfulness, sparing none who had the least concern in the villany ; and in particular, exercising a just severity on such as had been either the advisers or promoters of his bro- ther's desertion ; in which he was the more active, that he might acquit himself of all suspicion of hav- ing had a hand in it ; and, indeed, neither Mon- trose, nor any other person, could detest the trea- chery of his brother more heartily than Lord Gor- don himself did. At the same time Montrose, in MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 129 order to make a diversion in these parts, and there- by distract the enemy, till such time as he had got his forces together and recruited his army, march- ed through Angus into Perthshire, with a small party, having retained with himself no more than rive hundred foot and fifty horse. This appeared afterwards to be extremely well judged ; for the covenanters had sent Colonel Urry with a com- mand of six hundred foot, all old troops, and two hundred horse, to support their own party and suppress Lord Gordon ; and Baillie himself staid with an army at Perth, as in the heart of the king- dom, ready to act as occasion required. Montrose was come the length of Crieff, a village about twelve miles distant from Perth, where Baillie was informed that he lay very securely with a small party ; and, being careful to catch every opportu- nity, he set out from Perth in the beginning of the night, with his whole army, and marched with great expedition, thinking by break of day to surprise Montrose in his quarters ; but he found Montrose was not so indolent as he expected, for he was fully upon his guard, and had his foot drawn up under arms, and ready either for an engage- ment or a march. He himself, upon notice of their approach, advanced with his horse to discover the strength and numbers of the enemy ; and find- ing they were two thousand foot and five hundred horse, he ordered his men to march off with all speed, and, keeping along Stratherne, to occupy 130 MEMOIRS OF THE the passes leading into it. He staid behind with the few horse he had, and guarded the rear, to prevent their being harassed in their march by the enemy's horse ; and, indeed, they made a very fierce assault ; but he received them so warmly, that they were put in disorder, and obliged to re- tire with the loss of several of their men. His foot, in the mean time, after a march of six miles, made themselves masters of the pass of Stratherne ; so that the enemy were obliged to return without any success. Montrose lay that night, which was the 18th of April, at Locherne, and marched next day to Balquhidder, where he was met by the Earl of Aboyne, and some others, who, encouraged by the accounts of Montrose's success in Scotland, had made their escape from Carlisle, and at last returned to their own country. From Balquhidder they advanced to Loch- Ka- trine, where they received intelligence that Urry had raised a considerable force in the north, and was ready to fall upon the Lord Gordon. Mon- trose was justly afraid that Urry, who was a very active and experienced officer, would, by his su- perior skill and strength, easily overpower this gal- lant young nobleman ; he therefore thought it ab- solutely necessary to oppose Urry as soon as pos- sible, both to secure his friend from such imminent danger, and that he might attack the enemy while they were divided into separate bodies, and thus cut them off by degrees, as he very well knew they 10 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 131 would be by far an overmatch for him were they all united. Accordingly, he set forward by very long continued marches, passing through Bal- quhidder, and up the side of Loch-Tay, which is twenty four miles long, and from whence the river Tay takes its rise, and so through Athole and Angus ; then crossing the Grampian hills, and going through the Strath of Glenmuck, he came into the heart of Mar, where Lord Gordon joined him with a thousand foot and two hundred horse ; from thence he went directly to the Spey to find out the enemy, and, if possible, to force them to an engagement ; and had come within six miles of them when Urry did not imagine he had as yet crossed the Grampian hills ; for he had gone on with such amazing rapidity as to antici- pate all accounts of his motions. When Urry found him so near, that he might not be obliged to fight before he got a considerable reinforcement of new auxiliaries, which he was expecting, he crossed the Spey in all haste, and as he had ap- pointed Inverness for the place of rendezvous for all his forces, he marched to Elgin in his road thither ; however, Montrose was not long in com- ing up to Elgin after him. Irom thence he made all haste to Forres ; but Montrose overtook him there likewise, and pursued him so close for four- teen miles together, that, even with the favour of the night, he had much ado to reach Inver- ness, 132 MEMOIRS OF THE Next day Montrose encamped at the village of Aulderne. And Urry, when he came to Inver- ness, found, according to his expectation, the Earls of Seaforth and Sutherland, the clan of the Fra- sers, and several from the shires of Murray and Caithness, all convened in arms to the rendezvous which he had appointed there. To these he ad- ded some veterans that were in the garrison of In- verness ; and with this army, which now consisted of three thousand five hundred foot, and four hun- dred horse, he marched up directly to Montrose : but as Montrose's army was far inferior, and consist- ed of no more than fifteen hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse, he had a much greater mind to retire than risk an engagement with such inequality. But Urry pressed him so hard, that there was scarce a possibility of a safe retreat ; and Baillie, with his south-country army, which was yet stronger than Urry's, and more formidable on account of his horse, was now advanced a great way on that side the Grampian hills, and was marching with all expedition to the Spey ; so that Montrose was reduced to this dilemma, either immediately to give Urry battle upon very unequal terms, or run the greater risk of being hemmed in betwixt two armies. He resolved, therefore, to try the fortune of war without delay, and to commit the success to God ; and immediately set about chusing the most advantageous ground, and there to wait the enemy. The village stood upon a height, and covered the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 133 neighbouring valley ; behind there were some lit- tle eminences, which overtopped it, and obscured the view, so as things could not be distinctly ob- served, unless by standing very near. In this val- ley he drew up his forces, entirely out of the view of the enemy : he placed a few chosen foot, along with his cannon, before the village, where they were covered by some dikes that had been cast up there. On his right wing he placed Alexander Macdonald and four hundred foot, and stationed them in a place which was accidentally fortified with dikes and ditches, and was also beset with bush- es and stones ; and ordered them in all events to preserve themselves entire, and on no account to leave their station, which was naturally so well for- tified, that they were quite secure from any attack, not only of the enemy's horse, but even of their foot. At the same time, he very prudently gave them the charge of the remarkable royal standard, which used to be carried only before himself, ima- gining that the enemy, upon seeing it, would send their best forces against that wing, where, by the disadvantage of the ground, they could be of no service ; by which means he would have an oppor- tunity of making a successful attack from the left. In this view he carried all the rest of his men to the opposite wing, putting the horse under the command of Lord Gordon ; and the foot he took the charge of himself. By this disposition of his men he had in effect no main army ; but that small 134 MEMOIRS OF THE body which he had stationed before the town, un- der covert of the dikes, made a shew of one. And as for a reserve, there was no room to think of it, when his numbers were so small. The enemy, as Montrose had happily conjectur- ed, so soon as they observed the royal standard, immediately dispatched the best part of their horse, with their veteran troops, in which their principal strength consisted, towards that quarter, and be- gun their attack both upon the right wing, and upon that party which was stationed before the town ;■ and constantly, as their men were fatigued, they relieved them by fresh troops. Montrose could not take this course, having so few men, and therefore resolved to make a general assault upon the enemy, with all the troops which he had upon the left wing. Just as he had taken this re- solution, a person, whose prudence and fidelity he could rely upon, came and wiiispered in his ear, that Macdonald and his party on the right wing were put to flight. This did not at all disconcert him, and, from abundance of presence of mind, to prevent his soldiers from being discouraged upon hearing of this bad news, he called out to Lord Gordon, " What are we doing, my dear lord ? Our friend Macdonald has routed the enemy on the right, and is carrying all before him. Shall we look on, and let him carry off the whole honour of the day ?" With these words he instantly led on the charge. Urry's horse could not long with- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 135 stand the shock of the Gordons, but immediately wheeled about and fled, leaving the flanks of their army quite open and exposed. The foot, though they were deserted by the horse, being superior in num- bers, and better armed than Montrose's men, stood it very bravely while they were at any distance ; but coming at length to close combat, sword in hand, they were forced to throw away their arms, and betake themselves to their heels. This suc- cess did not make Montrose forget the information he had received concerning the condition of the right wing, and he immediately hasted thither with such men as he could get readiest, where, in- deed, he found things in a very different situation from what they were on the left, where he was himself. Macdonald, who was a brave enough man, but rather a better soldier than a general, ex- tremely violent, and daring even to rashness, being provoked with the scoffs and insults of the enemy, disdained to shelter himself behind the dikes and bushes, and, contrary to his express orders, drew out his men from this defensible station, where he was out of all danger, and faced the enemy ; but he did it to his cost, for the enemy, who were far superior to him, both by their horse and their num- bers, and many of them, too, old experienced sol- diers, soon put his men in disorder, and beat them back in great confusion ; and, had he not speedily drawn them off to an inclosure hard by, they had every man of them been lost, together with the 136 MEMOIRS OF THE royal standard. However, he made sufficient a- mends for this rash mistake, by the admirable cou- rage he displayed in bringing off his men ; for he himself was the last man that came off the field, and, defending his body with a large target, he op- posed himself to the thickest of the enemy, and thus alone covered the retreat of his men ; during which, some spearmen came so near him as to fix their spears in his target, which he cut off with his broad sword by threes and fours at a stroke. When this party, with whom he was engaged in the in- closure, saw Montrose coming to his assistance, and perceived that their own men on the left were fled, the horse immediately run off; but the foot, who were mostly old Irish soldiers, fought despe- rately, and fell almost every man in his rank where he stood. The victors followed the chace for some miles. There were slain of the enemy about three thousand foot, among whom the veteran soldiers fought very bravely ; but almost all their horse escaped, by a more timely than honourable flight. And even Urry himself, with some of his best men, who went last off the field, had undoubtedly fallen into their hands, had not Lord Aboyne un- luckily displayed some ensigns and standards he had taken from the enemy, and, instead of pursu- ing them, gone up directly to his own people, whereby they believed, that it was a fresh party of the enemy coming on to make a new attack ; and they were so long embarrassed with this mistake. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 137 that the enemy's horse, though scattered and in great disorder, had sufficient time to get off out of all danger, and only a few of them got to Inverness with Urry before next morning. Of the enemy, the remarkable persons that were slain were Campbell of Lawers, who was colonel of an old regiment, and Sir John and Sir Gideon Murrays. There were also some other very brave men, whose loss might justly have been lamented, had they not blackened their otherwise commend- able qualities of courage and bravery, by exerting them in the service of this horrid and unnatural rebellion, in which some of them did not so much follow their own opinions as the humour of the times, and the ambition and avarice of their chief- tains. Of those who fought with Montrose on the left, he missed only one private man ; and on the other wing, where Macdonald commanded, he lost only fourteen private men. But there were seve- ral wounded, whose speedy accommodation and cure Montrose looked particularly after himself. As for his prisoners, he treated them with great mildness and discretion. Such of them as repent- ed of their rebellion, he set at liberty, and enlisted such as inclined to his service ; but those who were obstinate he disposed of into different prisons. Ar- chibald Napier, son to Lord Napier of Merchiston, by Montrose's sister, had some little time before stole away from Edinburgh, without the participa- tion of his father or his wife, and joined his uncle ; 138 MEMOIRS OF THE and, in this battle at Aulderne, gave a noble speci- men of his courage and gallant behaviour, and dis- played the fixed principles of an excellent disposi- tion. On this account, the chiefs of the covenant- ers at Edinburgh laid hold of his father, who was now near seventy years of age, and as good a man as Scotland had bred in this age, and his lady, the Earl of Mar's daughter ; Stirling of Kier, his bro- ther-in-law, a gentleman of great worth, and chief of the name, and one who had suffered a great deal for his loyalty and affection to the king, toge- ther with his two sisters, the one Kier's wife, and the other yet unmarried, and threw them all into a dungeon, where they lay till they were after- wards set at liberty by Mr Napier himself, with the assistance of his uncle. This battle at Auld- erne was fought on the 4th of May 1645. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 13 ( J CHAP. XL Urry joined by Baillie — They provoke Montrose to fight He marches south against Lord Lindsay Deserted by the Gordons — Gains the battle of Alford The Lord Gordon killed. The Marquis of Montrose, after allowing his men some days refreshment, marched to Elgin, which is the chief town of the shire, where he made the longer stay for the sake of his wounded men, who were here better accommodated with surgeons and medicines, than they could possibly be in a camp. Then crossing the river Spey, he advanced by Keith and Frendraught to Strathbogie. Here Baillie, who was now joined by Urry and the horse which had escaped from Aulderne, encoun- tered with him, and endeavoured to force him to an engagement. However, as his own men were much spent with their late fatigue, and far out- numbered by the enemy, especially in horse, he declined fighting, till he had recruited his army, and got some fresh troops. Yet he had much ado to keep back his men, who, wearied as they were, were however extremely eager to engage. Ac- cordingly, he acted only upon the defensive ; and having chosen a most convenient post, maintained it till the evening, and then marched off to Balveny ; 140 MEMOIRS OF THE whither the enemy followed him soon after : then passing through Strathdon and Strathspey, he went up to Badenoch ; but the enemy getting possession of the opposite side of the river, kept pace with him, and continued all along to provoke him to fight ; but he still declined it, resolving not to risk a pitched battle, till he had increased his strength ; however, by harassing them with fre- quent skirmishes, and often beating up their quar- ters in the night-time, he so much weakened their power and broke their courage, that, however dar- ing and intrepid they had hitherto appeared, both the officers and common men were seized with a panic, and retreated to Inverness in the night- time in the greatest disorder, though none pursued them. Montrose was not a little pleased at having got so easily rid of this troublesome enemy, especially for this reason : the Earl of Lindsay, who was the principal leader of the covenanters, next to Ar- gyle, and at the same time his rival, as being bro- ther in-law to the Duke of Hamilton, had all along exclaimed against Argyle for his bad conduct, and want of courage ; or at least, however it happened, he complained that he was always unfortunate. He had accordingly had the influence to get the command of an army which was then new raised conferred upon himself, expecting to manage mat- ters to better purpose, when he had the power in his own hands. Montrose was informed that he MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 341 had already passed over with his army into Angus, to act as a reserve for Baillie ; and, if things should not succeed with Baillie to their wish, that he would at least be ready to prevent Montrose from crossing the Forth ; for they were all along much afraid lest he should come to the south side of Forth, and carry the seat of war nearer Edin- burgh. As he understood that Lindsay was still in Angus, lying at the castle of Newtyle, he re- solved to suppress him with all speed, which he ex- pected would be no very difficult task, Lindsay himself not having any reputation as a soldier, and his men all raw, new-raised troops, and unacquaint- ed with the hardships of war. In prosecution of this design, he set out from Badenoch, and, crossing the Grampian hills, marched through the heads of Mar, and, by very long and painful marches, came to the banks of the river Airly, intending to attack the enemy at una- wares ; which he might very easily have accom- plished, being already got within seven miles of Lindsay, before he knew any thing of his approach. Every thing was in readiness to give the finishing stroke to this expedition, when the whole north- country forces, almost to a man, deserted, and re- turned to their own country by the very same road they had lately come. The reason of it was uncertain, and occasioned various conjectures. As for Lord Gordon, no person could show a greater concern for this unexpected treachery, or more resent- 14)2 MEMOIRS OF THE ment against the offenders than lie did ; insomuch, that it was with extreme difficulty Montrose could hinder him from resolving to punish with death such of the deserters as belonged to him. However, -some were of opinion that they had been seduced away by Lord Aboyne, who was then absent from the army on account of his health, in consequence of some private orders from his father the Marquis of Huntly ; who, as he was a man of a very haughty envious disposition, was extremely troubled at Montrose's success ; and no less un- easy to see his eldest son so closely connected with him in the strictest bonds of friendship. What- ever was in it, Montrose was so struck with this un- looked-for misfortune, that he laid aside all inten- tion of attacking Lindsay ; and was forced to bear with patience the loss of a certain and glorious victory, thus in a manner wrested out of his hands. This obliged him to take another course ; and having sent off Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, a gen- tleman of great bravery and fidelity, into his own country, where he was much esteemed, to endeavour to raise some forces there, he himself followed him. By this time Baillie and Urry had returned from Inverness, and were encamped upon the side of the river Dee, in the lower Mar. Montrose, in the mean time, marched through Glenshee, and the Braes -of Mar, and was come into the heart of the country called Cromar. In MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 143 his road, as he passed through the Braes of Mar, he dispatched Maedonald with a party into the farthest Highlands, to conduct the forces raised there with all diligence to the army. He then sent off Lord Gordon, that by his influence and authority, which was very considerable in these parts, he might assist and forward the colonel in making his levies ; which he did with very great ac- tivity and success, and amongst other gentlemen brought back his brother the Lord Aboyne. While matters stood thus in Cromar, the Earl of Lindsay joined Baillie in the lower Mar : Montrose, being much inferior to them, as his army was so much weakened by the parties sent off with Lord Gor- don and Maedonald, retired to the old castle of Kargarf, in order to prevent the enemy's falling upon him in a champaign country, where they might overpower him with their superior numbers ; but here he thought himself in no danger from them, when he was so near the mountains. Here Lord Aboyne, again falling sick, went off to Strath- bogie, and, under pretence of a guard, carried off with him a considerable party of horse, which his brother Lord Gordon with no small difficulty after- wards prevailed upon to return to the army. In the mean time, Lindsay took from Baillie's army a thousand old experienced soldiers, and gave him in return as many raw undisciplined men of his own : thus furnished, as if he intended some mighty exploit, he passed through the 144 MEMOIRS OF THE Mearns, and returned into Angus ; from thence he ranged through Athole with his army, and plundered and burnt all that country, which was the upshot of this great expedition : therein imitat- ing the example set him by Argyle, who first in- troduced that cruel practice of burning houses and corns ; whereby he became much more terrible than by his sword, especially when he happened upon towns or villages where there were none to oppose him. General Baillie was now gone to besiege the Marquis of Huntly's castle of Bog of Gicht, * which was reckoned the finest in all the north country, intending, if he should not be able to re- duce it, to plunder and burn all the country round it, which belonged to the Gordons. Montrose, who wanted to let slip no opportunity of obliging the Marquis of Huntly, and his friends the Gor- dons, and of securing them to his interest, marched up with all speed to their assistance, though Mac- donald was yet absent with a very considerable party ; and, in the way, having got information that the greatest part of Baillie's army consisted of new raised men, having parted with most of his ve- terans to Lord Lindsay, he wished earnestly for an opportunity to fight him as soon as possible, and accordingly marched straight up to him. He had . — — — — ■ — — t * Now Castle Gordon, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. \\5 not marched three miles, when the enemy's scouts appeared in view. He, therefore, dispatched some expeditious men who were acquainted with the country to discover their strength and posture. They returned very soon, with information, that the foot were posted on a rising ground ahout two miles off, and that their horse had possessed a very narrow difficult pass, which lay almost half way betwixt the two armies, and were advanced a little on this side of it. Against these, Montrose imme- diately sent off what horse were most in readiness, supported by some light musketeers. At first, the enemy entertained them at a distance with light skirmishing, but they soon retired behind the pass, which was so well manned with musketeers, that the party durst not attempt it. Montrose, there- fore, ordered his foot to advance, and try if possi- ble to dislodge the enemy, but they were prevented by night coming on, which separated them. Both armies lay upon their arms all night, and next day Montrose sent a trumpet to offer them battle, but Baillie returned for answer, that he would not re- ceive his orders for fighting from his enemy. Wherefore,, perceiving that it was impracticable to force them out of this narrow pass without a mani- fest risk, he withdrew to Pitlurg, thinking thereby to entice them out. From thence he went to the castle of Druminnor, belonging to Lord Forbes, where he staid two days. Here he was informed, that the enemy had at last quitted the pass, and K 146 MEMOIRS OF TliE * were marching to Strathbogie ; he thereupon set out by day -break towards a little village called Al- ford. How soon Baillie had received certain in- telligence that Macdonald was gone off to the Highlands with a considerable part of Montrose's forces, he advanced boldly against him, imagining he had been on the retreat, and came up with him about noon. Montrose, having the advantage of a rising ground, determined to wait there for the enemy, who seemed to be marching directly up to him ; but they turned aside about three miles to the left, so that he continued his intended route to Alford, where he passed the night, at about four miles distance from the enemy. Next morning early, Montrose commanded his troops to be all in readiness, and drew them up in order upon a hill that stands above Alford. He himself advanced at the head of a troop of horse to observe the enemy's motions, and while he was ex- amining the fords of the river Don, which runs by Alford, he was informed that their whole forces, both horse and foot, were marching fast up to pos- sess themselves of a ford which was about a mile from Alford, intending thereby to cut off' his re- treat ; for they still imagined he was flying before them, and were by that means drawn on to their own destruction. He thereupon left his troop of horse at a small distance from the ford, with some proper persons on whom he could rely, to bring him intelligence of what happened, and returned MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 147 alone to order his battle. He first took possession of that hill above Alford, where he might conve- niently receive the enemy's charge, if they should fall on briskly ; behind him there was a marshy ground full of ditches and pits, whereby their horse would be prevented from falling upon his rear, and in his front there stood a steep hill, which covered him entirely from the enemy, so that they could hardly see his first ranks. He had scarcely well finished his dispositions, when the troop of horse, which he had left at the ford, returned in full ca- reer, and informed him, that the enemy had cros- sed the river, so that neither army could now re- tire but with manifest loss. It is reported that Baillie, who was an experienced and wary general, was forced to this engagement much against his inclination, by the rashness of Lord Balcarres, who commanded a regiment of horse, and had precipi- tated himself and his regiment into danger, so as they could not be brought off' without risking the whole army. Montrose gave the command of his right wino-. which was opposed by a superior force of the ene- my's cavalry, to the Lord Gordon, to whom he joined Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, an old expe- rienced officer ; the left he committed to Lord Aboyne and Sir William Rollock ; his main body was commanded by Glengary, and Drummond younger of Ballach, assisted by George Graham, quarter-master, all of them brave and well expe- 1 '18 MEMOIRS OF THE ■ rienced officers. Mr Napier, his nephew, was at the head of the body of reserve, which was entirely covered by the hill. Matters being thus ordered, Montrose stood for some time on the rising ground, and the enemy in the valley below, in a manner fortified with ditches and pits, without either of them advancing a step forward ; nor was it indeed advisable for the one to charge up the hill, or for the other to attack an adversary so advantageously posted. On either side, the number of foot was very near equal; each having about two thousand ; but Baillie was superior in the number of horse, for he had full six hundred, whereas Montrose had not above two hundred and fifty ; but these, in- deed, were all gentlemen of resolution, who served as volunteers in defence of their royal master, and who would rather die gloriously in a just cause, than turn their backs in the field of battle ; whereas Bail lie's were listed from among the lowest class of people, and fought for pay, having little discipline, and far less honour to excite them. Besides, as most of the veterans were carried off by Lord Lindsay, Montrose made no question but. this crowd of raw militia would be terrified with the shout of his men, and the sound of his trumpets, and would yield at the first onset ; therefore, in full confidence of success from the justice of his cause, and the bravery of his soldiers, he made the first motion, and drew down his men. The Lord Gordon began the battle, and gave the enemy a 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. \-HJ very smart charge, which was warmly received by tlicm, relying upon the number of their horse ; but they came very soon to close fighting, and both sides maintained their ground with such obstinacy, that none could advance a step forward but over the body of his vanquished enemy, nor was it pos- sible to retire, those behind pressing on with such eagerness. The Lord Gordon, and his assistant Colonel Nathaniel, were the first who cut out a passage for themselves and their men, by a great slaughter of the enemy ; when the Colonel imme- diately called out to the light musketeers who lined his horse, to throw away their muskets as now use- less, and to fall upon the enemy's horse with their drawn swords, and cut them to pieces : they imme- diately obeyed his orders ; and Montrose, at the very same time, bringing up Mr Napier and the body of reserve, which had lain concealed on the other side of the hill, the enemy were so much in- timidated at the sight of these fresh troops, that they immediately gave ground and fled. Aboyne kept at a distance with the left whiff, and engaged the enemy only in skirmishing with small parties, but upon seeing their opposite wing entirely rout- ed, they also retreated without any considerable loss. The foot, being thus deserted by their horse, con- tinued, notwithstanding, to fight for some time most desperately, and refusing quarter, were almost every one killed on the spot. Nor would their horse probably have escaped so safe, but for the 150 MEMOIRS OF THE ■ fate of the Lord Gordon, who, after he had routed the enemy, rushed fiercely among the thickest of them, and received a shot in his body from some of the flying men. His fall stopt his own men in the pursuit, their whole concern being immediate- ly turned upon their dying lord ; neither could Lord Aboyne, struck also with his brother's death, pursue them vigorously. In this battle Montrose lost not one private man ; and of gentlemen only two, Culcholy and Milton, whose names and families I should willingly have inserted, had it been my good fortune to know them, being the smallest recompense their fate deserved, thus falling honourably in the field, in defence of their king, their liberty, and laws. Nor must the gallant behaviour of the livery-boys, both Scots and English, be omitted ; many of them scarce fourteen years of age, who, throwing off their masters' baggage, mounted the sumpter-horses, and not only alarmed the enemy with the shew of a body of fresh horse ; but as rivals of their masters' bravery, beyond what might be expected from their strength and years, charged with great forwardness among the thickest of the enemy, where some of them were slain, but not without selling their lives very dear ; thereby in their youth giving proofs of * Mowat of Balwholly, and O&ilvy of Milton— they were buried in the church of Alford —Spalding's Hist 10 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 151 such undaunted courage as would have been com- mendable even in riper years. There was a general lamentation for the loss of the Lord Gordon, whose death seemed to eclipse all the glory of their victory. As the report spread among the soldiers, every one appeared to be struck dumb with the melancholy news, and an universal silence prevailed for some time through the army. However, their grief soon burst through all re- straint, venting itself in the voice of lamentation and sorrow. When the first transports were over, the soldiers exclaimed against heaven and earth for bereaving the king, the kingdom, and them- selves, of such an excellent young nobleman ; and, unmindful of the victory, or of the plunder, they thronged about the body of their dead captain ; some weeping over his wounds, and kissing his lifeless limbs ; whilst others praised his comely ap- pearance even in death, and extolled his noble mind, which was enriched with every valuable quali- fication that could adorn his high birth or ample fortune : they even cursed the victory which was bought at so dear a rate. Nothing could have sup- ported the army under this immense sorrow but the presence of Montrose, whose safety gave them joy, and not a little revived their drooping spirits. In the mean time, he could not command his grief, but mourned bitterly over the melancholy fate of his only and dearest friend ; grievously complain- ing, that one who was the honour of his nation, 152 MEMOIRS OF THE • the ornament of the Scots nobility, and the bold- est asserter of the royal authority in the north, in short, his best and bosom friend, should be thus cut off in the flower of his age : but hoping, that time and reason would assuage his immoderate grief, he ordered the physicians to embalm his corpse, which he afterwards conducted to Aber- deen, where, with a pompous funeral, and all mili- tary solemnities, it was interred in his own presence in the cathedral church of that city, in the monu- ment belonging to his family. This battle at Alford happened upon the 2d of July 1645. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 153 CHAP. XII. Montrose marches soittl/ivard. — Receives a considerable rein- forcement from the Highlands. — The covenanters hold a 'parliament at Perth. — Theij march out and attack Mm in his camp at ?,.'cthven-tvood.— He escapes them. — Is joined by the Gordons and Ogilvies. — Marches into Stratherne. 1 he evening of that very day on which Montrose gained the battle of Alford, he marched to the castle of Cluny, where he allowed his men but a few hours refreshment, and proceeded directly to the banks of the river Dee. From thence he dis- patched the Earl of Aboyne, who, by the death of his brother, Lord Gordon, had now succeeded to his command, into the country of Buchan, in order to levy more men to recruit his army, which was now diminished by the Highlanders going home with their booty after the battle. And as Macdo- nald was not yet come back, he remained for some time at Craigston, " ;: waiting both his and Lord Aboyne's return. But finding that these recruits were not sent up to him so speedily as he expect- * Rather Crabston, situated betwixt the Don and Dee, a few miles from Aberdeen, there being no place of the name of Craigston near the river Dee. 154 MEMOIRS OF THE ed, and growing impatient at so long and unsea- sonable a delay, he crossed the Dee, and, march- ing over the Grampian hills, fell down into the Mearns, and encamped at Fordonkirk, which was anciently famous for being the burial-place of St Palladius.* From thence he dispatched a message to Lord Aboyne, who was then at Aberdeen, to hasten him to the army with what forces he had levied. Aboyne obeyed the message ; but his re- cruits were not very numerous. He therefore sent him immediately back to the north country, to raise what more forces he could, and bring them with all speed to the camp. He himself marched through Angus, and in his way was met by his cousin, Patrick Graham, and the Athole-men, who had determined to stand by him to the last drop of their blood. Macdonald also joined him with an excellent body of Highlanders, among whom was Maclean, the chief of the name, a very brave man, and remarkably loyal, with about seven hundred of his clan ; the Captain of Clanronald, a man of great renown among the Highlanders, and above five hundred of his men ; the Macgregors also and the Macnabs, two clans inferior to none in bravery and activity, following each their respective chief- tains, but of their numbers I am uncertain ; and * It was thence called Padie-kirk. This place is no less remarkable for having given birth to Joannes a Fordun, au- thor of the Scoti-Chronicon. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 155 Glengary, who deserves a singular commendation for his bravery and steady loyalty to the king, and his peculiar attachment to Montrose, whom he had never left from the time of the expedition into Ar- gyleshire, had by his uncles and other officers brought up about five hundred ; there were, be- sides, several of the Farquharsons from the Braes of Mar, who were men of approved valour, and al- so a small number from Badenoch, of real courage and bravery. Montrose, being thus reinforced, resolved to pe- netrate into the heart of the kingdom, not only to put a stop to the enemy's levies in Fife, and be- south the Forth, but likewise to break up the par- liament, which the covenanters had, with great so- lemnity, appointed to meet at Perth. * But he was prevented from putting this design in execution by the want of horse, whereof he was always in such scarcity, that it was seldom or never advisable for him to fall doAii into the low country. However, as he was daily expecting to be reinforced by Aboyne and Airly with a considerable body of ca- * The parliament which should have met at Edinburgh was, on account of the plague which then raged there, ad- journed to Stirling, where it sat down upon the 2d of July 1645 ; but the plague breaking out there also, they adjourn- ed it to Perth against the 24>th, and ordered all noblemen, gentlemen, and heritors, to be there in person, well mount- ed, with what forces they could raise against, that time, un- der a severe penalty. 156 MEMOIRS OF THE valry, he crossed the Tay at Dimkeld, and encamp- ed near the river of Almond, and his approach struck the enemy at Perth with no small terror. He then drew nearer them, and next encamped in the wood of Methven. All the enemy's foot, the garrison of Perth ex- cepted, lay npon the south side of the river of Ern. The horse, who were left as a guard for the town and parliament, observing Montrose's scouts, gave the alarm that he was at hand, and would be im- mediately at the gates, intending without doubt to storm the town. The nobility, and other members of the parliament, were thereupon earnestly advis- ed to save themselves by a speedy flight. Montrose, in the meantime, had not above an hundred horse, and theirs amounted to upwards of four hundred. In order to increase this panic, he advanced next day towards the town with his horse, and the like number of musketeers, whom he mounted upon the baggage-horses, and drew them up in such a way as to have the appearance of a great body of cavalry. Upon this the enemy thought proper to keep within the gates. He therefore turned aside towards Duplin, and took a view of the other side of the Ern, and of all that Strath, as if he had horse enough to keep that whole country in subjec- tion. This appearance of his made the enemy be- lieve that he was equally strong in horse as in foot ; and therefore they gathered together what forces they could, from all quarters, to oppose his crossing MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. lZJ the Forth, if ho should attempt it. In the mean- time, as Montrose judged it unsafe for him to fall down into the plains, both parties remained quiet in their stations for several days, — the covenanters waiting for supplies from Fife, the counties be- south the Forth, and from the west, and Montrose expecting a like reinforcement from the north. Lord Aboyne being very slow in bringing up his new levies, he sent to hasten him up before he should lose this opportunity of defeating the ene- my. He complained, but in a friendly and gentle manner, that, merely by his remissness, he had lost an eminent victory over the rebels, in which they might have been entirely defeated ; however, he did not doubt but the opportunity might yet be re- covered, if he would make dispatch. When the enemy discovered that Montrose had deceived them with a sham-muster of his horse, and being now vastly superior to him even in foot, by the additions they had got from all quarters, they advanced to offer him battle, and resolved at any rate to force him to an engagement. He there- fore thought it prudent to retire for some time into the neighbouring hills, where he was sure the ene- my would not follow him, neither could they at- tempt it without a considerable loss. Accordingly, so soon as he perceived their army approaching towards Methven, he ordered his bag- gage to march with all imaginable speed towards the hills, and drew out his army as if he intended 158 MEMOIRS OF THE r to fight, disposing his horse in the front, and se- curing the passes with strong guards. The enemy made no doubt, from this appearance, that he was resolved to hazard a battle ; but his intention was only to gain time till his carriages were fairly out of danger. Then he ordered the army to march off, all in one body and in close ranks, plac- ing the horse and some of his best musketeers in the rear, to cover their retreat from the enemy's cavalry. On the other hand, the enemy, who ex- pected no less than a present engagement, seeing Montrose's army retiring, pursued them at first very briskly, but to no purpose ; for, having occu- pied the passes as they went along, they easily re- pulsed them ; and so, without the loss of one man, made good their retreat into the hills, which were inaccessible for the enemy's horse, and where they were quite secure from any attack from their foot. In this retreat one thing happened well worth notice. When Montrose's horse were come very near the passes, the enemy, who perceived they could not now pursue them much farther, that they might not seem to have let them slip through their fingers, without attempting something, dis- patched after them three hundred of their strong- est and best horse ; they came up boldly with a great shout and very insulting language. When Montrose saw them, he picked only twenty clever Highlanders, who, being accustomed to hunting, were extremely good marksmen, and sent them MARQUIS OF 3I0NTR0SE. 159 back to chastise their insolence. They went for- ward creeping all the way, and, concealing their guns, took their aims so well, that they brought down the most forward of the party ; whose fate, as being some of the best note among them, made the rest more cautious, and so they resolved to retreat : but these expert huntsmen, elated with their first success, and seeing the enemy in confusion, follow- ed them down into the plains, and resolutely at- tacked the whole party, who, putting spurs to their horses, fled with the utmost precipitation, like so many deer before the hunters. The enemy then took possession of the camp which Montrose had left in the wood of Methven, having gained no credit by this expedition, nor done any thing worth notice, farther than, in re- venge of their late affront, and because they could not cope with men, therefore exercising their im- potent rage upon women, and shamefully butcher- ing such of the wives of the Highlanders and Irish who followed the army as fell into their hands. Montrose stopt and quartered at Little-Dunkeld, both because the ground there was unfit and im- passable for horse, and that it was the most con- venient station to wait for the recruits which he was daily expecting from the north country with Lord Aboyne. Here the two armies lay for some time very near, and in sight of one another, without attempting to act upon the offensive, 160 MEMOIRS OF THE and only continuing to observe one another's motions. At length Lord Aboyne, and Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, came to Dunkeld with their recruits from the north country ; they brought only two hun- dred horse, and a hundred and twenty musketeers, mounted upon their carriage-horses in form of dragoons, but no foot at all : this was far below what was expected, but their valour and bravery, in some measure, supplied their want of numbers. Lord Airly and his son Sir David joined him also with a troop of eighty horse, who were most- ly gentlemen of the name of Ogilvy ; among whom was Alexander Ogilvy, son to Sir John Ogilvy of Innerquharity, a youth remarkable not only for his comely presence, and the dignity of his ancestors, but already loaded with military honours beyond what was to be expected from his years. Montrose, having got this reinforcement, resolved to march against the enemy directly, without loss of time. When he came to the river Almond, he received information, that several of their late auxiliaries had deserted them, and re- turned home : he therefore judged it necessary to see what condition they were in, and if his in- formation was just ; accordingly, having ordered his foot to take some rest, he rode out with his cavalry to reconnoitre : before sunset he came in full view of the enemy ; who, being surprised at seeing him unexpectedly so near them, imme> MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. J(il diatcly retired behind their lines. Next morning early he rode out again to reconnoitre, and was in- formed that they had left their camp at Methven late the night before, in an apparent fright, and crossed the bridge of Ern in great disorder. Up- on this news he lost no time, but instantly began his march ; and, crossing at a stone bridge about six miles up the river, lay that night in Stratherne. KJ2 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. XIII. The Fife-men rise in arms and join the covenanters, — Mon- trose marches to Kinross ; crosses the Forth, and encamps at Kilsyth ; pursued by Baillie's army, who attach him and are entirely routed at Kilsyth. The shire of Fife is the richest and most popu- lous, and the best planted with towns and villages of any in Scotland. The inhabitants are by no means martially inclined, being mostly merchants, shopkeepers, sailors, and farmers. They are, of all others, the most addicted to the new-fangled superstitions, to which they have been seduced both by the example and authority of the nobility and gentry among them, and by the seditious sermons of their preachers ; and in consequence thereof, had very early, almost to a man, declared for the covenanters. The country itself is in form of a peninsula ; and is bounded on the south by the Frith of Forth, on the north by the river Tay, which is capable to receive ships of burden a great way up, and on the east by the ocean : so that the only entry into it by land is from the west, which is but a narrow pass, and was at this time possessed by both armies. The whole shire was on that account in an up- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 163 roar. Their worthy ministers were not idle, but thundered out their excommunications against all, of whatever age, rank, or condition, who would not take up arms. Some strengthened their anathemas by compelling the country people to rise : numbers flocked unto them, and others ab- sconded, according as they were wrought upon by superstition, confidence, or fear. Montrose earnestly desired to come to a de- cisive battle, before they should be joined by this new levy from Fife : but they were so advantage- ously posted, from the natural situation of the ground, and the narrowness of the passes, that he could neither safely attack them, nor allure them out of their intrenchments. * Having offered them battle once and again, he resolved to penetrate into the heart of the country ^ and came the length of Kinross, with a view to prevent the levies they were making there, and in hopes at the same time to draw them out of their fastnesses to the assistance of their distressed friends. The enemy allowed him to march off without the least disturbance ; and immediately turning another way, they made what haste they could to the east part of Fife, keeping close by the sides of the rivers of Ern and Tay. Montrose dispatched Colonel Nathaniel Gordon * They lay then at Kilgirston, hard by the bridge of Ern. 164 MEMOIRS OF THE and Sir William Rollock with a small party of horse, as an advanced guard, to view the country. This party separated, and spread themselves abroad through Fife in order to receive the more exact intelligence ; so that no more than ten men re- mained with the colonel and Sir William, when they unexpectedly fell in with a body of two hundred of the enemy, chiefly horse, who were recruiting in that quarter ; and being too far advanced to at- tempt a retreat, with these twelve men they charged the whole two hundred, and put them to flight, having killed some and taken others pri- soners. Montrose reached Kinross in the evening:. As the shire of Fife was deeply intoxicated with the prevailing superstition, and, on that account, thoroughly attached to the covenanters, and dis- affected to the royal cause, he made no doubt but they were now all in arms. And judging it would be highly imprudent to risk an engagement with such a multitude, both of horse and foot, as they would probably have, he resolved to cross the Forth. Two reasons induced him principally to this motion ; he expected that the people from Fife would not easily be prevailed on to march be- yond the limits of their own country ; and at least that they would soon be wearied out by the fatigue of long marches, and would leave the army, by which means their strength would be considerably diminished 5 and, as they were educated and ac- 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 165 customed to trade and agriculture, and employed in the other more peaceable scenes of business, he made no doubt but they would quickly be sick of the hurry and fatigue of a military life. More- over, the Earls of Lanark, Cassils, Eglinton, and others, zealous covenanters, seeing the seat of war drawing so near their own quarters, were busy le- vying what forces they could in the borders and west of Scotland. It was therefore his business to prevent these levies; or endeavour to persuade these noblemen to return to their duty, before they had joined Baillie and his army, i Accordingly, decamping from Kinross, he ad- vanced towards Stirling, and lay that night within three miles of that town ; and next day, sending off his foot before him, he marched slowly after with his horse, suspecting that the enemy were fol- lowing him hard in the rear. And indeed he had conjectured right ; for his spies brought him word that Baillie was already approaching with a more numerous army than ever he had ; and soon after his scouts coming in sight, one of them was apprehended, who informed Mon- trose, that he believed Baillie was to march all that night, intending, if possible, to force him to an eno-a^ement before the Fife-men were sent home, who, he said, were already heartily tired, and he believed would not easily be brought to cross the Forth, reckoning they had done their duty, now that their own country was delivered 166 MEMOIRS OF THE from a hostile army. From this information he saw there was no time to be lost in crossing the Forth ; and, after encouraging his men to their duty, he began his march ; and passing by the town and castle of Stirling, in which the enemy had then a very strong garrison, he crossed the river that night, at a ford four miles above the town. Next morning, about day-break, he halted a little, about six miles from Stirling, where he was informed that the enemy had not crossed the Forth that night, but had lain about three miles from Stirling, on the other side of the river ; and continuing his march, pitched his camp in the fields about Kilsyth. He ordered his men to re- fresh themselves, but to be ready either for an en- gagement or a march upon the first notice, as oc- casion should require. In the mean time, the enemy crossed the Forth, by a much better and shorter way, at the bridge of Stirling, and en- camped in the evening within three miles of Kil- syth. Here Montrose received intelligence that the Earl of Lanark, brother to the Duke of Hamilton, had raised a body of a thousand foot, and five hundred horse, from among the vassals and de- pendents of the Hamiltons, in Clydesdale, and the places adjacent, and was not then above twelve miles from Kilsyth ; and that the Earls of Cassils, Eglinton, Glencairn, and other noblemen of the covenanting faction, were also busji raising the in- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 1 6j habitants of the west country. As these places had hitherto experienced none of the inconvenien- ces of the war, they were the more willing and ready to take up arms, and might probably soon amount to a considerable body. These things considered, Montrose judged it absolutely neces- sary to encounter Baillie and his present army, though more numerous than his own, before he should be joined by Lanark, and the other forces from that country. For should he delay till they were united, he would then be obliged either to fight with very great inequality, or return again to the Highlands, not only with the loss of his labour, but of his military reputation, which, by his fre- quent victories, was now raised to a very high pitch. On the other hand, the enemy, trusting to their numbers, and arrogantly imagining that Montrose had, for some days before, made a run- ning march before them, and had crossed the Forth more through fear than design, were for attacking him directly, even in that ground which he had chosen as the most advantageous. And so confi- dent were they of success, that their principal con- cern was to prevent his retreat, and stop up his passage to the Highlands. Some people gave out that Baillie was very averse from fighting at this time ; but that he was obliged to yield to the im- portunity and authority of the Earl of Lindsay, and the other noblemen in the army, who com- pelled him to draw up his men, and prepare for 168 MEMOIRS OF THE battle much against his inclination. * However it happened they marched up against Montrose by break of day. When he saw them, he said that it fell out just as he could have wished, for that he would supply the want of men by the advantage of the ground ; and immediately sent to take pos- session of the strengths. He ordered all his men, both horse and foot, to throw off their upper clothes, and fight stript to their shirts ; which they cheer- fully and readily obeyed, and stood prepared for the attack, being resolved either to conquer or die. His whole army consisted only of five hundred horse, and four thousand four hundred foot ; while that of the enemy was six thousand foot and a thousand horse. In the field of battle there were some cottages and country gardens, in which Montrose had pla- ced a small guard. The first effort of the enemy was to dislodge them ; and they made a very brisk attack, which was as warmly received. This a little abated their courage, which being perceived by Montrose's guard, they attacked them in their turn, and beat them off with the loss of several of their men. This successful beginning so much animated a body of the Highlanders, who were * Ar^de Lanark, and Crawford-Lindsay, since the parlia- ment's sitting at Stirling, were all joint commanders alon^ with Baillie. Guthrie s Memoirs, p. 191. Lanark had then left the army, and gone about his levy. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 1 69 hard by, to the number of a thousand, that, with- out waiting orders, they run directly up the hill, and thereby exposed themselves to the whole strength of the enemy. Montrose was much dis- pleased with their rashness ; but yet it was neces- sary to support them ; and indeed it is hard to say, whether their safety was more owing to the cow- ardice of the enemy, or the speedy relief which was sent them. The enemy's rear was very slow in advancing, and while their van made a stand till they should come up, Montrose got sufficient time to send assistance to these resolute Highlanders. At length he observed three troops of horse and two thousand foot dispatched from the main army against them ; and after severals had refused to undertake this desperate service, he accosted the Earl of Airly, and told him, that these men would undoubtedly be cut in pieces by the enemy's ca- valry, if they were not speedily supported ; and that the eyes and wishes of the whole army were upon him, as the only person capable to repulse the enemy, bring off these men, and, by his grave and discreet conduct, correct the error which their rash and imprudent valour had occasioned. Airly most cheerfully undertook this dangerous piece of service ; and marched immediately towards the enemy with a troop of his own horse, commanded by John Ogilvy of Baldavie, who had formerly served as a colonel in the Swedish service, and was a very brave, experienced officer. The ene- 1?0 MEMOIRS OF THE my charged them at first with great courage ; but they could not long withstand the bravery of the Ogilvies, and were forced to give way. Airly fol- lowed so close, that they fell back upon their foot, and thereby threw them all at once into confusion. This behaviour and success of the Ogilvies so much animated the rest of the army, that they could no longer be restrained, but rushed forward upon the enemy, with a great shout, as if they had already obtained the victory. The enemy's horse were very soon put into disorder, and fled, leaving the foot quite open and exposed ; who immediately follow- ed their example, and, throwing away their arms, endeavoured also to save themselves by flight. The pursuit continued for fourteen miles, in which most of the rebels were killed, scarce an hundred of the foot escaping with their lives. Nor did the horse share a much better fate, many of them being killed, severals taken prisoners, and the rest entirely dispersed. Their whole baggage and arms fell into the hands of the conquerors. Montrose lost only six men ; three of them were gentlemen of the name of Ogilvy, who fell in the attack made by Lord Airly, to which the victory was in a great measure owing. The noblemen who were in the covenanters* ar- my saved themselves by a timely retreat, and the swiftness of their horses. Some of them reached the castle of Stirling ; while others got to the Frith of Forth, and went aboard some ships they MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 171 found lying at anchor in the road. Among these was Argyle, who now for the third time saved himself by means of a boat ; and even then he did not reckon himself secure, till they had weighed anchor and carried the vessel out to sea. Among the prisoners were Sir William Murray of Blebo, James Arnot, brother to the Lord Burleigh, and Colonels Dice and Wallace, besides several other gentlemen of note ; all of whom Montrose dismissed upon their parole never to carry arms against the king. This is the famous battle of Kilsyth, which was fought on the 15th of August 1645, and in which six thousand of the rebels were slain. 172 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. XIV. Great alterations in the kingdom upon the victory at Kilsyth. — Montrose enters Glasgow. — Is joined by several of the no- bilily. — Receives the surrender of the city of Edinburgh. — The prisoners discharged by the covenanters. — The peace of the west country settled. This victory at Kilsyth gave a very different turn to the face of affairs through the whole kingdom. The covenanting nobility immediately dispersed, and fled to different corners. Some of them went to Berwick and Newcastle, others to Carlisle, others to Ireland, and some one way, some ano- ther. Many who had secretly favoured the king's cause begun now to declare their sentiments open- ly, and to make frank professions of their loyalty, and offers of their assistance. On the other hand, such as had been in arms with the covenanters be- gan to plead their excuse, alleging they had been forced out against their inclinations by the absolute tyranny and oppression of the enemy ; and now submitted themselves to the pleasure of the con- queror, humbly begging his protection, and im- ploring his wonted clemency. Deputies were also sent from the most distant shires and cities, to MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 173 profess their allegiance to the king, and all duty and obedience to Montrose as his deputy-governor; and at the same time to make offer of what assist- ance they could afford him of men, arms, or other warlike necessaries. The nobilitv, the chieftains, and other men of power and influence in the coun- try, came also in great numbers to congratulate him upon his success, and to make him tenders of their assistance. He received all that came to him with great courtesy, and granted them an ab- solute pardon and indemnity for the errors of their past conduct. All he demanded of them was only to exchange the rapacious and oppressive tyranny of the covenanters, for the mild government and tender protection of their most gracious sovereign. He intreated them to lay aside their former unrea- sonable animosities, and study for the future to express their loyalty and obedience to the best of kings, in a manner becoming dutiful subjects, and not allow themselves to become the dupes of a se- ditious, turbulent faction, whose only aim was their own private interest ; for obtaining of which, they had set the king and his subjects by the ears, and had well nigh ruined both. For his own part, he said, his only intention, from the beginning of these troubles, had been to endeavour by force of arms, seeing all other means had proved ineffec- tual, to preserve the religion and liberty of his country, to defend the king's prerogative, and the dignity of the peerage, and, in a word, to rescue 174 MEMOIRS OF THE the property and privileges of his fellow- subjects in general, from the oppression and tyranny of a rebellious faction ; and to restore the people to their ancient peace, happiness, and splendour. And if this could be brought about by his means, he would return his thanks to God for making him the instrument of so desirable a work ; but if things turned out contrary to his wish, he would at any rate solace himself with the pleasure of hav- ing discharged his duty to God, to the king, his earthly vicegerent, and to all good men ; and would besides have the approbation of his own con- science, for having used his most hearty endea- vours for obtaining these noble ends. The whole country now resounded Montrose's praise. His unparalleled magnanimity and bra- very, his happiness in devising his plans of opera- tion, and his quickness in executing them ; his unshaken resolution and intrepidity, even in the greatest dangers, and his patience in bearing the severest hardships and fatigues ; his faithfulness and strict observance of his promises to such as submitted, and his clemency towards his prisoners; in short, that heroic virtue which displayed itself in all his actions, was extolled to the skies, and filled the mouths of all ranks of men ; and several poems and panegyrics were wrote upon this occa- sion to his honour. Most of these encomiums were sincere, and well intended ; but some of them, it must be confessed, proceeded merely from craft MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 1^5 and dissimulation. Such is the vicissitude of hu- man affairs, and the affections of the populace so fleeting and precarious, that they now openly threw out their maledictions against Argyle, Balmeri- noch, Linisay, Loudon, and the other ringleaders of the covenanters ; whom immediately before they had respected and revered as deities, but now ex- claimed against them as the authors of all their miseries. Every thing had thus succeeded to Montrose's wish. The northern parts of the kingdom were secured behind him ; and he had now a free passage opened to the south, the covenanters' strength being now every where broke, and their principal leaders, who, from a consciousness of their having had the chief hand in fomenting the rebellion, absolutely despaired of pardon, being withdrawn, or rather driven out of the kingdom. Though the enemy had now no army in the field, yet intelligence was brought of some commotions in the western parts, and that the Earls of Cassils and Eglinton, and some other promoters of their cause, had incited the counties where they had any influence to renew the war, and had brought to- gether a tumultuous body of about four thousand men. Montrose, therefore, the day after the battle of Kilsyth, marched down his army into that part of Clydesdale where the Earl of Lanark was busy levying his men : but when he received ac- counts of the loss of the battle he fled. This 176 MEMOIRS OF THE ■ station Montrose reckoned the most convenient for his affairs, both in the south and west. From thence he went to Glasgow, the chief town of the county, and had it surrendered to him. He enter- ed this city amidst the general acclamations of the inhabitants, having first ordered his men to abstain from all manner of hostilities. He made a strict scrutiny into the conduct of such as were suspect- ed of rebellion and disloyalty, and to terrify the rest, put the principal incendiaries to death. He staid not long here ; but, in order to relieve the inhabitants of the burden of his army, marched off the second day, and encamped at Bothwell ; and as this was only six miles from Glasgow, lest his men should return and commit insolencies up- on the inhabitants, he indulged them with the liberty of a guard of their own citizens to protect the town. By this mild and gentle conduct, he expected to win over the affections, not only of the people of Glasgow, but of the other towns in the south, in a more effectual manner than by force of arms. While he remained at Bothwell, he received the addresses of many of the nobility, some of them presenting them in person, others by their friends. Deputies also from many of the shires and towns came to wait upon him, and assure him of their fidelity and affection. Among the first who offer- ed their assistance were the Marquis of Douglas, chief of the noble and ancient familv of the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 177 Douglasses ; the Earls of Linlithgow, Annandale, and Hartfield, the Lords Seton, Drummond, Fleming, Maderty, Carnegie, and Johnston ; Hamilton of Orbiston, Justice-Clerk, Charteris of Amisfield, Tours of Innerleith, a man of great merit, who afterwards died bravely in the bed of honour, with Stuart of Rosayth, Mr Dalziel, brother to the Earl of Carnwath, and several others whom I have either now forgot, or think fit to pass over in silence, lest, by this unseason- able encomium, I should rouse the indignation of the rebels against them, whereby they may suf- fer more than can be compensated, by ascribing to them all the merit and praise their loyalty de- serves. Montrose's first and principal concern, after the victory at Kilsyth, was about his friends in prison. His generous soul was touched with their miserable condition ; they had continued long under the hardships of a nasty and squalid imprisonment in the tolhooth of Edinburgh, and had been condemn- ed to death, for no other alleged crime but their loyalty to their sovereign, and were daily expecting the execution of this sentence. He therefore dispatched his nephew, Archibald Master of Napier, and Nathaniel Gordon, with a select party of horse, to Edinburgh, in order to summon the city to surrender, to secure its obedience and fidelity, and to set the prisoners at liberty : but if they refused to submit, then their orders were to M 1 78 MEMOIRS OF THE attack them with fire and sword. When they came within four miles of the town, they stopped, not intending to approach nearer, unless they were obliged by the obstinacy of the citizens : this they did, both to preserve the city and its inhabitants from the fury and rapacious insolence of their soldiers, who, considering it as the chief spring and fomenter of this accursed rebellion, might, in the transports of their rage and fury, be hurried on to commit the greatest cruelties, and perhaps set the city on flames, and consume it to ashes ; a thing Montrose had principally cautioned them to guard against : as also to preserve their own men from the infection of the plague, which then raged in that place and the neighbourhood, and daily cut off great numbers. When the news of their approach reached the town, an universal consternation seized all ranks ; they despaired of obtaining terms, and appeared as frantic as if the city had been already in a blaze, and an enraged enemy murdering and destroying within its gates. Many, conscious of their guilt, accused themselves as sacrilegious, perjured, and ungrateful traitors, and unworthy of that cle- mency and forgiveness for which they so ardently prayed. They privately made application to the prison- ers, and, in the most humble manner, entreated them, out of compassion to the place, which was already almost ruined by the pestilence, and to the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 1?9 miserable remains of the inhabitants, that they would intercede for them with Montrose, and by their good offices avert that rage, which they now acknowledged they had justly provoked. All their hopes, they said, were centered in their undertak- ing this generous office, as the only mean to pre- serve a sinking city from utter destruction. They acknowledged themselves guilty of all the crimes laid to their charge, but solemnly protested, that should they at this time experience his clemency and goodness, they should atone for their former rebellion by the most exemplary loyalty, and im- plicit duty and obedience. The prisoners, whom, not long before, even the meanest of the mob had treated in the most contemptible and despiteful manner, and had devoted to the gibbet, unmindful of the cruel treatment they had received, farther than that the sensible remembrance of it prompted them to return thanks to God for thus bringing about their preservation and deliverance at a time when they so little expected it, encouraged their enemies, and told them, that neither the king him- self, nor Montrose, his lieutenant, had any pleasure in the ruin and destruction of his subjects, but earnestly wished and laboured for their safety and prosperity, could they be only brought to see it themselves. They advised them forthwith to send commissioners to Montrose, to implore his pardon, as nothing could more effectually contribute to mollify the heart of a conqueror than a speedy 180 MEMOIRS OF THE submission ; promising to intercede with Montrose in their behalf ; and they did not doubt but his great and generous soul would allow itself to be overcome with the humble entreaties and supplica- tions of a distressed city. The citizens of Edinburgh, thus encouraged with hopes of success, immediately convened the town-council, in order to make choice of proper commissioners to send to Montrose. Among the prisoners there were two especially eminent for their high birth, and thoroughly acquainted with Montrose. The first of these was Ludovick Earl of Crawfurd, chief of the ancient and noble family of the Lindesays, a person famous for his military achievements abroad, in the Swedish, Austrian, and Spanish services. The Earl of Lindesay, his cousin, from an ambition to attain to the title and honours of Crawfurd, thirsted for his blood, and had such address and influence with the covenanters, as to get him condemned. The only crime they laid to his charge was, that he had served the king his master with the greatest fidelity and bravery, in his capacity as a soldier, and they feared would still do so, were he left alive. The other was James Lord Ogilvy, son to the Earl of Airly, who was very highly esteemed by Montrose, and was, be- sides, odious to the rebels, both for his own and his father's courage and power. And, as he was a declared enemy to Argyle, both on account of the ancient animosities that subsisted betwixt the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 181 families, and some recent injuries they had receive ed from Argyle, he was, therefore accused of the same crime with Crawfurd, and condemned to the same punishment. The council of Edinburgh made choice of these two noblemen from among the prisoners, and set them at liberty, earnestly imploring them to use their interest with the lord- governor in their behalf, and assist their deputies in obtaining their request, thereby to preserve a city, already sore afflicted with the avenging hand of heaven; at the same time wishing destruction to themselves and their posterity, if ever they should prove unmindful of the favour, or ungrate- ful to their benefactors. These two noblemen cheerfully undertook this office, to the great satisfaction of the wbole city, and, having joined the delegates, went out to meet the Master of Napier. In his way towards Edin- burgh, Napier had released his father and spouse, Sir George Stirling of Kier, his brother-in-law, and his sisters, from the prison of Linlithgow, to which they had been sent by the covenanters from the castle of Edinburgh ; and, now being attended with this agreeable company, and by the city de- legates, Mr Napier returned directly to his uncle. Montrose was transported with joy at the sight of his dearest friends Crawfurd and Ogilvy, whom he met with the tenderest embraces of friendship, having been so long deprived of their company and assistance. He congratulated them on their safe- 1S2 MEMOIRS OF THE ty and deliverance, and gave them all the respect and accommodation possible, as a consolation, in some degree, for their long confinement. On the other hand, they expressed the utmost gratitude to him, and extolled him as their avenger and de- liverer; both parties thus seeming to vie with one another in mutual expressions of their affection and esteem. The city delegates were then admitted to au- dience ; they made a free surrender to him of the town, and humbly deprecated his vengeance, and implored his pardon and forgiveness, promising, in name of the whole inhabitants, an inviolable fide- lity and obedience for the future, and committing themselves and all their concerns to his patronage and protection, which they humbly entreated he would grant them. They promised also immedi- ately to release all the prisoners in their custody, and desired him to assure himself that any thing else he should desire of them should be instantly complied with. The town, they said, had been almost depopulated by a dreadful plague, so that no supplies of men could be expected from it ; but they were ready to contribute all they could to de- fray the expence of what troops he might raise in other places. Above all, they most earnestly im- plored him to intercede for them with their most gracious and merciful king, to obtain his pity and pardon, and that he would not condemn the whole city for the crime of rebellion, into which they 10 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 1S3 had been involved by the craft and example of a few seditious men, armed with power and authori- ty. Montrose gave them reason to hope for the royal forgiveness ; and the only conditions he de- manded of them were sacredly to observe their loy- alty and allegiance to his majesty for the future ; to renounce all correspondence with the rebels, whether within or without the kingdom : the castle of Edinburgh, which he well knew was then in their power, he required they should surrender to the king's officers ; and that, as soon as the dele- gates returned to the city, all the prisoners should be immediately set at liberty, and sent to his camp. The prisoners were sent him directly on their return ; but as to the other articles for which they had engaged, not one of them was performed. This, indeed, was agreeable to their usual perfidy and ingratitude ; for which the God of justice and truth, and avenger of these crimes, will undoubt- edly inflict a condign punishment. While these things were transacting, Montrose sent off Alexander Macdonaid and John Drum- mond of Balloch with a strong party to the west country to suppress the rising there, and frustrate the designs of Cassilis and Eglinton. However, they did not wait their coming, but dispersed in the greatest panic upon the news of their ap- proach. The noblemen and gentlemen fled, some of them to Ireland, and others to their conceal- 18 4 MEMOIRS 01< THJi ments. All the western shires, and the towns of Ayr, Irvine, and others, immediately came and made their submission, readily offering their duty and service ; * and, indeed, it must be allowed that Montrose, much contrary to his expectation, found no where so much loyalty and firm attachment to his majesty's interest, as in these western parts ; a great many knights and gentlemen of considerable families, and even some of the first rank in that part of the kingdom, taking the first opportunity to join him. But it is proper at present to spare the commendation and praise they deserve, rather than, by naming them, to point them out as objects of the cruelty and resentment of their implacable ene- mies, for the good-will and affection they bore to their lawful sovereign. * '* After the battle of Kilsyth, Montrose sent Macdonald with a party to the west, to fright them that had not come to express their submission, and to him all did homage ; and no where found he so hearty a welcome as at Loudon Castle, where the chancellor's lady embraced him in her arms ; and having treated him very sumptuously, sent afterwards her ser- vant John llahla.ii, with him, to present her service to the Marquis of Montrose." — Guthrie's Memoirs. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE, 185 CHAP. XV. The intrigues of Roxburgh, Hume, and Traquair. — The Highlanders desert and return home. — Montrose appoint- ed captain general and lieutenant-governor of the king- dom. — Receives the ling's orders to march southward, and to join Traquair and Roxburgh, xvho deceive him. iVl oxtrose now turned his views towards the south borders. To pave the way for that purpose, he invited the Earls of Hume, Roxburgh, and Tra- quair to join him, and co-operate in promoting the royal cause. This he wished the more earnestly, as they were men of very great power in that coun- try. He had, besides, great reason to expect their compliance, as they had professed all along to be zealous friends to the king, and lay under very great obligations to him ; for his majesty had rais- ed them from private gentlemen to the first rank of nobility ; and had, besides, given them the lieu- tenancies of the most opulent counties, whereby they amassed considerable riches, even to the envy of their neighbours, and the raising no small pre- judice against the king on that account. They had sent a message to Montrose, by some of their principal friends, to assure him, that they were 186 MEMOIRS OF THE ready to run all risks under his command and di- rection, for the service of his majesty, to whom they professed the highest obligations ; and would immediately raise what forces they could, and join his army, if he would only march into that coun- try with ever so small a party ; since by that means their friends and dependents, and the other people of these shires, would be encouraged by his autho- rity and presence to join him the more cheerfully ; and, on the other hand, such as refused might ei- ther be compelled to rise, or would at least be easi- ly kept in order. On this account, they earnestly intreated him to comply with their desire, and he should find nothing but the utmost fidelity and readiness in them for the service. These were fair promises, and apparently sincere ; but they were observed with the same faith and exactness usual with most of the king's favourites, who had tasted most liberally of his bounty. However, the Earl of Lanark, brother to the Duke of Hamilton, fell not under this imputation ; he acted openly and above board. Montrose earnestly solicited him, by some of his own friends, to return to his fidelity and duty ; yet, notwithstanding he had reason to expect not only a pardon for what was past, but likewise his brother's enlargement, he an- swered in plain terms, that he was resolved to have no correspondence with that side of the question, and would not therefore encourage them with vain hopes. And happy had it been for his majesty, if MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 187 all those in whom that good king reposed the most exuberant trust, had, from the beginning of these troubles, spoke out their minds with the same can- dour and ingenuity. About the same time, Montrose dispatched the Marquis of Douglas and the Lord Ogilvy into An- nandale and Nithsdale, in order, with the assistance of the Earls of Annandale and Hartfield, to raise what horses they could in these counties, and to march directly with such troops as they levied into the estates of Traquair, Roxburgh, and Hume, and thereby oblige them, without farther excuse, to take part in the war. For Montrose, who had now a thorough knowledge of the inclinations and practices of most of the courtiers, and, besides, had often had the experience of the inconstancy and double-dealing of these noblemen, particularly of Traquair, suspected, and not without good ground, that the pretended causes of their delay were en- tirely affected. Douglas, Hartfield, and Annan- dale, executed their commission very well, and had soon levied a body of men, which was pretty consi- derable as to their number ; but they consisted mostly of ploughmen and shepherds, and were quite unacquainted with military discipline, though at first they expressed great forwardness, yet they soon lost their courage, and could hardly be kept together ; wherefore Douglas entreated Montrose to hasten and meet them at the Tweed with his veteran troops, expecting, that, by his presence and 1 8S MEMOIRS OF THE authority, and the example and company of his ex- perienced soldiers, they might be brought, either willingly or by force, to stand to their duty. In the mean time, in obedience to their order*, they came the length of Strathgala, on purpose to af- ford an opportunity, and their assistance, if requi- site, to Roxburgh and Traquair to raise their men. But this these noblemen had never intended ; their views were of a different nature ; they had resolv- ed to betray the king's cause, and, as they envied the glory Montrose had acquired by supporting it, to ensnare him into his enemies' hands by fraud, seeing they had no hopes of effecting it by force. And as they were in concert with the covenanters, and knew all their motions, they had certain infor- mation, that David Lesly and the whole horse un- der his command, were on their march to Eng- land, and would soon be at hand. This, they thought, would afford a good opportunity for per- petrating their treacherous purposes. For this end they sent frequent messengers, not only to Dou- glas and his party, but even to Montrose himself, to represent to them, in the strongest terms, that they were ready to expose their own persons to the greatest dangers ; but that they could not prevail on their friends and dependents to take arms, and that Montrose's own presence was absolutely ne- cessary to animate and encourage them ; and to obtain the greater credit to what they said, they imprecated the heaviest curses upon themselves if MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 189 they should not sacredly perform what they had promised. These solicitations, however, were of no effect with Montrose, and he continued still at Both well ; for he concluded, if they were really sincere and honest in their professions, that Dou- glas and his party, who were still in their neigh- bourhood, were abundantly sufficient either to en- courage and animate their friends, or to compel them to rise in arms. Montrose had now continued for some consider- able time in his quarters at Bothwell, when many of the Highlanders, being loaded with spoil, de- serted privately, and soon after returned to their own country : their officers and leaders also open- ly demanded liberty to go home for a short time. They pretended that, as the covenanters had at that time no army within the kingdom, there was the less occasion for their presence ; and as their corns had been all destroyed, and their houses burnt by the enemy, there was an absolute necessi- ty for their going home, though but for a few weeks, in order to repair their habitations, and lay up some winter provisions for their wives and families : therefore they earnestly begged a short furlough ; and, as an inducement to obtain it, they solemnly promised to return in less than forty days, in greater strength and numbers. Montrose, perceiving that they were fully resolved to leave him, and that it was not in his power to detain them, as they were ail volunteers, and served with- u 190 MEMOIRS OF THE out pay, thought it most expedient to dismiss them with a good grace, in order to ingratiate himself the more with them, and encourage their return. He praised the bravery of the soldiers, and in the king's name returned his thanks to the officers for their services ; and entreated them to be as ex- peditious in settling their domestic affairs as possible, so that they might return against the ap- pointed day, under the conduct of Alexander Macdonald, whom, at his own earnest desire, he appointed their captain, Macdonald, in a formal oration, returned thanks in all their names to the lord-governor for his great condescension ; and gave his solemn promise, as a security for their speedy return. However, he had secretly resolved not to return, and actually never after saw Mon- trose. He carried off with him above three thousand Highlanders, all very brave men, and the flower of the army ; and not satisfied with these, he privately seduced a hundred and twenty of the very best of the Irish, and carried them along with him also, as a life guard. During the time Montrose lay at Bothwell, there came several messengers to him from the king, then at Oxford, by different roads. Among these was Andrew Sandilands, a Scotsman, but educated in England, and in holy orders ; a man of great in- tegrity, well affected to the king, and much esteemed by Montrose, with whom he continued till the end of the war ; and Sir Robert Spotis- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 191 wood, formerly president of the court of session, and at this time the king's secretary for Scotland. Sir Robert had come from Oxford through Wales, and passed over to the Isle of Man ; from whence he landed in Lochaber, came down to Athole, and was conducted by the Athole-men to Mon- trose. All the instructions brought him from the king, by these several messengers, concurred in or- dering him to join Roxburgh and Traquair, and take their assistance and advice, as persons of whose fidelity and inclination to the king's service there was no reason to doubt. He was also commanded to march with all expedition to the river Tweed on the borders, where he should be met by a body of horse, which his majesty was immediately to send from England to his assistance ; with these he would be sufficiently strong to fight General Lesly, should he encounter him with the covenanters' horse, as was suspected. Such were the king's positive commands, the effect of his easiness, and too implicit trust and confidence in his old ser- vants, with which Montrose was obliged to com- ply, as they were repeated in every letter he re- ceived ; and so he resolved to set forward to the Tweed. The day before he begun his march, * the whole army was reviewed ; Macdonald and the Highland- * September 3, l6'i5. 1{H MEMOIRS OF THE ers not being yet gone. Sir Robert Spotiswood, who had brought down his majesty's commission under the great seal, appointing Montrose captain- general and lieutenant-governor of Scotland, de- livered the same to him in a respectful manner, under the royal standard ; and he immediately put it into the hands of Archibald Primrose, clerk of the council, to be published and proclaimed to the army. When that was done, he addressed the army in a short, but pathetic speech, wherein he applauded their bravery, and their loyalty to the king, and expressed his own particular regard and affection for them on that account ; and, besides, giving Macdonald his due praise, in the face of the whole army, in virtue of the powers given him by his commission, he conferred on him the title of knighthood. At that time not Montrose only, but every body who favoured the king's interest, conceived the greatest opinion of Macdonald ; but his conduct soon contradicted this good opinion, and undeceived them, not only to the great de- triment of the king's affairs, but to their own utter ruin. The second day after Montrose had set out on his march, and had reached the castle of Calder, the Earl of Aboyn also left the army, and carried off with him not only his own men, but had been at pains to seduce all the rest of the northern for- ces to go along with him. The governor, and all his own friends, who were ashamed of his conduct, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 193 used their utmost entreaties with him to stay ; but no considerations could prevail upon him to delay his journey, not even so much as one week longer j though they assured him that he should then have the governor's free permission to depart, and the good graces and opinion of all honest men. Montrose, notwithstanding all these discourage- ments, and though his forces were now reduced to a very small number, continued his route, and, pas- sing by Edinburgh, marched through the shire of Lothian, and came to Strath-gala ; where he join- ed the Marquis of Douglas and his party, whose numbers were much diminished by a continual de- sertion. Here the Earl of Traquair came and met him, with an appearance of readiness and frankness more than ordinary ; he pretended the strongest attachment to the king, and even to Montrose himself; and, as a testimony of it, he the next day sent his son, the Lord Linton, with an excellent troop of horse, to fight under his command, intend- ing by such a pledge to blind Montrose, so as he might not suspect the snares he had laid for his destruction. For this was not the first time that Traquair, with the highest ingratitude to his lord and benefactor, had acted the spy to the covenant- ers, and endeavoured to betray Montrose, and through him the king's interest in Scotland, into their hands. He was now come within twelve miles of the N 19^ MEMOIRS OF THE Earls of Hume and Roxburgh ; and yet had re- ceived no message from them, nor heard that they were making the smallest preparation to join him- This moved him not a little ; and he therefore re- solved to march into their country, and force them to join his anny. But this they had foreseen, and cunningly prevented his design. General Leslie, with whom they held a private correspondence, and of all whose motions they were informed, was by this time come the length of Berwick with his whole cavalry, besides a considerable reinforcement from England : immediately on his arrival, they them- selves invited him to apprehend and make them prisoners ; which was executed by a party of horse the very day before Montrose came to their houses. That cunning old fox Roxburgh practised this ar- tifice as a consummate piece of policy : he expect- ed to curry favour with the covenanters, by having thus voluntarily delivered himself into their pro- tection ; and at the same time was in no danger of losing that of the king, as he pretended that he fell into their hands much against his will. Be- sides, he had influence enough with the Earl of Hume to bring him into the same measures. This was Leslie's first exploit ; after which he crossed the Tweed, and marched into the east parts of Lothian. Montrose was by this time fully sensible of the treachery of these noblemen ; and,' as he had now lost all hopes of the assistance the king was to have MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 195 sent him from England, he saw himself in danger of being ruined by the enemy's obstructing his passage to the north country and the Highlands ; and therefore resolved, with the small army he had, to fall down into Nithsdale, Annandale, and the shire of Ayr, there to raise what forces he could : for although he had no certain information of the enemy's strength, yet he conjectured that it con- sisted chiefly in horse. 196 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. XVI. Montrose marches to Selkirk — Where, by the negligence of his scouts, he is surprised by General Lesley Is over- powered and surrounded — But cuts his way through the enemy with a few of his friends, — and retires into Athole to levy men. From Kelso Montrose marched to Jedburgh, and thence to Selkirk. * He quartered his horse with- in the town, but his foot he stationed in a neigh- bouring wood, resolving to occupy all the advan- tages of the ground, lest he should be obliged to engage with an enemy, of whose strength he had yet got no certain information. He gave strict charge to the officers of his cavalry to send out se- veral expert and trusty spies, and to place frequent guards in every convenient place ; and above all, to be extremely careful to have their centinels re- gularly disposed. It was his custom to see all these things done himself, but that night he could not, being obliged to write letters to the king by a faithful messenger he had fallen upon, whom he was to dispatch before day. He, therefore, ear- * September 12, 1645. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 197 nestly begged of them to take care that the enemy, whose strength in horse he was afraid of, did not attack them at unawares ; and the officers all pro- mising the utmost diligence and attention, he trusted to their vigilance, and spent the whole night in making out his dispatches. Several uncertain .reports were brought him through the night of the approach of the enemy, all which he transmit- ted to his officers. They were all men of very great military experience, and had acquired no small renown in that capacity, both at home and abroad ; but, whether it was owing to the indo- lence of their spies, or that they deceived them- selves by an unaccountable fatality, they confident- ly and positively affirmed, that there was not an enemy near them. At day-break, some of the best and most expeditious of the cavalry were again sent out to reconnoitre ; upon their return they aver- red, that they had scoured the country for ten miles round, and had carefully investigated all the bye-roads and passes, and swore that there was not an enemy in arms within ten miles of them. But it was afterwards found, when too late, that the enemy's army was not above four miles from Sel- kirk, and had passed that whole night under their arms. Upon the same day that Montrose marched from Jedburgh, General Leslie mustered his forces upon Gladsmoor, a large plain in the east part of Lo- thian j where, in a council of war held with the 198 MEMOIRS OF THE chiefs of the covenanters, it was determined, that he should march by Edinburgh towards the Forth to oppose Montrose's retreat to the north country, and oblige him to fight before he was again joined by the Highlanders. This was no sooner concert- ed, than he changed the intended plan, and order- ed his whole army to turn to the left, and march southward with the greatest expedition, by the way of Strath gala. All these who were unacquainted with the se- cret, were surprised what motives he could have for altering his first design, and taking the present route ; but it was afterwards known from the ene- my's own account what these were ; he had some letters sent him, giving him an accurate account of Montrose's strength, which consisted only of five hundred Irish foot, and a few weak horse, and these, too, entirely undisciplined, so that he would be very easily defeated, were the present opportu- nity laid hold on of attacking him near the Tweed, where he then was. Lesly immediately prosecut- ed this advice, and, as we observed, had come with- in four miles of Selkirk that night. It was com- monly reported, that Traquair was the person who sent this information to Lesly, but I cannot affirm it for truth ; one thing, however, cannot be de- nied, that he sent his commands that very night to his son, Lord Linton, to withdraw from the king's army as fast as he could, which he immediately did, apparently to both their satisfactions, an in- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 19[) stance of the most unparalleled ingratitude, thus not only to forsake, but to betray the cause of their master, to whom they lay under infinite obliga- tions. * The morning being extremely dark and foggy, much favoured the approach of the enemy, and they were already within half a mile, and march- ing up in order, before they were observed by Montrose's out-guards. Upon this alarm he mount- ed the first horse he could find, and gallopped into * Lord Traquair, in common with other statesmen of the time, had the unhappy fate of being suspected of deep treachery towards his master, principally on account of his well known hatred to the bishops. See a severe character of him in The Staggering State of Scotch Statesmen. The au- thor of a letter addressed to his descendant, the Earl of Tra- quair, in the year 174-7, thus sums up a prolix account of his perfidy to King Charles and Montrose : " Upon the whole of your renowned great grandfather's policy, though it not only conduced to the ruin of the best of kings, but unexpectedly brought on his own, he was, nevertheless, happy to think, that he had so meritoriously assisted his covenanted friends. Great pity it was that a nobleman of so much disinterestedness should have been deserted by the world, and his own son, to such a degree, as to be left to die in the fields for want of the common necessaries of life, in the heart of his own estate, and under the eyes of his own tenants. But they, a parcel of unthinking creatures, alleged he had been a violent oppressor, as if that was a reason for them quietly to sec him reap the fruits of his treachery ; hard fate ! when his services to his master's enemies claimed for him a reward of a more exalted nature." 200 MEMOIRS OF THE the field appointed for that morning's rendezvous, where he found nothing but noise and disorder. The cavalry, quite unacquainted with discipline or command, were scattered up and down through the fields, feeding their horses ; and upon the first alarm, they fell into such a panic and confusion, that, without any regard to the preservation of* their lives or their honour, they could never be brought into order, so as to be led on to the field of battle. The foot, who in all were not above five hundred, were not in a much better condition, many of them being very unseasonably taken up about the baggage ; and, after all these disasters, what crowned the whole was the absence of many of the officers, who never reached the field. The enemy's army consisted of six thousand, mostly English horse ; and, as they were already pressing hard upon him, he had neither time to deliberate nor retreat. They charged his right wing twice, and were as often gallantly repulsed with consider- able loss. When they found they could make no impression upon that brave troop, they turned to the left wing, where there was no horse, and easi- ly broke in upon the foot stationed there. At the same time, a body of two thousand foot, whom the enemy had sent over the river, fell upon the rear of the right wing, who, now finding themselves un- able to resist such a force, and at the same time in danger of being surrounded and cut in pieces, en- deavoured to save themselves by making the best 4 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 201 retreat they could. The foot, who had now small hopes of making their escape, maintained their oround with great firmness and obstinacy, till, quarter being given them, they delivered up their arms and surrendered ; but all of them were soon after most inhumanly murdered in cold blood, by Lesly's orders, without the least regard to the quar- ter that was granted them ; an instance of such unexampled cruelty and perfidy, as entirely sullied all the military glory and renown which he had ac- quired by his services abroad. The enemy soon o-ave over the pursuit, and fell to rifling the bag- o-age, where they likewise exercised their cruelty upon the women and boys, and murdered them all, without distinction of age or sex. It is not easy to give an exact account of the slain. Almost none of the horse, and very few of the foot, excepting those who surrendered, fell in the field ; and as they were no more than five hun- dred in all, and of these near two hundred and fifty came up safe to Montrose next day, all armed with their swords, we may conjecture there could not be more amissing. There were but few prisoners taken, and these mostly by the country people, when straying in roads they knew not, after their horses were tired ; all of whom these peasants, unmindful of the safety and protection they them- selves had lately received from Montrose, im- mediately delivered up to be sacrificed by their Q02 MEMOIRS OF THE enemies, in order to glut their insatiable thirst of blood, Both the royal standards were preserved from falling into the enemy's hands ; that of the foot was saved by a brave Irish soldier, who, with a sur- prising presence of mind, amidst the universal con- sternation which prevailed in the army, seeing the enemy masters of the field, stript it from the staff, and wrapt it round his body ; and, without any other clothes, forced his way, sword in hand, through the enemy, and brought it to Montrose that night ; and, in reward of his valour, Mon- trose gave him the charge of bearing it thereafter himself, and advanced him to be of his life-guard. The standard of the horse was saved by William Hay, brother to the Earl of Kinnoul. He was a young gentleman of noble endowments ; and when his uncle, Mr Douglas, son to the Earl of Morton, was wounded so grievously in the battle of Alford, that he was no longer able to bear the royal stand- ard, had been then appointed to succeed him in that post. He carried it with him off the field, and escaped into England, where he lay concealed for some time, till, the country about the borders being- somewhat settled, he set out from thence, accompanied only by Robert Toures, a man of great bravery, and no small experience, having served some time with honour as a captain in the French armies. And travelling in disguise, and generally in the night time, he arrived safely in the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 203 north country, and had the pleasure to restore the royal standard again to his general. When Montrose perceived the day was lost, and now for the first time had the mortification to see his troops entirely routed, and put to the flight, he thought of nothing else than to sell his life as dear as he could : and, having rallied about thirty of the scattered horse, resolved to fight to the last, rather than fall alive into the hands of the enemy. He was almost surrounded by them, and in such num- bers, that he had no hopes of breaking through them. Notwithstanding this, whoever ventured out of his rank to attack him was sure to pay for it ; and in this way severals were killed, and many re- pulsed with disgrace. At length, in place of these de operate resolves, some cooler reflections provi- dentially arose in his breast. He considered, that the loss of one battle was not of so great moment, and might easily be recovered ; and so much the more readily, as only a small part of his forces had been present, and the Highlanders, who are the principal strength of the kingdom, and all the northern parts of the country, were yet safe and untouched. He reflected also, that there were severals of the nobility and gentry of the first power and rank in the nation, who, having now openly declared their sentiments, and taken part in the war, might probably be disconcerted by his death, and suddenly fall off, whereby the king's affairs in Scotland might be utterly ruined. Therefore, lest 204< MEMOIRS OF THE his dearest lord and master should come to suffer greater detriment by his fall, than might probably accrue from this unsuccessful effort, he determined to live for the service of his king, and the promot- ing of that cause, the justice of which forbid him to despair. The Marquis of Douglas, Sir John Dalziel, and a few more trusty and resolute friends, came up with him very seasonably to second these reflections. They used every argument to prevail with him, and obtested him by every thing he held dear and sacred, that he would not wantonly throw away his life ; but that, for the sake of his king, and the safety of both church and state, he would speedily look to the preservation of his person, see- ing that in him alone, under God, all their hopes were centered ; and with him they were resolved either to live or die. Montrose was at length pre- vailed upon by their entreaties ; and, putting him- self at their head, cut his way through the midst of the enemy, who were now more intent in plun- dering the baggage than in pursuit. Of such as attempted to pursue them, some they killed, others they took prisoners : among the last was one Bruce, captain of a troop of horse, and two stand- ard-bearers, whom they brought off with their en- signs. They were civilly treated, and, after being- kept some days, were released, upon their promise that as many prisoners of the same rank should be set at liberty in their place ; but this they did not think proper religiously to observe. .MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 205 Montrose had not gone above three miles from Selkirk, when he overtook a good number of his own men, who now made up a considerable party, and enabled him to prosecute his march secure from the insults of the country people. As he passed by the Earl of Traquair's house, whose trea- chery in betraying him to the enemy he was not yet informed of, he desired to speak with him and his son ; but they were both denied to be at home, though some gentlemen of honour and credit af- firmed they were both in the house ; however, Traquair did not rest here. He had the effrontery openly to congratulate the covenanters upon their victory ; and, with a petulant and derisive sneer, to observe, that now at length it appeared that Montrose and the king's forces could be defeated in Scotland ; a behaviour so shocking, that even his own daughter, the Countess of Queensberry, checked him for it, as far as filial modesty would permit. Montrose halted a little near the town of Peebles, to give his men some time to draw their breath : and in the mean time, he was joined by some more of the stragglers ; and about sun-set entered the town, where he rested all that night. Next morn- ing, by break of day, he passed the Clyde at a ford, to which he was conducted by Sir John Uaiziel ; and there, to their mutual joy, he was met by the Earls of Crawfurd and Airly, who had escaped by a different road j 'they undervalued the loss of the #06 MEMOIRS OF THE battle, now that they had found him alive, and out of danger ; on the other hand, it gave him no small satisfaction to see his dearest friends safe ; and not the less, that they brought along with them near two hundred horse, which they had picked up by the way. Though he was now secure against the pursuit of the enemy, yet he resolved to make all the haste he could into Athole, in order to begin his new le- vies, and raise what forces he could among the Highlanders, and his other friends in the north country. Accordingly, having crossed the rivers of Forth and Em, he marched through Perth- shire by the foot of the hills, and so came to Athole, having in his way dispatched Douglas and Airly with a party of his horse into Angus, and Lord Erskine into Mar, to levy what forces they could in these countries, among their friends and vas- sals. Sir John Dalziel, who had lately contracted an alliance with Lord Carnegy, was sent to him, with a commission to the same purpose. Sir Alexander Macdonald likewise was wrote to, de- siring him, according to his promise, to come down with his Highlanders against the day he had appointed. But there was no person whose return Montrose was at greater pains to solicit than that of Aboyne. He wrote him several letters, and employed sundry gentlemen to wait upon him, and endeavour to prevail with him to bring back 10 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 207 his men to the army, who, of themselves, were heartily inclined to the service, and wanted only his authority to put them in motion, and his ex- ample to animate and excite them. 208 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. XVII. Montrose joined by four hundred Athole-men. — Accounts of the cruel butchery of the prisoners by the covenanters. — Huntly refuses to co-operate tvith Montrose ; yet Aboyne joins him, but soon leaves him. — Montrose returns to Perthshire. — The death of Lord Napier. 1 hough the harvest-season was already far ad- vanced, the corns in that cold climate were not quite cut down ; neither had the country-people as yet got their houses and cottages repaired, which had been burnt and destroyed by the enemy ; so that they were but very ill provided against the approach of winter, which is generally in that country extremely severe. These things abated much of the wonted forwardness and readiness of the Athole-men. Montrose had the influence, notwithstanding, to procure among them four hundred good foot to attend him to the north country ; an expedition, as they thought, not at- tended with very great danger; and they faith- fully promised, that when he was returned, and was again to march to the south country, the whole strength of the province should be at his com- mand. In the mean time, he received frequent assur- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 209 ances from the Lord Aboyne, that he would be down at him immediately with his forces ; and Macdonald gave him reason to expect the same of him and his Highlanders* Lord Erskine in- formed him, that his men were already in arms, and only waited either Aboyne's company, who was in his neighbourhood, or Montrose's orders to put them in motion. At this time a rumour passed that a strong body of horse, sent by the king from England to Montrose's assistance, were on the road down to Scotland ; and many conjectured that they were already not far from the south border. But there were accounts of something of a different nature, which were more unquestionable ; even of a most inhuman tragedy committed upon the prisoners taken at the late battle, without distinction of sex or age : of those who were seized by the country people, many of them were immediately cruelly butchered by them ; and such as this barbarous race of mortals had the compassion to preserve, were, by orders of the chiefs of the covenanters, thrown al- together headlong over a high bridge, and drowned in the river Tweed ; not the men only, but wo- men with child, and mothers with sucking in- fants at their breasts : and if any of them by chance reached the banks of the river, and endeavoured to scramble up to preserve their lives, they were immediately knocked on the head with clubs by the soldiers, and thrown back into the water. The o 210 JtlEfllOTRS OF THE noblemen and gentlemen were imprisoned in loath- some dungeons, and destined, first to be exposed to the intolerable insolence of the mob, and then to death itself, in order to gratify their insatiable thirst of blood. Nothing ever grieved Montrose more deeply than this melancholy account of the fate of his friends. He was impatient of every delay that prevented him from affording them immediate re- lief. And, therefore, with surprising expedition, he crossed the Grampian hills, and marching through 13raemar and Strathdon, he came to Lord Aboyne, whom he hoped his presence would encourage to make the greater dispatch in coming south. For he proposed, that being join- ed by Lord Erskine and the Earl of Airly, with their forces, and Macdonald being once come down with his Highlanders, to take up the Athole- men, in his way, and march his whole army direct- ly over the Forth, where he had hopes of meet- ing the cavalry sent him by the king. By this means he expected the enemy would be deterred from murdering their prisoners ; and that they would not be so hardy as to put hand in them while an army was yet in the field, and it was un- certain to what side the victory might at last in- cline. And, accordingly, the covenanters, alarm- ed with the news of Montrose's great preparations to renew the war, delayed the execution of their MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 211 prisoners for some time, till they should see what the consequences might prove. In his way he found Lord Erskine lying sick ; but his vassals, whose loyalty and bravery Mon- trose had often experienced, even in the absence of their master, were all in readiness, and only waited Lord Aboyne's motions, upon whose ex- ample and authority they much relied. The Marquis of Huntly, who had been skulk- ing for near a year and a half past, whether roused by the fame of Montrose's victories, and of the recovery of the kingdom out of the hands of the rebels by his means, or hurried on to his ruin by the fatality of his own unhappy destiny, at length creeped out of his concealment, and returned home to his own country. He was a man equally unfortunate and incon- siderate ; and, however much he would seem, or was really attached to the king, yet he often be- trayed that interest, through a private and un- accountable envy he had conceived against Mon- trose, whose glory and renown he endeavoured rather to extenuate than make the object of his emulation. He durst not venture to depreciate Montrose's actions before his own people, who had been eye-witnesses of them, and were well ac- quainted with his abilities, lest it might be con- strued into a sign of disaffection to the king him- self. However, he gave out, that he would take the charge of commanding them himself during 212 MEMOIRS OF THE the remainder of the war ; and in that view he headed all his own vassals, and advised his neigh- bours, not without threats if they acted otherwise, to enlist under no other authority than his own. They remonstrated, how they could be answerable to disobey Montrose's commands, who was ap- pointed by the king his deputy-governor, and captain-general of all the forces within the king- dom, Huntly replied, that he himself should in no ways be wanting in his duty to the king ; but in the mean time, it tended no less to their honour than his own, that it should appear to the king and the whole kingdom, how much they contri- buted to the maintenance of the war ; and this, he said, could never be done, unless they composed a separate army by themselves. He spoke in very magnificent terms of his own power ; and en- deavoured as much to extenuate that of Montrose. He extolled immoderately the glory and achieve- ments of his ancestors the Gordons ; a race, worthy, indeed, of all due commendation, whose power had for many ages been formidable, and an overmatch for their neighbours ; and was so even at this day. It was, therefore, he said, extremely unjust to ascribe unto another, meaning Montrose, the glory and renown acquired by their courage, and at the expence of their blood. But for the future, he would take care, that neither the kin^ should be disappointed of the help of the Gordons, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. SIS nor should they be robbed of the praise due to their merit. These things were interpreted by severals as highly equitable, and proceeding from a regard to the honour of the clan : but the more considerate part, who were acquainted with Huntly's disposi- tion, saw through the disguise ; and perceived that they proceeded from the utmost degree of rancour and ill-will towards Montrose. His intention, they saw evidently, was to withdraw what men he could from Montrose, not only to the great detri- ment of the king and kingdom, but, as it proved afterwards in the end, to his own utter ruin and de- struction. Severals of the wiser and more intel- ligent sort condemned his resolution, as highly imprudent and unseasonable, and even destructive to himself. They observed, that all his enter- prises had misgiven either through bad conduct or bad fortune : Montrose, on the other hand, fought with better success, and therefore they thought it imprudent to divide, upon the vain pre- text of his carrying away the honour. Such a separation was not only ignominious, but might prove of fatal consequences to both ; whereas, should they act with united strength and council, they would be able, not only to defend themselves, but to reduce their enemies to obedience, and re- store the authority of the king, to their eternal honour and renown. Montrose had, without the assistance of the Gordons, obtained many eminent 214 MEMOIRS OF THE victories ; whereas, they had done nothing memo- rable but when under his command ; and therefore they earnestly entreated him to adhere constantly to the lieutenant governor, which they reckoned would be no less serviceable than agreeable to the king, and to the satisfaction of all good men ; and at the same time contribute most effectually to his own honour. Some of them did not even hesitate to declare before him, that if he persisted obstinate- ly in his resolution, they would give their service and obedience to Montrose, though with the hazard of their lives and fortunes ; in which they were as good as their word. Huntly rejected all these advices from his friends, and set himself to oppose Montrose upon all occa- sions. There was nothing he could propose, how- ever salutary or useful, which Huntly did not thwart or reject : and if Montrose at any time came into his opinion, which he did often, and on purpose to obtain his confidence, he immediately deserted that opinion, and embraced another : ap- pearing easy and compliant to Montrose, when present, but never failing to oppose him in his absence; and not very consistent even with himself. At length the Earl of Aboyne, after being strong- ly solicited by frequent messages from Montrose and the earnest entreaties of his own friends, that he might some how acquit himself of his promise, came down and joined him at Drumminor, a castle of the Lord Forbes, with a pretty con siderable bo- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 215 dy, to the number of one thousand five hundred foot, and three hundred horse ; all cheerful and in good spirits, and ready to attempt any enterprise under Montrose's command. Aboyne himself, when he first saluted the governor, frankly profes- sed that he would carry his men wherever he pleased to lead them ; and told him that many more were to follow with his brother Lewis, whom he could not get brought along with him for want of time. Montrose highly applauded his fidelity and diligence ; and immediately set out on his re- turn by the same road he had come, in order that, taking up the Lord Erskine's forces and the men from Mar by the way, he might again cross the Grampian hills, and so fall down into Athole and Angus \ and if he was also readily joined by the people from those countries, he did not doubt but, in less than fourteen days, he would again cross the Forth with a very strong army. Aboyne and his men performed the first day's march with great cheerfulness ; but, on the second day, his brother Lewis, who was put under the Earl of Crawfurd's command, marched back with a strong party of horse, as if he had been to at- tack some troops of the enemy, and returned home ; carrying away with him as many of the soldiers as he could, under the appearance of a guard. When Crawfurd came back, he told that Lewis had gone home, but was to return next clay : for so he pretended to Crawfurd, though he Sit) MEMOIRS OF THE had no intention to return ; this being the first piece of treachery of the kind he was guilty of. On the third day, when the army was come to Alford, it was observed that Aboyne's men were very backward in the march, and their ranks ex- tremely thin and disordered, they having deserted in great companies every night ; and at length Aboyne himself, their commander, had the assu- rance to desire leave to go home. This surprised every body ; and made them inquisitive what could induce him to alter his resolution so suddenly. He excused himself by alleging his father's ex- press commands, which he could not disregard, especially as they were not without sufficient rea- sons ; a party of the enemy being in arms in the lower parts of Mar, and ready to fall in upon his lands, were they destitute of the protection of his own men ; so that he could not, in common pru- dence, carry his forces elsewhere, while his own country stood in need of their assistance. Mon- trose used many strong arguments to prevail with him to stay : he convinced him there was no dan- ger to be apprehended from any forces in the north country ; there being no infantry, and only a few troops of horse, who kept themselves within the town of Aberdeen, and, from the smallness of their number, neither durst attempt nor could ef- fectuate any thing of moment ; and it was scarce to be doubted, but even these would be called south to assist in defending the heart of the coun- 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 217 try, upon the first news of his approach. He in- sisted that it was much more for Huntly's interest to have the seat of war removed into the enemy's country than to have it within his own ; and that, therefore, they should make all possible haste south, in order to relieve the north country from the burden of the war. Besides, as he was daily expecting some auxiliary forces from England, it was impossible to join them, unless they went to meet them beyond the Forth. And last of all, he lamented the deplorable condition of the prisoners, many of whom were Huntly's own friends, rela- tions, or allies, who, if they were not speedily re- lieved, would soon be all cruelly put to death. Aboyne could make no return to these cogent rea- sons ; but entreated that the whole matter might be laid before his father. Accordingly, such per- sons as were thought most acceptable to Huntly were sent to him for that purpose ; the one was Donald Lord Rae, at whose house he had lived during his concealment ; the other was Alexander Irvine, younger of Drum, who had a short time before married Huntly's daughter j both of them under great obligations, and extremely grateful to Montrose, having lately recovered their liberty by his means. However, they came no speed with Huntly. Lord Rae was so much affronted at the disappointment that he was ashamed to return j but Mr Irvine returned to give an account of their commission, and never afterwards forsook Mon- 2 IS MEMOIRS OF THE trose. He brought some letters from his father- in-law, but they were full of uncertainty and am- biguity : and he ingenuously confessed that he could not prevail upon him to declare his real intentions ; but, for his own part, he believed that it was not possible to divert him from his present perverse resolution. Aboyne thereupon declared that it was much contrary to his inclination to leave Montrose ; but urged the necessity he lay under to obey his father, more especially as he was then sickly ; and therefore begged only a few days liberty to return home, and endeavour to mollify him, promising most solemnly to follow him in less than a fortnight with a more numerous retinue. Montrose, with great reluctance, granted him his leave of absence for the time required ; and he again, of his own accord, renewed his promise to return within the space limited. After Aboyne had returned home, Montrose marched through Braemar and Glenshee, and so down into Athole, where having increased his forces by a new levy, he marched into Perthshire. Here his hopes from the north country were again revived, by a message he received from Aboyne, as- suring him he would be up to join him with his forces even before the appointed day. At the same time Captain Thomas Ogilvy, younger of Powry, and Captain Robert Nisbet, who had come by different roads, arrived with messages from the king to Montrose.* Their orders were to desire MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 2IQ Montrose, if possible, to make what haste he could to join Lord George Digby, son to the Earl of Bristol, and the auxiliary horse sent under his command, whom he would meet not far from the English border. Montrose immediately dispatch- ed those gentlemen north to Huntly and Aboyne, to communicate these instructions to them, ima- gining that they might be encouraged by the in- terposition of the king's authority, and the pro- spect of immediate assistance, to send up their for- ces without delay, in the vain expectation whereof he had already trifled away too much time in Strath era. At this time Lord Napier of Merchiston died in Athole. He was the chief of that very ancient family, and not less noble in his personal accom- plishments than in his birth and descent ; a man of the greatest uprightness and integrity, anu of a most happy genius, being, as to his skill in the sciences, equal to his father and grandfather, who were famous all the world over for their knowledge in philosophy and mathematics, and in the doc- trine of civil prudence far beyond them. He had long served their majesties, James and Charles, with great fidelity and loyalty, and was much be- loved and much trusted by both ; having been promoted to the office of treasurer, and exalted to the rank of nobility ; and for his loyalty and af- fection to the king had been often thrown in prison by the covenanters, and his whole estate 220 MEMOIRS OF THE ruined. Montrose, when, a child, had revered him as a most indulgent parent ; in his youth he advised with him as a most sagacious monitor ; when grown up he respected him as his most faith- ful and trusty friend ; and now lamented his death as if he had been his own father. He wrote some very learned dissertations concerning the jus re- gium, and the rise of the troubles in Britain, which it were to be wished might some time see the light. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 221 CHAP. XVIII. Montrose marches into Lennox. — Sir William Rollock, Alex- ander Ogilvy, Sir Philip Nisbet, Colonel O'Kyan, and Ma- jor Lachlan, put to death by the covenanters. — Montrose marches into Athole ; again attempts a reconciliation with. H until/, but in vain ; he surprises him at last into an inter- view, at which they concert their J'uture operations. Montrose had already spent about three weeks on his march and in Strathern, waiting for Aboyne and his forces from the north country ; but now receiving accounts that the rebels were beginning to glut their cruelty with the blood of their prison- ers, he was fired with impatience, and would dally no longer ; but immediately crossed the Forth, and marched down into Lennox, taking up his quarters upon Sir John Buchanan's estate, a prime covenanter in that country. He expected, that being so near Glasgow, where the covenanters at that time held a committee of estates, they would be thereby terrified from putting any more of their prisoners to death. In this view he marched out his cavalry every day in sight of the city, and they were allowed to plunder the whole country round without opposition ; though the committee had a guard of no less than three thousand horse, for 222 MEMOIRS OF THE their own and the city's protection ; and he had not full three hundred horse, and twelve hundred foot. Before Montrose had come into Lennox, the covenanters had got some accounts of the animosi- ty and difference that subsisted betwixt him and the Marquis of Huntly, and that Lord Aboyne, with his men, had left him in Braemar, and return- ed home. Encouraged with this news, they ad- ventured upon the execution of three very brave gentlemen, their prisoners, as a prologue to the bloody tragedies they were afterwards to exhibit. The first of these was Sir William Rollock, o£ whom mention has been often made in the course of this history, a gentleman of great courage and experience, and from his infancy particularly esteemed by Montrose, to whom he continued con- stant and faithful to the last. The chief crime they laid to his charge was, that he had not dared to perpetrate a deed of the most villanous and atro- cious nature. For, having been sent by Montrose, after the battle of Aberdeen, with some dispatches to the king, he was apprehended by the enemy, and had undoubtedly been immediately executed but for Argyle's means, who used all his endea- vours to engage him to assassinate Montrose ; and at length, through the fear of immediate death, and the influence of very high rewards, prevailed on him to undertake that barbarous office, for which, however, he secretly entertained the utmost MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 22o abhorrence ; and having thereby obtained his life and liberty, he returned straight to Montrose, and disclosed the whole matter to him, entreating him, at the same time, to look more carefully to his own safety : for it was not to be thought, that he was the only person who had been practised upon in this shameful manner, or that others would equally detest the deed, but that several would undoubted- ly be found, who, allured with the bait, would use their utmost industry and pains to merit the pro- mised reward. The second person whom they brought to the scaffold was Alexander Ogilvy, whom we likewise mentioned before, * eldest son to Sir John Ogilvy of Innerquliarity, a very ancient family, and not a- mong the least famous in the Scots history. He was yet but a youth, scarce eighteen years of age, but had already displayed a genius for courage and magnanimity far beyond his years. Nor is it easy to conjecture what they could possibly lay to his charge, other than that new and unheard-of kind of treason, a becoming loyalty and obedience to the best of kings. But it seems it was necessary to sa- crifice this intrepid young man to gratify the cruel- ty of Argyle, who was the inveterate and implac- able enemy of the name and family of Ogilvy. The third was Sir Philip Nisbet. Next to bis father, he was chief of the ancient family of West- * P. 1G0. 224} MEMOIRS OF THE nisbet, and had served some time in England, and commanded a regiment in the king's army with re- nown. Excepting the new-coined treason, which they had always ready at hand to allege as an ex- cuse for putting their enemies to death, I cannot imagine what other motive they could have for ex- ecuting this gentleman, but that from his courage and activity they dreaded he might some time or other avenge the atrocious injuries which they had committed upon his father and his family. All the three bore their fate, as became loyal subjects and good Christians, with the utmost constancy and resolution. * To these we may add two Irish gen- tlemen, equally remarkable for their bravery and and their birth, who were executed at Edinburgh. These were Colonel O'Kyan and Major Lachlan, odious to the covenanters on no other account than that they had often feit the effects of their valour. There were many more appointed for execution at Glasgow ; but Montrose's unexpected approach disconcerted them a little, and obliged them to de- fer the rest of the executions till another time. * " At Glasgow they caused to be executed, at the mercat- cross, upon October 28, Sir William Rollock, and the next day Sir Philip Nisbet and Alexander Ogilvy of Innerquarity, (whereof the first was but lately come home from foreign parts, and the last was but a boy of scarce eighteen years of age, lately come from the schools ;) and upon that occasion it was that Mr David Dick said, The work goes bonnily on ; which passed afterwards into a proverb." — Guth. Mem. p. 182. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 225 The report of the death of his friends gave Montrose very great concern ; and it is hard to say whether he was more enraged at the cruelty of his enemies, or the cowardliness of his friends ; for, besides the Marquis of Huntly, whose forces he had now looked for so long in vain, more than six weeks being elapsed from the time that his son, Lord Aboyne, had given reason to expect he would be up with them ; Macdonald, also, of whom Mon- trose had all along entertained the highest notions, though frequently sent to, and encouraged by Montrose's army being so near him, yet gave no hopes of his speedy approach, though the time he himself had appointed for his return was already long expired. The winter, which this year was more severe than any in the memory of man, was already far advanced, and the auxiliaries which the king had sent him, under the command of Lord Digby, had been repulsed, all which might have been easily prevented, and the kingdom reduced to order and obedience, had not these great men shamefully betrayed the cause they professed. At length, on the 19th of November, Montrose removed from Lennox, and marching through the hills of Monteith, which were deep with snow, he passed through Strathern, and crossing the Tay, re- turned again to Athole. Here he met Captain Ogilvy and Captain Nisbet, whom he had former- ly dispatched north to Huntly, to communicate to him what orders they had brought from the p 226 MEMOIRS OF THE king. They reported, that they found Huntly quite obstinate and inflexible, and that he gave no credit to them, nor to the message they brought from his majesty, but had answered them disdain- fully ; that he knew the king's affairs better than either they or the governor, with whom neither he nor his sons were resolved to have any correspond- ence or connection ; such of his friends and vassals as had voluntarily assisted Montrose, he repre- hended very severely on that account, and treated them no better than if they had been actually en- gaged in the rebellion. However, the governor thought it necessary to take no notice of these things at this time, and while he was employed among the Athole-men in settling the militia of that country, he dispatched Sir John Dalziel to the marquis, as a proper mediator of peace and friendship betwixt them. Sir John was desired to show him the imminent danger that the king and kingdom were presently in, and the risk that he himself, and every loyal subject, run in consequence thereof; that it was owing solely to his and his son's fault, both that the auxiliaries, sent to their assistance by the king, were not timeously intro- duced into the kingdom, and that these brave and loyal prisoners had been thus cruelly butchered, ami that those which still remained in their hands, many of whom were men of the first rank, and nearly related to Huntly himself, would undoubt- edly undergo the same miserable fate, if not time- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 227 ously relieved. He, therefore, entreated and ob- tested the marquis only to come to a friendly con- ference with the governor, in which he promised him he should obtain full satisfaction of all his doubts. The marquis answered Dalziel as to these mat- ters in his usual obstinate peevish humour, and ab- solutely refused to agree to the conference ; for, as he knew that he could not, with any shew of reason, oppose the arguments and motives which would be adduced by Montrose, he was afraid to encounter his modest assurance and prudence, and therefore shunned his presence. But Montrose, having settled affairs in Athole, that nothing might be left unattempted to bring Huntly to a right way of thinking, he resolved to pass over all these affronts, and, by heaping favours and benefits upon him, force him, even against his will, to a recon- ciliation, and to co-operate with him in promoting the king's affairs. Accordingly, in the month of December, he set out with his army, and, passing through Angus, crossed the Grampian hills, and arrived in the north country, by a march of very great difficulty, over the tops of mountains and craggy precipices covered with snow ; the rivers being at that time frozen over, but not so hard as to bear any considerable burden ; he immedi- ately set forward to Strathbogie, where Huntly then lived, attended only with a small company, and had almost come upon him before he was apprised 228 MEMOIRS OF THE of his approach, Huntly was quite surprised at this unexpected visit, and upon the first notice, lest he should be drawn to a conference against his in- clination, instantly fled to his castle of Bog of Gicht, situated upon the banks of the Spey ; where he made a shew as if he intended to cross the river, and carry on the war by himself against the rebels in the shire of Murray. As Huntly's conduct appears so extraordinary, it may be worth while to inquire what could prompt him to such a sullen opposition to Montrose, not only without any provocation, but even after receiving the greatest civilities and favours, very undeservedly, at his hands. And, indeed, I could never hear any other cause assigned, nor could so much as guess at any other, than a weak and im- potent emulation, or rather envy, of his extraordi- nary reputation : for I cannot say so properly, that he was ever alienated from the king, as at constant enmity with Montrose ; but the hatred he entertained of him was so unreasonable and ex- cessive, that he chose to see the whole kingdom go to wreck, rather as any honour should redound to Montrose by preserving it ; and by this means he plunged himself into an inextricable series of error and misconduct. And a conscious sense of the many injuries he had done him, and the affronts he had rubbed upon him, attended with an insufferable pride and overweening conceit of himself, was, if I am not much mistaken, the chief MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 229 cause why at this time he could not bear his pre- sence, and frequently before had shunned an inter- view with him : for, besides, the particular instan- ces we have already mentioned, both the father and son were guilty of very high indiscretions to the governor ; of which, I think, it will be proper here to enumerate a few. These cannon, which we took notice Montrose had hid last year in the ground, they dug up with- out his participation, and piaced them upon their own castles, with no less triumph than if they had been a trophy gained from the enemy : nor would they restore them when afterwards demanded, though they were Montrose's own acquisition at the battles of Tippermoor and Aberdeen ; at the first of which, there was not a single person of the clan Gordon, and at the other, Lewis Gordon and his men fought on the enemy's side. They be- haved in the same manner with respect to the powder, arms, and other warlike provisions which were seized from the enemy, and deposited in their castles, as safe and convenient store-places ; all which they converted to their own use, and would not return even the smallest part of it, when re- quired. And when Lord Aboyne was on his re- turn home after the battle of Kilsyth, he set at liberty the Earl Marischal, the Viscount of Ar- buthnot, and several other men of rank and quali- ty among the enemy, who were then in custody, without consulting or advising with the governor, 230 MEMOIRS OF THE and much contrary to the opinion and advice of young Drum, his brother-in-law, who was along with him. Upon what terms he liberated these noblemen is uncertain ; but this much appears evident, that, besides the indignity thereby done to the governor, the strong castle of Dunnoter, which was of very great moment in the war, and several other very considerable advantages were thereby utterly lost : for the rebels would never have dared to imbrue their hands in the blood of their prison- ers, while so many principal men of their party were in custody, and in danger of having the same treatment retaliated upon them. Besides, by his own private authority, he levied taxes and sub- sidies on the people, which the governor himself had never done, under a pretence, indeed, of maintaining the war, but in reality for quite other purposes, much to the discredit and detriment of the king's cause. And lastly, which was most of all to be regretted, those very prisoners who were taken at the several battles in the north country, and committed to their castles, they released, some of them at the entreaty of the enemy, and others for a very insignificant ransom, thereby depriving Montrose of the disposal of his own prisoners, and frustrating his intention of exchanging them ior such of his own worthy and gallant friends as had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the enemy. Conscious of the injustice he had done Montrose in these and a variety of other instances, Huntly MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 231 was afraid to see him, and had all along shunned him more than his mortal foe. But Montrose, overlooking all these personal in- juries and affronts, was soleiy intent upon promot- ing the interest of his sovereign, and tne success of his affairs. In this view, ne detemuiieu to force the marquis, however unwilling, to an inter- view ; and, if possible, to sooth his exuberated mind, and bring about a reconciliation at any rate, though by yielding to him in every thing, auu in- dulging his most capricious demands. According- ly, having left his army in their quarters., he set out only with a small attendance on Horseback, and came to the castle of Bog of Gicht, so very early in the morning, that, by his unexpected arrival, he deprived tiie marquis ol all hopes of escaping him, or concealing himself from him. When they met, Montrose, without taking any notice of what ..as past, accosted him in the most gentle and courteous manner, and entreated him to concur in the con- duct of the war, that they might use their joint endeavours tor the safety and preservation ol the king and kingdom ; and he gave him such ample satisfaction in every thing, that Huntiy seemed at length tuoroughly convinced, and resoiveu to com- ply with Montrose's requests j promising him not only the assistance of his whole forces, but that he would come himself upon their head, and that with all expedition. 1 hey then proceeded to consult 232 MEMOIRS OF THE together concerning their future operations ; and it was agreed that they should immediately advance to Inverness, and besiege that garrison, Huntly taking the right-hand road along the sea coast of Murrayshire, and Montrose marching by the left through Strathspey, which at that season of the year was by far the most difficult ; and by this means straiten the garrison on both sides. And at the same time, they were to endeavour to bring over the Earl of Seaforth, either willingly or by force, to join their party. They had great ho^es of soon reducing the garrison ; for, however strong and well fortified it appeared to be, it was, nevertheless, but very ill stored with provisions and other neces- saries, and could not easily get a supply on account of the severity of the winter, and their tempestu- ous sea. They seemed now to be perfectly agreed in every thing ; in so much, that Lord Aboyne and his brother Lewis wished damnation to them- selves if they did not from thenceforth continue firm and constant in their fidelity and attachment to Montrose all their lives. And all the Gordons conceived an incredible joy upon this occasion, and congratulated their lord and chieftain no less than if they had immediately recovered him from the dead. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 233 CHAP. XIX. \ party of Argyle's men break into Athole. — Attacked arid defeated by the Athole-men. — The covenanters condemn se- veral of their prisoners. — Lord Ogilvy escapes — Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, Sir Robert Spotistvood, Andrew Guthry, and William Murray, executed. Jtrom what had passed, the Marquis of Montrose was convinced that Huntly's jealousy was at last ap- peased, and that he was seriously inclined to con- cur with him in a joint prosecution of the war. And accordingly, in pursuance of the plan of ope- ration concerted betwixt them, he marched his forces through Strathspey towards Inverness. At the same time, in order to amuse the enemy on all sides, he sent his cousin Patrick Graham, who has been often already mentioned with honour, and John Drummond, younger of Balloch, a gentleman of great loyalty and bravery, of which he had given several specimens in Montrose's service, down to Athole, with a commission to raise and command the Athole-men, and by their assistance to suppress any rising or tumult in the bud, if such should happen in these parts. The men of Athole shew- ed themselves ready at the first call, and imme- diately enlisted under their command. Ihey did ~34 MEMOIRS OF THE not wait long for an opportunity to exercise their prowess ; for, the broken remains of the Argyle- shire-men, who had left their own country, whe- ther from an absolute want of provisions, or that they had been obliged to leave it for fear of Mac- donald's superior power, who threatened them with fire and sword, had fallen upon the Macgregors and Macnabs, who favoured Montrose ; and being afterwards joined by the Stuarts of Balquhidder, the Menzieses, and other Highlanders who yet followed Argyle's fortune, were said to make up in all a body of about fifteen hundred men, and threatened an immediate invasion of Athole, if they were not speedily opposed ; for they had al- ready taken and burnt an island situated in Loch- dochart ; after which they proceeded to Strath- ample, and had laid siege to the castle of that name. Upon advice of their proceedings, the Athole-men judged it necessary to go directly against them, and endeavour to give them a blow before they should enter Athole ; and according- ly, though they amounted only to seven hundred men, they set out immediately under the com- mand of their two leaders, Graham and Drum- in ond. The news of the motions of the Athole- men alarmed the enemy ; and they immediately thereupon raised the siege of Ample, and retired to Monteith. But the Athole-men pursued them warmly, and overtook them at Callendar, a castle in Monteith, where they found them prepared for MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 235 battle, having occupied the ford of the river, and guarded the opposite bank, which was defended by a rising ground, with a strong party of musketeers, When the Athole-men saw their disposition, and perceived that their number was much smaller than was reported, not being more than twelve hun- dred, though they themselves were scarce seven hun- dred, yet, animated with the gallant and encourag- ing behaviour of their two commanders, they re- solved not to wait the enemy, but to begin the charge themselves. Accordingly, they stationed a party of a hundred good men opposite to the enemy's guard at the ford, as if they had intend- ed to force it ; and at the same time, the rest of their army made all haste to cross the river at ano- ther ford, which was nearer the castle ; when Ar- gyle's people saw the resolution and activity of the Athole-men, they did not abide their attack, but immediately retired towards Stirling. The party of an hundred men which was stationed at the lower ford, seeing the opposite bank deserted by the enemy, immediately crossed the river, and fell upon their rear as they went off, and killed seve- rals : and the rest of the Athole men, following the same course, they soon forced the whole army to a precipitate flight. The slain were reckoned to be about fourscore; and the preservation of those who escaped was in a great measure owing to the fatigue which the Athole-men underwent that morning, by a long and very difficult march of ten miles, and that they were unprovided of %36 MEMOIRS OF THE horse, so that they could not follow the pursuit : And having thus executed their business success- fully, they returned home. At the same time, the covenanters held their par- liament at St Andrews,* which they profaned with the innocent blood of several of their prisoners, gentlemen who, for their eminent virtue and rare endowments, merited the highest encomiums. The hatred and cruelty exercised towards them by the rebels, is a sufficient testimony of their worth and excellence ; for the best men, and such as deserv- ed the highest esteem and regard, never failed to be the objects of their greatest severity ; whereas, men of inferior parts and character, they held suf- ficient to punish by fines and confiscations. Lord Ogilvy, Sir Robert Spotiswood, William Murray, and Andrew Guthry, t were condemned to be exe- cuted at St Andrews, that their blood might be an atonement for the death of so many of the people of that shire, of whom, it was reported, upwards of five thousand had fallen in the several battles. But as they could pretend no law to warrant their cruel proceedings, they found it necessary to recur to their wonted arts, and call in religion to their aid, in order to cloak and authorize their savage inhumanity. To this purpose they set to work their zealous orators, Cant and Blair, and such * It sat down upon the 26th November l6'45. f lie was a captain, and son to the Bishop of Murray. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 237 others of the holy brotherhood as were endued with the same fanatical spirit, to retail from their pulpits to the implicit mob their bloody resolves, under the specious character of the absolute and irresistible decrees of heaven. They said, that God required the blood of these men, nor could the sins of the nation be otherwise expiated, or the wrath of heaven diverted. By these means they brought the generality of the people, otherwise in- clined to pity and commiseration, to consider them as accursed things, and devoted to destruction ; and that, as they were the objects of God's wrath and indignation, they were not, therefore, entitled to the protection of the laws, or the common offi- ces of humanity. Yea, such was their arrogance, that, as if they had been privy to the councils of God, or the dispensers of his vengeance to the world, they presumed to pronounce upon their fu- ture state, and doomed them, both soul and body, to eternal torments. Having thus sufficiently de- bauched the minds of the people, it was no diffi- cult task for them, who were at the same time both accusers and judges, to procure the condemnation of these gentlemen, however innocent, being thus destitute of all assistance or protection. But the Lord Ogilvy made his escape by the following stratagem. He pretended to be sick, and applied for liberty to his mother, lady, and sisters, to visit him in prison, and attend him in his illness. This favour he obtained with no small 238 MEMOIRS OF THE difficulty, by the interest of the Hamiltons, (to whose family he was related by the mother's side,) and of Lord Lindsay, who was his cousin. Alter they got admittance to him, as the guards had re- tired from his chamber out of respect and deference to the ladies, he embraced that opportunity, and dressed himself in his sister's clothes ; she, at the same time, put on his night-cap, and lay down in bed in place of her brother ; and, after wishing one another a hearty good-night, they parted, ap- parently in great concern, about eight o'clock in the evening ; and thus, under the appearance of his sister, he deceived the guards who lighted him out. He immediately departed the town, and, having horses laid ready waiting him, mounted di- rectly, attended only by two persons, and got safe- ly out of all danger before day -break. Next morn- ing, when the deceit was discovered by the guards, Argyle was highly enraged at being thus disap- pointed of the satisfaction he had proposed to him- self in the ignominious death of his mortal enemy ; insomuch that he even insisted on the immediate punishment of the noble ladies, for the laudable part they had acted in favouring his escape. But they were protected from the effects of his brutal revenge by the interest of the Hamiltons and the Lord Lindsay ; with whose privacy and conniv- ance it was generally thought this whole matter had been conducted. The indignation and displeasure expressed by MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 239 the covenanters upon this occasion was immoderate, and looked like a frenzy or madness. However, they determined to make sure of the rest, and or- dered them out to immediate execution. The first who mounted the scaffold was Colonel Nathaniel Gordon, ; a man of excellent endowments, both of body and mind. When he saw death so near, he lamented bitterly over the vices and follies of his youth ; and his murderers presenting to him an instrument to sign, testifying his repentance, he signed it without hesitation ; but at the same time called God and his angels, and all who were pre- sent, to witness, that, if there was any thing in that paper dishonourable to the king, or derogato- ry to his authority, he absolutely disowned it. Then being absolved from the sentence of excom- munication, under which he lay for an adultery, whereof he had been guilty long before, he was be- headed, not without the greatest pity and commit seration of the beholders ; for, though he was in- deed guilty of that crime, yet was he famous for his military skill and valour, of which he had given very singular proofs both abroad and at home. The next person who graced the scaffold, yet reeking with the blood of Colonel Gordon, was Sir Robert Spotiswood, a man worthy of everlast- ing renown. His singular merit had introduced J.muary 6", l6l0'. 240 MEMOIRS OF THE hhn to the favour and good graces of his two sove- reigns, King James and King Charles ; and he had been advanced by them to very great honours, having been knighted and made a privy- counsellor by King James, and promoted by King Charles to be President of the Court of Session, and a short time before was made Principal Secretary of State for Scotland. Though there was nothing in the whole tenor of this great man's life which his bit- terest enemies could challenge, yet they brought an accusation of treason against him, notwithstand- ing that he never was in arms against them, nor had ever meddled with warlike matters, the arts of peace, and the maintaining and cultivating it, hav- ing been his constant business, and in which he had acquired no small reputation. The only crime, therefore, which they could lay to his charge, was, that, at his majesty's desire, he had brought down his commission to Montrose, constituting him lieu- tenant-governor and captain-general of the king- dom. He made a very learned and eloquent de- fence against this accusation, wherein he proved, by a variety of arguments, that he had done no- thing but what was supported by former practice, and the spirit of our laws. This satisfied all the world besides, and would have acquitted him be- fore any other tribunal but this, which was com- posed of his mortal enemies, who were resolved, without the least regard to justice or equity, to put him to death. He was, in truth, oppressed by a MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 241 load of malice and envy, under which all his inno- cence could not support him. For when the king, who had always been extremely kind and bounti- ful to the family of Hamilton, was obliged, by the defection of the Earl of Lanark to the covenanters, to take from this ungrateful man the office of se- cretary of state for Scotland, which he then enjoy- ed, he could not find a more worthy person on whom to confer this dignity than Sir Robert ; and hence sprung that load of malice and revenge to which he fell a sacrifice. When he was brought to the scaffold, he appear- ed with the same gravity and majesty which was familiar to him, and turned with great composure to speak to the people : but Blair the minister, who officiously attended him on the scaffold, being afraid lest he might lay open the secrets of the rebellion, and that the firm and steady behaviour, and the eloquence and gravity of the last and dying words of so great a man, might leave a deep impression on the minds of the hearers, caused the provost of the town, who had formerly been a servant of Sir Robert's father, impose silence upon him. This unmannerly interruption gave him no disturbance, only, instead of addressing himself to the people, he turned his thoughts entirely to his private devotions. And in these also he was again most impertinently and rudely interrupted by Blair, who asked him, whether he would incline that he and the people should pray for the salva- Q 242 MEMOIRS OF THE tion of his soul ? To which he answered, That he desired the prayers of the people, but would have no concern with his prayers, which he be- lieved were impious, and an abomination unto God ; adding, that of all the plagues with which the offended majesty of God had scourged this nation, this was certainly by far the greatest, greater than even the sword, fire, or pestilence ; that for the sins of the people God had sent a lying spirit into the mouths of the prophets. Blair was touched to the quick with this severe, but just re- proach, and fell into such a passion, that he could not refrain from throwing out the most scandalous and contumelious reflections, not only against Sir Robert's father, who had been long dead, but against himself, who was just about to die ; there- by approving himself a worthy preacher of Chris- tian patience and long-suffering! But Sir Robert, having his mind intent upon higher matters, took no notice of them, and bore them with the greatest meekness and resignation. At last, with an un- daunted air, and shewing no alteration either in voice or countenance, he submitted his neck to the fatal stroke, and uttered these his last words, " Merciful Jesus, gather my soul unto thy saints and martyrs, who have run before me in this race." And, certainly, seeing martyrdom may be under- gone, not only for the confession of our faith, but for any virtue by which holy men manifest their MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 213 faith to the world, there is no doubt but he hath received that crown. * Such was the fatal end of this great man, highly honourable indeed to himself, but extremely la- mented by all good men. He was remarkable for his deep knowledge of things, both divine and humane ; for his skill in the Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syriac, and Arabic, besides the western languages, and an intimate acquaintance with history, law, and politics. He was the honour and ornament of his country and the age, for the integrity of his life, for his fidelity, for his justice, and for his constancy. He was a man of an even temper, ever consistent with himself; so that his youth had no need to be ashamed of his childhood, nor his more advanced years of his youth. He was a strict observer of the ancient worship ; and yet not a vain and superstitious professor of it before the world : a man easy to be made a friend, but very hard to be made an enemy ; in so much, that after his death, he was exceedingly regretted even by many of the covenanters. His lifeless body was taken care of by Hugh Scrimgeour, an old servant of his father, and buried privately, nor did he long survive the * In some translations of these Memoirs, Sir Robert Spotis- wood's last speech is here introduced. See it in the Appen» dix. Qli MEMOIRS OF TflE doleful office, for, not many days after, seeing: the bloody scaffold, upon which Sir Robert suffer- ed, not yet removed out of the place, he imme- diately fell into a swoon, and being carried home by his servants and neighbours, died at his own threshold. To Sir Robert Spotiswood they joined another companion in death, Andrew Guthry, son to the worthy Bishop of Murray, and on that ac- count the more hateful to the covenanters. He was a young man of great bravery and courage ; and shewed no less constancy and resolution in despising and suffering death. Blair assaulted him likewise with his insolent threats and scurrilities. To these he answered, that he reckoned it the greatest honour he could receive to suffer death in behalf of so good a king, and in defence of so just a cause ; which all present should see he would embrace without fear, and posterity perhaps would report not without praise ; for his sins, he humbly begged mercy and forgiveness at the hands of the most gracious God ; but with respect to that crime for which he stood condemned, he was under no apprehensions. He encountered death with the greatest fortitude and resolution ; having justly deserved a longer life, had Almighty God so thought lit. And now to put the last scene to this cruel tragedy, after two days breathing they presented, upon the same bloody theatre, William Murray, MAttftUlS OF MONTROSE. 245 brother to the Earl of Tullibardine. Vvmr, ' 1 ''y was .surprised that the earl, who was in great fa- vour and esteem with the covenanters, had not in- terceded with them for the life and safety of his only brother. * Some imputed this to his indo- lence and inactivity ; others to his avarice, as aim- ing at his brother's patrimony ; and others to his stupid and superstitious zeal to the cause. How- ever, all men, even the covenanters themselves, condemned his silence upon this occasion as highly indecent and dishonourable. The young gentle- man, though hardly nineteen years of age, pur- chased to himself everlasting renown with posteri- ty by such an honourable and becoming exit. He spoke a few things to the spectators, among which he repeated what follows with a higher tone of voice than the rest, as it was reported to me by those who heard him. " I hope, my countrymen, you will reckon that the house of Tullibardine, and the whole family of Murray, have this day ac- quired a new and no small addition of honour ; that a young man, descended of that ancient race, has, though innocent, and in the flower of his age, with the greatest readiness and cheerfulness, de- livered up his life for his king, the father of his * Bishop Guthrie relates that the earl was not only silent in his brother's behalf, but by his forwardness contributed his utmost to bring about his and the condemnation of the other prisoners. — Memoirs, p. 206. 246 MEMOIRS OF THE country, and the most munificent patron and be- nefactor of that family from which he is sprung. Let not my honoured mother, my dearest sisters, my kindred, or my friends, lament the shortness of my life, seeing that it is abundantly recompen- sed by the honour of my death. Pray for my soul, and God be with you." MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 21-7 CHAP. XX. Montrose solicited by his army to execute his prisoners, in re- venge of the death of his friends ; but refuses. — Huntly again disappoints him. — Montrose lays siege to Invei-ness ; but is obliged to raise it, and retires before Middlcton. — He endeavours to obtain a conference with Hinitly, which he shuns. — Hardly takes in the city of Aberdeen. 1 he melancholy fate of his friends gave Mon- trose very great concern ; however, it could not shake his constancy and firm resolution of mind, though at no time before it ever received a more severe trial. At the critical moment, while his heart was bleeding for his friends, great numbers in his army, exasperated with the accounts of their disgraceful death, endeavoured what they could to spirit him up to an immediate revenge ; they importuned him with the strongest and most ear- nest solicitations ; and while they indulged a just and well founded grief for their friends, they ima- gined their demand was no more than equitable to insist that he should retaliate the same treat- ment upon the enemy. While their own friends and relations, men of eminent worth and bravery, and who merited highly for their services to the king, the country, and of the governor himself, 248 MEMOIRS OF THE were, notwithstanding the quarter and assurances of safety pledged them, contrary to the custom of war, to the laws of the country, yea to the laws of nature and nations, butchered unrevenged, they were enraged to see such of the rebels as were ta- ken by themselves in battle, kept, not as prisoners, but entertained in a friendly and hospitable man- ner, and wantonly rejoicing and insulting over the cause of their grief; they insisted, therefore, to have them immediately brought out to execution, as the only effectual method to deter the enemy from practising such cruelty, and to satisfy the im- patience of their own people, and confirm them in their duty and obedience. He received their com- plaints with great condescension, and commend- ed the regard and affection they expressed for their friends : he agreed with them that the death of such worthy and innocent subjects ought not to pass unrevenged ; but then it ought to be reveng- ed by them in a manner becoming good and brave men; not by cruelty and inhumanity, the character- istics of their wicked enemies, in which their example was by no means to be followed, but by fair and open war, in which they were to endeavour to vanquish them. He desired them seriously to consider, how great would be the injustice to make those prisoners, who were guiltless of the murders committed by their party, suffer the punishment of others crimes ; especially when assurances of safety had been given them, which ought to be most sacredly observed, 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 24> r ) even to an enemy. He hoped they would never incur this imputation, which was the very iniquity they exclaimed against with so much abhorrence in their enemies. They needed not doubt but the time would certainly come when these rebellious subjects must answer for their crimes to the just God, and to the king his vicegerent on earth. ff And in the mean time," says he, " let them set a price upon our heads ; let them employ assassins to murder us ; let them break their faith, and practise the utmost pitch of wickedness ; yet shall that never induce us to forsake the glorious paths of virtue and goodness, or strive to outdo them in the practice of villany and barbarity." The Marquis of Huntly, who, it would appear, had never intended to perform these promises which he had made to Montrose, having crossed the Spey, entered Murray, where he trifled away his time and diminished his forces, without either honour or advantage ; and never came near Inver- ness. His chief aim was to amass plunder ; and after he had wasted all the country, having heard an uncertain report, that the people of that shire had concealed their money and more valuable fur- niture in some little obscure castles, he went im- mediately and besieged them, though to no pur- pose ; nor could he by any commands or entreaties from Montrose be prevailed upon to desist from his enterprise. In the mean time, the enemy had full opportunity to throw provisions into Inverness 250 MEMOIRS OF THE from that side on which he had undertaken to block it up, and supplied it besides with every thing ne- cessary for its relief ; which if he had prevented, as he promised to Montrose, the garrison had very soon been obliged to surrender. Montrose having received intelligence that Ge- neral Middleton, afterwards created Earl of Mid- dleton by King Charles the Second, was advanced as far as Aberdeen with an army of six hundred horse and eight hundred foot, and seemed to threaten the plundering of the country belonging to Huntly and the Gordons, he sent Colonel Wil- liam Stewart with a message to Huntly, to entreat him to return again and attempt the siege of In- verness, as he had promised ; or in case he thought it imprudent to march so far from home, when the enemy was so near his territories, that he would at least come and join him with his forces, that they might march directly and attack Middleton, whom he expected they would easily defeat. To this Huntly returned a most disdainful answer, That he would mind his own business himself, and needed not Montrose's assistance or direction to drive the enemy out of his grounds. After ten weeks spent in the siege of an inconsiderable little castle, in which he lost the flower of his army, he was forced at last to raise the siege with disgrace, and retired to the Spey, without the consent or knowledge of the governor, thereby expressing an apparent contempt, not so much of Montrose, as 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. ( 251 of the king himself, and an utter disregard of his service, to the no small discouragement of the loy- al party, who were now become numerous, and de- clared themselves very warmly for the royal cause. Among these, the most eminent for wealth and power, and the number of followers, were the Earl of Seaforth, and Lord Rea, Sir James Mac- donald from the Isles, chief of a very ancient fa- mily, and the most powerful clan in the Highlands, Maclean, Glengary, the Captain of Clanronald, and several others, some of whom were already in Mon- trose's army with their forces, and others had sent home for theirs ; so that, before the end of March, he expected to have fallen down into the low country, at the head of a greater army than had been seen in Scotland in the memory of man. But the unexpected revolt of so great a man as Huntly, besides that it gave an additional en- couragement to the rebels, dispirited the royalists, and terrified them so much, that even those who had already joined the army, began privately to withdraw, and others to pretend excuses for their delay. These things obliged Montrose to resolve upon other measures. Seeing he found that gentleness and good offices made no impression upon the fickle and inconstant minds of these men, he re- solved to reduce them to obedience by the exercise of his own authority as governor and captain-ge- neral, supported by force of arms and the severest 252 MEMOIRS OF THE discipline. And for this end he proposed to march into their country with a choice body of trusty men, and compel all the Highlanders and north countrymen to take up arms. He very well knew there were severals of the governors and leading men in these shires, and many of the chiefs of the clans, who inclined to his side, and would approve of these measures. Nay, he made no question but the chief and most powerful of the Gordons, being heartily wearied with Huntly's miscarriages and unaccountable conduct, would lend him their as- sistance if there was occasion, even contrary to the inclinations of their chieftain. However, he was resolved to use all the gentle means possible, be- fore he made trial of this last and severest remedy. But, as Inverness was the most considerable and important garrison in all the north country, and the harbour the most convenient for receiving fo- reign assistance, he wished, above all things, to re- duce it. And as the covenanters' army, under the command of General Middleton, was above eighty miles distant, and Huntly and the Gordons lay in a body half way betwixt them, he thought he might safely attempt it ; and therefore laid siege to it with what forces he had. At this time he made another essay upon Huntly, and entreated him not to spend the time idly, but to come and assist him with his forces in carrying on the siege of In- verness, agreeable to their former concert : or, at least, that he would hover about the fords of the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 253 Spey, where it was probable the enemy would eu- deavour to cross it, and repulse them in the attempt, should they advance to raise the siege : or, if they should happen to cross the river, that he should immediately come and join him, so as they might fi^ht them with their united force. To all this he returned such disdainful and contemptuous an- swers, that the governor at length absolutely dis- paired of ever succeeding with him ; and began now to think it high time to look more carefully to his own safety, lest Huntly's malice might at last carry him the length even to betray him. Ac- cordingly, without any reliance upon him, he dis- patched three troops of horse to lie at the fords of the Spey, and carefully observe the enemy ; with orders, if they approached, to send him frequent and sure intelligence of their motions. They accord- ingly went and occupied the most convenient stations for their purpose, and watched very dili- gently for some time ; till Lewis Gordon, Hunt- ly's son, who then kept the castle of Rothes with a garrison, having contrived a more shameful piece of villany than any he had been hitherto guilty of, assured the officers of these troops that the enemy was at a very great distance, and had no intention to pass the river, or to attempt to raise the siege : he therefore desired them to give over their watching, which was to no purpose ; and, with the greatest shew of kindness and civi- lity, invited them to his castle to refresh them- 254 MEMOIRS OF THE selves, and partake of* an entertainment which he had prepared for them. As they took him for a faithful friend, they did not at ail distrust him, and readily accepted of his invitation. He entertain- ed them very elegantly and sumptuously ; and be- sides a great store of good dishes, he plied them very heartily with wine and spirits ; and detained them with the greatest shew of jollity and hospitality, till such time as Middleton had crossed the Spey with a very strong army of horse and foot, and penetrated far into Murray, of which as soon as he was in- formed, he dismissed his guests with these jeering words : " Go, return to your general Montrose, who will now have hotter work than he had at Selkirk." The enemy were in the meantime marching up with such rapidity towards Montrose, that these troops of horse got the start of them with great difficulty, and arrived at Inverness but a very little before them ; so that they seemed to be the enemy's van-guard, Middleton's whole army fol- lowing them within cannon-shot. Montrose had very providentially got information of their ap- proach some other way, and had drawn off his for- ces to a little distance from the town into one body. When he perceived that the enemy were much su- perior by their horse, he avoided the plain ground, and withdrew his army to the other side of the Ness. The enemy attacked his rear as he went off; but being gallantly received, they were forced to stop. The loss was very inconsiderable, and MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 255 pretty near equal on both sides. Montrose passed by Beauty into Ross-shire, whither the enemy fol- lowed him, with an intention to force him to an engagement in the plain grounds, where he would have had the disadvantage ; but, besides that the enemy's strength was far superior to his, he could not rely upon the fidelity of the country people, and Seaforth's new raised men were deserting in great numbers, which made him see the necessity of disengaging himself from the enemy's horse as fast as possible ; wherefore, passing by Lochness, he marched through Strathglass and Strath-harrig, and came to the banks of the Spey. He had resolved to treat Huntly as a public ene- my, if he did not alter his conduct ; but would still once more try every gentle method to bring him to a better mind. For this purpose, taking with him only one troop of horse for his life-guard, he rode with all speed to his house of Bog of Gicht, which was twenty miles off ; and in his way sent off a messenger to advertise him of his com- ing, and inform him, that he had come in such haste, and without any force, merely to pay his compliments to him, and to consult with him con- cerning the king's service ; for which he was the more earnest, having just then received some let- ters from his majesty at Oxford, which he wanted to communicate to him. But Huntly, terrified with the first notice of his coming, and not daring to encounter the presence of so great a man, im- '25 (i MEMOIRS OF THE mediately mounted on horseback, and rode off r attended only by one servant, without vouchsafing his majesty's deputy-governor the favour of a con- ference, or the smallest entertainment at his house. How soon Montrose understood that he was gone off* he returned back these twenty miles that same day, which was the twenty-seventh of May ; and was extremely careful to conceal this fro ward be- haviour, for fear of the bad consequences it might produce if publicly known. However, his precau- tion was to no purpose ; for the Gordons them- selves, and others of Huntly's own friends, who were gentlemen of great worth and probity, in or- der to acquit themselves of the imputation of any accession to, or approbation of such disgraceful conduct, published the whole matter with the highest indignation, and not without severe impre- cations against their lord and chief. It is not easy to say how much his conduct stag- gered the resolutions of the rest of the north coun- try gentlemen. The Earl of Seaforth, who was but lately, and not without great difficulty, brought to join the loyal party, begun to falter, and some people pretended to say, that, not being yet quite resolved, he was, at this very time, in a private trea- ty for making up his peace with the covenanters ; which, however, I do not believe. Sir Alexander Macdonald likewise, though often and earnestly entreated to return, yet, from day to day, made trifling and silly excuses for his delay, which gave MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 257 occasion to various and doubtful reports concern- ing him ; as that, notwithstanding he was an ir- reconcileable enemy to Argyle, yet he held a pri- vate correspondence with the Hamiltons, upon whose friendship and patronage he relied, and therefore staid at home, solely intent upon the pri- vate affairs of the Macdonalds, without giving him- self any concern for the public. All these things considered, Montrose thought that no time was to be lost in executing his design of making a tour in person through all the north country, and the Highlands. He proposed to car- ry along with him a resolute and expeditious par- ty, and to raise new forces as he went along, giving all due encouragement to those who shewed them- selves ready and forward, but exercising the full severity of the laws and immediate punishment m upon such as were backward and refractory ; there- by compelling them to their duty, as sickly chil- dren must be constrained to take medicines for their health. He was encouraged to take this course by the advice of many of his friends, who also pro- mised their utmost assistance to enable him to go through with it. While matters stood thus about Inverness, the Marquis of Huntly, that he might not seem never to have done any thing merely by his own conduct, or without Montrose's assistance, besieged and took Aberdeen, * which Middleton then kept with a ■ ■ ■ ' ' — - * May 14, l6lG. R 258 MEMOIRS OF THE garrison of five hundred men ; but with much greater hurt to his own friends than to the enemy ; for, besides the loss of many of his own brave men, he gave his Highlanders leave to pillage the city. Now, in what respect these innocent people had failed in their duty either to the king or to Hunt- ly, is not easy to conjecture, when it is considered, that no city in Scotland had shewn greater testi- monies of their fidelity and loyalty than the city of Aberdeen. On the other hand, he had taken a good many prisoners, and those of considerable note, among the enemy ; but his treatment of them was more like one making his court to them than in the style of a conqueror, for he dismissed them all without any promise or condition, though there were among them several colonels and gentlemen of rank, who happened accidentally to be in Aber- deen at the time, and who might have been ex- changed for a like number of his own friends, many of whom were kept in close durance both in Scotland and England ; but he was always more ready to do good offices to his declared enemies than to his real friends. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 259 CHAP. XXI. Montrose receives orders from the king to disband his army.-— Demands a second order. — Which is sent him, with con' ditions for himself and his friends. — Whereupon he dis- bands his army. — The covenanters endeavour to ensnare him. — He and his friends sail for Norway. \Vhile Montrose was intent on his design of re- cruiting his army, upon the last of May there arrived a messenger to him from the king, who had unfortunately thrown himself upon the army of the Scots covenanters at Newcastle, with orders to disband his forces immediately, and withdraw himself into France, and there wait his majesty's further orders. Montrose was shocked at this unexpected message ; he saw the king's affairs now brought to a crisis, and bitterly lamented his unlucky fate, which had forced him into the hands of his most inveterate enemies ; and though he made no doubt but these orders had been extorted from him, through force and threats, by the cove- nanters, who now had him in their power, yet he was at a loss what course to follow. If he should yield an implicit obedience, and lay down his arms, then the lives and fortunes, both of himself 260 MEMOIRS OF THE and his friends would be at the mercy and discre- tion of their enemies ; and confiscations and halters were only to be expected : on the other hand, should he stand out contrary to the king's express commands, he would thereby become guilty of rebellion, the very crime which he so much abhorred, and had endeavoured to punish in others ; besides, he was much afraid, that whatever he might do would be imputed by the rebels to the king, who, being in their power, might meet with worse treatment from them on that account, a thing which the king himself had dreaded, and hinted to him in his letters. Montrose, therefore, resolved to call together all the noblemen, gentlemen, and chieftains of his side, that a matter of such importance, and which so nearly concerned them all, might be debated and determined by general consent. For this end, without regarding the many injuries and affronts he had received, he dispatched Sir John Urry and Sir John Innes, two persons of the most eminent character in his army, and who he thought would be the most acceptable to Huntly, to invite him to this council, with orders to leave the ap- pointing of the time and place to Huntly himself, and to assure him that Montrose would even wait upon him at his own castle if he pleased. Huntly returned for answer, that he had himself received orders from the king to the same purpose, which he was resolved implicitly to obey, for that the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 26 1 king's commands were of such a nature as not to admit of second thoughts, or to leave any room for doubt or consultation. The gentlemen re- monstrated, that perhaps Montrose was of the very same opinion, and that he was ready to yield a prompt obedience to all the king's orders, pro- viding they proceeded from himself, without being extorted ; but, in the mean time, it much concern- ed them all timeously to provide for their own safety, and that of their men, and that their enemies would conceive a much higher opinion of them, when they saw them acting in concert, and with firm and united counsels. To which he made no other answer, than that he had already resolved what course to take, and would have no- thing to do with any body else. Montrose thereupon wrote to the king, begging earnestly to be informed of his condition in the covenanters' army, if he thought himself safe in their custody ; and whether his service could be of any further use to him ? And, if he had positive- ly determined, that that army which had hitherto fought for his preservation, was to be immediately disbanded, while the covenanters in both king- doms were still in arms, and growing every day more and more outrageous, he wanted to be ad- vised what course should be taken for the security of the lives and fortunes of these brave and loyal men, who had spent their blood, and risked every thing that was dear for his sake *, for he was shock- 262 MEMOIRS OF THE ed at the thoughts of leaving such worthy subjects to be plundered and butchered at the mercy of their enemies. Montrose received no other answer by his mes- senger, to these letters, but certain articles pre- scribed him by the covenanters, in which he was desired to acquiesce ; but as these were dictated by an enemy, and in themselves extremely unrea- sonable, he rejected them with indignation ; and, disdaining to treat at all with the covenanters, he sent the messenger back to signify to the king, that, as he had taken up arms by the commission and at the desire of his majesty himself, so he would receive conditions for laying them down from no mortal but the king alone ; and therefore he humbly besought his majesty, if it seemed pro- per to him that he should immediately disband his forces, that he would himself prescribe and sign the articles, to which, however severe and disagree- able, he promised an implicit submission, but he scorned the commands of every body else, who- ever they were. The messenger at last returned with the articles signed with the king's own hand, and orders, now repeated for the third time, to disband his army without further delay, under the pain of high trea- son if he any longer disobeyed the king's commands. Besides the king's positive orders, another thing induced him to come to a speedy resolution ; he was informed, that many of those who had en- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 263 gaged with him, were endeavouring secretly by their friends to make their own terms with the rebels ; and he had undoubted evidence, that this was true with respect to the Earl of Seaforth and several others : and the Marquis of Huntly, and his son Lord Aboyne, did not only profess themselves to be Montrose's declared enemies, but even threat- ened to compel him by force of arms immediately to comply with the king's orders. At the same time the Earl of Antrim, who had newly come from Ireland into the Highlands of Scotland, with- out men or arms, was endeavouring to recal all the Highlanders, over whom he pretended some authority and influence, as being his relations and allies, from Montrose's army, whom, by way of de- rision, he called the governor of the low country ; an attempt very unseasonable at that time, and which proved afterwards very destructive to his friends in those parts. All these things consider- ed, Montrose saw himself obliged to submit to the king's commands, and to disband his army. Accordingly, having convened them to a ren- dezvous, * after giving them their due praise for their faithful services and good behaviour, he told them his orders, and bid them farewell, an event no less sorrowful to the whole army than to him- self ; and, notwithstanding he used his utmost en- * At Rattray, upon the 30th July 1646. 264 MEM01HS OF THE deavours to raise their drooping spirits, and en- courage them with the flattering prospect of a speedy and desirable peace, and assured them, that lie contributed to the king's safety and interest by his present ready submission, no less than he had formerly done by his military attempts ; yet they concluded, that a period was that day put to the king's authority, which would expire with the dis- solution of their army, for disbanding of which, they were all convinced the orders had been ex- torted from the king, or granted by him on pur- pose to evite a greater and more immediate evil. And, upon whatever favourable conditions their own safety might be provided for, yet they lament- ed their own fate, and would much rather have undergone the greatest fatigue and hardships, than be obliged to remain inactive and idle spectators of the miseries and calamities befalling their dearest sovereign. Neither were their generous souls a little concerned for the unworthy and disgraceful opinion, which foreign nations and after-ages could not fail to conceive of the Scots, as universally dipt in rebellion, and imiltv of defection, from the best of kings. Their sorrow was likewise considerably augmented, by the thoughts of being separated from their brave and successful general, who was now obliged to enter into a kind of banishment, to the irreparable loss of the king, the country, them- selves, and all good men, at a time when they never had greater occasion lor his service : And, falling MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 265 down upon their knees, with tears in their eyes, they obtested him, that, seeing the king's safety and interest required his immediate departure from the kingdom, he would take them along with him to whatever corner of the world he should retire, professing their readiness to live, to fight, nay, if it so pleased God, even to die under his command. And not a few of thein had privately determined, though with the evident risk of their lives and fortunes, to follow him without his knowledge, and even against his inclination, and to offer him their service in a foreign land, which they could not any longer afford him in their own distressed native country. These things happened about the end of July, and by the conditions which were prescribed him by the king, with the consent of the covenanters, he w as obliged to transport himself beyond sea be- fore the 1st of September, the estates being to furnish him a vessel, and to victual and provide it in all necessary stores, and to send it to the harbour of Montrose in Angus, where he was to embark. Accordingly, to prevent all jealousies, or cause of complaint, he repaired thither to wait the ship's arrival, accompanied only by his own servants, and a very few of his friends. His implacable enemies were at this time at great pains to raise and propagate a false and ma- licious report through the country, as if the estates (for so they were pleased to call themselves) would 260 MEMOIRS OF THE not permit a man of his worth and excellence to be banished the country, when his presence was like- ly to be so necessary ; especially if their gracious sovereign, who had cast himself freely upon the affections of his Scots subjects, should, in order to obtain justice from the English, be obliged to have recourse to force of arms, and, in that case, he had a general, in the person of Montrose, whom no age could parallel. Such, indeed, was the earnest wish of great numbers, who were not admitted in- to the secret plots of the rebels ; but their inten- tions were very different, and of a most villanous and deceitful nature. The deplorable event soon after demonstrated what they intended towards the king ; and, with respect to Montrose, they prac- tised these shameless artifices on purpose to en- snare him, — and, by enticing him, from the flatter- ing but delusive hopes that these reports were well- founded, to remain in the kingdom beyond the limited time, they expected they would have an excuse to cut him off with a better grace, as guilty of a breach of the articles. The month of August was almost spent, and there were not the smallest accounts of a vessel, or other provision made for his transportation. Wherefore Montrose, though he was fully resolved to depart against the day fixed by the king, yet he allowed his friends to treat with the covenanters for a prolongation of the time limited for his de- parture, in order thereby, if possible, to sound the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. ^6j bottom of their intentions, but when he found that they returned nothing but doubtful and evasive answers, he justly concluded they aimed only to deceive and ensnare him. What greatly increas- ed his suspicion, was the arrival of a vessel at the harbour of Montrose upon the last day of August, the utmost period appointed for his stay. The shipmaster was not only unknown to him, but a violent and rigid covenanter ; the sailors were of the same stamp, sullen and morose, and from whom the worst treatment was to be expected ; and the ship itself was neither victualled, nor in proper trim to go to sea : so that when Montrose shewed him- self ready to go a-board, and ordered them to de- part with all dispatch, the shipmaster told him, he behoved to have some days to careen his vessel, before he durst put out to sea ; and vaunting of his own worth, and of the sufficiency of his vessel, he at last disclosed the commission which he had from the covenanters, whereby he was expressly ordered to land his passengers at certain ports appointed by them, and at no other. At the same time, there were several English men of war constantly plying off the mouth of the river Esk, which forms the harbour of Montrose, watching for the prey they so greedily desired, that he might have no chance to escape their snares. However, their treacherous purposes were not unknown to Montrose* and he wanted not some friends even among the covenanters themselves, 268 MEMOIRS OF THE who sent him repeated notice, that the sea was al- most covered with the English navy, so that he could not possibly escape safe either into France or the Low Countries ; that the harbour itself, from which he was to sail, was in a manner blocked up, whereby his venturing to sea was a matter of very great risk, and that his enemies wished for nothing more, than either that the Scots covenanters might have a pretence to destroy him for continuing too long in the country, or that he might be surprised, and fall into the hands of the English covenanters on his departure. Such of his friends as were still about him were of opinion, that, when the danger was so great, the most advisable course he could possibly take, was to retire immediately into the Highlands, and en- deavour again to rally his forces, and rather try the fortune of war than trust to a perfidious peace; but the regard and ardent affection he bore the king, made him reject this advice ; for he was ful- ly persuaded, that, shuuld he renew the war, it would be imputed, however unjustly, to the king, and would undoubtedly bring him into the most imminent danger, perhaps even to the risk of his life. Being thus straitened on all sides, alarmed on the one hand with treachery intended against his own, on the other, against the sacred life of the king himself, he determined, with a firm and unalterable resolution, to expose himself alone to MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 269 the danger, and draw down the whole storm on his own head. This resolution, however, to withdraw and leave the kingdom, was not the effect of a sudden gust of passion, or of an absolute despair of safety, but proceeded from serious deliberation, and was ma- naged with the greatest prudence and caution ; for how soon he saw through the insidious designs of his enemies, he immediately sent to search all the harbours on the north coast, with directions, if any foreign vessel was found there, to agree with the master to be ready against a certain day, to trans- port such passengers as should be offered him to Norway. By good fortune there was found in the harbour of Stonehyve a small pinnace belonging to Bergen in Norway, the master of which readily embraced the offer, in hopes of a considerable freight, and promised to be ready against the day appointed. Thither Montrose sent Sir John Ur- ry, John Drummond of Balloch, Henry Graham, his own brother ; John Spotiswood, nephew to the great, but unfortunate, Sir Robert ; John Lilly and Patrick Melvil, both of them officers of known courage and experience ; George Wishart, doctor of divinity ; David Guthry, a very brave young gentleman j Pardus Lasound, a Frenchman, for- merly a servant to the noble Lord Gordon, and, after his death, entertained by Montrose for the sake of his worthy master ; one Rodolph, a Ger- man, a youth of great probity and honour j and a 270 MEMOIRS, &C. few common servants. These he had picked out to carry along with him wherever he should go, chiefly because he knew they were so obnoxious to the covenanters, that they could not possibly remain safe in the country behind him. They put to sea, and began their voyage for Norway, with a fair wind, upon the 3d of September ; and that same evening, Montrose himself, accompanied only with James Wood, a worthy preacher, by the assistance of a smail fly-boat, got aboard a bark which lay at anchor without the harbour of Montrose, and, be- ing clad in a coarse suit, passed for his chaplain's servant. This was in the year of our Lord 164.6, and of his age the thirty-fourth. MEMOIRS OF THE MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. PART IT. MEMOIRS OF THE MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. CHAP. I. Montrose lands in Nortoay. — Sets out for France. — The courtiers about the queen endeavour to prevent his coming to court. — The reasons of Lord Jermyns opposition to him — His advice to the queen. — She is reconciled to the Presbyterians. 1 he Marquis of Montrose having landed at Ber- gen in Norway, was kindly received, and had the highest respect shown him by Thomas Gray, a Scotsman, then governor of the castle. After resting here a few days, he travelled by land to Christiana,* the chief city of the kingdom : this journey was both difficult and dangerous, having to pass over the tops of high and rugged moun- tains, frightful to look at, and constantly deep with * It was formerly called Anslo, but being burnt, was re- built in 1614, by Christian IV. who, on that account, gave it his own name. ■ > $y4l MEMOIRS OF THE snow. Then at Maelstnmd he went aboard a ship bound for Denmark, being extremely desir- ous to see the late illustrious king, Christian V. who was uncle by the mother's side to his royal master King Charles, and had always shown him- self his sure and faithful friend ; but, upon his ar- rival in Denmark, he found the king was then in Germany ; and, therefore, with all speed, crossing the Baltic, he set out thither, and, taking that op- portunity, he passed through Holstein, and stopt some time at Hamburgh. He foresaw that the conspirators among the Scots peers, who had the chief command of the army at Newcastle, would not be long ere they came to an agreement with their associates in England, in concerting measures for ruining the king, and weakening his authority ; and he used to say, that he so thoroughly knew the temper of these men, that no arguments would ever induce him to alter his opinion of them. Now, he was persuaded, that if an account of their proceedings could reach Fiance before his arrival there, it would contribute considerably to the success of his negociations ; and that their having accomplished their wicked de- signs would procure him a more favourable recep- tion from those princes and states with whom the king had given him a commission to negociate ; and he expected that they would be so shocked at the grossness of their rebellion, as never more to trust the perfidious promises of these traitors, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. QTJ5 which had gained but too much credit with them all along. Besides, he knew from former experience, that he would meet with a new set of enemies, and a fresh opposition at court ; and that the court- flatterers and parasites, that abandoned race of mor- tals, the pest and destruction of princes, by their usual false insinuations and slanderous detractions, which they propagated for promoting their mea- sures, in order to curry favour with the rebels, to whom they were obnoxious, would endeavour by all means to prevent his gaining the queen's fa- vour and confidence ; and, if possible, would pre- clude him from their councils, and keep him ig- norant of the state of affairs, from an apprehension that he would discover their deceitful artifices, and frustrate the designs of the rebels ; whereby they might come to be disappointed of the base reward of their treachery. At length, receiving the melancholy news that a considerable sum of money was paid to the chiefs of the Scots covenanters, under the denomination of pay or arrears, due for the worst of services, (for under that name they expected in some measure to varnish over the infamy of their ignominious bargain,) and that the king was at the same time delivered up to the brutality of the English army ; he made the best of his way for Holland, judging that the king's present condition and his own ho- nour required that he should show himself public- 2J6 MEMOIRS OF THE ly, and endeavour to do something towards the re- covery of the desperate state of affairs ; for, the more these saints contributed to oppress that excel- lent prince, and lessen the authority of kings, the more resolute was he to assert the liberty, and re- store the dignity of his sovereign ; for the barbar- ous actions of these men served only so much the more to confirm the loyalty, and increase the for- titude of this hero. Mary, Queen of Great Britain, and daughter of Henry IV. King of France, had retired to Paris, where she found a safe retreat indeed for herself ; but all her solicitations for succours to the king her husband were unsuccessful. For, though the case of King Charles seemed to be the common concern of all crowned heads, and the rebellion of his British subjects set a very bad example and pattern for other nations to copy after, and in par- ticular threatened the kingdom of France, yet very few princes could be induced to afford even the smallest assistance to King Charles in his distress. The French, whether from a remembrance of the ancient enmity that subsisted betwixt the two na- tions, or that they imagined the king had shown a greater propensity to cultivate the friendship and alliance of the King of Spain, or from whatever other cause they were disobliged, beheld with plea- sure the distractions in Britain, and contributed their endeavours rather to increase that flame, which perhaps may one day scorch themselves. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 277 The news that Montrose was on his journey through Flanders in his way to France, had scarce reached Paris, when these industrious and artful courtiers about the queen, who feared nothing so much as Montrose's presence, used all means pos- sible to divert him from coming forward ; and for that purpose John Ashburnham, a gentleman of the king's bed-chamber, and who had been his unfortunate companion and guide, first to the Scots army, and afterwards to the Isle of Wight, was dispatched with letters to him, in order to advise his taking another course. When he met Mon- trose, he began to persuade him to return directly to Scotland, and there renew the war, though without men, money, arms, or provisions of any kind ; of design, as would seem, that, being ex- posed to so many accidents and dangers, he might be certainly ruined, and his endeavours for the king's service rendered ineffectual, It was easy for Montrose to discover their insi- dious designs ; and, therefore, he returned this answer, That nothing could be more acceptable to him than the service he proposed ; but as things then stood, he did not see it was practicable to un- dertake it : he wanted every thing necessary for renewing and carrying on the war, and it was not in the queen's power to furnish them : the affec- tions of the king's friends, even the firmest of them, were much cooled by the late orders for lay- ing down their arms, and they were much weak- 278 MEMOIRS OF THE ed by the bad terms stipulated for them : the re- bels were masters of all Scotland, and had recalled their army out of England, well disciplined and well provided ; the Marquis of Huntly was now also overpowered, and the dreadful havock made of the Gordons had so terrified the rest of the na- tion, that they would certainly attempt nothing. Besides, he was commanded by the king, whom he could not disobey, to wait in France for further and more ample instructions from him ; and he was fully persuaded that the queen could not be of opinion that his majesty's orders should be slight- ed and disregarded. But when he got to Paris, and had paid his due respects to her majesty, he should reckon it a new and considerable addi- tion of honour, if she employed him even in the most difficult and dangerous part of her ser- vice. Ashburnham, not succeeding in these efforts, goes another way to work ; and, with a great deal of pretended concern, entreats the marquis to mind his own safety, to make his peace with the cove- nanters, and court their friendship, and thereby preserve himself and his followers for better times ; and he frankly undertook to procure his majesty's allowance, or, if he chose it rather, even his posi- tive command, to treat with them upon any terms. Montrose replied, that there was no person readier to obey the king's orders in every thing honourable or lawful j but that he would not obey even the n MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 270 king himself, if he should command any thing un- lawful dishonourable, or prejudicial to his royal ma- jesty. The Archduke Leopold was at that time viceroy, and governor for the King of Spain over the Low Countries ; from whom Montrose received full per- mission to travel through Flanders in his way to France, and arrived safe at Paris. It was thought that no person would have been more kindly re- ceived at the queen's court than the Marquis of Montrose ; but it happened quite otherwise, by means of the Presbyterians, and particularly Lord Jermyn, who was a special favourite, and had great interest at court, and who took all occasions to de- tract from Montrose, and to tarnish the glory of his gallant actions. Lord Jermyn bore the mar- quis a secret grudge on the following account : When the king trusted himself and his affairs in the hands of the Scots covenanters at Newcastle, in order the more effectually to please them in every thing, and to gain their friendship and affection, he commanded Montrose to disband his army ; the marquis represented to the king the hardship and injustice of this measure, unless he and the other noblemen and gentlemen, who had served his ma- jesty faithfully and loyally, had full security for their lives ; and that their honours and dignities, their lands and estates, which had been unjustly taken from them, should be amply restored and confirmed to them by a special act of parliament, 280 MEMOIRS OF THE passed with mutual consent of the king and the estates. This was strenuously opposed by Argyle and the other rebels, who, besides that they were at open enmity with Montrose, and dreaded his superior courage and conduct, were gaping after his estate, and expected to enrich themselves by his forfeiture. The good king was extremely sen- sible of the justice and equity of Montrose's re- quests, and would willingly have gratified him in them, but he saw it was a matter of the last conse- quence to attempt to wrest any thing out of their hands against their will, and that it might even cost him his own life ; and, therefore, begged of Montrose not to insist obstinately upon his de- mands, which would expose the life and safety of his sovereign to imminent danger ; and graciously promised that, if ever he was again restored to his liberty, and the administration of the government, he would show a particular regard to him on that account : in the mean time, he assured him, that he had made sufficient provision for his honour and dignity, and advised him to go to France, as his ambassador extraordinary to the Most Christian king ; for which purpose he acquainted him he had already dispatched his commission and instructions, and that nothing on his part should be wanting to maintain the dignity of his embassy, till, by the blessing of God, he should recover his just autho- rity, and recal Montrose to his own country. This was very disagreeable to Lord Jermyn, who was MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 281 then the king's ambassador resident in France ; and as he bore away all the honour and profits that were to be had about the court, he was afraid that both might be diminished by the intervention of so great a man as Montrose ; and, therefore, he began to practise the same court-artifices upon him, with which he had formerly proved success- ful in removing the Earl of Norwich from that sta- tion. Montrose expected that the king's commission and instructions would be delivered to him imme- diately upon his arrival ; but he was told, that they had heard nothing about them at the queen's court, neither had they received any orders rela- tive to them. However, Ashburnham informed him privately, that such indeed was the king's in- tention, and that nothing could be more certain than that the court knew it to be so, he himself having been dispatched to France for that purpose three months before, but that Lord Jermyn, by his address and interest at court, got every thing rejected that tended to lessen his power, or ob- struct his profit. Montrose easily perceived that the king's com- mands, and his own most reasonable requests, were neglected and despised ; but his generous soul could not endure the thoughts of being employed in the low arts of court contention, and, therefore, addressed himself directly to the queen ; he hum- bly entreated her, that she would be graciously ^3:^ MEMOIRS OF THE pleased to inform him, if he could be any way serviceable to his sovereign, for, as the king her husband was now in the hands of his enemies, he was entirely at her devotion, and ready, with all due respect, to receive her orders, and obey them with the utmost fidelity and application, being willing to spend his blood, and lay down his life in the service. The queen answered with a heavy heart, without explaining herself sufficiently on the head ; for when she was allowed to follow her own inclinations, she was always very much disposed to encourage and advance this noble person, who, of all the king's subjects, had done him the most valuable service, but being deluded by the artifices of her courtiers, who vaunted of the power and riches of the Presbyterians, sometimes in a cajoling and at other times in a menacing manner, she was forced into quite other measures, and perplexed Montrose with various, and frequently contradic- tory sentiments. He was always of opinion, that something of moment ought to be attempted, in order to terrify the rebels from doing any thing inconsistent with the king's safety, and the queen was much of the same mind ; but the courtiers took special care that there should be no money ready for purchas- ing arms, or defraying the necessary expence of such an expedition. Montrose frequently offer- ed, if they would only furnish him with six thousand pistoles, to make a descent upon Britain MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 283 with a thousand men, * and raise all the king's loyal subjects, who, he knew, heartily abhorred the wickedness of the rebels in detaining their lawful sovereign captive, and were bent on revenging the affronts and injuries done to him. And the more effectually to persuade the queen, he offered to pledge his life, and what he reckoned dearest to him in the world, his honour, that this should prove serviceable to the king ; but all was to no purpose, the proposition was opposed by the rave- nous courtiers, to whom all that remained in the queen's treasury seemed too little to answer their luxury and profuseness. In the mean time, these rebellious conspirators, who had first contrived and entered into that horrid league against the king, and, in order to support it, had armed the Scots against him, and encouraged also the English, who were then living peaceably, to follow their impious example, and had brought the king into so many hardships, and at length, by the assistance of their brethren in England, to inevitable ruin, attempted, without Montrose's knowledge, to impose upon the queen in a very gross and impudent manner. They pre- tended that the king's imprisonment gave them very great concern, but it was not to be imputed to them ; the English alone were to blame, who * The Latin MS. has it ttn thousand men. 28'i AIEMOIItS OF THE had engaged that the king should not be maltreat- ed, and that nothing should be determined con- cerning him, without the advice and consent of the Scots covenanters ; but that they had not kept their promise, that they were therefore resolved, by force of arms, to restore his majesty to his liber- ty and former dignity, providing the queen would accept of their service, and ratify and confirm by her authority what they designed for his majesty's relief, and, therefore, they humbly entreated her to employ the great interest she deservedly had with the king her husband, to advise and persuade him to trust himself and all his concerns to their care, conduct, and fidelity ; promising to leave nothing unattempted, and spare neither pains nor labour, nor lay down their arms, till he was again settled on the throne of his ancestors, and restored to the peaceable dominion of these kingdoms. The good, but too credulous queen, blinded by these fair promises, was easily induced to trust them, and to promise her assistance, which she afterwards performed. They endeavoured to conceal this private negociation from Montrose, but he soon came to the knowledge of it ; and at last, when there was a necessity to divulge it, the queen de- clared to him, that both the king and she were so much oppressed and wearied out with the troubles they had already suffered, and were so frightened at the thoughts of greater calamities yet impending, that they had trusted themselves MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 285 and their affairs to the covenanters, as the most probable means of preserving them from utter shipwreck, and that they were both unalterably fixed in this resolution. Montrose, who could never be induced to be- lieve that these perfidious traitors, who were in- volved in such a multiplicity of crimes, would ever deal honestly and fairly with the king, could hardly refrain from shedding tears, when he saw his be- loved sovereign, by trusting to the insidious pro- mises of his declared enemies, ready to plunge him- self into an abyss of misery. With a countenance, however, somewhat composed, he addressed the queen in the following manner : " It is, without doubt, your majesty's right to determine what is most for your service, and your subjects are bound to yield a quick and ready obedience ; your majesty shall find none of your subjects more obedient than I am ; yet I reckon it my duty timeously to premo- nish you of the evils that threaten both the king and his kingdoms, if he takes that course ; and to point out the most proper remedies, such, at least, as the situation of affairs, now when they are brought to the last extremity, will admit of. Your majesty very well knows, that these honest men, whom you are now about to trust, have shown an implac- able hatred, and used all manner of cruelty to- wards the king ; they were the first that laid violent hands upon him, and detained him as a prisoner in their army ; it was they who refused him entrance 286 MEMOIRS OF THE into Scotland ; it was they who betrayed him to the English ; and they continue still to butcher his faithful subjects, whom they are daily sacrificing to their avarice and cruelty, upon no other ac- count than their loyalty alone. Neither is it very probable, that men so deeply immersed in rebel- lion can so soon have repented of their conduct ; on the contrary, their avarice and ambition, join- ed with a consciousness of their former guilt, will rather push them on to pursue the same measures, from a persuasion that their only hope of safety and impunity consists in the total ruin and de- struction of their injured sovereign. The last and only remedy which, in my opinion, now remains, in order to preserve some kind of curb over this cruel and unmanageable set of men, is to allow me, who, from my former faithful services to the king, have no hopes of a reconciliation with the rebels, by the king's authority and special commis- sion to raise an army chosen from among such of my countrymen the Scots, as, justly suspecting the unstable loyalty and faith of the covenanters, will never heartily join them, or fight under their com- mand ; and that this army should be as auxiliaries to that which has already entered England, pro- viding they behave themselves honestly, and as be- comes faithful subjects ; but if they shall return to their former seditious practices, which is much to be feared, and attempt to raise new troubles, and betray the king a second time, then these forces MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. QSJ under my command will be a terror to them, and be able either to keep them to their duty, or re- duce them, should they mutiny or revolt. As for me, I shall readily yield to them the command, the honour, the thanks and rewards that may be expected, if they do but at length heartily and in good earnest return to their allegiance ; and shall reckon all my labours and hardships, my losses and dangers, sufficiently recompensed, if they are in any degree serviceable to my sovereign, the best of kings." The Presbyterians, by their earnest solicitations and fair promises, joined with the great vaunts they made of their power and influence, had so de- luded the queen with vain hopes, that she slighted the wiser counsels of Montrose j and entrusted not only her own safety, but even that of the king her husband, and of the princes her children, sole- ly to those who had been the authors of all their for- mer calamities, and who were soon to bring more numerous and more grievous troubles upon them. Montrose, that he might not be thought an im- pious partaker, or unconcerned spectator of so great villany, desired and obtained leave from the queen to depart from Paris, and retire for some time to the country, for the recovery of his health and spirits, after the long fatigue he had under- gone. 288 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. II. Character of the Presbyterians. — Of the Independents. — The latter become the most powerful, and seize the king. — The Presbyterians apply to Scotland for assistance. — The Scots raise an army, and appoint the Duke of Hamilton gene- ral.— -Two factions in Scotland, Hamilton s and Ar gyles. A s in the sequel of this history there will be of- ten occasion to mention the Presbyterians and In- dependents, two sects of modern heretics with mo- dern names, it will not perhaps be unacceptable to the readers, strangers especially, neither will it be foreign to our purpose, to premise a few things concerning them. When men leave the right road, and wander off* the king's highway, it is usual for them to stray in many devious paths and contrary and opposite by- roads. This we find by sad experience to have been the case of the modern fanatics, who, under pre- tence of restoring the purity of religion, have not only disturbed, but utterly destroyed both church and state. For after they had expelled the only lawful governors of the church, trampled on the ancient church discipline, deformed the divine wor- ship, and most impiously dethroned the king, and deprived the civil magistrate of his power, they MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 289 split into innumerable sects and parties, distinguish- ed by as many names: however, they may be rank- ed under these two heads, the Presbyterians and Independents, which comprehend all the rest. The former of these, the Presbyterians, affect to be so called from a new model of church-government and discipline, unknown to former ages, and more properly deserving the appellation of an inquisi- tion, which they recommend to the vulgar under the specious but false name of the Presbytery ; for they adopt into the meeting, which they call their presbytery such of the people as are most zealous- ly addicted to their way, as ploughmen, chapmen, sailors, coblers, coal Hers, salters, and the like ; men not admitted into holy orders, and scarce sufficient- ly instructed in the first principles of religion ; these have the same right to vote in their presby- teries with the ministers themselves ; they are elected annually, and dignified with the title of lay or ruling elders. They pretend to maintain a parity among their pastors ; but this is but a mere pretence, and their practice contradicts it ; for a very few of them, supported by the popular ap- plause, and the giddy conceit of the rabble, lord it in a most tyrannical manner, not only over their own brethren, but over the peers of the land, and will even dare to insult the king himself. Every thing relating to the church and religion is brought before the presbytery ; and not only so, but all matters relating indifferently either to church or T 290 MEMOIRS OP THE state, are brought before it, under the notion of a scandal, an offence, or being in or dine ad spiritualia. They convene without the consent, and often against the will of the supreme magistrate, provin- cial and national synods, the last of which they call general assemblies. These are a sort of superior presbyteries, and composed in the same manner as those above described, in which they presume not only to deliberate and debate, but even to deter- mine concerning the most important and weighty affairs of the state ; and against such as are so har- dy as to oppose or contradict their decrees, they thunder out their anathemas and excommunica- tions, by which they teach, that both soul and bo- dy is delivered over into the hands of the devil ; and by this means they terrify not only the poor ignorant mob, but even the nobility and gentry, and hold them under a wonderful awe and subjec- tion. They strictly discharge all commerce or communication whatsoever with such as are excom- municated, and thus, with great ease, they dissolve the reciprocal duties that subsist betwixt husband and wife, parents and children, masters and ser- vants, and even absolve the subjects from the alle- giance and obedience due by them to their sove- reign. According to their principles, such as dif- fer from them in the smallest article of religion, or the most insignificant rite of external worship, may be justly punished with imprisonment, banishment, or even death itself \ but they are more particular- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. £91 ly severe against such as deny the divine right of presbytery. If they bear a grudge against any of their neighbours, all his words and actions are so narrowly canvassed and scanned, that very few can live in security among them. In their sermons they have the impudence to insult and reproach the nobility, the royal family, and even the king himself, to their faces, with impunity ; by such rudeness rendering them odious and contemptible to the people, whose favour and affections they thereby obtain, and, by making them believe that they are inspired with a divine prophetical spirit, arrive at an unlimited influence over them. They never fail to find fault with whatever is done, even in parliament, that has not the sanction of the presbytery's approbation. They maintain, that presbyters can, and ought to be judged by the presbytery only, a privilege which they pretend to found upon the word of God ; and, in consequence thereof, that the civil magistrate has no right nor power to call them to account, or punish them, though guilty of sedition or rebellion, till they have been first condemned by the presbytery. In these principles they differ very widely from the reformed churches in Holland, the classes in the Palatinate, or the consistory in Geneva ; for all of these yield that honour and respect which is due to the civil magistrate, upon whom they depend, and whose commands they punctually obey. The Pres- byterians, on the contrary, not only despise, con- 292 MEMOIRS OF THE tradict, and oppose him, but also foment seditions against him, and spirit up the populace, whom they keep in subjection to themselves by their dreadful delusions, and bind over, by horrid oaths and im- pious covenants, to rise in arms against him and dispute his authority. In a word, by their pride, self-conceit, and avarice, they are grievous to all ranks of men, being far more cruel and intolerable than the ancient Druids, or even than the modern inquisitors of the church of Rome. To this account of the Presbyterians we may subjoin that of the Independents, their genuine off- spring, resembling in every thing the corrupted stock from which they sprung. They are called Inde- pendents, because they acknowledge no dependence upon any superior ; for emperors, kings, popes, bishops, presbyteries, synods, and councils, though free and economical, they reject, condemn, and anathematize, as antichristian and diabolical inven- tions. As they separate themselves from the rest of mankind, whom they consider as polluted and profane, so they are divided and split among them- selves into innumerable sects and parties, a conse- quence which must necessarily befal those who have violently broke asunder all the bonds of unity and society. However, they agree surprisingly in this particular, that they tolerate one another, and in- flict no other punishment on such among them as differ in matters of religion, than exclusion from their religious meetings. They agree with the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 293 Presbyterians, and endeavour to exceed them in treachery, avarice, sacrilege, cruelty, and contempt of such magistrates as will not subject themselves to them. Holy orders, especially imposition of hands, of which the Presbyterians still retain some resemblance, they abhor as a magical rite, and an invention of the devil. The people choose their own ministers, and whom they create one day, they pull down the other. In their private meetings they regulate every thing that concerns the divine worship, and the ecclesiastical government. Learn- ing and learned men are the special objects of their hatred, as being enemies of true Christian piety. They esteem no preacher who does not pretend that he is immediately inspired with the Holy Spi- rit ; and in their extemporary prayers, much talk- ing, magical gestures, distortions of the face and eyes, loud and horrid bawling, every thing, in short, confused and indigested, are applauded and admired, as the infallible signs of the immediate influence of the Spirit. They are for the most part Anabaptists, and baptize by the immersion of the naked bodies of both sexes, after they are be- come adult, into rivers. They likewise pollute the sacred eucharist in an abominable manner. Be- sides the Arian heresy, and such like impieties, these notable reformers have again revived and brought upon the stage the dotages and obscenities of the Carpocratians, the Adamites, and the Gnos- tics. They think that Papists, with those who 294j memoirs of the worship God according to the liturgy of the church of England, ought to be imprisoned, banished, for- feited, and prosecuted with fire and sword, for the sake of their religion, and them only ; but they are more favourable to the Papists than to those of the church of England. At the same time, they tolerate all the other sects of heretics, even Turks and Jews. They maintain, that the people, by whom they understand only the lowest class, ex- cluding kings, princes, and peers, have, by divine appointment, an absolute and uncontrollable do- minion over the lives and fortunes of the whole na- tion ; in which, as in most other things, they agree with the Presbyterians ; only, that what they, in words, ascribe to the people, is, in effect, arrogated by the presbytery, to whose decrees the people are entirely subjected. From the beginning of the troubles in Great Britain, the Presbyterians, considering the Inde- pendents as their sons and brethren, were at great pains to court them, because, as they were very numerous, they expected their assistance would be useful in subduing the common enemy, so they impiously called the king. They flattered them- selves, that these simple and foolish men, as they esteemed them, would quickly come over to their party ; or, if they shewed any reluctance, would easily be brought to join them either by force or fraud. Deceived with these flattering hopes, they encouraged the Independents upon all occasions, no MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 29«5 favour was refused them, many of them were chosen into the parliament, others advanced to the places of greatest trust, and encouraged to aspire to the highest titles ; they were made captains and colo- nels in the army, got the command of the best ships, were made governors of the best fortified towns and castles, and had their choice of the richest colonies ; thus by degrees they rose to con- siderable power and greatness, and thereby at length began to grow formidable, and suspected by their patrons the Presbyterians, who saw, when too late, that they had cherished a serpent in their bosom, which, by the just judgment of God, re- compensed them as they deserved, and thus the Independents deceived the most deceitful of man- kind, and soon began to prescribe laws to those from whom they used to receive them. Among the secret articles of their horrid confederacy, which they impiously denominated the Solemn League and Covenant, that was not the least ma- terial, whereby both parties, with a fraudulent in- tent, and in order to outwit each other, agreed to a mutual toleration of one another, till they had vanquished the common enemy, and put an end to the war, after which, they were to sit down and adjust the controversies which had arisen among them in an amicable and friendly manner ; the Presbyterians being resolved to root out trie Independents, and they, on the other hand, equal- ly determined to shake off the tyrannical yoke of 296 MEMOIRS OF THE the Presbyterians. The last are the most nume- rous in Scotland, but the Independents exceed them in England ; however, many more of the Scots Presbyterians favoured and countenanced the Independents, who had now taken possession of the government in England, than there were of the English who countenanced the Presbyterians. The king having been delivered up by the Scots covenanters to the English Presbyterians, was by them lodged in Hoimby castle, and there kept under a military guard, where the Independents seized and carried him oft' by open force ; and thereby shewed the world what they had the power and hardiness to attempt. The Presby- terians, highly enraged at this daring enterprise, accused them of a breach of public faith, and threatened to take an adequate revenge, while they, triumphing in the possession of their in- valuable booty, insulted over the Presbyterians as vanquished, and laughed at their impotent menaces, bein 0, fully prepared for all encounters. Various were the artifices now put in practice by both parties, as if they had vied which should outdo the other in craft and dissimulation. They both pre- tended to have the honour and interest of the king at heart ; and that their sole aim was to restore the dignity of the crown, and secure the liberty of the subject by just and equitable laws. Each party accused the other of maltreating thek ing while in their custody, and with dealing with him MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 297 unfairly and disingenuously ; and pretended, that it was their inclination, and the only way to satisfy the earnest wishes of the nation, and bring about a safe and lasting peace, to come to honourable terms with his majesty, and to receive his friends, and such as had adhered to him, again into favour. The public declarations on both sides were full of professions to this purpose, particularly those of the Independents, and among these Cromwell, who was appointed lieutenant general of the army under Fairfax, was the most forward. However, some persons who were farther sighted saw through the disguise, and perceived that neither party were ingenuous in their professions, and that the whole amount of the dispute betwixt them was not, which party should have the honour of delivering their king, and restoring him to his ancient dignity, but which of the two should have the glory of triumphing over their vanquished sovereign, and the pleasure of usurping his government. In- deed, for some time the Independents treated him with much less severity than he had formerly been, whereby many conceived great hopes of a speedy accommodation. Many of his own servants, par- ticularly his chaplains, were allowed to attend him, a favour which, on the most pressing entreaties, he could never obtain from the Presbyterians. They permitted him in his devotions the use of the liturgy of the Church of England, to which he professed his firm adherence, even with his 21)8 MEMOIRS OF THE latest breath. The Scots commissioners had li- berty to present addresses to him, and were also admitted to confer with him in private. The nobility and gentry, and even many of the officers who had served in his own army, were admitted to visit him at all times without restraint, and in general, all imaginable respect was paid him for some time. However, the deplorable catastrophe, which soon after ensued, proved a convincing evi- dence, that this sunshine was indulged the king by the Independents, only to gain time till they had suppressed the power of their rivals, and rendered their own faction superior and uncon- trollable, both in the army and the parliament. The power and influence of the English Presby- terians being thus abridged, and their high expec- tations likely to be disappointed, they had recourse to the Scots, their old confederates, and implored their aid and assistance, assuring them that their army should no sooner enter England, than they would be joined by the bulk of the people, who were heartily wearied of the oppression and tyran- ny of the Independents. The Scots, who were of themselves very well inclined to a war with Eng- land, grasped at the opportunity, and immediately laid the matter before the parliament, where the expedition was almost unanimously resolved upon. But there was some difference of opinion, what they should allege as the cause of the war, and concerning the choice of a general to command MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 299 the army : some were for loading the Indepen- dents with perfidy, and breach of the Solemn League and Covenant, because that the Presbyterian church-government had not as yet been established in England, notwithstanding that episcopacy had been long before utterly abolished. Argyle and his associates, who had drawn over the most tur- bulent and seditious ministers to their party, in- sisted that this should be declared the only cause of the war. The other party, among whom the Duke of Hamilton and his brother were the chief, though they acknowledged this to be the principal cause of the war, were likewise for adding as another reason, that the king was unjustly detain- ed prisoner, contrary to the promises given to the Scots at Newcastle ; and that they were resolved, by a just and open war, to rescue him out of their hands, and bring him to a free and personal treaty (to use the language of the times) with his parlia- ment, whether the Independents would or not. This was strenuously urged and insisted on by the Hamiltonian faction, on purpose to ingratiate themselves with the loyalists, and get them to vote on their side. But Argyle and the rigid Presby- terians, who were entirely devoted to him, and pretended to no less character than that of reformers of the times, would hearken to no overtu.es for the king, whom they considered as obstinately harden- ed, and unalterable in his impious opposition to presbytery j and were, therefore, for disowning 300 MEMOIRS OP THE him, and leaving him to the will and pleasure of his most cruel and inveterate enemies. And, ac- cordingly, both parties appealed, Argyle and his faction to the general assembly, and the Duke of Hamilton and his party to the parliament. The kingdom was immediately thereupon split into two parties, and two supreme judicatories were erected in direct opposition to one another. The general assembly, on the one hand, thundered out their ecclesiastical censures, their anathemas, and excommunications ; and the parliament, on the other, threatened imprisonment, banishment, con- fiscations, and military execution. By this means the people were miserably distracted betwixt fear and superstition ; and even the nobility were at a loss what conduct to pursue in this confusion. The Duke of Hamilton's party, who were the ma- jority in parliament, procured the raising a very great army, * and had the officers all named to their liking ; they levied money, and ordered arms, ammunition, and every thing to be got ready for hastening their intended expedition ; and the Duke of Hamilton was himself unluckily appoint- ed general, much against the inclinations of many, who suspected his loyalty and fidelity to the king. Argyle's faction, who, on the contrary, were supe- rior in the assembly of the kirk, and carried all be- May 3, 1648. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. SOI tore them, passed an act censuring and condemn- ing that expedition, though it was approven and authorised by the parliament ; and, to make their act the more effectual, not only employed their spiritual artillery to terrify the people, but also stirred up great numbers in the western parts of the kingdom to rise in arms and oppose it : from their numbers, and the encouragement given them by their preachers, whom they looked on as in- spired, they were confident of success ; but, being all raw and void of discipline, Middleton soon quelled them, though not without some danger. Several of their ministers were taken prisoners, completely armed, and fighting desperately in the first ranks ; * but Hamilton, to curry favour with the Presbyterians, pardoned them not only that, but the other treasonable acts they had been for- merly guilty of. About the same time, the general assembly, in order to draw down the dislike and reproaches of the populace upon the parliament, appointed a day of solemn humiliation and fasting to be observed through all Scotland ; for which the chief reason they alleged was the defection and apostasy of the states of the kingdom from the truth and purity of * These ministers were William Adair, William Gutiiry, Gabriel Maxwell, and John Nevoy, or Nave, the instigator of the massacre at Dunnavertie, old Cant's nephew ; they were the principal commanders of this tumultuous army. 302 MEMOIRS OF THE religion, by their endeavours to restore the king upon too easy terms. The Duke of Hamilton openly professed himself a Presbyterian ; and, in several pamphlets which he published in defence of his conduct, he declared and protested solemnly to the people, that he would religiously observe the Solemn League and Covenant, which he would de- fend against all mortals ; and that the army which he commanded was chiefly raised, and would be employed for that end. None of the loyalists, es- pecially those who had formerly served under Montrose, were promoted by him to any dignity, or allowed any command in the army ; however, he privately gave them encouragement to expect places of trust and honour, how soon he entered England. By these means he thought to have pleased both parties ; but in this he found himself disappointed, becoming thereby suspected and hated by both. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. SOS CHAP. III. The Duke of Hamilton marches his army into England ; join- ed by several of the English ; defeated by Cromwell at Preston, and surrenders himself. — A new army raised in Scotland^ and the command given to the Earl of Lanark ; he is joined by great numbers of the nobility and gentry. — General Monro, contrary to Lanark's intention, attacks and defeats Argyle at Stirling. — Lanark's loyalty suspect' ed ; at length he concludes a dishonourable peace ivith Ar- The Duke of Hamilton, besides the choice levies he had made in Scotland, procured likewise from Ireland a considerable number of old experienced troops, under the command of George Monro, a very brave general. The Earl of Callender, who had been from his infancy trained up in the wars, both at home and abroad, and was now become remarkable for his skill in military affairs, was ap- pointed by the parliament his lieutenant-general, and went along with him to England. His brother, the Earl of Lanark, was left at home, to bring up a reinforcement, if there should be occasion. In short, every thing was settled to his mind ; he had a very brave army, appointed with excellent and 304> MEMOIRS OP THE experienced officers, and well provided in arms and other necessaries ; and he had assurance of being joined by a considerable reinforcement in England. Yet with all these encouragements it was thought by many that he made not that quick progress he ought to have done : they complained that he tri- fled away the time to no purpose, and allowed a fine opportunity to slip out of his hands, whereby the enemy had time to recover their surprise, and put themselves in a posture of defence ; and they concluded, that the loyalists in England, who were already in arms, and even the king himself now for a second time, were basely betrayed to their enemies by this scandalous and unseasonable delay. One thing is certain, that great numbers in several counties in England, especially in Wales, Kent, and Cornwall, trusting to the duke's promises, and expecting powerful assistance from him, rose in arms, under the command of the king's officers, rather too early, which in the end proved fatal both to themselves and to the king. When he came at length to the borders, he was met by several gentlemen of the north of England, remarkable for their courage and loyalty, and of considerable weight and influence in these counties. They joined the Scots army very frankly ; and as a proof and pledge of their fidelity and constancy, they immediately delivered up the towns of Ber- wick and Carlisle, two strong forts, which they had some time before taken from the Independents ; .MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 305 and, removing their own garrisons, allowed a Scots garrison and a Scots governor to be left in their stead. Among these who joined the army were Sir Philip Musgrave, and Sir Marmaduke Lang- dale, with many other gentlemen of great interest and authority, who had plentiful estates, many de- pendents, were well beloved in the country, and had distinguished themselves by their conduct and courage. Yet notwithstanding, the duke did not advise with them in any matters of moment : they were, indeed, admitted to the public councils, where nothing considerable was ever transacted ; but were never allowed access to the cabinet-coun- cils, which consisted of a few of the duke's crea- tures, and where every thing of consequence was concluded. These English gentlemen, who were acquainted with the roads in their own country, and the temper and disposition of their countrymen, beyond what the Scots could pretend to, gave it as their advice to march through Yorkshire, the inha- bitants of which county they knew to be particular- ly well affected to the king : but the duke, who ne- ver failed to neglect the loyalists, and to extol and encourage the Presbyterians, rejected their coun- cil, and chose to march through Lancashire, be- cause the generality of the people there were inclin- ed that way. He unluckily ordered Monro, with a strong body of both horse and foot, to stop in Westmorland ; and desired Sir Marmaduke and his men, who were not indeed very numerous, but u 306 MEMOIRS OF THE were stout and true loyalists, to take a different rout, and pitch their camp separate from the Scots : and the body which he himself commanded, he permitted to divide and spread abroad through the country, among the villages and farmers' houses, to the distance of at least twenty miles, contrary to all the rules of military discipline. However, that he might not appear to act in this matter altogether without some colour of reason, he pretended, that he took this course in order to ease the people of this country, who were much attached to the king, and to render the procuring of forage and provi- sions for the army more convenient and expedi- tious. In the mean time, he rested secure, and ne- glected the enemy j who, on the other hand, were extremely diligent and alert in catching hold of every advantage which could promote their success. By these means the duke, who, upon other occa- sions, was, in the opinion of a great many, reckon- ed a man of great prudence and foresight, and particularly versed in ensnaring his adversaries, shewed himself at this time an ill-advised, unskil- ful, and unlucky general, to the irreparable preju- dice of the king, the kingdom, and himself. In the mean time, the Independents, who had made themselves masters of the king, detained him close prisoner in the Isle of Wight, whither he had retired, being partly driven there by violence, and partly allured by villany and deceit : they likewise seized the command of the city and tower of Lon- 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 307 don, out of the hands of the Presbyterians, and not only expelled them from both houses of parliament, but purged their army of them entirely. Being thus become absolute masters, and having assumed the whole power into own their hands, they now began to lay aside the mask, and display as much rancour and hatred towards the Presbyterians, as they had done hitherto towards the king, being resolved to trample on presbytery as insolently as they had al- ready done on the crown. Fairfax, their general, undertook to quell some Presbyterians who had joined the loyalists that were up in arms in Kent and Essex ; which he easily effectuated, as they were raw undisciplined men, without order and without officers, and quite unfit and unprovided for war. Colchester, however, though but indifferently fortified, held out against him much longer than could have been expected j which was chiefly owing to the valour and resolu- tion of the king's officers, particularly Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle, whose gallant beha- viour on this occasion ought never to be forgot. Cromwell, the lieutenant-general, engaged the Scots army under the Duke of Hamilton with pret- ty much the same success : th y were lying in Lancashire very secure, when Cromwell came upon them unawares : the English, commanded by Sir Marmaduke Langdale, received the first shock ; and they fought it a considerable time with great bra- very j but at length being overpowered with num- 308 MEMOIRS OF THE bers, and almost surrounded by the enemy, their powder also falling short, and despairing of any assist- ance from the duke, which they had in vain demand- ed, they were forced to save themselves by flight. Cromwell, being thoroughly informed by the de- serters of the bad order and discipline of the duke's army, promised himself a very easy and cheap victory, and made a very brisk charge with his cavalry, in which his principal strength consisted, upon the centre of the Scots army. The duke, who was utterly ignorant of military affairs, being confounded with the enemy's sudden and precipi- tate attack, and at a loss what he should do, retir- ed with what forces he had about him into the town of Preston. But he did not continue long there j for, being either actuated by fear, or fatal- ly hurried on to his own ruin, he abandoned the town to the enemy that very night, without wait- ing the arrival of the rest of his army, who, imme- diately upon the first notice of the enemy's ap- proach, and without any positive order or com- mand for that purpose, were coming up in great numbers, and in good spirits, to his assistance, from all the corners of the country round where they were quartered. He crossed the river, but without leaving any guard upon the bridge, which Cromwell there forepresently seized ; and having left his foot to their own fate, he and his cavalry betook themselves to a shameful and dishonour" i^ble flight. The foot, following the example and MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 309 orders of Baillie their commander, shamefully threw away their arms, and surrendered to the vic- torious enemy. Some of the horse joined Monro ; but the greater part followed and overtook their flying general. He had still remaining with him upwards of three thousand good horse ; who, after a journey of three or four days, having left the enemy at a great distance behind them, and having got themselves refreshed, were unanimously of opi- nion, that something ought yet to be attempted for the king's service. Some were for forcing their way to Monro, even through the midst of the ene- my ; others were for marching into Wales, and joining the loyalists there who were yet in arms : but all agreed in this, that an honourable death was rather to be chosen than to fall into the hands of such base and cruel enemies. The general alone was of a contrary opinion. What had hap- pened them, he said, was the common chance of war, and ought to be calmly submitted to, without endeavouring to struggle with their adverse for- tune ; especially as he saw no hope of safety re- mained in fighting, and there was no reason to de- spair of mercy from their enemies, providing they made a speedy surrender, which was the only ef- fectual method to preserve themselves. Cromwell's army not coming up speedily, so as to answer his impatience, he began to treat of surrendering with the governor of a little obscure fort, and conclud- ed with him upon no other terms, than only to save 310 MEMOIRS OF THE the lives of himself and his followers. This petty governor had hastily got together a rabble of country people, not exceeding four hundred ; and to this formidable enemy the duke was just on the point of surrendering himself and three thousand good cavalry, when news was brought that the Earl of Stamford (others say Colonel Lambert) was at hand ; and to him he surrendered himself and his army, upon the same conditions that had been pre- scribed him by the petty governor ; and was very soon after thrown into prison. The Earl of Cal- lender, the lieutenant-general, upon whom the duke's friends threw all the blame of losing the army and their other misfortunes, because the duke had committed to him the whole charge and command, as to military affairs, detesting this pu- sillanimous conduct, chose somewhat a more ho- nourable course, and travelled in disguise through England, till at length, getting the opportunity of a ship, he escaped to Holland. The . richer sort of the prisoners purchased their liberty by money : some made their escape by deceiving, others by bribing the gaolers : but the common soldiers, who could find no way to escape, were treated in a most barbarous and unchristian manner, and sold to the merchants at an inconsiderable price, and sent as slaves to the West Indies. Monro, and those with him, who had survived the battle of Preston, were immediately recalled to Scotland by the Earl of Lanark, who joined them MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 311 not far from the borders with a considerable body, consisting of his own friends and vassals, and se- veral other loyalists. Many English gentlemen likewise, willing to share the same fortune with them, came and offered their services to fight against the rebels, whether Scotland or England should be the seat of war. Those of the nobility who chiefly favoured the king's side, either came themselves, with what assistance they could pos- sibly raise, or sent proper messengers to signify their good intentions and readiness to join in the service as soon as possible. By these means La- nark had very soon a force sufficient to oppose Cromwell, if he should invade Scotland, or to quash Argyle, should he attempt to raise any new troubles at home. But this army still wanted a commander. A general council of war was there- fore called for electing another general in place of the Duke of Hamilton, who was now detained pri- soner in England ; in which his brother the Earl of Lanark, who was rather too aspiring and ambi- tious, pretended to that office; and, contrary to the inclination of great numbers, rather assumed than obtained it by a fair choice. The Earl of Rox- burgh, a nobleman of great experience, and by far the most powerful in that country, strenuously op- posed it ; and, in a grave and modest speech, ear- nestly entreated him, for the sake of their dear so- vereign and their distressed country, not to insist in demanding that dignity, which was extremely 31/2 MEMOIRS OF THE unseasonable and ill judged at that time. He told him, that, even before the late defeat, many were much offended at the expedition into England, and reckoned that it presaged no good ; chiefly because his brother the duke was appointed general ; whose fidelity in the management of the king's af- fairs not a few suspected, though he believed with- out any good ground ; however, it could not be denied that he had always been unfortunate ; and people's judgments, with respect to the conduct or misconduct of generals, are known to depend, in a great measure, though indeed wrongously, upon their success. Though, for his own part, he said, he was ready to ascribe the loss of that gallant ar- my under his brother, which was attended with such a disgrace to the nation, to the cowardice of others, or to inevitable misfortunes ; yet it was sufficiently known, that most of the populace, whose good affections ought by all means to be ob- tained in this critical juncture, spoke and thought very differently concerning that affair from what it was proper for him to do. And if the Earl of Lanark should succeed his brother the duke in that station, as they were already highly inflamed and exasperated, they would immediately exclaim, that the king and country were now utterly undone ; that both the brothers were of the same mind ; that they were swayed by the same motives ; that they pursued the same courses ; and all their enterprises would undoubtedly terminate in the same unlucky MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 313 manner ; that we wanted not many other persons of quality, wise and brave men, and proper for ac- tion, whose ancestors have had the command of the king's armies, and in that post acquired no small honour and renown. It was, therefore, his opinion, that some of these should be invited, and oblig- ed, even against their own inclinations, to take upon them the command of this army ; and, if it pleased the honourable meeting, he thought the first offer ought to be made to the Earl Mari- shal, whose family may be ranked among the first in Scotland, as having often distinguished itself by its loyalty and bravery ; one who has a plentiful estate, in the flower of his age, not in the least sus- pected of faction and disloyalty ; and, which is of itself no small recommendation in the present case, one who is not courting this preferment. All the nobility and officers present went plum into Roxburgh's opinion ; but the Earl of Lanark, after boasting very high of his own merit, said, in a threatening manner, that he would never suffer the command of these forces to be wrested out of his hands, now in his brother's absence. Rox- burgh, and the other nobility and gentry, who wisely foresaw the tendency of such courses, re- turned home heartily grieved and concerned, and never intermeddled more with public affairs, which, from this time forth, went every day into confusion and ruin. After Lanark entered Scotland, his first and 314 MEMOIRS OF THE principal concern was to dismiss those brave and faithful English auxiliaries who had joined him, alleging, that, by having so many strangers about him, and in his army, he might thereby give um- brage to the Scots, and be in danger of alienating their affections. In the meantime, he gave them reason to expect that he would join with them in mutual advice and assistance, which, however, they found afterwards to turn out quite otherwise. His next business was to send circular letters through all parts of the kingdom, with a very great parade, inviting all ranks of men, and particularly the no- bility, gentry, and heads of clans, to rise in arms, and join him with all expedition. He acknow- ledged that a part of his brother's army was lost, but that the duke had behaved very gallantly, and that the disaster was to be ascribed to the cowardice or perfidy of others ; however, the greatest part was still safe and resolute under his command j he, therefore, earnestly entreated them to come and share with him the honours and advantages that would certainly attend his victorious arms. But, as he well knew that his constancy and fidelity in the cause of his king and country was much ques- tioned by many, he therefore imprecated the heavi- est curses upon himself, if he did not prosecute to the utmost this most just and equitable war, which was first begun for rescuing the king, and restor- ing him to his royal dignity, and to which he had now an additional motive, the safety and enlarge- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 315 ment of his dearest brother. There were very few so obstinate in their prejudices against the two brothers, or so incredulous, who were not ready to give credit to this letter, and receive some good impressions in their favour. All beyond Forth, even the people of Fife, prepared to rise in arms. The Earl of Seaforth brought up four thousand picked men, all well armed, from the Western Islands, and the utmost parts of Caithness. The Earl of Morton had already brought up to Lothian, from the Orkney Islands, about twelve hundred men, but they all wanted arms, and these prudent generals took very little care to provide them. There was also good ground to believe, that they would be soon joined by the Gordons, whose chief- tain, the Marquis of Huntly, was then in pri- son at Edinburgh, and in danger of his life ; the Earl of Errol, heritable high constable of Scotland; the Earls Marishal, Buchan, and Athole, and all the men they could raise ; besides the Lords Ogil- vy, Spynie, Carnegie, Scrimzeour, Drummond, Tul- libardine, Erskir.e, Fleming, Livingston, Lindesay, Sinclair, Douglas, Queensberry, Hartfield, Gallo- way, Dumfries, Maxwell, Annandale, Home, Lin- ton, and many other lords, barons, and heads of clans, either particularly attached to the family of Hamilton, or strongly devoted to the king's inte- rest ; and the whole Highlanders, Argyle alone excepted : of all whom many had already bore their part in the war much to their prejudice. 316 MEMOIRS OF THE The Marquis of Argyle's faction, chiefly by the assistance and instigation of the fanatic ministers, had gathered together a confused rabble in the west country, composed of farmers, cowherds, shep- herds, coblers, and such like mob, without arms, and without courage, and sent them to Edinburgh, under the command of David Lesly. There they were provided with arms, which, as they were un- accustomed to, were rather a burden and incum- brance than of any use ; and were mounted upon horses, or jades rather, which had been long used to the drudgery of labour, equipped with pack- saddles and halters, in place of saddles and bridles. Argyle himself followed them, with about seven hundred men, all in the same plight, of whom he proposed to put a garrison into Stirling, which was a very convenient station for his purpose. The Earl of Lanark was now marching to Edin- burgh at the head of a gallant and powerful army, having under his command no less than five thousand excellent light horse, and six thousand foot, chiefly veterans ; the men were all hearty, well armed, every way well provided, and com- manded by most experienced officers, and wished for nothing more than to engage the enemy, over whom they promised themselves a certain and cheap victory. His advanced guard was already come the length of Musselburgh, which is about four miles from the city, where they found a guard placed by Lesly to defend the bridge over the Esk, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 317 and though they were much inferior in number, they immediately put them in great disorder, and killed severals, without having one man of their own killed or wounded. They forthwith reported their success to Lanark, and assured him, that the enemy were weak and cowardly, and thought of nothing but flying or surrendering, so that a vic- tory without bloodshed, which would be therefore the more popular, was now in their power, and that, if he pursued the blow that was already given, while they were yet in consternation, he might that very night, and perhaps before sunset, make himself master of the city of Edinburgh, and of the town of Leith, with their whole cannon and ammunition, besides their naval stores and ma- gazines, and no small quantity of provisions ; and that a small part of the army, not above a third, would be fully sufficient for accomplishing this important enterprise. And, indeed, nobody doubted, that, had he complied with this advice, Scotland might have been totally recovered, and reduced to the king's obedience. But in place of that, he refused to fight ; and immediately ordered his troops, who had been hitherto victorious, to be called back, and, leaving the highway which leads to Edin- burgh, marched off to the left. Both officers and soldiers, surprised at this unexpected course, began first to murmur, and soon after to exclaim aloud against him for losing this opportunity, which, had 318 MEMOIRS OF THE it been embraced, might very soon have put a period to the war in Scotland ; whereas, this un- seasonable delay would be of the greatest detri- ment to them, and of the highest advantage to the enemy, as it gave them not only time to breathe, but afforded them an opportunity of get- ting recruits and assistance, both from their friends in the country and in England, particularly from Cromwell, for whose behoof they were principally engaged. And by this unaccountable conduct, Edinburgh, the capital city of Scotland, and prin- cipal place of meeting of the estates, was left in their power, and all the arms, magazines, and other stores, given up without the stroke of a sword ; and all this, besides the loss they would undoubtedly sustain in their character and reputa- tion as soldiers, a thing of no small importance during the dependence of a war, which would fall naturally to be transferred to their enemies, who did not even deserve the name. The more sagacious sort began now first to suspect the tendency of this conduct, for nobody could imagine, that the Earl of Lanark, who was a man of very great penetration and prudence, could act so foolishly, or rather like a madman, unless he had views very different from what he pretend- ed. But he had long before this time determined to accommodate matters with Argyle and his faction at any rate, and had taken the field rather to show his power, and thereby the more effectually to MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 319 conciliate their favour, than out of any design to act offensively against them ; for it is now no- toriously well known, that he had sometime ago sent messengers privately to Argyle to treat con- cerning an accommodation, without showing any concern for his soldiers, and those whom he had engaged to take up arms. When the enemy saw with joy that the Earl of Lanark had turned off his army from the road to Edinburgh, and was marching away by the Pent- land Hills, they immediately drew together their contemptible forces, that had nothing but the name and figure of soldiers ; not that they had any con- fidence in them, but that, by the appearance of an army, they might preserve their authority and cre- dit with the people, and make a jest of their brave adversaries, who were restrained from action by the knavery of their commanders. The old officers and veteran soldiers, agitated betwixt shame and rage, could hardly digest the affront, and were with great difficulty stopt by the general from rush- ing precipitately upon their despicable foe ; yet so great was his authority in the army, that he obliged them, much contrary to their inclination, to march towards Stirling. The van, which consisted of a few veteran troops, was commanded by Monro, who had long been their officer ; he was a man of real integrity, and eager for pushing on the war vigorously and in good earnest for the king's interest, which he con- 320 MEMOIRS OF THE sidered as the principal motive for engaging in it ; but he had now begun to smell out Lanark's in- trigues, however secretly they were conducted ; and finding he could not altogether disappoint them, he resolved upon the following stratagem to thwart them, in some measure, and expose them to pub- lic view. When he reached Wallace's tower, the general, who was bringing up the rear very slowly, was left at a considerable distance behind him ; he was there informed, that Argyle had that morning taken possession of Stirling with seven hundred Highlanders ; and therefore advanced directly with all the haste he could to the town, with his own command, in order, if possible, to surprise him ; the gates he found shut, and strictly guarded, but getting admittance through the park, which the Scottish kings had formerly kept for deer, he there found a little gate, but so low and narrow that a man on horseback could not pass through it ; and therefore alighting from his horse, this resolute and indefatigable general immediately broke down the gate, and entered the town ; his men followed him very slowly, and only one by one, being retard- ed by the straitness of the passage ; and when he first encountered the enemy, he had scarcely six to support him. Argyle's people being quite con- founded with this unexpected attack, and at a loss what to do, nobody appearing to command them, were scattered abroad through the streets and lanes in the utmost disorder and confussion. Argyle MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 321 himself, their general, upon the first notice of the enemy having entered the town, secured his own safety, in his usual manner, by flight ; and mount- ing a very swift horse, which he usually kept, rode directly towards the gate opposite to that by which the assailants had entered : Monro pursued him close ; but by the fleetness of his horse, he escaped him like a deer before the hunters, and gained the bridge. However, the flight of his men was pre- vented ; and of them near two hundred were kill- ed, and the rest taken prisoners. At length Lanark coming up, together with the Earls of Lindsay and Glencairn, who were the on- ly persons admitted to the knowledge of his secret designs, they expressed a very great dislike at this gallant action of Monro ; and Lindsay could not even prevent his sorrow from breaking out into this exclamation : " Woes me ! that I should ever have seen this unlucky and mischievous day I" For they were much afraid that the two parties might, by this enterprise, be so far exasperated against each other, as to cut off all hope or inclination for the peace which they had projected. The Earl of Lanark, notwithstanding, still prac- tised the deepest dissimulation, both to his army and to the nobility and gentry who had not yet joined him, but whom he teased continually with letters for that purpose. Monro, however, and se- veral others, also penetrated into his dark designs, particularly the men of Athole, who, though they x 322 MEMOIRS OF THE were Highlanders, and not perhaps so much polish- ed as the inhabitants of the low country, yet were not without a good share of natural sagacity. They had been some time in arms, and had come down as far as Strathern, and from thence they sent a petition, directed to the general and such of the nobility as were along with him, praying, that, if they were really and in good earnest resolved to act for the interest of the king and country, they would, in virtue of the authority devolved upon them by the king and the last parliament, declare all those who opposed them, and particularly those forces which were convened at Edinburgh, guilty of rebellion and high treason. This they suggest- ed as the most effectual expedient to settle the doubtful and fluctuating minds of the people ; for, though, they said, they could make no question of the firm loyalty and courage of the general, and the other noblemen who adhered to him, yet there were not a few, whose assistance in the present exi- gency might be of no small moment, who were de- terr d from joining them, merely through the fear that a peace would speedily be clapped up with their enemies, which, besides being highly disho- nourable to themselves, would undoubtedly prove ruinous and destructive to ail that had joined them, and who would thereby be left in the lurch ; for, should such a peace be concluded, which they could not think of without horror, what could they expect but curses and excommunications denoun- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 328 ced against them by the kirk, and imprisonment, banishment, confiscations, and even death itself, from their cruel and implacable enemies. Many addresses and petitions of the same stamp were frequently presented to them, but to no effect ; they at first declined giving any return to these just and reasonable requests ; but they soon had the impudence to return nothing but evasive and deceitful answers. At length the Earl of Glen- cairn, cousin-german to the Hamiltons by the mo- ther, and the Earl of Lindsay, their brother in- law, both of them strictly attached to that family, had the assurance to talk openly of concluding a peace with the enemy, of which they had hitherto treated only in a private and clandestine manner, without the participation of the rest of t eir party ; and that not upon just and equitable terms, but upon whatever conditions they could obtain it. The army thereupon began to murmur, and even threat- ened to break out into an open mutiny ; but the general endeavoured all he could to appease them, and, in a very artful insinuating way, began by recommending their resolution and bravery, but, at the same time, approved of Lindsay and Glen- cairn's disposition and endeavours for peace, there- by discovering, notwithstanding his public profes- sions for continuing the war, that he was really in his own mind of their opinion, and privy to their intrigues. He complained, and accused them in a perplexed and confused manner, tnat they had be- 324f MEMOIRS OF THE gun to treat with the enemy, without the know- ledge, and even against the inclination of their ge- neral, and seemed willing to accept of a peace up- on most uncertain, hard, and even intolerable con- ditions. At the same time, he glanced obliquely at those who expressed their dislike at any accom- modation, and seemed to rejoice in the confusion and disorder of a civil war, and blamed their savage dispositions ; and though he declared, that he him- self would never accede to the hard conditions which the enemy were endeavouring to obtrude upon them, yet he obtested the army, by the love and regard they had to their families, friends, and rela- tions, and the dangers to which they would be exposed, to acquiesce in them, however disagreeable. But few were so stupid as to believe, that these two peace- makers, who were entirely at his devotion, and did nothing without his order, would have ventured, without his privity, to treat with the enemy, or even to project any thing which in the smallest degree tended to an accommodation. However, by these artifices it was brought about that Lindsay and Glencairn's advice was followed, and the peace at length concluded : though it had been strenuously opposed by a great part of the army, both soldiers and officers, and likewise by all the loyal part of the nobility and gentry of the kingdom : and those troops, which had been raised by the authority of the king and parliament, and were daily increasing by great numbers joining MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 325 them from all corners of the kingdom ; without having undergone the least fatigue, or having re- ceived the least blow from the enemy, without being infected by any distemper, or suffering the smallest want of any kind, while they were all sound and in good health, well armed and well provided in every thing, were obliged to submit to the hardest and most dishonourable terms, pre- scribed by a parcel of cowardly rebels ; fewer in number and inferior in strength, and hardly de- serving the name of an army ; levied and main- tained not only without the sanction of the king and parliament, but in direct opposition to the laws of the land. By the first articles of this ignominious peace it was expressly provided, that all those, both officers and soldiers, who had served under either of the Hamiltons, should immediately lay down their arms ; such of them as were at Stirling, or in the neighbourhood, within two days ; and such as were yet in the more distant parts of the kingdom, within fourteen days; and those who refused, to be adjudged guilty of high treason. All the no- bility who were engaged in this last expedition with the Earl of Lanark, or had abetted or assist- ed those concerned in it any manner of way, were thereby ordained to sist themselves as criminals before the next meeting of the estates, in order to have their conduct examined and censured by them ; but to have no voice there themselves. The co- 326* MEMOIRS OF THE lonels, captains, and other officers, were all to be immediately cashiered, and declared incapable of holding any public office till they had openly tes- tified their repentance, and satisfied the kirk ; and this was extended also to the common soldiers. All the Irish were presently to depart Scotland betwixt and a certain day, under pain of death, if any of them should afterwards be found within the kingdom. And lastly, it was appointed, that all persons without distinction should compear be- fore the presbyteries, and quietly subject them- selves to such censures and penalties as they should please to inflict, under pain of excommunication. Luckily that day on which the articles of paci- fication were proclaimed to the army, the soldiers were all dispersed through the country, and the villages round the town ; otherwise a mutiny had certainly ensued. The few who were present tes- tified their highest displeasure with them, and were hardly restrained from falling upon these worthy peac -makers, and hewing them to pieces ; and though the Earl of Lanark endeavoured all he could to purge himself from having had any hand in bringing about the peace, yet the furious multi- tude, mad with rage, exclaimed in the midst of their grief, to his great disparagement and shame, " Oh Montrose ! Montrose ! now we feel what it is to want you ! how unseasonably, and by what cruel misfortune are you banished from your na- tive country at this juncture ? "W ho shall restore MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 327 you to us again ? Under thy conduct and com- mand, we, who are this day cashiered and treated as worthless cowards and faithless villains, would have easily defeated and subdued all the king's re- bellious enemies, restored him to his throne, and settled his kingdoms in peace and tranquillity !" In short, the whole town rung with the complaints and lamentations of the soldiers, and curses and execrations against those who had, at one stroke, betrayed and ruined their king and country, aban- doned a number of brave and resolute men to the mercy of their enemies, and left all good and loyal subjects to the absolute will and discretion of the very worst class of mankind : and so, taking their last farewell of one another, they separated, and dispersed themselves different ways, as chance or providence directed them. They were all in a very deplorable and miserable condition, but none more so than the Irish ; who, without money or provision, either to defray their charges on the road, or to pay for transporting them to their own country, were laid under the hard necessity of de- parting directly, under the pain of immediate death, should they make the smallest delay ; and while they were on the road, or preparing for their departure, some of them were stript of their clothes, others were wounded, severals were killed, and, in general, all of them were extremely ill treated by the country people, at the instigation of the west country ministers, upon the most inhuman and un- 328 MEMOIRS OF THE christian pretence of avenging the cruelty of the Irish massacre on these poor men, who were en- tirely innocent of it. Argyle and his faction having thus, without the stroke of a sword, obtained a complete victory, and thereby became absolute masters of every thing in Scotland, as the Independents were already in England, managed their affairs with the greatest industry and circumspection. The first thing they did, even while they were treating about the peace, was to invite Cromwell into Scotland. At his arrival in Edinburgh, Argyle received him with the highest tokens of friendship and respect ; and, after complimenting him publicly, as one that had deserved highly of Scotland for defeating the Duke of Hamilton's army, he gave him a very grand and elegant entertainment ; and afterwards conducted him to the castle, where he was received like a conqueror, under several discharges of the cannon. Before he departed, he entered into a private confederacy with Argyle and his party, not only for cutting off the king, whom he then held prisoner, and all his family, but for the utter extirpation of monarchy in Britain ; for which purposes they engaged to contribute their mutual aid and assistance in support of one another. Af- ter Cromwell returned to England, he spoke of this among his friends as a most consummate piece of policy, and of greater moment than the victory he had obtained at Preston. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. S29 CHAP. IV. Montrose leaves the queen's court. — Countenanced by the em- peror at Prague. — Receives the ?iezcs of the king's murder.-— Attends King Charles II. at the Hague — His advice op- posed by Lanark and Lauderdale. — The Duke of Hamilton beheaded. We have deduced the affairs of Scotland perhaps rather at greater length than is consistent with our designed brevity, principally for the informa- tion of foreigners, that they may see by what strange artifices, not Montrose alone, but even the king himself, were opposed in their measures by these pretended saints, who thereby brought sla- very and ruin both on themselves and their na- tive country. This was the state of Scotland about the end of the year 164-8. In the beginning of the year 164*9, they received a yet more deplorable ca- tastrophe ; on the 30th of January, that black and dismal day, scarce ever to be expiated by these nations, the Independents, elated with their suc- cess hitherto, and actuated with fanatical rage and fury, or blinded with avarice and ambition, con- trary to all laws, human and divine, dared to im- 330 MEMOIRS OF THE brue their hands in the blood of their just and lawful sovereign, and inhumanly butchered the most religious, the most chaste, and the most mer- ciful king, after having tried and condemned him, who was accountable to none but God alone. At this time, some persons sent by Argyle's party re- sided at London, as commissioners from the estates of Scotland to the English parliament, among whom the Earl of Lothian was the chief, an in- veterate and implacable enemy to the king, not- withstanding that both he and his father had tasted very bountifully of his majesty's favour. These commissioners did not show the least displeasure or disapprobation of the barbarous and illegal sen- tence past against the king ; for it seems it was one of their instructions, not to contradict or op- pose the English in maintaining the right of the people to dethrone, or even to punish their king with death, if they saw cause. However, that they might be able to impose upon the unthinking multitude when they returned home, as if this hor- rid wickedness had been perpetrated without their consent, and against their will, they resolved not to be present at the execution ; and, therefore, left the city on the day appointed for that horrid tra- gedy ; wisely judging, that, though they thirsted earnestly after the blood of their sovereign, it was highly improper for them to glut their eyes with a spectacle which they knew would be detested by the whole Christian world beside. It was certain- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 331 Jy none of the least of this good king's misfortunes that most of those persons whom he himself, and his father, King James, had dignified with titles, and advanced to places of honour and profit, or otherwise enriched by their royal bounty, ; proved always the most ungrateful to him, and were ever found the first engaged, or the most forward in promoting the rebellion against him ; while, on the contrary, those whom he experienced to be his most trusty, faithful, and obedient servants, were such as had never been regarded at court, and had never enjoyed any offices, or tasted of his libera- lity. Montrose, who thoroughly knew the temper and disposition of the covenanters, had foreseen and publicly foretold all these calamities, and had endea- voured what lay in his power to prevent them, though to no purpose ; for the king and queen being prepossessed with the specious pretences and promises of the Presbyterians, and blinded with the deceitful flattery of the Hamiltons and their party, lent no ear to his more wholesome counsel ; which, when he perceived, with a sad and sorrow- ful heart, he left France, where he found he could be of no manner of service either to the king or himself; this he did without the queen's know- ledge ; but he left in writing the reasons and necessity of his departure, for which he humbly begged her pardon, and desired she would put 33$ MEMOIRS OF THE a favourable construction on the step he had taken. He arrived at Geneva in the beginning of April, accompanied only with two gentlemen, both knights: and passing directly by Switzerland, he travelled through Tyrol, Bavaria, and Austria. The em- peror, to whom he was bound, on purpose to soli- cit him both concerning the king's affairs and his own, happened then not to be at Vienna ; however, he overtook him at Prague, where he was very kindly and graciously received, both on account of his brave achievements, and the eminent loyalty he had displayed towards his sovereign, the lame of which had already reached the most distant parts of Christendom. His imperial majesty removing from Prague a few days after, took Montrose along with him, and upon all occasions honoured him with signal marks of his esteem and regard ; he made him one of his generals, and dignified him with the title of Marshal in che imperial army, for which he gave him a patent ; and also a com- mission to raise some independent regiments, which he was to command apart, immediately under the emperor himself. He allowed him for that end to enlist, and even to impress, men in any part of the Roman empire, and to have the colonels, cap- tains, and other officers, all of his own naming. These parts of Germany bordering upon Flanders were reckoned the most proper for hastening and facilitating his levies ; and, therefore, after obtain- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 333 ing the consent of the Spanish ambassador, he re- commended him by letters in a particular manner to his brother Leopold, Archduke of Austria, at that time governor of the Spanish Netherlands ; and desired that he would use his interest and au- thority to support and assist Montrose in his levies. His negociations thus succeeded entirely to his wish ; for, being solely intent on retrieving the king's af- fairs, he desired to be near at hand, in case any occasion offered of serving him ; and he was strong- ly prepossessed with the notion that the Presby- terians, to whom he had entrusted himself and his affairs, would at last betray him, and in the end cut him off. Being honourably dismissed by the emperor, as the shorter road through Germany was occupied by hostile armies, he was obliged to take this route from Vienna by the way of Presburg in Hungary ; from thence to Poland, and viewing Crackow, he went through Prussia, and came to Dantzic, the most eminent Hanse-town on the Baltic ; and taking ship there, landed in Denmark, where he was very graciously received by his Danish majes- ty. Here he rested some days after the fatigue of this long and troublesome journey ; and from thence passed into Jutland, and went aboard a ship bound for Groningen in Friesland, where he was no sooner arrived than he immediately set out for Brussels. The archduke had retired to Tournav, 331 MEMOIRS OF THE after his late defeat at Lens :* Montrose made all haste thither ; and having delivered his brother the emperor's letters, and complimented him in his name, he solicited his advice and assistance in what concerned the affairs of his imperial majesty : but affer the loss of that gallant army, which he had lately sustained, such jealousies, tumults, and con- fusion prevailed through all Flanders, that he could do nothing at that time ; and, therefore, de- layed the matter till he should return to Brussels ; and how soon he arrived there, he laid the affair before the senate, that they might deliberate on the most proper methods of assisting the emperor, and issue the necessary orders for putting them into execution. While these things were under consideration at Brussels, Montrose received letters from his Royal Highness Charles Prince of Scotland and Wales, who was then residing at the Hague, full of expressions of the highest esteem and confi- dence ; and at the same time desiring him to come thither : for those who were about the prince, and were zealous in his service, especially Prince Ru- pert, who had always agreed with Montrose in his sentiments of the Presbyterians, had prevailed with him, of himself extremely desirous to have Montrose about him, to send for him at this time : * He was defeated by the Prince of Conde, August 20, 1648, and lost seven thousand men, tliirty-two cannon, and an hundred standards. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 335 tor the Duke of Hamilton having lost a brave ar- my in England, and his brother the Earl of La- nark having shamefully abandoned and dispersed a much finer one in Scotland ; and the Presbyteri- ans aud loyalists being now reduced to a very low ebb in both kingdoms, Montrose was the only per- son left who had all the good will and resolution necessary for attempting any thing in Scotland in the present juncture. He had indeed been hither- to but ill used, and his advice never followed, nor his service ever accepted of but in the execution of the most desperate undertakings ; however, they knew him to be a person of that unshaken loyalty and magnanimity, that, notwithstanding all this, he would readily expose himself to any danger, or run any risk, for promoting the service of his dear- est lord and master. Montrose being certainly informed of the prince's sentiments, and of his confidence in him, after taking his leave of the archduke, was pre- paring to set out for the Hague, when he re- ceived the doleful news of the king's being mur- dered by the English Independents. Good God ! what horror seized him at the first, and as yet uncertain reports of the death of this excellent king, for whom he had always the most sincere regard ! But when the accounts of this barbarous parricide were confirmed, and there remained no more room to doubt the truth of it, his indigna- tion was then heightened into fury, and his grief 336 MEMOIRS OF THE quite overwhelmed him, so that he fainted, and fell down in the midst of his attendants, all the members of his body becoming stiff, as if he had been quite dead. At length, when he recovered, after many deep sighs and groans, he broke out into these words, " We ought not any longer to live we ought to die with our excellent sovereign ! God, who has the power of life and death, is my witness, that henceforth this life will be a grievous and uneasy burden, in which I can enjoy no pleasure.' ' I, who write this history, happened to be one of those present ; and though I was in- expressibly afflicted, and hardly able to support my own grief, yet I endeavoured to comfort and en- courage him, and thus addressed him : " Die, my lord ? No ! It is now your business, who are so justly famed for your bravery ; it is now the busi- ness of all resolute good men to be rather more desirous of life, and to summon up all their cou- rage, that, by engaging in a just war, they may avenge the death of their royal master upon these base and inhuman parricides, and endeavour to settle the prince, his son and lawful successor, up- on the throne of his ancestors. These are the funeral obsequies which are due to our deceased sovereign ; this conduct will be more answerable to your distinguished loyalty, constancy, and reso- lution, than weakly to despond and sink, even un- der the greatest misfortunes, such as our present distress must be acknowledged ; which would MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 337 highly gratify our wicked enemies, by giving them a complete victory, and affording them matter of the greatest triumph. " He heard me patient- ly in his usual complacent manner - y but at the mention of avenging the king's murder, the very thoughts of which gave him new life, he revived from his former disorder, and being somewhat more composed, he replied, " Well then, in that view alone, I shall be satified to live ; but I swear before God, angels, and men, that I will dedicate the remainder of my life to the avenging the death of the royal martyr, and re-establishing his son upon his father's throne." Having spoke these words, he withdrew to the most retired apartment of the house, where he indulged his grief for two days, without allowing any mortal to speak to him, or even to see him. At length, upon the third day, I was indulged with admit- tance to his bed-chamber, and there found that short, but elegant poem, which he had composed in the interval, to the memory of the king ; it is wrote by way of vow, and fully expresses the fixed and unalterable resolutions of his mind, for he was a man of an excellent genius, and when he had any spare time from public business, used to divert himself with poetical compositions, in which he succeeded very happily. I have turned this poem into Latin, as I could ; * I do not pretend to have * Dr Wishart's Latin translation, together with the original 33$ MEMOIRS OF thl: « come up to the fire and spirit of the original ; but if I have retained the sense and meaning of the noble author, it may perhaps be no unacceptable present to such as are unacquainted with the English language. Charles, the second of that name, succeeding to his father, as rightful and lawful King of Great Bri- tain, by hereditary right, sent for Montrose as soon as grief for his father's death and decency would permit ; and gave him many signal tokens of his kindness and esteem. He first gave him a com- mission to be lieutenant-governor of Scotland, and commander-in-chief of ail his forces there, both by sea and land, with the same powers, and conceived almost in the same terms, with the commission for- merly granted him for these offices, by his royal father. He likewise appointed him his ambassador to the Emperor, the King of Denmark, the Princes of Germany, and others his confederates and allies, to solicit their assistance in men, money, arms, and ammunition, for renewing the war; with ample power and authority to enter into such treaties and alliances, and upon such conditions, in the name of his royal master, as he should see convenient : and, stiil more to evidence his regard for him, his credentials recommended him to the different courts where he was to negociate, in the most pressing terms, and full of the greatest respect. itself, and other specimens of the marquib's poetical genius, will be found in the Appendix, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 339 The king's affairs seemed now beginning to take a happy turn, and people were sanguine in their hopes, that they would soon see them brought to a desirable issue ; when the Earl of Lanark came, as usual, to blast these promising appearances. He and his dependant, the Earl of Lauderdale, had come in great haste to Holland, pretending they had been obliged to fly from Scotland ; but the real purpose of their coming was to oppose Mon- trose's wholesome councils, and to frustrate his loy- al designs ; in which he and his brother the duke had often been too busy and too successful, with the late king. Montrose's advice was, that the king should go himself in person to Scotland as soon as possible, that by his presence and example he might animate his faithful subjects, who were far more numerous than the rebels, to rise in arms. He assured his majesty, that the people, now suffi- ciently instructed by the dear-bought experience of former times, were fully aware of the tricks and ar- tifices of the rebels, both Presbyterians and Inde- pendents ; and heartily abhorred the invectives and calumnies against the king, with which their fana- tical preachers used to stuff their sermons, of design to alienate the affections of the vulgar from that allegiance due to their sovereign. The minds of most people were shocked and inflamed to the highest degree, at the barbarity of the king's recent murder, and were prone to revenge it ; therefore it would be highly improper, and ex- 340 MEMOIRS OP THE tremely dangerous, to make any delay ; as thereby the minds of the people would get time to cool, and their rage to subside ; and the enemy would likewise have an opportunity of augmenting their strength, both by force and fraud, a thing by all means to be prevented : besides, many of those who had been formerly bitter enemies to the king were now sensible of their error, and ready to be- come good aad obedient subjects ; and the pre- sence of the king would of itself be equal to several thousand men ; so that there was no reason to fear the want of an army. All dispatch imaginable ought therefore to be used for his voyage, and noi a day nor an hour ought to be lost ; for in such a juncture every minute was precious. The Earls of Seaforth and Kinnoul, the Lord St Clair, and others of the nobility, concurred with Mon- trose in the same opinion, and had come to Hol- land merely to give the king that advice. But the Earl of Lanark was of a different mind : he said, that nothing ought to be done rashly : a new king ought to suspect every body, and every ad- vice ; and the affections of the people ought first to be secured, before he trusted his person among them in such a dangerous enterprise. He repre- sented the extraordinary influence which the cler- gy, who had always been inveterate enmies to the king, still retained among the populace ; and that the power of Argyle's faction was now very great, and supported by the name and authority of the MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. Ski estates, who were all of their side : so that the king's affairs had in general a very bad aspect. He therefore advised to treat with the estates in a friendly, but circumspect manner, and to attempt nothing without their consent. He inveighed in a very tragical strain against the cruelty, perfidy, and seditious tempers of that party, who, he said, were incensed against himself, merely for his at- tachment to the royal family ; yet notwithstanding, he endeavoured to persuade the king to trust himself entirely to them, and expect to be restored by those who had brought his father's head to the block. The king himself was most inclined to Montrose's opinion ; which, when Lanark perceived, he strove, by the assistance of the courtiers, to make some ill impressions on his young and easy temper, by re- presenting Montrose as a rash, forward, and am- bitious man ; one who took too much pleasure in shedding the blood of his countrymen, and was ready to promise much more than he was able to perform. These insinuations had no effect on the mind of the king ; but they so far answered Lanark's intention, that much time was thereby spent in deliberating what should be done ; and Montrose met with many new and needless rubs and delays. The king loved Montrose and feared Lanark. He wished to have them both particularly attached to his service j but since he found it would be im- possible to reconcile them in opinion, he laboured 3i2 MEMOIRS OF THE all he could to reconcile their private affections, which seemed to be much inflamed against one another. Montrose, with the strongest assevera- tions, declared, that he never bore any private grudge against the family of Hamilton ; that the first rise of the difference betwixt them, which had continued till that time, was, that he thought they never dealt sincerely in what related to the king's affairs ; and that, notwithstanding their protesta- tions of duty and loyalty, they had been the cause of more mischief to the king, than all the attempts q£ his open and declared enemies : for that, by their treacherous and pernicious counsels, they had weakened the strength, and frustrated the endea- vours of his majesty's friends ; and, at the same time, gave new life and vigour to the rebels, with whom they preserved a close and constant corre- spondence. He complained, that no arguments could hitherto, nor even then, prevail upon them vigorously to support the royal cause, and thorough- ly and openly to desert the party of the covenant- ed rebels in Scotland, who were undoubtedly the implacable enemies of the king and royal family, whatever denomination they assumed, either of the estates of the kingdom, or commissioners of the kirk ; but that all the expressions of their loyalty had been doubtful and ambiguous, and all their at- tempts for the king faint and inconsistent. But if the Earl of Lanark and his party would at length seriously repent of what they had done, re- i MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 31 n> turn heartily to their allegiance, and promise to have no farther intercourse with the rebels in time coming, he professed himself ready to forget all that was past, and to engage with them in the strictest ties of friendship, upon this condition, that they should emit a public declaration, testifying their hatred and abhorrence of the rebellious con- federacy entered into amongst the Scots them- selves, and afterwards betwixt them and the Eng- lish ; and, in general, of all leagues and associa- tions among the subjects, made without the know- ledge and consent of the king ; particularly that called the Solemn League and Covenant ; that they esteemed the rising in arms against the king, both in Scotland and England, to be no other than a wicked and actual rebellion ; and that the authors and abettors of it were guilty of high treason ; that Charles the Second, now by the grace of God right- ful and lawful sovereign of Great Britain, ought and might justly avenge the murder of his royal father, and endeavour to recover his paternal throne by force of arms : and, lastly, that they should solemnly promise to give their utmost as- sistance to the king, and those commissioned by him, for obtaining these just ends, and venture both life and fortune in the quarrel. Lanark and Lauderdale, who, in the private audi- ences they had of the king, never failed to accuse the estates of the kingdom, as they were then con- stituted, of treachery, cruelty, rebellion, and others 344 MEMOIRS OF THE the worst of crimes ; yet took special care not to offend them, by speaking or writing publicly against them j and therefore they returned an answer in very perplexed and ambiguous terms : neither did they sufficiently explain themselves concerning the king's title and prerogative, which sometimes, indeed, they used to extol by the bye, but craftily declined to talk of it in public. On the contrary, they highly magnified the autho- rity, power, and strength of the estates of Scotland, and maintained, that it would be much more for his highness's interest to wait their opinion, and to be settled upon his father's throne with their consent, and by their authority, than to attain to his just rights at the expence of the blood of his subjects,and by laying waste and destroying his native country : the last method they could never approve of, nor could they enter into any friendship with those who advised the king to plunge the nation into a civil war, however just and reasonable it might be ; particularly with Montrose, who had been banish- ed, forfeited, and intercommuned, for what he had done in that way, when he acted under the late king's commission. In the mean time, the Duke of Hamilton, who had been detained prisoner in England ever since the defeat at Preston, was beheaded at London by the Independents ; and thus, by the just judgment of God, he succeeded his murdered sovereign, and fell by the unjust and cruel sentence of the same MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 345 inhuman parricides. It is said, that, having con- sulted a wizard many years before, he received this response, " The king shall die a violent death, and the fates have ordained you to be his succes- sor." So, perhaps, some evil spirit deluded this ambitious man, who became indeed successor to his sovereign, not in the throne, as he vainly ex- pected, but in the scaffold. * * Sir James Turner, in his MS. Memoirs, thus charac- terizes the Duke of Hamilton:- — M They beheaded him as Earle of Cambridge, and so an peere of England, without haveing any regard at all to the articles he had for life. Bot in this, I suppose Cromwell did nothing without advice from Scotland. Heere I cannot but bewaile the fate of that un- fortunate lord, who was a person of excellent qualities, of great understanding, and good expressions, curteous, affable, humane, so merciful, that he was b<>t a bad justitiare, which I thought was a blemish on him ; one of the best masters to vassals and tennants that our kingdome afforded. His con- stellation had inclined and appointed him to be a good states- man, and to be happie in the enjoyment of his prince's favour, the siimmum bonum of courtiers, bot to be vnfortunate in all his military employments both by sea and land. Most un- happie he was in his honour, which was branded most part of his life with foul aspersions of disloyalty and treacherie, neither will venemous tongues suffer his ashes to ly quiet, bot cast dust upon them, as if he had dyd as a foole. I had onlie the honor to know him when be was my generall, and I be- leeve he was faithful! to his soveraigne all his life ; hoc in the time he had the conduct of that vnfortunate army, I dare sweare the deepest oath for his fidelitie and loyaltie, and that he intended nothing but the full restoration of the king, for whom he dyed a martire." 3i6 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. V. The proclamation of the estates, declaring Charles II. King of Scotland, brought to the Hague. — The Earl of Cassilis and other commissioners arrive there. — The Marquis of II until/ beheaded. — The demands of the estates presented to the king by their commissioners — The opinion of the Scots peers concerning them. — The king leaves them, and goes to France. At this juncture, a messenger * arrived at the Hague, from those who assumed the name of the estates of Scotland, who, after assuring the king of the sincere affections of the estates, presented to him a proclamation, wherein they had declared him the rightful heir and successor of his father, and lawful King of Scotland. The Presbyterians, and those of the Hamilton faction, congratulated themselves highly upon this occasion, and boasted of it as a special and immediate blessing from heaven to support what they had advanced ; and openly declaimed against all those who had dis- suaded the king from depending upon the estates, who had so eminently displayed their affection and loyalty to the king. And truly had they been * This person's name was Sir Joseph Douglas. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 347 sincere in the matter, and done all this from a sense of the duty they owed to their sovereign, no- body could have denied but it was very encourag- ing and satisfactory ; but the more discerning sort immediately perceived the base plot they had laid to ruin the king, and subvert the monarchy ; for, perceiving that the people, much enraged at the murder of the late king, were bent upon reveng- ing it, and fully resolved to assert his son's right as heir to his father, and invite him home to take the government upon him ; in order to deceive them, they issued out this proclamation, not with an intention to restore the king, but entirely to overturn the royal authority, and assume the whole power into their hands. For they had not only in many things altered the coronation oath formerly in use, but had added a new oath of their own contrivance to serve their pur- pose. The proclamation itself was very oddly conceiv- ed : they mentioned in it the death of the king, as violent indeed ; but they did not brand it with the name of regicide, as it deserved, yea, not even of murder ; nor did they bestow the smallest epithet upon it, to testify their abhorrence and indignation of the horrid villany and injustice of it, or that they in the least disapproved it. There were many other things in it which seemed extraordinary; but, above all, it appeared intolerable and amazing to all good men, that, when they acknowledged the 348 MEMOIRS OF THE king to be their lawful sovereign, they should, with the same breath, withhold him from the exercise of his royal power, till he had satisfied the estates, whom they called the parliaments, of both king- doms. This was not to declare him king, but to sist him as a pannel before them : for what was this, but to deprive him of the free exercise of his authority, by offering him a precarious power ; and to make him, who was their supreme governor on earth, accountable to God alone, their inferior and dependent, and subject to their control ? Nay, what was this, but to throw their young innocent king into the hands, and make him become a fresh victim to the fury and hatred, not only of his mad Scots subjects, who had already persevered so long in their unnatural rebellion, but also of the English rebels and regicides, whose hands had been im- brued, and were still reeking with the blood of his royal father. By such just reflections as these upon the proclamation of the estates, the high enco- miums that were passed upon their affection and loy- alty by the Presbyterians would have been soon re- pressed in the court, had they not received some fresh supplies of the same kind from their friends in Scotland. When the accounts of the great interest and fa- vour which Montrose had with the young king reached Scotland, the people there were differently affected with it. The loyalists were glad of it, and presaged that some good might accrue from it j but 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 31$ the rest were much afraid, and the estates in par- ticular dreaded the consequences. They knew Montrose's innate resolution and bravery, and had often experienced the effects of them ; and besides, they perceived that great numbers, now sensible of their error, and heartily repenting of their former conduct, would be as ready as the old cavaliers to list under Montrose when he should appear. And, therefore, they thought it very necessary to take all possible means to prevent his return to Scot- land, either alone as deputy-governor and general, or even as one of the king's retinue ; for they saw that he would carry off the whole country to his side, which would prove the inevitable ruin of all who had consented to the king's murder. For this purpose, the Earl of Cassilis, one of the first nobility, with others of an inferior rank, were sent to Holland as commissioners from the estates to the king, all of them to the utmost degree bigoted to the new fanatical superstition, and inflamed with an utter abhorrence of monarchical government. Their com- mission, as they pretended and published through all Europe, was to invite home the king, and settle him upon the ancient and hereditary throne of his ances- tors ; but their real design was to disappoint Mon- trose's councils, and by flattering the king with the specious hopes of peace, and of his subjects return- ing to their allegiance, to divert him from any in- tention of prosecuting the war, till that favourable opportunity was lost. 350 MEMOIRS OF THE In the mean time, lest these proceedings should give umbrage to their associate regicides in Eng- land, they gave them a melancholy proof that they had not altered their sentiments ; they had not in their power another king to murder, and, there- fore, pitched upon one of his greatest subjects, the Marquis of Huntly, chief of the name of Gordon, whom, after a very long and tedious imprisonment, they beheaded most unjustly ; the Marquis, be- sides his noble birth, in which he was inferior to no subject, was a person of such power in the north country, as made him dreaded by all his neigh- bours ; he had a great estate, many friends, vas- sals, and followers, — was of a most graceful pre- sence, and his mind endued with the greatest vir- tues 5 he had stuck firm to the royal cause from the beginning of the troubles, and on that account, and that only, he was become so hateful to the co- venanters, that they resolved to make him a sacri- fice, so that, if we do but except that unlucky dif- ference he had with Montrose, which indeed prov- ed hurtful to the king and country, the marquis had few equals. That same day that the commis- sioners were to sail from the Frith of Forth * was appointed for the execution of this great man ; whence the king might have easily conjectured what was to be expected from such men, who thus * March 22, 1649. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 351 daily wantoned in the blood of his best and most faithful subjects. When these commissioners, or deputies from the estates, were admitted to their first audience of the king, their solemn gait, their grave dress, and dejected countenances, had all the appearance ima- ginable of humility : and many who were not ac- quainted with the temper and practices of the men, from thence concluded that they were about to im- plore of his majesty a general oblivion and pardon for what was past, and to promise a perfect obedience and submission in time coming ; and that they were ready to yield every thing to him that was just and reasonable, and would be sincere in all their proposals of peace and accommodation. They acted in a double capacity, and had instructions both from the estates and from the commission of the kirk ; in both of which the Earl of Cassilis was the chief person, not only in what they were charged with from the estates, as being a noble- man, but also from the commission of the kirk, of which he was a ruling elder. Their address to the king was introduced with abundance of deep sighs and heavy groans, as if they had been labouring, as Virgil says of the Sybil, to shake the ponderous load from off their breasts, after which they at last exhibited their papers, containing the ordinances of the estates, and acts of the commission of the kirk, and pretended, that the terms demanded in them were moderate, just, and reasonable, and ab- 852 MEMOIRS OF THE solutely necessary for settling the present confu- sions, and restoring the king ; with which, if he complied, he would be immediately settled upon his father's throne by the unanimous consent of all the people. When these papers came to be considered in his majesty's council, they appeared at first view to be extremely unjust and unreasonable, and contrived rather to fright him from seeking the government, than to invite him to accept it ; for they contained nothing but bitter accusations against their late king, and snares laid for betraying and enslaving the son. In short, they principally comprehended three things ; first, That the king should sign and swear, not only to the national covenant, but to the solemn league and covenant of the three king- doms ; that he should establish them by his autho- rity, and promote the ends and purposes of them to the utmost of his power through all his domi- nions. Secondly, That he should ratify and con- firm all the acts and ordinances of the estates of Scotland, which had approven of the covenant and the solemn league, and established the Presbyterian church-government, that rule of divine worship which they called the director!/, the confession of faith, and the catechism ; and that he should also readily grant his royal assent to all acts and ordi- nances of any other of the estates of his majesty's dominions, which might thereafter establish them ; that he should conform himself to them, especially MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 353 as to divine worship, whether private or public ; that he should renounce the liturgy of the church of England, and adopt this new directory, and so- lemnly promise never to oppose or alter it in the smallest degree. The third demand, which alone had been sufficient, for it comprehends all the rest, was, That he should solemnly promise and declare, that, in matters civil, he should acquiesce in what- ever should be enacted by the present or succeed- ing parliaments ; and, in matters ecclesiastical, should be determined by the acts of the General Assembly, to which all ranks, princes, nobility, and people, were to be subject and obedient. The king entreated them, if they had orders to make any more demands, that they would produce them all together, that so an answer might be re- turned to the whole at once. He begged them not to be so high and obstinate in their conditions, but to mitigate them in the beginning as far as their instructions would allow ; and that they would acquaint him more distinctly and fully what assistance he might expect from them, for the re- covery of England and Ireland ; and lastly, that they would now declare and publish to the world their thoughts of the horrid murder committed upon the king his father, of blessed memory, and of the barbarous authors and instruments of it, con- cerning which they had not made the least men- tion. They replied, That the sum of what they were charged with was comprehended in these 354 MEMOIRS OF THE three articles, and that they had nothing else to represent but what related to them, unless they re- ceived new instructions from the estates for that purpose. They insisted, that their demands were not only just and honourable, but absolutely neces- sary, as being founded upon the Holy Scriptures, and of divine institution ; so that it would be no less than impiety in them to yield in any point, or recede from them in the smallest degree. And as to the assistance which his majesty demanded, for the reduction of England and Ireland, he might expect that the estates would afford him such suc- cours as they should judge necessary, and agree- able to the articles of the solemn league and cove- nant. Thus, in dark and ambiguous terms, they replied to all the questions put to them, excepting that concerning the murder of the king, as to which they hesitated extremely ; they were asham- ed to approve or commend it in his majesty's pre- sence, neither durst they condemn it, lest the Eng- lish, being thereby exasperated, should upbraid them as joint partakers and associates in the same crime, and thereby disappoint their present schemes. And though the king pressed them continually upon this head, and urged it more than any thing else, he could extort no other answer from them but complaints and expostulations, as if his majesty had entertained a suspicion of the estates of Scot- land concerning it. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 355 A great deal of time was spent in these de- bates ; * during which the commissioners were busied making interest with the Prince of Orange and the most eminent men in the United Pro- vinces, with the Danish and other ambassadors, to use their mediation, as neutral persons, with the king, and prevail with him to accept of the terms offered him by the estates. And, to induce them to accept of that office, their constant topic was the affection and loyalty of the estates to the king, whom they were ready to admit and settle upon his father's throne, and to pay him all submission and allegiance, providing he would only renounce the episcopal government of the church, and ac- cept of the Presbyterian model, which they alleged was the same with the church-government in Hoi land, Geneva, and other reformed churches; though in reality they are very different, and in many things very opposite ; and if he did not con- sent to that measure, they affirmed that there was no hope of his ever recovering the crown. How- * One of the principal points urged upon the king was the removal from his person and court ot James Graham, " sometime Earl of Montrpss, a person excommunicate by the church, and forfaultcd by the parliament of Scotland, be- ing a man most justly, if ever any, cast out of the church oi God." See an account of the proceedings of the commis- sioners, (printed at Edin. 164.9,) where, iu another place, the ?arl is termed that unhappy and cursed man, James Graham- 356 MEMOIRS OF THE ever, these insinuations would have but small ef- fect with the most part of people, if Lanark, who had now the title of Duke of Hamilton, since his brother's death, and Lauderdale, who lay and acted behind the curtain, had not approved and supported all they said ; and by their means many were induced to be of opinion that the king, con- sidering the present state of his affairs, might and ought to yield to their demands, however hard and unreasonable ; for these foreigners, being un- acquainted with the state of affairs in Britain at that time, did not penetrate into the dark designs of the rebels, nor perceive that they struck not only at the king, but even at the root and founda- tion of monarchy itself. That all the Christian world might know the king's love of peace, and that he was inclined to comply with every thing, consistent with his ho- nour and a good conscience, to satisfy his Scots subjects, he applied to the Scots peers, of whom there were a good many then in Holland, and charged them, upon their duty and allegiance, to give him their opinion separately in writing con- cerning the propositions of the Scots commission- ers. Hamilton and Lauderdale, and their faction, with an obstinate and unbecoming sullenness, re- fused to do this, though it be the duty of the no- bility, established both by ancient custom, and by the laws of Scotland. But Montrose, Seaforth, Kinnoul, St Clair, and others, yielded a ready MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 357 obedience. They declared it as their opinion, and proved, by many invincible arguments, " That these demands were against all laws, human and divine, and particularly repugnant to the laws of Scotland : that they were disrespectful to the me- mory of the royal martyr, insidious to his son and law- ful successor, and threatened destruction to the whole royal posterity, being such as all good men ought to be ashamed of and abhor. The main design of them was no other than to lay the blame of all the mischief that had happened in Britain to the door of their innocent king ; and to authorize and esta- blish their detestable leagues and covenants, which had already occasioned the effusion of so much in- nocent blood among all ranks, the royal family not excepted ; and which, like the Trojan horse, preg- nant with mischief, would quickly pour down upon the distressed nation a heavy deluge of new sedi- tions, rebellion, war, rapine, murder, and parri- cide, to the utter ruin and devastation of the whole kingdom. If these propositions were yielded to, the consequences would be that then the king, who by right should succeed his father as sove- reign of the kingdom, would enjoy nothing but the vain and empty title of royalty ; and even that, together with his life itself, would be precarious ; and both must depend upon the pleasure of a set of men, the most distrustful and furious upon earth, plunged in the deepest gloom of melancholy and superstition, and the declared and irreconcileable 358 MEMOIRS OF THE enemies of kings and all lawful authority; the whole power and government would then be lodged in the hands of these men, who, conscious of the many crimes committed against the father, would never reckon themselves secure while any of his posterity were alive. The episcopal govern- ment, under which religion had so much flourish- ed in all ages of the church, both before and since the reformation, would be thereby abolished, and the intolerable tyranny of presbytery, as it is now established in Scotland, would be introduced, which in cruelty, pride, avarice, luxury, and lust of power, far surpasses the very worst times of the papal usurpation. The worst of rebels and regi- cides would not only go unpunished for their exe- crable crimes ; but being advanced to the highest honours and places, and enriched with the sacri- legious spoils of the church-lands, and the crown- revenues of their murdered sovereign, would govern all, and glory and triumph in their con- quest ; while the king himself, and all his loyal and brave subjects who had adhered unto him, and their posterity, would be exposed to the rage, insolence, and revenge of their cruel and malicious enemies. They could not think without horror, that a Christian king, contrary to the duty which he owes to his parents, to his brethren, to his friends, to God and men, should ratify and ap- prove their wicked ordinances, by which, under the pretence of supporting and promoting their MAKQtfH OL- MONTROSE. 359 solemn league and covenant, all his subjects were obliged to rise in rebellion against their sovereign, whereby they at length brought him to the scaf- fold ; and by which they drove his royal consort the queen out of her husband's dominions, and banished and imprisoned the royal infants, who still continue under these calamities. In short, they suspected that this treaty was chiefly calcu- lated, and these difficulties designedly thrown in the way, only to protract the time till Cromwell, that inhuman and bloody regicide, with whom they kept an intimate correspondence, and who had already subdued England, should also conquer Ireland, which he was attempting, and might then pour all his forces into Scotland, and secure them of their ill-gotten power. " For these and many other convincing reasons, they all unanimously declared, that the king could not, upon such unjust terms, enter into any stipulation with those who arrogantly assumed the title of the estates of Scotland : and that, if he had any regard to conscience towards God, duty to his parents, concern for posterity, his own re- putation abroad, or safety and authority at home, he was to expect other kind of* messages, and other kind of requests from them, such as should express some sense of a serious, though late, re- pentance for their crimes, and of a real design to restore the king. But, in their opinion, there was no other way left to reclaim these people, who 360 MEMOIRS OF THE were become obstinate and hardened in their re- bellion, and reduce them to their duty and obe- dience, but by a just and necessary war." These arguments were so conclusive, and their force so evident, that neither the commissioners from the estates, nor Hamilton and Lauderdale, who did them all the service they could, were able to answer them ; and the king being thereby con- vinced, came entirely into Montrose's opinion. But by what fatality, or by whose advice, the ex- pedition into Scotland was laid aside, and chang- ed to a descent upon Ireland, I do not know. In order to prepare for the latter, the king set out for France, and Montrose and most part of the nobility attended him as far as Brussels. The commissioners of the estates, agreeable to the usual freedom they had been accustomed to take with majesty, accused and virulently aspersed the king, because he had not yielded to their requests, and had rejected their offers of peace. At the same time, they were extremely overjoyed that he had altered his intend- ed journey to Scotland, where thej - were so much afraid of his presence ; which, on the contrary, the people, wearied with the tyrannical oppression and cruelty of these insolent and imperious rebels, wish- ed for in the most ardent manner. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 36 1 CHAP. VI. Montrose prepares for a descent upon Scotland. — The si ale oj that kingdom. — His disappointments He lands in Caith- ness — Strachan, Lesly, and Holbum, sent against him. — He publishes his declaration. — Defeated by Strachan Apprehended by the Laird of AssiM, 'and delivered te David Lesly. J he descent upon Scotland which Montrose had projected, was indeed a very arduous and danger- ous enterprise, but not so rash or desperate as some malicious people have endeavoured to represent. There were many things which encouraged him to hope it might prove successful. He had received many letters from the nobility in Scotland, inviting him to undertake it, and promising him all man- ner of assistance ; at the same time assuring him, that the greatest part of the people were ready to join him, and would have no other general than himself to command them. And, indeed, the north country was not yet settled ; Mackenzie, brother to the Earl of Seaforth, who was the king's lieu- tenant there, the Lord Rae, and other loyalists, had possessed themselves of Inverness, and, after demolishing the fortifications, had marched in arms through the shire of Murray, and crossed the river 36% MEMOIRS OF THE Spey. The state of affairs iii Ireland was also very encouraging ; the Marquis of Ormond, lieu- tenant-governor, and general of the king's forces there, was very successful ; and General Monro, and several others, were afterwards sent to him, with the king's particular orders, and a commission from Montrose, to stipulate with him a mutual as- sistance, as there should be occasion. All the king's friends in England, who were not tainted with the leaven of the Presbyterians, openly de- clared, that, after being so shamefully deceived and deserted by the Hamiltons, the Marquis of Mon- trose was the only Scotsman whom they could and ought to trust, but that with him they were ready to encounter any danger to retrieve the king's af- fairs. Some of the electors and princes of Ger- many promised their assistance, and the emperor himself engaged to summon a diet of the empire, and represent to them the injuries done to the King of Britain, which merited the resentment of all the crowned heads in Europe. There was no reason to doubt of the good inclinations of the King of Denmark ; and his ambassador at the Hague had given the strongest assurances of as- sistance both to the king himself and to Montrose. Hopes were likewise conceived of as powerful suc- cours from the illustrious Queen of Sweden, as from any other friend or ally of the king, both on account of the ancient alliances that subsisted be- tween the kingdoms, and of the natural goodness, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 363 justice, and magnanimity, of that incomparable he- roine, who, in these and other virtues, much re- sembled her father and grandfather. Little was to be expected from the French and Spaniards, who were then engaged in a mutual war, but it was expected that the King of Poland, and the Duke of Courland, would be among the most for- ward in assisting the king. Particular envoys were sent by his majesty to these several princes, to so- licit their aid, and to beg, that what succours they could afford might be conveyed to Montrose * as soon as possible, to fit him for the intended inva- sion. However, he never received any benefit by these embassies, which was not owing to the fault or neglect of these princes, who were friendly enough, but to the base artifices and unaccountable villany of the Presbyterians, who not only ruined Montrose, but, if Providence had not remarkably intervened, would certainly have also ruined the king, and enslaved their native country and their posterity. For, besides their having bribed and corrupted most of the people about the court, who are gene- rally a faithless race of men, to oppose and thwart Montrose's measures with the king, as far as they could ; which at least had this bad effect, that it re- tarded the execution of the most important affairs ; * Hamburgh was the place appointed for their rendezvous. 364s MEMOIRS OF THE they likewise sent their emissaries to all the courts of Europe, which were inclined to assist and sup- port the king, clothed with letters of recommenda- tion, obtained upon very different pretences from his majesty, who little suspected the wicked pur- poses for which they were to be employed ; who endeavoured to make it be believed, that the king had been invited home to take the government of Scotland upon him, on conditions highly just and reasonable, and by no means to be rejected ; that they still earnestly wished he would agree to them, as it was the only means by which he could recover his crown, and reign over his subjects in peace and safety ; and that those wiio advised him to pursue other measures, postponed the king's interest to their own private views ; particularly those who de- manded assistance of meiij money, arms, and ships, from foreign princes in the king's name ; seeing that such assistance was at that time not only use- less and ill timed, but might prove extremely de- trimental to his interest, by alienating from him the minds and affections of his good and loyal subjects ; that such succours would then only be seasonable and thankfully accepted of, when his majesty, being fully settled in Scotland, should de- mand them by an honourable embassy, sent for that purpose, with consent of his estates : but, in the mean time, they advised them not to be too prodigal of their men and treasures, at a time MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 365 when they would contribute so little to the advan- tage of their friend and ally. * * * * * :# , ■* * * * * •£ * * $ * * * * * * * -* * -* * * # * Montrose first addressed himself to the Dukes ©f Brandenburgh and Holstein, from the last of whom he received three or four very fine vessels, well manned, which were kept a great while at Amsterdam to no purpose. This prince would have willingly contributed much more to that ser- vice, but that he perceived that what he had al- ready given was so misemployed ; in which both he and the marquis were grossly abused, as will appear from what follows. Great were the pro- mises which had been made to the marquis by many other princes ; but they proved very slack in their performance ; so that the assistance which was so generally expected proved little more than mere formality and compliment. But the season of the * Here the bishop's narration stops ; and it would appear from the MS. tli-t the intermediate history, from this time tiil Montrose was brought up to Edinburgh to his execution, had new r bten finished by him, there being a great blank left in it : the remainder of this chapter, together with the seventh, is therefore supplied from a continuation of the first part of these memoirs, which were translated and published in England in the year l()52, under the title of Montrose redivi- vus ; or, the Portraiture of James Marquis of Montrose, kc> in his actions and in his passions. 366 MEMOIRS OF THE year being now fit for action, he resolved, with what speed he could, to call together what he could get ; and for that purpose removed to Hamburgh, from whence he might have a speedy and conve- nient passage to the northern isles of Scotland. But before we proceed further, it will not be im- pertinent to take a slight view of the condition of that kingdom, whither this expedition was in- tended. Scotland was then in a reasonable posture of quiet ; for the old grudges were raked up for a while, by removing the principal heads of the op- posite parties, whereof some had suffered at Phi- liphaugh, and others were detained prisoners in England, or banished ; and a certain number of horse and foot, modelled into an army, was muster- ed and disposed of in several places of the king- dom, to prevent any foreign invasion, or suppress any home-bred insurrection, if such should happen. These were commanded by David Lesly, Colonel Montgomery, Colonel Strachan, and some others, under Holburn as lieutenant-general ; and amounted in all to fifteen hundred horse, and three thousand foot. This handful did at that time overawe and keep under the discontented party, though far more numerous ; for, besides those who had been disbanded by the Earl of Lanark and Major-gene- ral Monro at the bridge of Stirling, there flocked daily out of England great numbers who had escaped from prison, who, finding their estates se- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 367 questered and seized upon, and being at the same time proceeded against in the most tyrannical manner by the hot-headed ministers, desired no- thing more than an opportunity of revenge. Be- sides these, there were a considerable number of the marquis's own name, who, with the Gordons, the men of Athole, and others of his party in the north country, were ready, and would undoubted- ly have come to his assistance, had he not been crushed at his first entry. This situation of things made the marquis ap- pear like a prodigious meteor hanging over their heads, which awakened the attention of those who sat at the helm of affairs, whom, indeed, it princi- pally concerned, to endeavour to defeat his at- tempts both at home and abroad ; and for this purpose commissioners were a second time dispatch- ed to wait upon the king, then at Breda, to try and prevail upon him to accept of the invitation they had formerly sent him, though without abat- ing in the least of the extravagancy of their former propositions. In the mean time, Montrose, who had now gathered together a company of very gallant gentle- men, both Scots and English, was making all pos- sible haste for his expedition. He dispatched Colonel John Ogilvy to Amsterdam, to entertain such strangers as might offer themselves there for his purpose ; but the colonel, forgetting his com- mission, bestowed both money and time in enter- 308 MEMOIRS OF THE taining himself, suffering those who would have en- gaged upon any terms to shift for themselves ; of whom there were not a few, great numbers having escaped from England ; many had likewise desert- ed from the French, or had been cashiered from the Dutch service. By these means those five ships which were given by the Duke of Holstein, and were sufficiently provided for service, were rendered useless, and lost by his neglect; and one limb of the design thereby broken. There hap- pened about this time another incident, which much retarded the marquis's affairs : Sir John Cochran, who had been dispatched with a commission into Poland, to require the assistance of the Scots mer- chants there, having procured very considerable sums of money upon that score, and other neces- saries for furthering that expedition, disposed of the money for his own use, and sold the corn and other provisions, together with the vessels which were provided for the transportation of it, and turned tail himself to the cause. General King, likewise, whom the marquis expected from Swe- den with a considerable body of horse, either could not be so soon ready as was expected, or procras- tinated purposely. But, notwithstanding all these disappointments, the marquis, fearing, as is supposed, lest he should receive express orders to desist from his enterprise, the treaty betwixt the king and the Scots commis- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 369 sioners seeming to be now in great forwardness, precipitated himself and those who were with him into the most inevitable ruin. Now, all these great levies and aids that were expected, these mighty preparations for the invasion of a kingdom already settled in a posture of war, and well fore- warned of his intention, amounted not, in all, to above the number of six or seven hundred, foreign- ers included. Most of the common soldiers who adventured with him were from Holstein or Ham- burgh. He received from the Queen of Sweden, for the arming of such gentlemen as should join his party upon his landing, fifteen hundred stand of arms, complete for horse, consisting of back, breast, head-piece, carabines, pistols, and swords ; all which were taken untouched after his defeat in Caithness. With so small an army, and so little preparation, to attempt a business of that weighty nature, was a desperate action. And, although his touching first upon the islands increased his numbers, and gave him almost the beginning of an army, yet were those barbarous people so raw, and unacquainted with discipline, that they proved in a manner use- less and unserviceable. 'Tistrue, that the inhabit- ants of these isles were in former times a very fierce and warlike people, and have often, under their own captains, made deep impressions into the very heart of the kingdom ; but, whether it was the policy of the late kings to leave them untrain- a a ^'/O MEMOIRS OF THE ed, on purpose to break and subdue their natural fierceness, or that, their own chieftains being quel- led or cut off, they cared not much ever to engage under any other, certain it is, that the kings of Scotland, for these two hundred years last past, have not made less use of any part of their subjects, nor is there at this time a worse opinion entertained of any part of the Scots nation for valour and milita- ry courage. And this may be alleged as a great cause of their being so unserviceable and remiss in the marquis's service. Of the whole strength that accompanied Mon- trose from Germany, which, as already noticed, was far from being considerable, he sent off about a third part before himself in two vessels, who, meeting with stormy weather, which is both fre- quent and dangerous among these northern islands, were lost, with all the men and arms. This was another check, and, as it were, a warning and fore- runner of the sad event which followed ; but, be- ing led on by a fatality to his ruin, he behoved to contribute his own endeavours towards that de- struction which his cruel fortune had provided for him ; for, nothing dismayed with what had already happened, he dispatched a second party, who, making a more prosperous voyage, landed safe at Orkney, and entered the island without any resist- ance, there being at that time no garrison or de- fence placed by the estates in any of these islands. With these troops he had sent several commissions n MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 3J 1 for levying horse and foot, which were immediately dispatched to the continent of Scotland, and the islands adjacent, for that purpose. The people of the country being in no condition to resist these officers, endeavoured, in hopes of favour, as much as they could to promote the design ; and such as were not so forward, were forced by their own neigh- bours who favoured the cause, and the violence of these recruiting officers, likewise to take up arms. Not long after landed the marquis himself, with the rest of his company, together with those gentle- men who were resolved to partake of his fortune ; amongst whom were several persons of note, as the Lord Frendraught, Colonel Urry, a man who had engaged in all quarrels, but never prospered in any ; Colonel Johnson, a resolute and old officer ; Colonel Gray, a German officer ; Henry Graham, the marquis's own natural brother ; Colonel James Hay of Naughton, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgety, and George Drummond of Balloch. His kinsman, the Lord Napier, was left in Holland, and Colonel Sibbald, his old companion, had been employed by him as his agent in Scotland, but was apprehended at Musselburgh, and accompanied his general in death upon the same scaffold. The marquis continued a considerable time in Orkney, raising forces and strengthening himself with such recruits as the place could afford. Nei- ther were there any preparations made at all in Scotland to dispossess him of these islands, either $7® MEMOIRS OF THE because it was a difficult affair to assail him within those places, naturally guarded by a rough and dangerous sea, or because, as they knew his strength, they expected a better opportunity of destroying him, which, indeed, they soon after found, within the country. At last he resolved to embark, and for that pur- pose, gathering all the boats he could find amongst the isles, he shipped his men, and soon landed them upon the utmost point of Caithness, which is the farthest land on the north-east part of Scot- land. The people there, having had some experi- ence of the carriage of his former soldiers, and now far more dreading the name of foreigners, and their panic being also increased by the dreadful reports which were industriously and constantly spread of him, fled away in great numbers, and many of them never stopped till they came to Edinburgh, where they gave a terrible alarm to the parlia- ment, who were sitting there at the time. The commanders were immediately summoned, and charged with all possible haste to get the standing forces in readiness ; and a rendezvous, in obedience to the command of the estates, was thereupon pre- sently appointed at Brechin. Colonel Strachan, who was then in high esteem with the great ones for the late instances of his valour in the English service, and his zeal to the Presbyterian cause, which was much extolled at that time, had an ample and particular commission granted to him MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 373 by the parliament, to command a choice party of horse, without being subject to David Lesly's or- ders, and to engage and fight the enemy at the best advantage ; and with these, which were not above three hundred, he advanced before the ar- my. David Lesly, with the remainder of the horse, and General Holburn with the foot, march- ing after him. In the mean time, the marquis advanced but slowly, and that his designs might not be mistaken by the world, who were all much astonished at this invasion, at a time when the king was upon a treaty with his subjects, he published a declara- tion, * wherein he laboured to clear himself from the aspersion of having any sinister ends ; that his intention was only against some particular persons, who had, contrary to the laws of the kingdom, raised and maintained a war against the king's father, and were now, by their subtile practices, endea- vouring to destroy the son also ; but that he in- tended nothing against the generality of the king- dom, and exhorted all his fellow- subjects to free themselves from the tyranny of those who for the present ruled the state, and from the oppression of the ministry. * See this declaration, and answers to it by the commission of the General Assembly, and the Committee of Estates, in the Appendix. $J4i MEMOIRS OF THE The country for several reasons did not come to second him as he expected ; for the Earl of Sutherland, a powerful man in these parts, and whose estate lay in the neighbourhood of the place where the marquis then was, raised a great num- ber of his tenants and friends, and did what he could to hinder and terrify all that were willing to join him ; and though he found himself unable to deal with the marquis's forces, yet he effectually stopped all intercourse betwixt him and his friends. On the other hand, those gentlemen who had hitherto followed the marquis, and were sufficient- ly inclined to assist him, knowing the danger of the enterprise, and considering the smallness of his army, and that his soldiers were entirely un- disciplined, and very unlike to the former, with whom he had performed so many great actions, began to be averse, and entertain suspicions of the event, yet many who were intimately acquainted with the situation of the country were of opinion, that, had he not been overpowered in the nick of time, he might have gained such strength among the hills, as would have given him leisure enough to have increased his own party, and tired out the enemy. However, he was not altogether unmind- ful of retreat. There is in that country a castle called Dunbeath, the laird of which was the head of a very ancient family, but no friend to the mar- quis ; and upon his approach, he had left his house in the keeping of his lady and servants, and fled to MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 375 Edinburgh. The lady, though the place was naturally well fortified, delivered it up on the first summons to Colonel Urry, who was sent thither by the marquis with a party of foot to reduce it, upon condition, that her goods and estate might be secure, and she with her servants allowed to march off. Urry, having placed such a garrison in it as he thought sufficient for its defence, re- turned to the marquis, who was now advanced to the place, or near it, where he was to lose at one throw his liberty, life, and fortune. Hearing of the enemy's approach, he made his whole forces march at a good rate to recover a pass which they were not far from, when he, himself in the van- guard, discovered the first party, which was Stra- chan's forlorn-hope, advancing very fast upon him, and when they came up, they found Montrose's men quite breathless and out of order. The second party of the enemy was commanded by Strachan himself, and the rear-guard by Colonel Ker ; for he had divided them into three bodies. The first party being now very near, there was a forlorn-hope of a hundred foot drawn out to meet them, who firing upon them, put them to a disor- derly retreat ; but being immediately seconded by Strachan's party, they made good their charge, and so terrified the islanders that most of them threw down their arms, and called for quarter. The Dutch companies, after they had bestowed a volley or two among the horse, retreated into some 376 MEMOIRS OF THE shrubs hard by, and there defended themselves very valiantly for some time, but were all taken at last. There were killed to the number of two hundred, and twelve hundred taken, very few having escaped ; for the whole country being in arms, especially the Earl of Sutherland's people, who came not to the fight, but to the execution, they killed and took prisoners all that fled. The standard was also taken, which Montrose had caused be made of purpose to move the affections of the people, with the portrait of the late king beheaded, and this motto, Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord! the standard-bearer, who was a very gallant young gentleman, being killed, after he had several times refused quarter. Among the prisoners were Colonel Urry, the Lord Fren- draught, Sir Francis Hay of Dalgety, Colonel Hay of Naughton, Colonel Gray, with most of the officers, and two ministers. * The marquis, after he saw the day was absolutely lost, threw away his cloak with the star upon it, having received the order of the Garter sometime before : his sword was likewise found ; and not very far off his horse, which he had forsaken ; for how soon he had got clear off the ground where the skirmish was, he betook himself to foot, and light- ing by chance upon one of the people of that coun- * See a list of the prisoners iu the Appendix. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 377 try, he changed clothes with him, and so conveyed himself away in the fellow's Highland habit. There was a very narrow search made for him, so that he could not long escape ; yet he continued in the open fields three or four days, without their get- ting any notice of him : at last, the Laird of Assint, bein 0, abroad in arYns with some of his tenants in search of him, lighted on him in a place where he had continued three or four days without meat or drink, and only one man in his company. Assint had been formerly one of Montrose's own follow- ers ; who immediately knowing him, and believing to find friendship at his hands, willingly discovered himself: but Assint, not daring to conceal him, and being greedy of the reward which was promis- ed to the person who should apprehend him by the council of the estates, immediately seized and dis- armed him. *Tis said he proffered great sums for his liberty ; but finding that in vain, he desired to die by the hands of those who took him, rather than be made an object of shame and misery by his enraged enemies, which he well knew would be his fate : but neither of his desires were granted ; and a strong guard was immediately set over him, who conveyed him to David Lesly. * * Maclood of Assint gave up Montrose to Lesly for four hundred bolls of meal ; (see his Indictment, Criminal Records, 16'7 4-.) He was afterwards tried at Edinburgh for his treach- ery, — but the unpopularity of Montrose's son with the Cava- 3'/8 MEMOIRS OF THE Strachan having achieved his business with so great expedition, and relieved the state from this danger, of which they were so apprehensive, left the rest of the affair to Lesly and Holburn, and returned to Edinburgh ; where he received great thanks and rewards for his eminent service, not without the heart-burning of David Lesly, who fretted not a little at the success of one whom he considered as an upstart soldier, and who was be- come a rival to his honour. However, he moved forward, to accomplish the remainder of the work, which was now of no great consequence ; for there remained nothing within the country but the castle of Dunbeath, which, being past all hopes of relief after the defeat, how soon the garrison was perfect- ly assured of it by some prisoners whom they knew, they immediately surrendered. The governor was made a prisoner at discretion ; but the soldiers, be- ing Dutch, were allowed to return home. There was nothing else to be done, but to reduce the islands, and the town of Kirkwall in Orkney, where Colonel Johnson and Colonel Hary Graham were left, when the marquis passed over to Caithness : but either because he could not spare lier Party, whose favourite, Lord Middleton, he had given up to his enemies, and with Lord Lauderdale, for having ever been a friend of Middleton's, together with bribes bestowed by Assint, and Lauderdale's old grudge towards the memory of the marquis, saved this traitor from legal punishment. MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 379 any soldiers, or because he expected better success, he had left them almost defenceless, though there were several places in these isles which might have been made very tenable. Upon their hearing of the defeat, they immediately took shipping, with the rest who were left along with them, and return- ed from whence they came ; otherwise both of them had undergone the same fate with their ge- neral. Thus Lesly's forces entered without any resistance, and seized upon the arms which Mon- trose had brought thither, together with two pieces of ordnance. The Queen of Sweden had given him a little frigate of sixteen guns, which lay in the harbour, and the master being gone ashore into one of the islands, the company, seeing the event, revolted, and brought in that likewise. The victory being now complete, there was a solemn day of thanksgiving appointed throughout the whole kingdom, and observed with bonfires, shooting of guns, and other demonstrations of joy; but many of the gentry, who had been formerly under Montrose's command, and had now engaged to join him again, were no partakers of this joy : for his papers being taken, many of them were afterwards discovered, and suffered in their es- tates. The marquis being now in the custody of his mortal enemies, from whom he could not expect the least favour or mercy, yet expressed a singular constancy, and in a manner an indifferency of his 380 MEMOIRS OF THE condition : coming to the house of the Earl of Southesk, his father-in-law, where two of his chil- dren were kept, he procured liberty from his guard to see them ; but neither at meeting nor parting could any change of his former countenance be discerned, or the least expression heard which was not suitable to the greatness of his spirit and the fame of his former actions His behaviour was, during the whole journey, such as became a great man ; his countenance was serene and cheerful, as one who was superior to all those reproaches which they had prepared the people to pour out upon him, in all the places through which he was to pass,* It is remarkable of the town of Dundee, * The marquis had very neaily made his escape when at the house of the Laird of Grange, near Dundee. The author of the Memorie of the Somei villes, mentioning the old Lady Grange, thus details the circumstance : " It was at this ladye's house that that party of the covenanters their standing armie, that gairded in the Marques of Montrose, eftir his forces was beat, and himself betrayed in the north, lodged him, whom this excellent lady designed to sett at libertie, by procureing his escape from her house ; in order to this, soe soon as ther quarters was settled, and that she had observed the way and manner of the placeing of the guairds, and what officers com- manded them, she not only ordered her butlers to let the souldiers want for noe drink, but she herself, out of respect and kyndenesse, as she pretended, plyed hard the officers and souldiers of the main-guaird (which was keeped in her owne hall) with the strongest ale and aquavite, that before midnight, all of them (being for the most part Highlandmen of Lawer's MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 381 where he lodged one night, that though it had suffered more by his army than any other within regiment) became starke drunke. If her Stewarts and other servants had obeyed her directions in giveing out what drinke the outgairds should have called for, undoubtedly the bussi- nesse had been effectuat ; but unhappily, when the marques had passed the first and second centinells that was sleeping upon ther musquets, and likewayes through the main-gaird, that was lying in the hall lyke swyne on a midding, he was challenged a little without the outmost guaird by a wretched trouper of Stiachan's troupe, that had been present at his takeing. This fellow was none of the guaird that night, but being quartered hard by, was come rammelling in for his bellie- ful of drinke, whtn he made this unluckie discovery, which being done, the marques was presently seized upon, and with, much rudenesse (being in the ladye's cloaths, which he had putt on for a disguize) turned back to his prisone-chamber. The lady, her old husband, with the wholl servants of the house, were made prisoners for that night, and the morrow eftir, when they came to be challenged before these that had the command of this party, and some members of that wretch- ed committie of estates that satt allways at Edenbrough, (for mischitff to the royall interest,) which they had sent for the more security, to be still with this party, fearing the great friends and weill-wishers this noble heroe had upon the way he was to come, should either by force or stratageme, be taken from them. The ladie, as she had been the only contryver of Montrose's escape, soe did she avow the same before them all ; testifying she was heartily sorry it had not taken effect accord- ing to her wished desyre. This confidence of hers, as it bred some admiratione in her accusors, soe it freed her husband and the servants from being farder challenged ; only they took se- curity of the laird lor his ladye's appearing before the committie 382 MEMOIRS OF THE the kingdom, yet were they so far from insulting over him, that the whole town testified very great sorrow for his woeful condition ; and here he was furnished with clothes suitable to his birth, in place of that ordinary dress in which he was taken ; which Lesly would not for some time allow him to change. of estates when called, which she never was. Ther worships gott something else to thinke upon, then to conveen soe excel- lent a lady before them upon such ane account, as tended greatly to her honour and ther oune shame." 3IARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 383 CHAP. VII. The parliament condemns Montrose in his absence. — Then* sentence against him. — Their treatment of him when he ar- rived at Edinburgh. — His speech before the parliament. — » His speech and behaviour at his execution. 1 he covenanting nobility, and the rest who as- sumed the name, and acted as the estates of Scot- land, being informed that the Marquis of Mon- trose was betrayed, and now in their power, thought it proper and necessary to judge and condemn him before he was brought to Edinburgh. For they were afraid that the majesty of his appearance, and his becoming deportment, joined with the splen- dour of his birth, and the fame of his gallant ac- tions, might beget compassion, and turn the minds of the people in his favours, who were then highly exasperated against him, and were already calling aloud to have him executed. They thought it ne- cessary, therefore, to take the opportunity while they were in that humour ; and upon the 17th of May, * they appointed a committee of their num. n. i i ii . i i -i I, ■ - , m — * 1650- 384 MEMOIRS OF THE ber, such as they knew to be Montrose's bitterest enemies, as judges, to consider his case, and with- out delay to give in their opinion in writing to the estates, what was most proper to be done with him, and what sentence should be pronounced against him. Accordingly, that same forenoon they gave in their report, declaring it as their opinion, That he should be met at the gate of the city by the magistrates, attended by the hangman ; that he should be immediately put upon a cart, and fastened to it with cords, bareheaded ; and so carried through the city, the hangman driving the cart with his bonnet on, and clad in his livery : that he should be hanged upon a gibbet erected at the cross of Edinburgh, with the book which contained the history of his wars, and his declara- tion, tied about his neck ; and after remaining three hours upon the gallows in the public view of all the people, that he should be cut down, and his head severed from his body, and fixed upon the tolbooth of Edinburgh ; and also his legs and arms cut off, and placed over the gates of the cities of Aberdeen, Perth, Glasgow, and Stirling : that if he repented, and was therefore absolved from the sentence of excommunication by the church before his death, his body might be buried in the com- mon burial-place ; but if not, that it ought to be buried at the public place of execution. Upon the 18th day of May, about four o'clock in the afternoon, he was brought in at the Water- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 385 gate, and, according to the sentence concerted against him the day before, he was met by the magistrates of the city, escorted by the town-guard, and the hangman along with them. How soon he entered within the gate, the magistrates shewed him the sentence, which having read, he answered with the greatest calmness and composure, That he was ready to submit to it ; only he was sorry that through him the king's majesty, whose person he represented, should be so much dishonoured. And immediately mounting the cart with the greatest cheerfulness, he was carried at great lei- sure through the most conspicuous parts of the city to the prison ; the other prisoners walking, tied two and two, before the cart. Besides the guard which attended the cart in arms, the whole streets were crowded with people to see him ; among whom were great numbers of women, and others of the lower sort, who were hounded out to #buse him with their scurrilities, and even to throw dirt and stones at him as he passed along ; but there appeared such majesty in his countenance, and his carriage and behaviour was so magnanimous and undaunted, as confounded even his enemies, and amazed all the spectators ; so that their intended insults and reproaches were converted into tears and prayers for his safety ; whereby their ministers were so far exasperated, and transported with rage and fury at the disap- pointment, that, next day, which was Sunday, they Bb 386 MEMOIRS OF THE were not ashamed, openly in their sermons, to ex- claim against the people for not embracing that op- portunity of abusing him. When he was taken from the cart, he gave the hangman some money, as a reward for driving so well, saying, " He reckoned it his triumphal cha- riot." It was almost seven o'clock in the evening before he reached the prison ; and immediately some of the estates, and some of their ministers, were sent to examine him, or rather to teaze and vex him with their impertinent questions, and op- probrious invectives ; but he refused to return them any answer, till they should inform him upon what terms they stood with the king his royal master, and whether they had come to any agree- ment. This being reported to the estates, they delayed any further proceedings against him till Monday ; and, in the mean time, allowed their committee to inform him, that the peace and agree- ment was fully concluded betwixt the king and the present estates of the kingdom. By this time it was late, and being extremely fatigued with his long journey, and the hardships he had suffered on the road, he desired some repose ; for he said, " That the ceremony and compliment they had paid him that day had been somewhat wearisome and tedious ! " The next day, which was Sunday, he was con- stantly attended by the ministers and members of the parliament, who gave him no rest nor quiet, MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 387 though he wanted to compose his mind to thoughts of a more exalted and interesting nature, but kept him up with their impertinent questions, insulting him with their reproaches, and denouncing their threatenings against him, all expressed with the utmost degree of ill-nature and malevolence. Yet all that ill treatment produced no change upon his steady behaviour, noi made him utter the least ex- pression savouring of impatience and irresolution, or of which they could take the smallest advan- tage. He told them, " They were much mis- taken if they imagined that they had affronted him by carrying him in a vile cart the day before ; for he esteemed it the most honourable and cheerful journey he had ever performed in his life ; his most merciful God and Redeemer having all the while manifested his presence to him in a most comfortable and inexpressible manner, and supplied him, by his divine grace, with resolution and con- stancy to overlook the reproaches of men, and to behold him alone for whose cause he suffered." On Monday he was brought before the par- liament, where the Earl of Loudon, the chancellor, made a long and virulent declamation against him : He told him, " That he had not only broken the first covenant, which was called the national, but also the second, or the solemn league and covenant, by which the whole nation stood bound ; that he had rebelled against his native country, by invad- ing it with hostile arms, and by calling in the Irish 388 MEMOIRS OF THE rebels to his assistance ; that he had committed many horrible murders, treasons, and impieties, for all which God had now brought him to suffer condign punishment." When the chancellor had done speaking, the marquis asked if he might be allowed to speak a few things in his own behalf, which being granted him with some difficulty, he said, " That since he understood that the king had owned them so far as to treat with them, and that they were now reconciled with him, he considered them as sitting by his authority, and as if his royal majesty were sitting along with them ; and, therefore, he had appeared with reverence, and bare-headed, which otherwise he would not willing- ly have done. In all cases, he said, and particu- larly in public affairs, his principal concern had been to act as became a good Christian, and a faithful subject, and he had done nothing of which he was ashamed, or had cause to repent. He con- fessed frankly, that he had engaged in the first or national covenant, and had complied with it, and with those who took it, as long as the ends for which it was ordained were observed ; but when he discovered, what was soon evident to all the world, that some private persons, under the pre- tence of reforming some errors in religion, and preserving public liberty, intended to abridge and take away the king's just power and law- ful authority, and assume it themselves, he had then withdrawn himself from that engagements MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 389 and when, in order to disappoint these men, and to clear themselves from being concerned in such base designs, the honest part of the nation thought it necessary to enter into an association for the security of religion, and the preservation of the royal authority, he likewise joined in it and subscribed it : that, as to the so- lemn league and covenant, he had never taken it, and never could approve or acknowledge it as a just and lawful confederacy ; and therefore could not be accused of having broken it : and how far religion, which is now split into innumerable sects and parties, hath been advanced by it, and what horrible mischiefs and dreadful tragedies it hath occasioned, these three distressed kingdoms bear an abundant testimony : that when their late king, of ever blessed memory, had almost subdued his re- bellious subjects in England, and a faction of this kingdom, under colour of their solemn league, had sent in very powerful succours to their assistance, it pleased his majesty to send him into theven on the very scaffold,, were very bitter against him. After he had about a quarter of an hour prayed with his hat before his eyes, he was ready to go to his suffering, when his book and declaration, and all other papers which he had published in his life, being tyed in a string together, were hanged about his neck. He was very earnest that he might have the liberty to keep on his hat. It was denyed. He requested he might have the priviledge to keep his cloak about him ; neither could that be granted. Then, with a most undaunted courage, he went up to the top of that prodigious gibbet, where, having freely pardoned the executioner, he gave him three or four pieces of gold, and enquired of him how long he should hang there, he told him three hours, then commanding him, at the uplifting of his hands, to tumble him over, he was accordingly thrust off by the weeping eNecutioner. The whole people gave a gene- rail groan, and it was very observable, that even those who, at his first appearance, had bitterly inveighed against him,, could not now abstain from tears. *Tis said, that Argyle's expressions had something of grief in them, and did likewise weep at the rehearsall of his death, (for he was not present at the execution.) Howsoever, they were by many called croco- diles tears, how worthily I leave to others, judgement. But I am sure there did in his son, the Lord of Lome, appear no such sign, who neither had so much tenderncsse of heart as to be sorry, nor so much paternall wit as to dissemble ; who, en- tertaining his new bride (the Earl of Murray's daughter) with this spectacle, mocked and laughed in the midst of that weep- MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 405 ing assemblie ; and, staying afterwards to see him hcwen in pieces, triumphed at every stroak which was bestowed upon his mangled body. Thus ended the life cf the renowned mar- quesse, though not his punishment, (if that can properly be called a punishment which mens bodies suffer after death.) For being cut down, without so much as any to receive his falling corps, his head was smitten off, his arms by the shoul- ders, and his leggs by the knees, and so put into severall boxes, made for the purpose. The rest of his body was by three or four porters carried out to the pubhque place of execution, called the Borrow moore, answerable to that of Tyburn by London, but walled about, and there was it thrown into a hole, where afterwards it was digged up by night, and the lin- nen in which it was folded stoln away. His head was fixed upon the Toll-booth, over against the Eail of Gowrie's, with an iron cross over it, lest by any of his friends it should have been taken down. The rest of his parts were dispatched to the most eminent places of the kingdome, to Sterling, Dundee, Glasgow, Aberdene, which were all taken down afterwards by the English, or their permission." 406 MEMOIRS OF THE CHAP. VIII. Character of the Marquis of Montrose. — Colonel Urry, Spo- tiswood of Dairsie, Sir Francis Hay, and Colonel Sibbald, all executed. — Captain Charteris, notwithstanding his com- plying tvith the ministry to save his life, is also put to death. J he death of the noble marquis was not bewailed as a private loss, but rather as a public calamity ; the greatest princes in Europe expressed no small sorrow for his unhappy end, and, indeed, we have not had in this latter age a man of more eminent parts either of body or mind. He was not very tall, nor much exceeding a middle stature, but of an exceeding strong composition of body, and an incredible force, joined with an excellent pro- portion and fine features. His hair was of a dark brown colour, his complexion sanguine, of a quick and piercing grey eye, with a high nose, somewhat like the ancient sign of the magnanimity of the Persian kings. He was a man of a very prince- ly carriage and excellent address, which made him be used by all princes for the most part with the greatest familiarity ; he was a com- plete horseman, and had a singular grace m MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 407 riding. He was of a most resolute and undaunted 3pirit, which began to appear in him, to the won- der and expectation of all men, even in his child- hood. * Whom would it not have startled to at- tempt as he did, at his first entry into Scotland, a journey wherein he could hardly escape being dis- covered, all the passes being so laid for him ? And even when he was known, and almost made public, yet proceeded in his intention. Nor is it less wonderful, how, in so great a scar- city of all things, when war in that country is but tedious, even with the greatest plenty it can afford, he could patiently endure so much distress. A surprising instance of his address and management, was his winning so much up- on the affections of those Irish, who had no tie to him, either of country, language, or religion ; more especially when they wanted not all manner of temptation that either their own miseries and intolerable duty could suggest, or the wit and sa- gacity of the enemy could invent, to make them leave him and abandon the service ; besides the many examples of* discipline shown upon them, and their continual want of pay, either of which accidents in an army is ground sufficient, and * The house in which the marquis was born is still shown at Montrose; it is remembered that the old Chevalier slept in it the night bt-fore he escaped to France, 13th February 17 1 & 408 MEMOIRS OF THE has been often the occasion of mutiny or deser- tion. Nor had he only an excellent and mature judge- ment for providing and concerting of business, but a quick and ready apprehension in matters of pre- sent danger, and administering speedy assistance ; for these things, which would have disconcerted another man's understanding, as sudden emergen- cies of that kind often do, were no more than a whet or spur to his wit and ingenuity. There are many stratagems recorded in history, which have been put in practice in the heat of action, for re- gaining the day when lost, or thought in danger of being so ; as that of Jugurtha, a valiant and po- litic prince, who, in the heat of a battle betwixt him and Marius the Roman consul, rode up and down through his army, showing his bloody sword, and affirming he had slain Marius with his own hand ; whereby the Numidians were so much en- couraged, and the Romans amazed, that had not Marius quickly appeared, he had certainly lost the day. It is likewise reported of one of the Roman captains, that he threw his standard into the midst of the enemy, that his own soldiers, by pressing forward to rescue it, might break and disorder the enemy. Another is said to have taken the bridles from off the horses' heads, that every man might be alike valiant, and charge, as we say, without fear or wit. But that device practised by the marquis at the battle of Aulderne was not, in my opinion, 11 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 409 inferior to any of these ; for, observing one wing of his army routed, and the other in a staggering condition, he so inflamed that wing which was yet whole with the feigned success of the other, that they valiantly charged the enemy, and recovered the inequality of the day ; which was not unlike to that stratagem used by Tullus Hostilius, who, when he was deserted by Metius King of the Al- bans, told his soldiers, that he had done it on pur- pose to try them, and thereby turned their fear in- to indignation. He was exceeding constant and loving to those who did adhere to him, and very affable to such as he knew; though his carriage, which indeed was not ordinary, made him seem proud : nor can his enemies lay any greater fault to his charge than his insatiable desire of honour, which he pur- sued with a train of the most splendid and heroic actions, and such as had no mixture either of avarice or self-interest, though he was branded for these vices very unworthily by his enemies. For these and the other eminent virtues whereof he was pos- sessed, he was lamented over all Christendom, by all sorts of men ; and since his death, even by those very men who had the greatest hand in it, though their success at that time animated their cruelty. But the tragedy was not yet full ; for Urry was the next in that bloody roll, who, pleading the be- nefit of quarter and compassion, for having a great 410 MEMOIRS OF THE charge of children, thought thereby to have tasted of the parliament's mercy ; but he was condemned to lose his head upon the same spot. They had been jealous of him formerly, when he was engaged in their service against Montrose ; but could not then produce any sufficient evidence of his trea- chery to them. The chief accusation with which he was now charged was the last invasion with the marquis, and his formerly carrying arms against them under Prince Rupert at Marston-moor.* With him suffered young Spotiswood of Dairsie, a * Lord Somerville, in the Memoirs of his Family, thus men- tions the fate of Urry : — " In anno 1650, Major-geuerall Hurrie, (too faithi'ull to them whill he served ther interest,) being made prisoner upon Montrose's defeat in the north by Strauchan, was sentenanced to perpetuall banishment by the parliament, but the commissione of the kirk vot< d he should die, and therupon sent ther moderator, with other two of ther number, to the pailiamcnt house, who very saucilly, in face of that great and honourable court, (if it had not been then a body without a head,) told the president and chancellor, that the parliament had granted life to a man whom the Lord had appoynted for death, being a man of blood, (citeing these words of our biessed Saviour to Peter, " All they that take the sword shall perish by the sword ; ") whereas it was very weill knoune all the blood that that unfortunate gentleman had shed in Scotland was in ther quarreil and defence, bcin" but then en^adged in his master's service when he was taken piisoner, and executed at the kirk's instigationc. " The parliament was soe farre from rcbukeing ther bold in- truders, or resenting those acts of the commissione of the kirk, (now quyte besyde ther master's commissione, as they 6 MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 411 oemplete young gentleman, and worthy of mercy, had they been capable of showing any; being very young, but of an excellent disposition, and of great learning. The next couple was Sir Francis Hay of Dal- gety, and Colonel Sibbald, than whom the nation could not afford two persons more accomplished, both in body and mind. The first, being a Roman will have it understood, and ther oune solemne professione, not to meddle in secular affairs,) that they rescinded their for- mer act, and passed a sentence of death upon him, heieby imitating ther dear brethren, the parliament of England, in the caice of the Hothams. These, as weill as this poor gentleman, had ther heads strucken off for the great services they had done unto ther ungrate masters. Severall instances of this nature I could give of the kirk's insulting over the state, as in the caice of the old Marquis of Huntlie, whom the parliament really intended noe farder to punish then by perpetuall imprisonmnent; but Argyle, the great patron of the Presbytereans, whill they wer in their infancie, (but now you must understand they stood upon their oune leggs,) designeing to have his estate, he causes the commissione of the kirk per- emptorily demand his death of the parliament, which they granted, fearing to offend their holynesses, that, by the breath of ther mouth, could make them all maJignants, and soe ex- pose them to the envy ol the people, and ther oune scorne ; thairfore it was that the parliament gave up this noble per- sone, (now neer the eightieth year of his age,) as a sacrifice 10 ther bloody zeall, but he was a papist and a malignant too in ther account, that exonerated ther consciences, and pleased the people for the tyme, that held the predictiones of ther ministers as oracles," 412 MEMOIRS OF THE Catholic in his religion, and therefore not coming within the compass of the ministers' prayers, with- out speaking a word to any body, but throwing some papers out of his pocket, took off his doublet, kissed the fatal instrument, kneeled down, and re- ceived the blow. The other, with a little more composure, smiled, and talked a while to the dis- orderly rabble about him ; * then, with an un- daunted behaviour, he marched up to the block, as if he had been to act the part of a gallant in a play. The end of the last man was somewhat comical, though the poor gentleman lost his life. His name was Captain Charteris, descended of an ho- nourable and ancient family in this kingdom. The ministers having dealt with him to acknowledge his fault publicly, in order to deter all others from it, which they could extort from none of his com- panions besides, though he was naturally resolute enough, and a man of good sense and learning ; yet, partly by the persuasion of his friends, and partly by the weakness occasioned by his wounds, he agreed to their desire, and consented to make a public declaration, in hopes that thereby his life might be saved. With this conquest of conscience the ministers came vaunting to the scaffold, to pro- duce their great work to the common people 5 and * See the speech he intended to have spoken in the Ap- pendix MARQUIS OF MONTROSE. 413 he all the while suspecting nothing less than death, made a long and tedious harangue to the people, which the ministers had penned for him, in a very mournful energetic strain, wherein he acknowledged and bewailed his apostasy from the covenant, and other things which he had vented to them in auri- cular confession : after which, in place of granting him his life, as he expected, lest, like some of their former converts, he should fall off from the princi- ples which he had thus openly professed, they fair- ly cut off his head, and sealed his confession with his blood, in the true tyrannical spirit of the bloody Roman inquisition. The rest of the prisoners being either strangers, or such as had spent most of their time in foreign services, were dismissed, after granting bond never to enter this kingdom again in a hostile manner. APPENDIX. No. I. The Manifesto of the Scots Army when they en~ tered England in 1640, published under the Title of " Slv Considerations of the Lawful- ness of our Expedition into England mani- fested." As from the beginning till this time, we have attempt- ed nothing presumptuously in this great work of re- formation, but have proceeded upon good grounds, and have been led forward by the good hand of God ; so now, from our own persuasion, are we ready to answer every one that asketh us a reason of this our present ex- pedition, which is one of the greatest and most notable parts of this wonderful work of God ; beseeching all to lift up their minds above their own particulars, and, without prejudice or partiality, to lay to heart the con- siderations following. First, As all men know and confess what is the great force of necessity, and how it doth justify actions other- wise unwarrantable ; so it cannot be denied but we must either seek our peace in England at this time, or lie under the heavy burdens which we are not able to bear. 1. We must maintain armies on the borders, and all places nearest to hazard, for the defence and preserva- tion of our country, which, by Uvying down of arms, and 41 6 APPENDIX. disbanding our forces, should be quickly overrun by hostile invasion, and the incursions of' our enemies. c 2. We shall want trade by sea, which would not only deprive the kingdom of many necessaries, but utterly undo our burghs, merchants, mariners, and many others who live by fishing, and by commodities exported and imported, and whose particular callings are utterly made void, by want of commerce with other nations and sea- trade. 3 The subjects through the kingdom shall want ad- ministration of justice; and although this time past, the marvellous power and providence of God hath kept the kingdom in order and quietness without any judicatories sitting, yet cannot this be expected for afterward, but shall turn to confusion. Any one of the three, much more all of them put together, threaten us with most certain ruin, unless we speedily use the remedy of this expedition. And this we say not from fear, but from feeling ; for we have already felt, to our unspeakable prejudice, what it is to maintain armies, what to want traffic, what to want administration of justice. And if the beginning of these evils be so heavy, what shall the growth and long continuance of them prove unto us ? So miserable a being all men would judge to be worse than no being. Secondly, If we consider the nature and quality of this expedition, it is defensive, and so the more justifi- able. For proof hereof, let it be remembered, 1. The king's majesty, misled by the crafty and cruel faction of our adversaries, began this year's war, not we. When articles of pacification had been the other year agreed upon, arms laid down, forts and castles rendered, an assembly kept, and concluded with the presence and consent of his majesty's high commission- er, the promised ratification thereof in parliament (con- trary to the foresaid articles) was denied unto us j and when we would have informed his majesty by our com- missioners, of the reasons and manner of our proceed- ings, they got not so much as presence or audience. Thereafter his majesty being content to hear them, be- fore that they came to court, or were heard, war was I. APPENDIX. 417 concluded against us at the council-table of England, and a commission given to the Earl of Northumberland for that effect. 2. The parliaments of Ireland and England were also convocate, for granting subsidies unto this war against us, as is nottour ; plots have been hatched, and mili- tary preparations made against us ; many invasions by sea, which have spoiled us of our ships and goods ; men, women, and children, killed in Edinburgh by his majesty's forces in the castle : our enemies, therefore, are the authors and beginners of the war, and we de- fenders only. 3. We intend not the hurt of others, but our own peace and preservation ; neither are we to offer any in- jury or violence : and, therefore, have furnished our- selves, according to our power, with all necessaries, not to fight at ali, except we be forced to it in our own de- fence, as our declaration beareth. 4. We shall retire, and lay down arms, as soon as we shall get a sure peace, and shall be satisfied in our just demands ; upon which ground even some of those •who would seem the greatest royalists, hold the wars of the Protestants in France against the king, and the fac- tion of the Guisans to have been lawful defensive wars; because they were ever ready to disband and quiet themselves, when they got assurance of peace and li- berty of religion. Now this present expedition being in the n tture of it defensive, hence it appeareth, that it is not contrary, but consonant to our former protesta- tions, informations, and remonstrances ; in all which there is not one word against defensive war in this cause, but strong reasons for it -, all which militate for this expedition. Our first information sent to England thisyea;-, though it accuseth all offensive or invasive war, yet shewcth plainly, that, if we be invaded cither by sea or land, we must do as a man that fighteth himself out of pri- son. If a private man, when his house is blocked up, so that he can have no liberty of commerce and traffic to supply himself and family, being also in continual hazard of his life, not knowing when he shall be as- Dd M8 APPENDIX. I. saulted by his enemies who lie in wait against him, may in this case most lawfully step forth with the forces which he can make, and fight himself free ; of how much more worth is the whole nation ? And how shall one and the same way of defence and liberation be al- lowed to a private man, and disallowed to a whole na- tion ? Thirdly, We are called to this expedition by that same divine providence and vocation which hath guided us hitherto in this great business. We see the expe- diency of it for the glory of God, for the good of the church, for advancing the gospel, for our own peace : after seeking of God, and begging light and direction from heaven, our hearts are inclined to it ; God hath given us zeal and courage to prosecute it, ability and opportunity for undertaking it, unanimous resolution upon it, scruples removed out of minds where they were harboured, encouragements to achieve it from many passages of divine providence, and namely from the proceedings of the last parliament in England, their grievances and desires being so homogenial and akin to ours ; we have laboured in great long suffering by sup- plications, informations, commissions, and all other means possible, to avoid this expedition. It was not premeditated nor affected by us, Gcd knows ! but our enemies have necessitated and redacted us unto it, and that of purpose to sow the seed of national quarrels ; yet as God hitherto hath turned all their plots against themselves, and to effects quite contrary to those that they intended, so are we hopeful that our coming into England, so much wished and desired by our adver- saries for producing a national quarrel, shall so far dis- appoint them of their aims, that it shall link the two nations together in straiter and stronger bonds, both of civil and Christian love, than ever belbre. And that we may see yet further evidences of a call- ing Irom God to this voyage, we may observe the order of the Lord's steps and proceedings in this work of re- formation. For, beginning at the gross popery of the service- book and book of canons, he hath followed the back-tread of our defection, till he hath reformed the I. APPENDIX. 419 very first and smallest novations which entered in this church. But so it is, that this back-tread leadeth yet further, to the prelacy in England, the fountain whence all those Babylonish streams issue unto us ; the Lord, therefore, is still on the back-tread, and we following him therein, cannot yet be at a stay. Yea, we trust that he shall so follow forth this tread, as to chase home the beast and the false prophet to Rome, and from Rome out of the world. Besides, this third con- sideration resulteth from the former two ; for if this ex- pedition be necessary, and if it be defensive, then it fol- loweth inevitably, that we are called unto it j for our necessary defence is warranted, yea commanded, by the law of God and nature, and we are obliged to it in our covenant. Fourthly, The lawfulness of this expedition appeared), if we consider the party against whom, which is not the kingdom of England, but the Canterburian faction of Papists, Atheists, Arminians, Prelates, the misleaders of the king's majesty, and the common enemies of both kingdoms. We persuade ourselves, that our brethren and neighbours in England will never be so evil advised as to make themselves a party against us, by their de- fence and patrociny of our enemies among them j as sometimes the Benjaminitcs made themselves a party against the Israelites, by defending the Gibeathites in their wicked cause, Judg. xx. We pray God to give them the wisdom of the wise woman in Abel, who, when Joab came near to her city with an army, found out a way which both kept Joab from being an enemy to the city, and the city from being an enemy to him, 2 Sam. xx. As touching the provision and furniture of our army in England, it shall be such as is used among friends, not among enemies. The rule of humanity and gratitude will teach them to furnish us with necessaries, when as, beside the procuring of our own peace, we do good offices to them. They detest, we know, the chur- lishness of Nabal, who refused victuals to David and his men, who had done them good and no evil, 1 Sam. xx., and the inhumanity of the men of Succoth and Pe- nuel, who denied bread to Gideon's army, when he was 420 APPENDIX. I. pursuing the common enemies of all Israel, Judg. viii. But let the English do of their benevolence what hu- manity and discretion will teach them ; for our own part, our declaration sheweth, that we seek not victuals for nought, but for money or security ; and if this should be refused, which we shall never expect, it were as damnable as the barbarous cruelty of Edom and Moab, who refused to let Israel pass through their country, or to give them bread and water in any case, Numb. xx. Judg. xi. ; and this offence the Lord accounted so inex- piable, that for it he accursed the Edomitcs and Moabites from entering into the congregation of the Lord unto the tenth generation, Deut. xxiii. 3, 4 . Fifthly, The fifth consideration concerncth the end for which this voyage is undertaken. We have attested the seaixher of hearts, it is not to execute any disloyal act against his majesty ; it is not to put forth a cruel or vindictive hand against our adversaries in England, whom we desire only to be judged and censured by their own honourable and high court of parliament ; it is not to enrich ourselves with the wealth of England, nor to do any harm thereto. But, by the contrary, we shall gladly bestow our pains and our means to do them all the good we can, which they might justly look for at our hands, for the help which they made us at our re- formation, in freeing us from the French, a bond of peace and love betwixt them and us to all generations. Our conscience, and God, who is greater than our con- science, beareth us record, that we aim altogether at the glory of God, peace of both nations, and honour of the king, in suppressing and punishing, in a legal way, of those who are the troublers of Israel, the fire-brands of hell, the Corahs, the Balaams, the Doegs, the Rab- shakehs, the Hamans, the Tobiahs, and Sanballats of our time ; which done, we are satisfied. Neither have we begun to use a military expedition to England, as a mean for compassing those our pious ends, till all other means which we could think upon have failed us ; and this alone is left to us as ultimum ct unicum remedium, the last and only remedy. Sixthly, If the Lord shall bless us in this our expe- II. APPENDIX. 421 dition, and our intentions shall not be crossed by our own sins and miscarriage, or by the opposition of the English, the fruits shall be sweet, and the effects com- fortable, to both nations, to their posterity, and to the reformed kirks abroad : Scotland shall be reformed, as at the beginning ; the reformation of England, long prayed and pleaded for by the godly, thereby shall be, according to their wishes and desires, perfected in doc- trine, worship, and discipline. Papists, Prelates, and all the members of the antichristian hierarchy, with their idolatry, superstition, and human inventions, shall pack from hence ; the names of Sects and Separatists shall no more be mentioned ; and the Lord shall be one, and his name one, throughout the whole isiand ; which shall be glory to God, honour to the king, joy to the kingdoms, comfort to the posterity, example to other Christian kirks, and confusion to the incorrigible enemies. No. II. Two Letters from the King to Montrose, anno 164>2, thanking him for his good services, and desiring the continuance of them. Montrose, As I think it fit, in respect of your sufferings for me, by these lines to acknowledge it to you ; so I think it unfit to mention by writ any particulars, but to refer you to the faithful relation of this honest bearer, Mungo Murray ; being confident that the same generosity which has made you hazard so much as you have done for my service, will at this time induce you to testify your affection to me as there shall be occasion j assuring you that, for what you have already done, I shall ever remain your most assured friend, Charles R. Windsor, 27th January 1642. 422 APPENDIX. III. Montrose, I know I need no arguments to induce you to my service. Duty and loyalty are sufficient to a man of so much honour as I know you to be : Yet as I think this of you, so I will have you to believe of me, that I would not invite you to share of my hard fortune, if I intend- ed you not to be a plentiful partaker of my good. The bearer will acquaint you of my designs, whom I have commanded to follow your directions in the pursuit of them. I will say no more, but that I am your assured friend, Charles R. York, 1th May 1842. No. III. A Letter from the Queen to Montrose, assuring him of her confidence and assistance. Mon Cousin, J'ai receu votre lettre, et par icelle vois que vous croiez que les affaires en Ecosse sont en fort mauvais etat pour le service du roy, et cela par ma negligence, pour n'avoir pas ecoute aux propositions qui m'ont ete fait a mon arrive ; en cela j'ai suivi les commandemens du roi ; mais je crois encore que si les bons serviteurs du roy veuille s'accorder ensemble, et ne perdre point de temps, qu'ils peuvent prevenir tout Je malheur qui pourroit arriver de ce cote la : et pour moy, je contri-r buerai de mon cot6 tout ce que je puis ; et lors queles armes qui viennent de Danemark seront arrivees, que j'attens tous les jours, si vous en avez besoin, vous en aurez, comme aussi aucune autre assistance que je pourrai, aiant toujour eu une tres grande confiance en vous et en votre generosite, que je vous assure n'est point di- minue, quoique comme vous miserable j'ai oui que vous aviez faites amitie avec quelque personnes qui me pourroit fait apprehender ; mais la confiance que j'ai en vous, et l'estime, ne pendra pas sur de si petites fonde- mens que le commun bruit, ni sur une chose que si vous III. APPENDIX. 4.2o avez faite je suis assure que ce n'est que pour le service du roy : Croiez aussi que de mon cote je ne manquerai pas a ce queje vous promis, et que je suis et serai tou- jours, votre bien bonne amie, Henriette Marie R. York, ce 31 May. Cousin, I have received your letter, and see by it that you are of opinion the king's affairs in Scotland are in a very bad condition, and that this is occasioned by my refusing to hearken to the advice you gave me at my arrival ; in this I observed the king's orders, and am still persuaded that all the mischief that can happen from that quarter may be prevented by the king's good servants, if they will agree among themselves, and lose no time. For my own part, I shall contribute all I can ; and when the arms from Denmark come to hand, which I am expecting every day, if you need any of them, you shall have them ; as also any other assistance that is in my power, having always had a great confidence in you and in your generosity ; which I assure you is not in the least lessened, though I am under the same misfortune with you, and have heard that you make up friendships with such as might make me apprehensive : But my confi- dence and esteem of you are not built on so slender foundations as common talk is, nor can it be shaken by such a step as this, which, if you have made, 1 am per- suaded it was made with no other view but to serve the king. You may be assured, that, for my part, I will never fail of my promise to you ; that I am, and always shall be, your very good friend, Henrietta Maria R. York, 31s/ May. * * Though this letter has only the date of the month, and not ot the year, it is certain that it was written in the IGi.i ; for the queen landed at Burlington, in Yorkshire, in the end of February that year, and afterwards went to York, where Montrose advised her to crush the covenanters in the bud ; but she was not so lucky as to follow his advice. See the 3M, 34/A, and 35th pages of ihe His- 424< APPENDIX. IV. No. IV. The King's Commission to the Marquis of Mon- trose to be Lieutenant-Governor, and General of all his Majesty's Forces in Scotland. CHARLES R. Charles, by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, James Marquis of Montrose, greeting. Whereas divers trai- tors and seditious persons, of our kingdom of Scotland, have levied war against us, and, to the manifest forfaul- ture of their allegiance, and the breach of the act of pa- cification, lately made between the two kingdoms, have invaded our kingdom of England, and possessed them- selves in divers places therein, to the great disturbance of our peace, and the destruction and spoil of our peo- ple ; and yet further, if no course be taken by us to prevent that, intend to make a new invasion upon this our kingdom, and bring in forces for the assistance of the rebels here. Know ye therefore, that we, repi sing especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom, courage, fidelity, and great ability, whereof you have given hitherto most extraordinary and undeniable proof, do, by these presents, name, constitute, ordain, and authorise you, the said James Marquis of Montrose, to be our lieutenant-governor, and captain-general of all our forces, raised, or to be raised in our kingdom of Scot- land, and of, and over all others brought, or to be brought thither out of our kingdoms of England and Ire- land, or from any part whatsoever. And we herebv give you power and authority to raise and levy forces, meet and apt for the wars, within all the parts of our said king- dom of Scotland, and to command and enjoin the sheriff-lieutenants, magistrates of cities and towns, and all others having power and authority under us, within every several county of our said kingdom, to send, or cause to be sent unto vou, such number of our said sub- jects apt and meet for the war, to such place or places, and at such time as you shall think expedient. And IV. APPENDIX. 425 we do further, by these presents, give you full power and authority lo put in readiness the persons so by you raised, or to be raised, levied, or assembled, sent, con- ducted, or brought unto you and them, from time to time, to arm, lead, and conduct against all and singular enemies, rebels, and traitors, and every of their adhe- rents, attempting any thing against us, our crown and dignity, within any part of the said kingdom ; and the saids enemies, rebels, and traitors, to invade, pur- sue, repress, and, in case of opposition or resistance, to slay, kill, and put to execution of death, by all ways and means, according to your good discretion ; and to do, fulfil, and execute all and singular other things, which shall be requisite for the levying, conducting, and government of our said forces ; particularly to make, constitute, and ordain laws, ordinances, and proclama- tions from time to time, as the case shall require, for the jrood government and order of all the forces that are, or shall be under your command ; and the same also, and every one of them to cause to be duly proclaimed, per- formed, and executed. And likewise to punish all mu- tinies, tumults, rapines, murders, and all other crimes and misdemeanours of any person under your command in your army, according to the course and custom of the wars and laws of the land As also for us, and in our name, as you in your discretion shall think fit, to save such as you please of these traitors, rebels, and offend- ers, as shall be apprehended or brought into prison, and make tender of our royal grace and pardon to such of them as shall submit to us, and desire to receive our mercy. And further, we do give unto you full power and authority, for the better execution of this our commis- sion, to appoint and assign all commanders and officers necessary and requisite for the government and com- mand of our said forces, and to command all cities, towns, castles, and forts within our said kingdom of Scotland, to place governors and commanders within the same, and to remove, displace, or continue such as are in any of them already, according as you shall think meet for the good of our service, and satety of that our kingdom. And our further will and pleasure is, and iM APPENDIX. IV. we do by these presents give unto you full power and authority, not only to repress and subdue such as are in arms against us within our said kingdom of Scotland, but also to advance your forces into such parts of our kingdom of England, or any other of our dominions as are infested and oppressed by any of our Scottish subjects, already brought, or hereafter to be brought in for as- sisting the rebels of this kingdom ; and there to pursue and beat out of such towns, castles, and forts, as they have got possession of, without any part of our said kingdom of England, or other our dominions ; to re- cover the same for our use, and to relieve and free our English subjects, and others, from the heavy yoke that by that means lieth upon them. And because of the ample testimony you have given us of your singular wis- dom and fidelity, in the ordering and disposing of our great and weighty affairs hitherto, to the end you may reward and encourage such as have given, or shall give assistance unto you towards the advancement of our ser- vice; we do hereby give unto you full power and authori- ty, from time to time, to confer the title, degree, and ho- nour of knighthood upon such person, either natives or others, employed under your charge and command, whom you in your discretion shall conceive fit to receive the same ; and whatsoever you shall do herein, accord- ing to the true intent and meaning of these presents, we do for us, our heirs and successors, ratify and confirm upon the great trust and confidence which we repose in you, that ye will make such use of this power given to you as may best conduce to the advancement of our service and honour. Wherefore, we will and command you, our said lieutenant-governor, with all diligence du- ly to execute the premises with effect. And whatsoever you shall do by virtue of this our commission, and ac- cording to the tenor and effect of the same, touching the execution of the premises, or any part thereof, you shall be for the same discharged by these presents in that behalf against us, our heirs and successors. And, therefore, we wiil and command all and singular our subjects within our said kingdom of Scotland, of what- pomever degree and quality, whether noblemen, gentle- V. APPENDIX. 427 men, burgesses, magistrates in the country or towns, privy counsellors, officers of state militant, commanders and soldiers, to whom it shall appertain, that they, and every one of them, shall be, from time to time, attend- ant, aiding, assisting, and helping to you, and at the commandment of you, as aforesaid, in the due execution hereof; and that they diligently and faithfully perform and execute such commands as you shall, from time to time, give them for our service, as they and every of them tender our displeasure, and will answer the con- trary at their utmost perils. And these presents shall have continuance during our pleasure, and ever while they be expressly revoked by us. Given under our sign manual and privy signet, at our court at Hereford, the twenty-fifth of June 1645, and of our reign the one and twentieth. No. V. A Letter from the Marquis of Montrose to Pre- sident Spotiswood. * Goode President, At our arryval heir, being incertane of all busynes, I directed alongs Cornell Cochran to my Lord Neucastell, to learne the conditione of affaires, and informe him par- ticularly of what he had to expect j which necessarly occasions our stay heir for some days. His returne to us was, that for supplyes he could dispence non for the present *, for monyes he had non, neither wes he oueing my Lord Germine any ; for armes and amunition he hade not to the two parts of his armie ; bot had been so long expecting from beyonde sea, as he wes now out of hopes ; so this is the termes we stand on. However since it is so, et non patarem ; for we resolved with it, although we expected better j it shall be no matter of * From the original in the custody of John Spotiswood of Tlia* Ilk, Esq. relating to Chap. III. p. 52, 53, &c. 428 APPENDIX. VI. discouragement to withhould us from doeing our best. To-morrow we are to goe to the arm}/, which is lookt dayly to fight ; bot I hope we shall come in tyme to beare them witness. Argyle, upon the rumor of our coming, is returned to Scotland in heast, to prepaire against us there ; bot we intend to make all possible dispatch to follow him att the heels in whatsoever pos- ture we can. So this is all I can shou you for the pre- sent ; bot as farther occurs, you shall from time to lime know it by your most affectionatt and faith! ull servant to serve you, Montrose. York, March 13, 16U. P. S. I much admyre my cossing Sir Williame Flem- yng's stay, and am heartely sorry both for the busines and himself; bot I know its non of his fault Let tiiis, I pray, remember me to all friends, and entreat you would keep particular goode intelligence with them all, and chiefly Mr Porter. For the generall, be pleased to lett him know still all generals, and make your fitting use. No. VI. Sir Robert Spotiswood's Letter to Lord Digby, wrote by him before the Battle of Philiphaugh, and found in his pocket when he was made pri- soner. My Lord, We are now arrived ad colunmas Hcrculis, to Tweed- side, dispersed all the king's enemies within this king- dom to several places, some to Ireland, most of them to Berwick ; and had no open enemy more to deal with, if you had kept David Lesly there, and not suffer- ed him to come in here, to make head against us of new. It is thought strange here, that at least you have sent no party after him, which we expected ; although he should not come at all. You little imagine the difficul- VI. APPENDIX. 429 ties my Lord Marquis hath here to wrestle with ; the overcoming of the enemy is the least of them ; he hath more to do with his own seeming friends ; since I came to him, (which was but within these ten days, after much toil and hazard,) I have seen much of it. He was forc- ed to dismiss his Highlanders for a season, who would needs return home to look to their own affairs. When they were gone, Aboyn took a caprice, and had away with him the greatest strength he had of horse ; not- withstanding whereof he resolved to follow his work and clear this part of the kingdom (that was only rest- ing) of the rebels that had fled to Berwick, and kept a bustling here. Besides, he was invited hereunto by the Earls of Roxburgh and Home, who, when he was with- in a dozen of miles of th^m, have rendered their houses and themselves to David Lesly, and are carried in as prisoners to Berwick. Traquair hath been with him, and pr< mised more nor he hath yet performed. All the^e were great disheartenings to any other but to him, whom nothing of this kind can amaze. With the small forces he has presently with him, he is resolved to pur- sue David Lesly, and not suffer bim to grow stronger. If you would perform that which you lately promised, both this kingdom and the north of England might be soon reduced, and considerable assistance sent from hence to his majesty > however, nothing will be wanting on our parts here ; these that are together are both loyal and resolute; only a little encouragement from you (as much to let it be seen that they are not neglected, as for any thing else) would crown the work speedily. This is all I have for the present, but that I am your Lordship's most faithful friend, Ro. SroTiswoon. Dated near to Kelso, Sept. 10, 1645. 430 APPENDIX. VII. No. VII. The Last Speech of Sir Robert Spotiswood, in- tended to have been spoken by him at his Execu~ tion. You will expect to hear from me, somewhat of the eause for which I am brought hither at this time to suf- fer in this kind ; which I am bound to do, for clearing the integrity of mine own proceedings, vindicating his majesty's just and pious intentions, and withal to unde- ceive you that are muzzled in ignorance, and made to believe, that you are tied in conscience, to set forward this unnatural rebellion, masked under the cover and pretext of propagating religion, aud maintaining of pub- lic liberty. You have perceived by the fact which hath gone be- fore, viz. tearing of my arms, &c. that I stand here ad- judged to die by this pretended parliament, as a traitor to the states, and enemy to my native country. This is a treason unheard of before in this kingdom ; against the states, a thing of a new creation, which, I believe, there be some would have erected in opposition to the just and lawful authority of the king, under which we and our predecessors have been so many hundreds of years governed. To come to the particulars of my treasonable demean- our, as they esteem it, the main one is, that I did bring down a commission of lieutenancy from his majesty to the Lord Marquis of Montrose, with a proclamation for indicting a parliament by the king's authority, wherein the Lord Marquis was the commissioner. Not to excuse myself upon the necessity laid upon me to obey his ma- jesty's command in a business of that nature, in regard of the charge I had about him j I cannot so far betray mine own conscience, as to keep up from you my judg- ment of the thing itself j seeing it may both tend to the justifying of the king's part, and your better informa- tion, for lack whereof, I know many are entangled in 4 VII. APPENDIX. lol this rebellion unwittingly ; and who knoweth but God, in his merciful providence, hath brought us hither, to be the instruments of treeing you from the manifold delu- sions that are matie use of to ensnare you. I say, then, it was just and necessary to his majesty to grant such commissions, and, by consequence, an act of ciuty in me to perform what he was pleased to com- mand me. It is known well enough what contentment his ma- jesty gave to the kingdom at his last being here, both in the affairs of church and policy ; notwithstanding where- of, the world seeth what meeting he hath got from us. When this rebellion first burst out in England, all that he desired of us was only to stand neutral, and not to meddle between him and his subjects there. Ot which moderate desire of his little reckoning was made. But, on the contrary, at the request of these rebels, by the power of their faction amongst us, an army was raised and sent into England, to assist them against their own native king. His majesty being reduced to this extremity, what ex- pedient could he find so fair and easy, as to make use of the help of such of his loyal subjects as he knew had such unparalleled disloyalty in horror and detestation ? Amongst whom, that matchless mirror of all true worth and nobility, the Lord Marquis of Montrose, having of- fered himself,it pleased his majesty to give him a subaltern commission first ; which he having executed with such unheard of success, that his memory shall be had in ho- nour for it, in all ages, his majesty, lor the better fur- thering ot his own service, and to countenance and en- courage him the more in it, gave an absolute one, and independent, thereafter ; which is that I delivered into his hands, by his majesty's command. Here withal, his majesty, pitying the miseries of this poor kingdom, occasioned by the rebellious stubbornness of a iexv fac- tious spirits, thought fit to give a power to the said Lord Marquis to call a parliament in his own name, to try if by that means a remedy might be found against the pre- sent evils. And in all this, I see not what can be justly charged 432 APPENDIX. VIL, upon his majesty, or upon me his servant, who have clone nothing against any authorized Jaw of the kingdom, but have served him faithfully, unto whom by trust and natural allegiance I owe so much. Whereas I am declared an enemy to my native coun- try, God be so propitious to me, as my thoughts to- wards it have been always public, and tending to the good and honour thereof. 1 profess, since I had the ho- nour of that noble marquis's acquaintance, I have been a favourer of his designs knowing them to be both loyal and honourable. Besides, that 1 know his affection to his country to be eminent, in this especially, that he did ever shew himself passionate to vindicate the honour of this kingdom, which suffered every where, by the strange combination of this with the rebels of another country and kingdom against their own prince ; wherein I con- curred in judgment with him, and thought there was no other way to do it, but by setting up a party of true and loyal hearted Scotsmen for his majesty; whereby it might be seen, that it is not a national defection, but only stirred up by a faction there, which, for their own ends, have dishonoured their native kingdom, and dis- turbed the peace thereof; in enterprising and pursuing of which heroical design, God hath so favoured that no- ble lord, that he hath righted our country in the opi- nion of all the world, and discovered where the rotten- ness lieth. Thus far I am contented to be counted a traitor in their opinion that have condemned me, being fully as- sured, that God, the righteous judge of all, who knoweth the uprightness and integrity of my intentions, will im- pute no fault to me on thL- kind; since, to my know- ledge, I have carried myself according to the direction of his word, and the practice of all good Christians, be fore these miserable times we are fallen into. My ex- hortation, therefore, (which, coming from me at the point I am at, will, I hope, have some weight,) shall be this unto you, that you will break off your sins by re- pentance, and, above all, free yourselves of that master sin of rebellion that reigneth in this land, whereunto most part are cither forced or drawn unawares; espe- vur. appendix. 433 eially at the instigation of those who should have direct- ed them in the way of truth. It cannot be but a great judgment upon a land, when God's singular mercies towards it are so little valued. He hath not given us a king in his wrath ; but one who, for piety, bounty, and all virtues both Christian and mo- ral, may be a patron to all princes. But how little thankful we are to God for so great a blessing, our re- spect towards him dorh manifest. Yet, I fear, there is a greater judgment than this upon it, which occasions all the mischiefs that afflict this poor land, such as was sent upon Aehab. God hath put a lying spirit in the mouths of the most part of your prophets, who, instead of the doctrine of salvation, labour to draw their hearts into the condemnation of Corah. God Almighty look upon this miserable church and kingdom, and relieve you of that intolerable servitude you lie under; which, as I do heartily wish for on your behalf, so let me have the assistance of your prayers, that God would be pleased to pardon all my sins in Je- sus Christ, and gather my soul with saints and martyrs that are gone to their rest before. So I bid the world and )ou farewel. No. VIII. Sir Robert Spotiswood* s Letter to the Marquis oj Montrose, wrote by him the day before his Exe- cution. My Noble Lord, You will be pleased to accept this last tribute of my service, this people having condemned me to die for my loyalty to his majesty, and the respect I am known to carry towards your excellence, which, I believe, hath been the greater cause of the two of my undoing. Al- ways, I hope, by the assistance of God's grace*, to do more good to the king's cause, and to the advancement of the service your excellence hath in hand, by my death, than perhaps otherwise I could have done, being living ; E e 4>3i< APPENDIX* IX. for all the rubs and discouragements I perceive your excellence hath had of late, I trust you will not be dis- heartened to go on, and crown that work you did so gloriously begin, and had achieved so happily, if you had not oeen deserted in the nick. In the end God will surely set up again his own anointed, and, as I have been confident from the beginning, make )Our excellence a prime instrument of it. One tiling I must humbly re- commend to your excellence, that, as you have done always hithertill, so you will continue, by fair and gentle carriage, to gain the people's affection to their prince, rather than to imitate the barbarous inhumanity of your adversaries, although they give your excellence too great provocations to follow their example. Now, for my last request, in hope that the poor ser- vice I could do hath been acceptable to your excellence, let me be bold to recommend the care of my orphans to you, that when God shall be pleased to settle his majes- ty in peace, your excellence will be a remembrancer to him in their liehalf ; as also in behalf of my brother's house, that hath been, and is mightily oppressed lor the same respect. Thus being lorced to part with your ex- cellence, as I lived, so I die, your Excellency's most hum- ble and faithful servant, Ro. Spotiswood. Si Andrew's Castle, ~) Jan. 19, 1646. } For the Lord Marquis of Montrose his Excellence. No. IX. Three Letters from the King, when he was with the Scots Army at Newcastle, to the Marquis of Montrose, containing his Orders to the Mar- quis for disbanding his Forces, and going to France. Montrose, I am in such a condition as is much fitter for relation than writing, wherefore I refer you to this trusty bearer IX. APPENDIX. 435 Robin Ker, for the reasons and manner of my comino- to this army ; as also what my treatment hath been since I came, and toy resolutions upon my whole business: This shall, therefore, only give you positive commands, and tell you real truths, leaving the why of ail to this bearer. You must disband your forces, and go into France, where you shall receive my further directions. This at first may justly startle you, but I assure you, that if, for the present, I should offer to do more for you, I could not do so much, and that you shall always find me your most assured, constant, real, and faithful friend, Charles R. Newcastle, May 19, 1616. Montrose, I assure you, that I no less esteem your willingness to lay down arms at my command, for a gallant and real expression of your zeal and affection to my service, than any of your former actions ; but I hope that you can- not have so mean an opinion of me, that, for any par- ticular or worldly respects, 1 could suffer you to be ruin- ed. No, 1 avow that it is one of the greatest and truest marks of my present miseries, that I cannot recompense you according to your deserts; but, on the contrary, must yet suffer a cloud of the misfortune of the times to hang over you ; wherefore I must interpret those ex- pressions in your letter concerning yourself, to have on- ly relation to your own generosity ; for you cannot but know that they are contrary to my unalterable resolu- tions, which, I assure you, 1 neither conceal nor mince, for there is no man who ever heard me speak of you that is ignorant that the reason which makes me at this time send you out of the country, is, that you may re- turn home with the greater glory, and, in the mean time, to have as honourable an employment as I can put upon you. This trusty bearer, Robin Ker, will tell you the care I have had of all your friends and mine, to whom albeit I cannot promise such conditions as I would, yet they will be such as, all things considered, are most fit for them to accept ; wherefore, 1 renew my former directions of laying down arms unto you, desir- 436 APPENDIX. IS. ing you to let Huntly, Crawfurd, Airly, Seaforth, and Ogilvy know, that want of time hath made me now omit to reiterate my former commands unto them, intending that this shall serve for all ; assuring them, and all the rest of my friends, that, whensoever God shall enable me, they shall reap the fruits of their loyalty and affec- tion to my service. So I rest your most assured, con- stant, real, faithful friend, Charles R. Newcastle, June 15, 1646. Montrose, The most sensible part of my many misfortunes is, to see my friends in distress, and not to be able to help them ; and, of this kind, you are the chief; wherefore, according to that real freedom and friendship which is between us, as I cannot absolutely command you to ac- cept of unhandsome conditions, so I must tell you, that I believe your refusal will put you in a far worse estate than your compliance will. This is the reason that I have told this bearer, Robin Ker, and the commission- ers here, that I have commanded you to accept of Mid- dleton's conditions, which really I judge to be your best course, according to this present time, for, if this oppor- tunity be let slip, you must not expect any more treaties ; in which case, you must either conquer all Scotland, or be inevitably ruined. That you may make the clearer judgment what to do, I have sent you here inclosed the chancellor's answers to your demands; whereupon, if you find it fit to accept, you may justly say I have com- manded you ; and, if you take another course, you can- not expect that I can publicly avow you in it, until I shall be able, which God knows how soon that will be, to stand upon my own feet ; but, on the contrary, seem to be not well satisfied with your refusal, which I find clearly will bring all this army upon you, and then I shall be in a very sad condition, such as I shall rather leave to your judgment, than seek to exprtss ; however, you shall always find me to be your most assured, real, constant, faithful friend, Charles R. Newcastle, July 16, 164-6. X. APPENDIX. 487 P. S. Whatsoever you may otherwise hear, this is truly my sense, which I have ventured freely unto you without a cypher, because I perceive this to be coup de partie. No. X. A Letter from the King to the Marquis of Mon- trose, congratulating him on his safe Arrival in the Low Countries, ajter disbanding his Army, and recommending him to the Queen. Montkose, Having no cypher with you, I think not fit to write but what I care not though all the world read it. First, then, I congratulate your coming to the Low Countries, hoping, before this, that ye are safely arrived at Paris ; next, ± refer you to this trusty bearer for the knowledge of my present condition, which is such, as all the direc- tions I am able to give you is, to desire you to dispose of yourself as my wife shall advise you, knowing that she truly esteems your worth, for she is mine, and I am your most assured, real, faithful, constant friend, Charles R. Newcastle, Jan. 21, 1646-7. A Letter from the Queen to the Marquis, thanking him J or his past services. Mon Cousin, Aussi-tot que j'ai appris votre arrive.! en Hollande, je vous ai voulu faire cette lettre, pour vous donner tou- jours des assurances de la continuation de l'estime que j'ai des services que vous avez rendu au roy mon seigneur. Je ne fais point de doute de la continuation, lorsque vous le pourrez ; yos actions m'cn ont donne trop evidentes preuves pour en douter; commc aussi j'espere que vous croyez, qu'il n'y a rien qui puisse etre en mon pouvoir pour vous en faire paroitre mes resenti- 438 APPENDIX. X. mens que je ne fasse. J'ai charge Ashburnham de vous parler plus particulierment de quelque chose pour le service du roy ; me remittans a lui, a qui vous pouvez prendre entiere confiance; je finirai aveccette assurance encore, que je suis tres entierement, Mon Cousin, votre affectionee cousine, et constante amie, Henrieta Maria R. Paris, ce 15 Mars 1647. Cousin, So soon as I heard of your arrival in Holland, I re- solved to write this letter, assuring you, that I still very much value the service you have done the king my hus- band. I am persuaded you will continue your faithful service to the utmost of your power. Your actions have afforded such plain proofs of your fidelity and zeal, that I cannot doubt of them ; and I hope you will believe that I will do all that is in rny power to shew you my grateful sense of your good services. I have ordered Ashburnham to speak more particularly with you, of something that concerns the king's service. Referring you to him, in whom you may entirely confide, I con- clude with this further assurance, that I am entirely, * Cousin, your affectionate cousin, and constant friend, Henrieta Maria R. Paris , March 15, 1647. * This letter plainly refers to what is related in p. 277, and following pages of tbis history, when Ashburnham was sent to Montrose on his way to Paris, to dissuade him from going forward ; for the Lord Jermyn and the Presbyterians were afraid that the queen, by embracing Montrose's advice, would break their measures. XI. APPENDIX, 439 No. XL A Letter from the Queen to the Marquis, en- couraging him in the resolution of avenging the King's Murder, Mon Cousin, Aiant receu votre lettre par Pooley, et par icelle veu les assurances de la continuation de votre affection pour le service du roy, monsieur mon fils, comme vous avez toujours eu pour celuy du feu roy, mon seigneur, dont le meurtre commis en sa personne doit augmenter a tous ses serviteurs la passion de chercher tous les moyens de se revancher d'une mort si abominable; et comme je ne doute point que vous ne soyes bien aise d'en avoir les occasions, et que pour cet effet vous ne lassies toutce qui dependra de vous ; je vous conjure done de vouloir vous joindre avec tous ceux de votre nation qui vou- droient resentir comme ils doivent cette mort, et oublier tout ce qui s'est passe entre vous ; e'est tout ce que j'ai a vous recommander, et de me croire avec autant d'as- surance comme je suis en effect, et serai toujours, Mon Cousin, vot/e bien bonne et affectionee cousine et amie, Henri eta Maria R. Paris, ce 10 Mars 1649. Cousin, I have received your letter by Pooley, and in it as- surance, that you continue the same good affection to serve the king my son, which you have always had for the late king my husband. The murder committed in his person must necessarily increase the passion of all his servants to be avenged on his enemies, who were guilty of the abominable crime of his death. And as I doubt not but you will be well pleased that an op- portunity offer for this, and that you will do all in your power for effectuating it; I conjure you to join with all your counti-ymen, that would shew a just resentment of this murder, and forget all the differences that have been formerly among you. This is all I have to rccom- 440 APPENDIX. XII. mend to you at present, and to believe me to be, as much as I really am, and always shall be, * Cousin, your very good and affectionate cousin and friend, Henrieta Maria R. Paris, March 10, 1649. No. XII. This and the six following Letters are now for the Jirsi time printed, from the Archives of the noble Family of Seaforth. CHARLES R. Trusty and wel- beloved, we greate you well. We are so fully informed of the loyalty and good affection which you have constantly expressed to the king, our late father, of blessed memory, and to us, that we are willing, upon this occasion, to returne you our thank- full acknowledgement thereof; and we assure you that we shall alwayes remember it, to the advantage of your- self and your friends, who have concurred with you therein ; and we intreate both you and them to continue the same good affection to us and our service, until we shall have meanes and opportunity to give you and your friends such lurther incouragement as shall be necessa- ry ; which we expect and intend to doe with all conve- nient speede ; tind, in the meane time, we referre you and your friends to such further information of our particu- lar desires, to you and them, as you shall receive from our right trusty and right intirely beloved cousin, James Marquis of Montrose, with whom we entreate you to hold correspondence hereafter for our service. Given under our signet, at Ilaghe, the 12 day of Apr Hi 1S49, and the first yeare of our reigne. [Directed] To our trusty and wel-beioved Thomas Mackeiny, Esq, Laird of Pluscardin. * This letter seems to point at the differences that always sub- sisted between Montrose and theHamiltonian or Presbyterian party XII. APPENDIX. 441 CHARLES R. Trusty and wel- beloved, we greete you well. The many testimonies that you and your friends have former- ly given of your loyalty and good affection to the king, our late father, of bless- d memorie, and the condition you are now in, are sufficient arguments to us to rely and depend confidently upon you in all things that con- cerne our service in that kingdome of Scotland ; and be- cause our right- trusty and right weil-beloved cousin, the Earle of Seafort, hath, since his coming hither, given us full assurance of hi? faithfullnes and integrity, we con- ceive his concurrence with you in that worke you have in hand wn! be necessarie tor our service, and for the advantage of your undertakings. In the meant time, we desire you to take care of all the concernments of our said cousin, both publiqut and private; and, as we are truly sensible of the loyalty which yourselfe and your friends have expressed, and the losses which our said cousin, and you and they, have sustayned for our ser- vice, so, whenever it shall be in our power, we shall not faile to contribute all we may for your just reparation for the losses you have already sustayned, or shall hereafter susiayne, for our service. And that we may hereafter, vpon all occasions, communicate our desires and inten- tions to you, we entreate you to receave the same from our right trusty and right intirely beloved cousine the Marques of Montrose, and from our said cousine the Earle of Seafort. Given under our signet t, at the Haghe, the L 3d day of June 1649, and in the first yearc of our reigne. [Addressed as the preceding.] My Loud, G ttenberg, 15 December 16&9. I am sory I heave not hud so many occasions as I wold to express unto you the joy I heave of all yr honorable and rreiudly ( ariages, both concerning ;,ublick and pry- vatt, which I assure yr lp. is no l"ss contentment to your friendes, and satisfaction to ail honest men, (eviue those who know you not,) then it is happynes for yrself. I pray God give joy to preferr so vertuos and honorable a 442 APPENDIX. XII. tract, and be seur I shall be no longer happy then I be not thankfull for the nobell obligations I owe you. I am so prest (being to sett sayle to-morrow for Scotland) as I can say littell more, only I must yr 1. a thousand thanks for yr favours and kyndness, to yr servand Mr James Woode, which I humbly intreat you continue, and I will not feale, if I heave a lyfe, to caus returne what you ar pleased to doe to any of yr servands. I will say no more, but that I shall live or dye, my Lord, yr L. most faithfull cossing and servand, Montrose. ["Directed] For my Nobell Lord the Katie of Siqfort. I heare our cossing Chartrous hes gone to the king, which his maide me not writ unto him. * * Sir John Charteris of Amisfield's mother was the Lady Mar- garet Fleming, daughter of John, first Earl of Wigton, by Lady Lilias Graham, daughter of John, third Earl of Montrose. Sir John's fortunes were ruined through his loyalty to his sovereign, and the rapacity of some of his neighbours. The^following anecdote respecting him is extracted from the MS. History of the Presbyte- ry of Penpunt : " Near to this castle, (Glencairne,) in the year 1651, when King Charles the Second had marched with his army to England, the loyal nobility and gentry of Nidsdale and Annandale, being met for hasting out recruits of horse and foot for his majes- tie's service, were assaulted by an English commander, one Major Scot, son to the famous brewer's clerk, Thomas Scot, a stikling member of the Rump Parleament of England, and one of the regi- cides, who, after bis maj.'s restitution, did receive the reward of a bold and bloody traitor. Albeit this Major Scot was commander of 1 4 score of experienced horsemen, yet the noblemen and gentle- men did resolve valiantly to abide their charge, though much infe- rior in number ; and, by a party of 36 or 40 horse, commanded by Rot. Fergusson of Craigdarroch, the English forlorn-hope, being a greater number, was stoutly and resolutely charged, broken, and beaten into their body, with the loss of severall of the English, and none of his party. Thereafter the noblemen and gentlemen being led by Sir Jo. Charteris of Ampsfiekl, knight, did charge the body of the English, when it came up, but being inferior in num- ber, and many of their souldiers being not weel trained, they were forced to retire. The Master of Hemes then, and of late the Earl of Nidsdale, was wounded by a shot in the arm ; and though some of the English, yet none of the loyal party were killed in the fight, but some were killed in the retreat, who, being denied quarters, because they could not instruct themselves to be commissionate of- XII. APPENDIX. 443 Kirwall in Orlcnay^ 26 March 1650. My Lord, I receaved yr L. by Mr May, who has confirmed me in the knowledge of all yr nobell and freindly cariages, for which beleave I will serve you with my lyfe all the dayes it shall please God to len me it. I am going to the maine-land, and hes no more leasure bot to assure you I shall tender yr freindes and interests as my aune life, and still live or dye, my Lord, yr cossen and laithfull freind and servand, Montrose. For the Earle of Si of or t. Hage f 15 Agust 1649. Mv Lord, I am joyed you ar weale, tho sory you ar still in that place, for y r presence wher you know wold doe much goode, since you sei affairs goe so equally and on a levell alwayes. I hope thes will fynd you goeing, and my best wishes shall accompany you alongs. I am just now setting out, and intends to recover thir delays by the best dispatch I can. As I am able, you shall receave my accounts with that, that I shall ever be, my Lord, yr cossing and faithfull servand, Montrose. [Directed] Tor the Right Honourable the Earle of Siafort. Copnahagen, 27 Octobr veteri. My Lord, Tho I heave writt many tymes to you, which seimes is not come to yr hands, and only receaved some tuo of yrs yett I cannot bot tell you how glaid I am att the infor- mations 1 receave of yr nobell and resolutt cariages con- cerning his majestic, and yrkyndens towards yr friends, fleers, or listed soukliers, were barbarously murdered, among which a young gentleman, Ro. Maxwell of Tinnell, was one. Some others of quality being and avowing themselves souldiers, had quarter granted them, and were taken prisoners." 444 APPENDIX. XII. which I assure you lies procured you so much respect mongst all honorable people, as is not to be exchanged for a world ; for what friendship you heave beane pleased to doc me the honor to witnes (iho it can be no more then I ever promised to myself,) I will make you the faith- fullest returne my Iyfe can doe, and if it please God I los it not very suddenly, I shall be sure not to dye in yr debt ; meanetyme, I humbly entreat you be confident, that wherever I be, or whatever occasions I may heave to correspond with you, or not, that I can never forgett what I owe you, but shall ever in all fortunes, places, and tymes, be faithfully and as effectually as it may please God I can, my Lord, yr L's. most faithful! cossing and servand, Montrose. I am useing yr advyse, and setting furth in the way that is possible, and I shall make you the best ac- count that it shall please God to give me leave. [Directed in another hand] Tor the Earle of Seqforth this. The following Better of the Queen of Bohemia is deemed worthy of being made 'public, as it contains a good deal of the characteristic spirit oj the unfortunate writer. The Hagh, this 18 Jan. My Lord, I woulde not vrite to you till I coulde tell you some certaintie of the king's affaires. Yesterday Harry Sea- mour came hither out of Scotland ; he took shipping yesterday was sevenight, the day after which was new yearsday, then the king was to becrouned, he coulde not stay to see it for feare to loose his passage, but certainlie he was trouned then : they permit all the engagers, and those that are not excommunicate and confiscat in their estats to come to court and be in the armie, but not to have anie office of note. The vertuous chancelour made a long speech against receaving of anie ; but the XIII. APPENDIX. 445 kin** told him he spoke more for Cromwell then for him, so as the vote passed for the king ; yet the next day Leslie and Robin Montgomerie, two great saints, gave up a petition against the receaving of them, and hav- ing done no good, have layd doune their commissions. I hope the king will take them at there worde ; in the meane time, that brave valiant Lo. Argille is all for the king ! you may judge how trulie, since all his creatures are against him. I now flnde you have a great reason not to venture to soone amongst them. When I shall know the kins is in the heart of his armie, then I shall hope some ^ood ; for certainlie all the gentrie, nobili- tie, and people in generall, are all for him. When I heare anie more, I will lett you know, for as yet I am not satisfied with this news. In the meane time, I in- treat you to beleive, that I ame constantlie, your most affectionat 1'rend, Elizabeth. I send this by the direction of Leith, because the gentleman you writt to me of is not heere. [Directed] For the Earle of Seafort. No. XIII. Two Lettersfrom Prince Rupert to the Marquis, My Lord, I am sorry that this employment will not give me leave to stir from it, else I should have been extreme willing to have met with your lordship somewhere, and conferred with you about his majesty's affairs; the bearer hereof can more fully tell your lordship how ready I shall be to join with you in any thing that may advance that service, in which you showed so much reality and forwardness ; I shall therefore only trouble you with an assurance of my service to you, which shall 44,6 APPENDIX. XIV. not be wanting in your lordship's most faithful friend to serve vou, P. Rupert. From on board the Admiral, Oct. 11, 1648. Directed thus, To my Lord Marquis of Montrose. My Lord, I have received three letters from your Lordship in one day, among which there was one sent me bv Major-General Monro, whose business, though I know not, yet whenever he shall please to let me know, the assistance I shall give, it shall be set forward as much as it may. My Lord, I find upon all occasions, that your kindness to me is the same you profest, and I am very sorry that as yet there is no occasion for me to give a real testimony of mine, which I intend upon all occasions to do. Of this your Lordship may be con- fident, since this is from, My Lord, your Lordship's most faithful friend and servant, Kingraglj/, April 1, 1649. P. Rupert. No. XIV. Commission from King Charles II. to the Mar- quis of Montrose, for settling the Differences with the Town of Hamburgh, and borrowing a Sum of Money from the Senate. CHARLES R. Right trusty, and right entirely beloved cousin, we greet you well. We send you herewith a relation which we have lately received from our trusty and well beloved Sir John Cockeran, knight, of his proceedings with the town of Hamburgh; and being justly sensible how unnecessary it is for us, at this time, to make new enemies, or to be over severe in our resentments of such 10 XV. APPENDIX. 447 things, as in a time of more prosperity we ought to in- sist upon ; we therefore desire, and we hereby require and authorise you, to employ yourself by such ways and expedients as you shall think fit, to compose the dif- ferences, and to settle a better understanding between us and the said town of Hamburgh, only in that par- ticular of their resolution, to receive a public minister from the bloody rebels in England, we cannot but be- lieve it to be inconsistent with all amity and alliance with us, which, our pleasure is, shall be so represented to them, but without any menaces or threats on our part, to the end, that, if they shall avowedly receive any such public minister, we may be at liberty to take such resolution as shall be fit for our own honour and in- terest. In the mean time, we desire you to press the senate to give us some present testimony of their good affection, by supplying us with the loan of a consider- able sum of money, upon such assurance of repayment as we can for the present give them. And if any money can be gotten from them, our pleasure is, that one half thereof shall be for your employment, and that the other half be remitted for our use, to our trusty and well beloved John Webster of Amsterdam, merchant j some proportion being first deducted out of the whole, for the supply of our trusty and well-beloved servant Sir John Cockeran, knight: And so recommending this business to your care and good endeavour, we bid you heartily farewell. Given at St Germans, the 5th September 1649. No. XV. A Letter from King Charles II. to the Marquis of Montrose, encouraging him in his prepara- tions for making a descent upon Scotland. My Loud, I entreat you to go on vigorously, and with your wonted courage and care in the prosecution of those 44<8 APPENDIX. XVI. trusts I have committed to you, and not to be startled with any reports you may hear, as if I were otherwise inclined to the Presbyterians than when I left you. I assure you I am upon the same principles I was, and depend as much as ev^r upon your undertakings and endeavours for my service, being fully resolved to assist and support you therein to the uttermost of my power, as you shall find in effect, when you shall desire any thing to be done by your affectionate friend, Charles R. St Germans, September I9th } 1649. No. XVI. An Address from the Committee of Estates in Scotland to King Charles II, after the Treaty at the Hague had miscarried* May it please your Majesty, If the Estates of Parliament of this your majesty's most ancient kingdom, had considered the power and prevalency of your majesty's enemies, your majesty's present condition* and the difficulties and dangers that may attend an agreement with your majesty in such a posture of affairs, they might have been silent upon the receipt of so unsatisfactory an answer to their humble and earnest desires, and waited for the express pro- mised by your majesty in your last answer to their com- missioners. But being very desirous to witness their tender regard to your majesty, and because they would not be wanting in any thing which might evidence the sincerity and constancy of their affection, and beget a right understanding betwixt your majesty and your loyal and faithful subjects of this kingdom, they have resolved upon this new address ; there being no earthly thing more in their desires, than that your majesty may rule over them, and that your throne may be established in religion and righteousness. We doubt not but your majesty hath seriously con- is XVI, APPENDIX. 4*9 sidered your present estate, and weighed the great dangers that do and mav further arise from delav in resolution ; yet we crave leave humbly to represent, that it is matter of much trouble and sadness for us, to think that your majesty should live among strangers, and relying upon the uncertain aid of foreigners, stand at such a distance with your well affected subjects, who, against all difficulties and impediments, are most willing to interest themselves in your majesty's affairs according to the Covenant. And we cannot but acquaint your majesty, that it is unto us matter of admiration, that your majesty should at this time forbear to declare your intentions and resolutions, whilst your adversaries, the murderers of your royal father and our native king, are very active and industrious, both at home and abroad, and leave no means unassayed which may either gain reputation to themselves, or lessen your majesty's esti- mation with your people. As we are much grieved to consider the manv incon- veniences which accompany your majesty's irresolution, so are we much more afflicted to think of the sad effects that may ensue, in case your majesty should be induced to believe, that it can be safe lor your majesty to trust your person or affairs to the Papists in Ireland, who, for the enmity to the reformed religion, and cruel mur- der of many thousand Protestants in that kingdom, are long since become detestable to all your majesty's sub- jects, who either fear God, honour your majesty, or wish well to the peace of these kingdoms. We do therefore most humbly beg and earnestly beseech, that your majesty would, in your princely wisdom, seasonably lay to heart your own estate, the long continued distraction of your kingdoms, and the equity of our humble desires presented unto your majesty by our commissioners ; which, if your majesty shall graciously be pleased to grant, and above all, if your majesty shall cordially enter into the Solemn League and Covenant^ is the only way to procure the Lord's blessing on all your undertakings, and the hearty concurrence of your well affected subjects in all your kingdoms, for restoring your majesty to your just Ff 450 APPENDIX. XVII. power and authority. And for our parts, we dare con- fidently say in his sight who is the searcher of hearts, that your majesty may thereupon assuredly expect from this kingdom all the testimonies of affection and fideli- ty, according to our covenant, that dutiful and loyal subjects are capable of, for restoring your majesty to the possession of the government of your kingdoms. If, in order to these ends, your majesty shall be pleased to acknowledge the present parliament of this kingdom, particularly the two last sessions thereof, in this year 1649, and the committee having authority from them in the interval of parliament, we are resolved to make a solemn address unto your majesty for a full agreement, upon the grounds contained in the former desires of your majesty's most humble, most loyal, and most obedient subjects. Loudoun, Cancel larius. Signed in name and by command of the Parliament of Scotland. Edinburgh, 7 th August 1649. No. XVII. A Letter from his Majesty to the Committee of Estates, in Answer to their Address, and ap- pointing their Commissioners to meet and treat with him at Breda. We have received your several letters lately present- ed to us by Mr Wynram of Liber ton, and do gracious- ly accept of all those expressions of affection and fidelity you make to us therein, together with that tender sense of our present condition, and just indignation which you profess to have against the execrable murderers of the king, our late dear and royal father, of blessed me- mory ; believing that your intentions are as full of loyalty and candour to us, as we are, and always have been, real in our desires to beget such a clear and right XVII. APPENDIX. 4-51 understanding between us and all our subjects of that our n.icient kingdom of Scotland, as might be a sure foundation of their future peace and happiness, and an effectual means to root up those seeds of division and animosity which have been occasioned by the late troubles, and so to unite the hearts and affections of our subjects to one another, and to us their lawful king and sovereign, that, by their due obedience and submission to our just authority, we may be enabled to maintain them in peace and prosperity, and to protect them in their religion and liberties, as to our kingly office be- longeth. And as we have ever resolved to contribute all that depends on us to these good ends, and to the just satisfaction of all our subjects of that our kingdom j so we have now thought fit, bv the return of Mr Wyn- ram, to desire that commissioners be sent to us, suffi- ciently authorised, to treat and agree with us upon all particulars, as well in relation to the concernments and just satisfaction of our subjects there, as to those helps and assistances we may reasonably expect from them, for the bringing of the murderers of our late dear father, of blessed memory, lo condign punishment, and for the recovery of our just rights in all our kingdoms ; and that they attend us by the 15th of March next at Breda, where we intend, God willing, to be. In order where- unto,and in confidence of such a treaty, as also to evidence to you, and to the whole world, that we sincerely desire to agree with you, and expecting that no other use shall be made of it to the prejudice of us or our affairs, than what we intend in order to the treaty, notwithstanding many important considerations that might have dissuad- ed us from doing any thing antecedently at this time, we have resolved to direct this letter unto you, by the name of the Committee of Estates of that our kingdom, hoping, that, from the confidence we express in your clear and candid intentions towards us, you will derive effectual arguments to yourselves of mutual confidence in us, which, by the blessing of Almighty God, by your just and prudent moderation, by the earnest desire we have to oblige all our subjects of that kingdom, and by the means of the treaty which we expect and desire, 4>5 l 2 APPENDIX. XVIII. may be the foundation of a full and happy agreement between us, and of the future peace and security of that nation ; which, we assure you, we passionately desire, and shall effectually endeavour. And so we bid you very heartily farewell. Given at our Court in Jersey, the 22- 12th day of January , 1649-50, in the Jirst year of our reign. No, XVIII. Charles R In A Letter from his Majesty to the Mar qui* of Montrose, sent him with copies o ; the Com- mittee' 's Address, and his Majesty'* s Answer, and requiring him to prosecute his design upon Scotland vigorously. CHARLES R. Right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, we greet you well. An address having been lately made to us from Scotland, by a letter, whereof we send you the copy herewith, wherein they desire that we should ac- knowledge their parliament, and particularly the two last sessions of it, and thereupon offer to send a solemn address to us for a full agreement ; we have, in answer thereunto, returned our letters to them, a copy where- of we likewise send you here inclosed, by which we have appointed a speedy time and place for their commission- ers to attend us : and to the end you may not appre- hend that we intend, either by any thing contained in those letters, or by the treaty we expect, to give the least impediment to your proceedings, we think fit to let you know, that as we conceive that your prepara- tions have been one effectual motive, that has induced them to make the said address to us; so your vigorous proceeding will be a good means to bring them to such moderation in the said treaty as probably may produce XVIII. APPENDIX. 45S an agreement, and a present union of that whole nation in our service. We assure you, therefore, that we will not, before or during the treaty, do any thing contrary to that power and authority which we have given you by our commission, nor consent to any thing that may bring the least degree of diminution to it ; and if the said treaty should produce an agreement, we will, with our uttermost care, so provide tor the honour and in- terest of yourself, and of all that shall engage with you, as shall let the whole world see the high esteem we have of you, and our full confidence in that eminent courage, conduct, and loyalty, which you have always expressed to the king our late dear father, of blessed memory, and to us, both by your actions and sufferings for our cause. In the mean time, we think fit to declare to you, that we have called them a Committee of Estates, on\y in order to a treaty, and for no other end whatever ; and if the treaty do not produce an agreement, as we are already assured, that the calling of them a Committee of Estates* in the direction of a letter, doth neither acknowledge them to be legally so, nor make them such ; so w^' shall immediately declare to all our subjects of Scotland what we hold them to be, notwithstanding any appellation we now give them ; thereby to satisfy them and the whole world, that we desire to reduce our subjects of that kingdom to their due obedience to us, by our just and honourable condescensions, and by all endeavours of kindness and favour on our part, rather than by war and hostility, if their unreasonable demands do not ne- cessitate us to that, as to the only way and remedy left us. We require and authorise you to proceeed vigorously and effectually in your undertaking, and to act in all things in order to it, as you shall judge most necessary for the support thereof, and lor our service in that way ; wherein we doubt not, but all our loyal and well affect- ed subjects of Scotland will cordially and effectually join with you, and by that addition of strength, either dis- pose those that are otherwise minded to make reason- able demands to us in the treaty, or be able to force them to it by arms, in case of their obstinate refusal. To which end, we authorise you to communicate and 454 APPENDIX. XIX. publish this our letter to all such persons as you shall think fit. No. XIX. Declaration of his Excellency James Marquis of Montrose, Earl of Kincardine, Lord Graham, Baron of Montdieu, Lieutenant-governor and. Captain- general for his Majesty of the King- dom of Scotland, anno 1649. In tanta reipublicse necesbitudine, suspc-cto senatiis popu- lique imperio, ob certamina potentium et avaritiam magistra- tuum, invalido lcgum auxiho; quae vi, ambitu, pnstremo pecunia turbabantur ; omnem pot^statem ad unum redire pacis interfuit, non aliud discordantis patriae remedium quam ut ab uno regeretur. C. Tacitus. Though it may seem both a public and private in- jury, rather than matter of duty or just procedure, to do any act whatsomever, that can in so much as appear to dispute the clearness of this present service, or to hold such enemies as a party, the justice of his majesty's cause, the wickedness of those rebels, and my own in- tegrity, being all of them so well and so thoroughly known as they are. Yet, the further to confirm the world, the more to encourage all who are to engage, and the powerfullier to convince many who have harm- lessly been involved, and innocently inveigled in those desperate courses, I do, in the name of his most sacred majesty, and by virtue of the power and authority grant- ed by him unto me, declare, That howbeit there have been, and still are, an hor- rid and infamous faction of rebels within the kingdom of Scotland, who most causelessly at first did hatch a re- bellion against his late majesty, of glorious memory ; and when he had granted unto them, by their own ac- knowledgment, all their violent and most unjust desires, they were so far from resting, notwithstanding, satis*. XIX. APPENDIX. 455 fied, as that, being themselves able to find no further pretences, they did perniciously solicit one party in the kingdom of England, to begin where shame and neces- sity had inforced them to leave off; and when those of the English, being by much less wicked, would have often satisfied themselves by his majesty's extraordinary conces- sions, they then, not intending the desperate lengths which fatal success and their hollow practices did thereafter drive them to, did still thrust in, as oil to the fire, and ganger to the wound, until they had rendered all irre- covei'able: neither were they contented in the fox-skin alone to act this their so brutish a tragedy, which in- deed could never have served their ends, but while they had received all imaginable satisfaction at home, as their own very acts of parliament doth witness, wherein they say, " That his late majesty parted a contented king from a contented people," finding their rebel brood whom they had begot in England beginning to lessen, and that his majesty's party appeared to have by much the better, they not only, contrary to the duty of sub- jects, but all faith, covenants, oaths, attestations, to which they had so often invoked God, his angels, the world and all, as witnesses, did enter with a strong army the kingdom of England, persecute their prince in a foreign nation, assist a company of stranger rebels, against their native king, and those of his loyal party, within that same kingdom, except for which, the whole world does know, his majesty had, without all peradventure, prevailed. And not ashamed of all this, which even many of their own party did blush to avow, when his late majesty was, by, God knows, how many unhappy treacheries, redacted to think upon extreme courses for his safety, he was pleased out of his so much invincible goodness, and natural inclination to- wards his native people, notwithstanding all their for- mer villanies, to chuse that ignoble party to fall upon, thinking, that those whom his greatness and their duty could not oblige, his misery and their compassion might perhaps move with pity ; yet too justly fearing their Punic faiths, he first resolved to engage them by a trea- ty ; after which, when, by many intercourses, his ma- 456 APPENDIX. XIX. jesty had received all manner of assurances, which, though shame would make them willingly excuse, yet guilt will let them have nothing to say for it, it being so undeniable, and to all the world so known a truth, casting himself in their hands, they, contrary to all faith and paction, trust of friends, duty of subjects, laws of hospitality, nature, nations, divine and human, foi which there hath never been precedent, nor can ever be a follower, most infamously, and beyond all ima- ginable expression of invincible baseness, to the blush of Christians and abomination of mankind, sold their sovereign over to their merciless fellow-traitors to be destroyed ; with whom, how they have complotted his destruction, their secret intercourses, both beiore, in the time, and since this horrid murder, do too evidently de- clare. Of all which villanies they are so little touched with the guilt, as they now begin with his majesty upon the same scores they left with his father, declaring him king with provisos; so robbing him of all right, while they would seem to give some unto him ; pressing him to join with those who have rigged all his dominions in rebellion, and laid all royal power into the dust, that in effect he would condemn the memory of his sacred father, destroy himself, and ruin his faithful party with- in all those dominions. These are those who at first en- tered England, soliciting all to rise in this desperate rebellion, as the prologue of their ensuing tragedy ; who were the chief and main instruments of all the battles, slaughters, and bloody occasions within that kingdom ; who sold their sovereign unto the death, and that yet digs in his grave; and who are more perniciously hatching the destruction of his present majesty, by the same bare, old, out-dated treacheries, than ever they did his sacred father's: yet the people in general hav- ing been but ignorantly misled to it, whose eyes now for the most part God has opened, and turned their hearts, at least their desires, to their dutiful obedience, and that there has still been a loyal party, who have given such proofs of their integrity, as his majesty is moved with a tender compassion for those righteous XIX. APPENDIX. 457 sakes, in behalf of all who now at last have remorse for their former misdemeanours. His majesty is not only willing to pardon every one, excepting such who, upon clear evidences, shall be found guilty of that most damnable fact of murder of his father, who, upon sight or knowledge hereof, do immediately, or upon the first possible conveniency, abandon those rebels, and rise and join themselves with us and our forces in this pre- sent service ; but also to assure all who are, or will turn loyal unto him, of that nation, that it is his majesty's resolution, which he doth assure, and promise unto them upon the word of a prince, to be ever ready to ratify so soon as it shall please God to put it in his power, according to the ad .ice of the supreme judica- tures of that kingdom, all that has been done by his royal father, in order to their peace •, desiring nothing more but their dutiful obedience and faithful services, for the revenge of the horrid murder of his father, his just. re-establi>,hment, and their own perpetual happiness under his government. Wherefore, all who have any duty left them to God, their king, country, friends, homes, wives, children, or would change now at last the tyranny, violence, and oppression of those rebels, with the mild and innocent government of their just prince, or revenge the horrid and execrable murder of their sacred king, redeem their nation from infamy, themselves from slavery, restore the present, and oblige the ages to come ; let them as Christians, subjects, patriots, friends, husbands, and fathers, join themselves forthwith with us in this present service, that is so full of conscience, duty, honour, and all just interests, and not apprehend any evils, which they may fear can fall, half so much as those they pre- sently lie under ; for though there may appear many difficulties, yet let them not doubt of God's justice, nor the happy providence that may attend his majesty, nor their own resolutions, nor the fortunes of those who are joined withal ; resolving, with Joab, to play the men for their people, and the cities of their God, and let the Lord do whatever seemeth him good ; wherein, ivhat- somever shall behappen, they may at least be assured of 458 APPENDIX. XX. Crastinus's recornpence, that, dead or alive, the world will give them thanks. Montro&e. No. XX. Edinburgh, January % 1050. Ante-meridiem. The Declaration and Warning of the Commission of the General Assembly, unto ail the Members oj this Kirk and Kingdom, in Answer to a Taper entitled and reputed the Declaration oj James Graham. Albeit the carriage of those who are engaged in the work of reformation in this land, hath been from the beginning so agreeable to the rule of the word of God and sound reason, and so eminently owned and blessed by the Lord in all the tenor and procedure thereof, as may sufficiently refute all the calumnies of enemies, and strengthen his people against all their slanders and at- tempts for undoing of the same ; yet lest our silence in this day of blasphemy and rebuke should be construed either as a neglect of our duty, or as a weakness through the sense of the guilt, to wipe off the aspersions that are vented to the world in the name of that excommuni- cate and forfeited traitor James Graham, we have re- solved, till there may be opportunity for a larger decla- ration, shortly to touch the revilings contained in that paper, and to declare unto men their duty in refer- ence to such purposes and desires as are holdcn forth therein. In the first place, the instruments of the work of re- formation are charged "as an horrid and infamous fac- tion of rebels, who did hatch a rebellion against his late majesty :" but to say nothing that that wretched man was accessory unto the laying of the foundation of that blessed work, which now, in the blindness of his mind and hardness of his heart, as being given up of God, as Pharaoh was, he calls rebellion. This is no other than XX. APPENDIX. 459 the common calumny that hath been cast upon the ser- vants of God from the beginning of the world, in all their endeavours and attempts for reformation of reli- gion. Was it rebellion to stand to our defence, when, instead of an answer to all the earnest and reiterated supplications and desires of this land, against the cor- ruptions of doctrine, worship, discipline, and govern- ment, we were invaded with an army both by sea and land, that a yoke might be wreathed about our necks by oppression and violence ? Not only had we the Lord's word, and the practice of the reformed churches abroad, and of our own church at home in the days of our fathers, to justify us in this, but also the king him- self, who, upon information, did retract the declara- tion set forth against us, and granted what we had de- sired. Next it is charged upon this nation, " that they did solicit a party in the kingdom of England to begin where they had left off, and that finding their rebel- brood there beginning to lessen, they did, contrary to all faith, covenants, oaths, &c. enter with a strong army the kingdom of England, persecute their prince in a foreign nation, and assist a company of stranger-rebels against their native king," &c- What was the grounds and first rise of the war betwixt the king and the parlia- ment of England, needs not now to be repeated, being so well known every where ; but this nation were so far from fomenting of the same, that for a long time they did mediate a peace; and so continued, until England, by their earnest invitation, did for the preservation and reformation ot religion, the honour and happiness of the king, the peace and good of these kingdoms, crave their assistance against the popish, prelatical, and ma- lignant party then in arms, who were like to have de- stroyed all: for which end, when they had entered in a solemn league and covenant with that nation, as they did oblige themselves for the defence and preserva- tion of his majesty's person, and just greatness and au- thority in the defence and preservation of religion, so they did never desist to solicit his majesty for satisfac- tion to the just desires of both kingdoms, and were a!- 460 APPENDIX. XX. ways, upon bis majesty's granting of the same, wil- ling to admit him to the exercise of his royal power. Thirdly, it is alleged, ** That after all manner of as- surances given to his majesty before his coming to the Scottish army, notwithstanding of assurances, he was sold unto the English." But we are confident that, albeit all the generation of maiignuntsof the three king- doms have now for three years together filled this, and the nations abroad, with the noise of such things, yet to this day never any of them did, nor could bring any evidence of such assurance given, or such bargain made by this kingdom ; nay, such assurances were always re- fused ; and when the king did cast himself up >n the Scottish army, this kingdom was so far from making any sale of him, that they did not condescend to leave him with his subjects in England, until sufficient, surety was given by both houses of parliament concerning the safety and preservation of his majesty's person. It is great malice to say, that because the Scottish army, about the time of his majesty's living at Newcastle, did receive some part of those arrears due unto them for their painful and faithful service in England) that, therefore, this kingdom did sell their king ; the arrears which were then received were due before the kin" came unto our army, and in all probability had been more timeously and cheerfully paid if he had not come thither at all. Fourthly, they are slandered " as complotters of the king's destruction, by secret intercourses, both before, in the time, and since his majesty's horrid murder." If those things be evident, why were not proofs brought forth and produced before the world, for convincing the authors and abettors thereof, and gaining credit to the cause of those that make so bold allegeances ? The pub- lic endeavours of this kirk and kingdom against the tak- ing of his majesty's life, do sufficiently refute all such se- cret and private whisperings. Lastly, they arc charged " as robbers of the king, who now is, of all right, because of their declaring him king with provisos." But are these provisos or condi- tions any other than such as have been in the time of XX. APPENDIX. 461 his predecessors, and whereunto, by the laws and con- stitutions of this kingdom, he is obliged, and without which, religion and the peace of the kingdom cannot be secured. These, and the like slanders, are made a ground of invitation unto the people of this land to abandon the cause and work of reformation, and to rise in arms against the parliament and kingdom, and join themselves with such forces as that monster of men and his accom- plices shall make use of for invading of this land ; to which he labours to persuade by a promise of pardon or what is past, and of his majesty's resolution " to be ever ready to ratify, so soon as it shall please God to put it in his power, according to the advice of the supreme ju- dicatories of thi> kingdom, all that has been done by his royal father in order to our peace." Though we should be silent and say nothing, we are persuaded that there be none in the land who has any regard to truth or righteousness, or in whom any sponk of the love of the Lord's work, or of this country, does reside, but as they abominate and abhor the very name of that excommu- nicate wretch, and think these lies worthy of no other entertainment than is to be allowed to the devices of the father of lies, unto whose hands he is delivered ; so we are confident that they will detest and avoid all such desperate and wicked designs, attempted whether by him or by any other. Shall men, after so many solemn vows and promises before the Lord, and when his hand, lifted up so hith of ''ay, wherein he de- clares, '? That he came to the Scottish army with a full and absolute intention to give ail just satisfaction to the joint desire of both kingdoms, and uith no thought either to continue this unnatural war any longer, or to make a division betwixt the kingdoms, but to comply with his parliaments, and those entrusted by them, in every thing for the settling of truth and peace ; that he had received some papers from their commissioner.-, and that he would study totally to apply himself to the advices and counsels of his parliament ; that he had given order for the recalling all commissions issued lbrth by his authority against his subjects, and for dis- XXI. APPENDIX. 471 banding all his forces; and ordered a proclamation, to- gether with his letter, to be published to all his subjects, that it n.i^ht appear it was his voluntary and cordial re- solution and real intention to join with his parliaments in sutling religion in purity, alter the advice of the di- vines of both kingdoms assembled at Westminster, and his subjects of both kingdoms in freedom and safety." Upon these terms the Scottish army did receive him, and would have cheei f'ulh adventured their lives, and all that was dearest unto them, for preservation of his person, honour, and happiness, against all opposition whatsoever: But how far his majesty was from following the advice of his parliaments of both kingdoms, was too, too manifest, when he refused to grant the propositions of both, presented unto him at Newcastle, in the month of July, by their commissioners, or to give a satisfactory answer to any of them ; notwithstandii g many of the chief of the nobility of this kingdom and his privy coun- cil did beg his assent upon their knees, and, with tears in their eyes, represented the sad consequences of his refusal. * Whilst these things were doing, the sectarian party, who never liked any agreement for peace which might carry along with it the Presbyterian interest, fearing that the king should at length be induced to give sa- tisfaction to the joint desires of both kingdoms in the propositions of peace, by all means studied and endea- voured the removal of the Scottish army out of Eng- land ; for which end they were very busy by their emissaries and agents amongst the members of parlia- ment, and in the city and committee. In the house of commons their party was not great ; but mos-t of the members, being very desirous to be eased of the great burden continued upon the kingdom now after the war was at an end, and not perceiving the design of the sectaries, did, upon the 19th of May, within a fortnight after the king came to the Scottish army, join in a vote to declare that the kingdom of England had no further See the Lord Chancellor's speech to his majesty at Newcastle. 47 2 APPENDIX. XXI, use for the continuing of the Scottish army in that kingdom, and that, upon adjusting of their accompts, they shall be satisfied what shall be due unto them ac- cording to the treaty. Hereupon all supplies for enter- tainment of that army were withdrawn, though earnest- ly solicited by the commissioners of this kingdom, and for want thereof the army was necessitated to take free quarters from the country people ; also secret directions were given to the parliament's forces, who Jay near the Scottish army, to straiten their quarters, which was done accordingly : whereupon they were necessitated to quarter in the four most northern counties, and a small part of Yorkshire, the most barren parts of that king- dom, which made the burden of those places grow in- supportable : thence arose clamours and complaints of intolerable oppression ; and these were represented in a multiplying glass, with large additions and aggrava- tions to the houses of parliament, so as it was made common discourse that the Scots came in for their as- sistance, but were like to stay for their ruin, and if they continued any longer in the kingdom, the northern parts would be utterly wasted, and many families pe- rish. Further, by the industry of the sectaries, libels and railing pamphlets were published, and informations spread against the Scots, as covenant- breakers, apos- tates from the cause, and compilers with the malignant party, the better to prepare the minds of the people for removing our army by force, if it would not willingly ; but the kingdom of Scotland being desirous to apply themselves to such fair and just ways as tended to an amicable parting, and to the prevention of misunder- standings between the kingdoms, did, in the beginning of August, give power to their commissioners at Lon- don to settle all differences concerning the pay of the Scottish army ; and the houses of parliament having offered to pay presently two hundred thousand pounds, before the removal of our army outoi that kingdom, and lit O * other two hundred thousand pounds thereafter, the com- missioners of this kingdom did, upon the 2d of Septem- ber, declare themselves satisfied therewith, and passed from their former claim, extending to very near ten nun- XXI. APPENDIX. 473 dred thousand pounds, that it might appear to all the world that the love of money was neither the cause of their coming into, or abode in that kingdom. There re- mained no material difference betwixt the nations, save only concerning the disposal of the king's person, his majesty having refused to grant the propositions of peace. Upon the 18th of September, the House of Commons did vote, that the person of the king shall be disposed of as both houses of the parliament of Eng- land shall think fit, wherein the House of Lords gave their concurrence upon the 24th ; and a grand com- mittee of lords and commons were appointed to confer, consult, and debate with the commissioners of this king- dom concerning the disposal of the person of the king ; but before the houses would give their consent to begin this conference, they declared, that whatsoever consulta- tion or debate shall be with the commissioners of Scot- land, concerning the disposal of the person of the king, shall not be understood to be any capitulation or treaty between the kingdoms, in relation to the retarding of the march of the Scottish army and forces out of Eng- land ; to which our commissioners were necessitated to agree, or otherwise to have no conference at all. In the conference there were many and large debates for several days ; the houses of parliament claiming the sole right and power in the disposal of the person of the King of England, and our commissioners asserting that both kingdoms had an interest in the disposal ot his person, whether he were in England or Scotland, being king of both; but at length the conference broke off without any agreement. Then the houses did again begin to press the removal of the Scottish army out of England, and most of Sir Thomas Fairfax's army marched northward ; complaints were renewed from the north concerning their heavy pressures, and it was suggested by the sectaries to divers members of the House of Commons, that the Scots were resolved to espouse the malignant quarrel, and intended no less than the conquest of England, which was too readily believed by many, even of those who were promoters of Presbyterian government j so much the rather, that 474 APPENDIX. XXL satisfaction being offered in the month of August by the houses touching the pay of the army, and the total sum agreed unto by the kingdom of Scotland on the 2d of September, their army notwithstanding did still conti- nue in the kingdom of England for the space of five months, from the beginning of September until Febru- ary. The king's majesty, having stayed for a long time in the Scottish army, though at first, when he came unto them in the month of May, he seemed inclinable to give satisfaction to his parliaments of both kingdoms, parti- cularly in the matter of religion, having, in his letter of the 18th of May, from the Scots Leagure at Southwell, heartily recommended it to his two houses of parliament to take the advice of the divines of both kingdoms as- sembled at Westminster, for speedy finishing that pious and necessary work ; and in his letter to Scotland of the 19th of May, professed it to be his voluntary and cordial resolution to join with his parliaments in settling religion ; yet, divers of the prelatical and malignant party, having secretly got access to his majesty when he was at Newcastle, he became altogether averse from giv- ing satisfaction ; and, perceiving the stedfast resolution of the Scottish army to adhere to the solemn league and covenant, for reformation and defence of religion, he proposed, in his answer to the propositions to the two houses of the parliament of England, that he might come to London, or any of his houses thereabouts, with free- dom, honour, and safety, that he might further treat upon these propositions of peace presented unto him ; and upon the 20th of December, he renews his desire of coming to London, or any of his houses thereabouts, for a further treaty upon the propositions : This letter coming to their hands upon the 25th of December, up- on the 3 1st they resolve that Holmby -house, in the county of Northampton, be the place which the houses think fit for the king to come unto, there to remain with such attendants about him as both houses of parliament * should appoint, with respect had to the safety and pre- servation of his person, in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, ac- XXI. APPENDIX. 47-5 cording to the covenant ; and when the king shall be at Ho.'mby, as aforesaid, and the Scots forces gone out of the kingdom of England, the two houses of parlia- ment declare, that then they will be ready, according to their former declarations for preserving the particular rights of the kingdom of England, to join with the kingdom of Scotland in employing their best endeavours to procure his majesty's -'ssentto the propositions agreed on by b< th kingdoms, and presented to his majesty at Newcastle. This vote both houses sent inclosed to his majesty, and also to the commissioners of this kingdom residing with his majesty at Newcastle, who forthwith transmit- ted the same to the parliament then sitting in Scotland, who, taking into their most serious consideration the vote of both houses, and the necessity of the speedy re- turn of their army from England, thought it their duty once more to make their application to his majesty, be- fore they took any resolution in relation to the disposal of his majesty's person ; and acco;dingly they sent com- missioners to his majesty again, with all earnestness and humility to desire his assent to the propositions, as that which was tht only way to procure peace, and the most effectual mean to establish and continue monarchical government in his majesty's person and posterity, and that his majesty might be induced to give his assent thereunto, to remember his majesty, what were his pro- mises when he came into the Scottish army, for follow- ing the advice of his parliaments, and to represent the many advantages of his granting the propositions, and, particularly, to give assurance in the name of die par- liament, that this kingdom would most willingly sacrifice their lives and fortunes to establish his majesty on his throne, if he should grant the propositions concerning religion and the covenant, and give a satisfactory answer to the rest of the propositions ; and, upon the other part, in case his majesty should refuse or delay, then to represent, that they found it not lawful for them to as- sist his majesty for recovering the possession of his go- vernment, his m.'ijcsty not granting the propo-iti;>ns concerning religion and the covenant, nor giving a sa- 47'G appendix. xxr, tisfactory answer to the rest of the propositions ; that they found his majesty's coming to Scotland dangerous to the cause, to his majesty, to this kingdom, and to the union betwixt the kingdoms, and that both kingdoms would be necessitated to take a joint course for disposal of his person, until he should give a satisfactory answer to the propositions of both kingdoms. These earnest desires and offers being made to his majesty, and the dangers faithfully represented, and his majesty hearken- ing to the wicked counsels of those who never sought his honour and happiness, but their own particular interest, and refusing to follow the faithful advice of his parlia- ment, upon the 16th of January 1647, the estates of parliament passed a declaration, wherein, having con- sidered his majesty's promises when he came into the Scottish army, to follow the advice of his parliaments, his refusal to grant the propositions of both kingdoms, notwithstanding the frequent addresses of this kingdom for that purpose, his majesty's desire to be in London, or some of his houses near to his houses of parliament, and the desire of the two houses that he may come to Holmby-house, promising the safety and preservation of his royal person, in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, according to the covenant ; they did declare their concurrence for his majesty's going to Holmby-house, or some other of his houses in or about London, there to remain until he give satisfaction to both kingdoms in the propositions of peace; and that, in the interim, there shall be no harm, prejudice, injury, or violence, done to his royal person, that there shall be no change of government other than had been for the three years preceding, and that his pos- terity should noways be prejudged in their lawful suc- cession to the crown and government of these king- doms. Together with this declaration, they sent some desires to the parliament of England, that, when his majesty should be at Flolmby, committees from both kingdoms should attend his majesty, and employ their best en- deavours to procure his majesty's assent to the proposi~ tigns of both kingdoms, presented to his majesty at New- XXI. APPENDIX. 477 castle; and, in case the king should not give his assent thereto, that the happy union betwixt the kingdoms might be continued according to the covenant and treaties ; that, according to the late treaty betwixt the kingdoms, no cessation, nor any pacification or agree- ment tor peace whatsoever, should be made by either kingdom, or the armies of either kingdom, without the mutual advice and consent of both, — and that none should be debarred from having access to his majesty who have warrant from the parliament of Scotland, or their committees thereunto authorized, whereunto the houses of parliament did agree, and his majesty, at- tended by a committee of both kingdoms, did repair to Holmby-house in the month of February. The houses of parliament who were unanimous con- cerning the removal of the Scottish army out of Eng- land, and the king's coming to Holmby-house, began now to differ according to the different ends which they had therein proposed unto themselves ; for the whole House of Peers, very few excepted, and the far greatest part of the House of Commons, were resolved, if once the Scottish army were removed out of England, to send aconsiderable number of their own forces over into Ire- land, to prosecute the war there, (the Lord Ormond having declared his willingness to leave the sword, and all the places under his command, to the House of Par- liament,) and to keep up in England only so many forces as was necessary to preserve the kingdom from disturbance, and these under the command of such of- ficers as had taken the covenant, and were well affected to the work of reformation ; and their army being thus modelled, then to proceed to the settling of a peace with his majesty, upon his grant of the propositions for reli- gion, and such satisfaction in matters civil as should be found necessary for the safety and security of both king- doms. All which, these that did best understand the affairs of England, and were most opposite to the sec- taries, did think the Houses of Par liament were better able to bring to pass without, than with the assistance of the Scottish army, in regard to the many jealousies both the parliament and people had of the continuing 478 APPENDIX. XXI. of the Scottish army in England, the consideration whereof was one of the main reasons that moved this kingdom to withdraw their army out of England, and to agree to his majesty's going to Holmby, there being no ground to hope that the stay of their army could be longer useful in that kingdom, when both friends and foes were desirous of their removal. Immediately after their return to this kingdom, and his majesty's going to Holmby, both houses passed an ordinance for suppressing heresies and schisms, and un- warrantable preaching ; and appointed the 10th of May for a day of humiliation, because of the growth of here- sies and schisms ; and ordained, that no toot should be kept up in garrisons, and only five thousand four hun- dred horse in the field, under the command of Sir Tho- mas Fairfax, no other officer to be above the degree of a colonel ; no member of either house to have any charge in field or garrison ; that all who should be em- ployed should take the covenant, and conform to the government of the church then established ; and none who had been in arms against the parliament should have any charge, or any proiane curser, swearer, drunk- ard, or other person who was scandalous in life and conversation ; and that eight thousand four hundred foot, and two thousand four hundred horse, out of the rest of the army, should go to Ireland ; two hundred thousand pounds were advanced by the city, at the de- sire of the houses, to be sent to the army ; and such forces as were neither to be kept up in the service of England, nor would engage for Ireland, were appointed to be disbanded on the 2d of June. The modelling and disbanding of the army being thus far advanced, his majesty, upon the i2th of May, sent an answer to the propositions of peace, wherein he did further condescend towards the granting of the de- sires of his parliaments than he had done formerly, up- on receipt whereof the House of Peers voted, that the king should come from Holmby, near London, to his house at Oatlands, and desired herein the concurrence of the Commons. 1 his is a true relation of what passed from the time xxr. APPENDIX. 1-79 of his majesty's coming to the Scottish army in the month of May 1616, to the end of May 1617. And, now, here we shall make a stand, and desire all such as have not yielded up their reason and judgment to pas- sion and prejudice, to consider if, in all these transac- tions, any thing of disloyalty toward our king on the one hand, or unfaithfulness in the matter of our cove- nant toward the kingdom of England upon the other, can be laid to cur charge. Our chief study and en- deavour hath been to render unto God the things that are God's, to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to our neighbours the things that are theirs. We hope it is made clear and evident to all that will judge impar- tially, that there was no treaty betwixt this kingdom, their committees or armies, with the king before his coming to our army, nor after his coming, but with ad- vice and consent of both Houses of Parliament; and that it is a malicious wicked device, and manifest un- truth, that we sold our king ; — we abhor the very thought of it as sincerely as we do abominate the treach- erous actions of that perfidious traitor James Graham, who, as a child of the devil, hates to speak truth. Let the world judge what ground there is for this reproach which wicked men would cast upon us, that we were hired with money by England to agree, that the king should come lo Ho'mby, when the army got only two hundred thousand pound of the arrears due unto them for a very laborious service, and as a part of the great expences they had been at by their expedition into Eng- land, for the ends of the covenant; when, also, this agreement for payment of their arrears was made, live months before the king, with consent of both kingdoms, went from Newcastle to Holmby, — yea, at that time, neither the kingdom of England nor Scotland had re- solved any thing touching the disposal of the king's per- son, whether he should come to London, or to some of his houses near it, or stay at Newcastle, or go to Scot- land ; all the debates about the right and interest to dis- pose of the king, were subsequent to the agreement con- cerning the total sum due to the Sottish army ; and, if there had been any transaction, public or private, be- 480 APPENDIX. XXI, twixt the kingdoms in August 1646, when they agreed concerning the sums due to the Scottish army, would the kingdom or England have borne the burden of en- tertaining the Scottish army (being above 20,000 horse and loot) five months thereafter, to their great charge and expence ? What needed all these long debates about the king in the painted chamber, betwixt the houses and the commissioners of this kingdom, in the month of Oc- tober, which were also published in print ? And what needed these frequent addresses of the parliament of Scotland to his majesty, in the months of November, De- cember, and January, if all was agreed on betwixt the kingdoms in the month of August ? And how incon- sistent is any such agreement with the offer of the king- dom of Scotland, very few days before his removal from Newcastle, most willinglv to sacrifice their lives and for- tunes for establishing his majesty upon his throne, if even then he would be pleased to give a satisfactory an- swer to the propositions ? Certainly malice itself may here stop its mouth, and forbear to lay any thing to our charge in this particular. Neither can this kingdom be justly accused of disloyalty or imprudence, in giving con- sent to his majesty's going to Hoimby, or some of his houses about London, because of that which hath fol- lowed since ; for counsels and resolutions must not be judged according to accidents and events. Who could, at that time, have foreseen, that an army raised by the parliament for their own defence, and which in profes- sion so highly esteemed and magnified the authority of parliament, would not only disobey their orders, but al- so attempt such horrid things as they have since adven- tured upon ? Surely when the Scottish army came out of England, it would have seemed not only improbable, but incredible. The kingdom of Scotland did trust Ids majesty's person to the honourable Houses of the Parliament of England, who were as deeply engaged by duty, oaths, covenants, and solemn profession lor his majesty's preservation, as the kingdom of Scotland ; and no question they would have preserved his majesty's person from all injury or violence whatsoever, had they not met with unexpected violence against their own per- xxr. APPENDIX. 481 sons ; for, until the army did, by the power of the sword, imprison and seclude the far greatest part of the member^ of the House of Commons, and make void the power of the House of Lords, ihey durst not attempt any thing against his majesty's person. And what wonder that we, who were strangers, could not perceive the depth of such designs, (it, at that time, there was any formed design of that kind, which we very much ques- tion,) when the Houses of Parliament did not ioresee their own ruin, and his majesty himself, in the year 1647, when the propositions of both kingdoms were presented unto him again at Hampton Court, in the month of September, had such confidence in the army, as he was by them induced to believe, that the ; r pro- posals did much more conduce to the satisfaction of all interests, and might be a fitter foundation for a lasting peace, than the propositions of both kingdoms then ten- dered unto him ? And, in his answer of the 9th of Sep- tember, desired the two houses to take into their con- sideration the army's proposals, as the best way in his judgment, in order to peace; yea, when his majesty, up- on the 11th of November 164-7, did retire from Hamp- ton Court for the preservation of his person, which was in danger, as he apprehended, from the levelling party of the army, and was at liberty to have gone wnither he pleased ; yet so little did he fear any danger to his pers' n from the chief leaders of the army, as he choosed the Isle of Wight rather than any other place, that he might still continue under the protection ot the army, as he doth profess in his letter of the 19th of November 1647 to both Houses of Parliament. As to the remainder of that which is said against us by that wretched man, that we complotted his late majesty's destruction, and have declared his son king with provisos, robbing him of all right, and are mere perniciously hatching the destruction of his present majesty, than ever we did his royal father's ; we say, no person on earth has contributed more toward his majesty's ruin than James Graham himself; and not only the searcher of hearts, and our own consciences, but all our actions and proceedings will witness for us, Hh 482 appendix. xxr. that we are altogether free of the guilt of his majesty's destruction ; we never flattered his majesty in any evil way, nor advised his majesty in any such courses as might beget differences betwixt him and his people ; our counsels unto him always tended to his majesty's giving satisfaction to the just desires of his parliaments, which, through the Lord's blessing, might have prevented the sad and deplorable condition the royal family is now brought unto by wicked instruments, and we were still so far from complotting his majesty's destruction, as we ever freely imparted unto his majesty whatsoever pre* judice or danger we feared to his person or posterity. The estates of parliament of this kingdom, when they first heard of the proceedings of the sectaries in Eng- land against his majesty, and that some pamphlets had been published there, insinuating the compliance of some in Scotland with the wicked practices there, did make strict inquiry at all the members of parliament, upon their solemn oath, whether themselves had, or they knew of any others within this kingdom that had accession unto the proceedings of the English army in relation to the king or the houses of parliament, and could not find that there was any within this kingdom had any accession thereunto, which they forthwith pub- lished in print, and caused to be made public in Eng- land also, by their commissioners before his majesty's death. And further, the commissioners of this king- dom, upon the very first motion of proceedings against the king, did, by their paper of the 6th of January 1649, represent how contrary it was to the Solemn League and Covenant, and many solemn professions and declarations of both kingdoms, and that such a thing could not but continue and increase the great distractions of these kingdoms, and involve us in many difficulties, miseries, and confusions ; they also en- deavoured to have access to his majesty, but could not. And when a commission was given to certain persons for his majesty's trial, they did declare, that the king- dom of Scotland did abominate and detest so horrid a design against his majesty's person, and, in the name of this kingdom, dissent from their proceedings, and XXI, APPENDIX. 483 the taking away of his majesty's life ; and protest, that, as the kingdom of Scotland was free from the same, they might be free from all the evils, miseries, confusions, and calamines that might follow thereupon to these distracted kingdoms. They did likewise employ their best endeavours with the Lord Fairfax and others, for the preservation of his maje>ty's person, though with- out the desired success. And in their paper of the 241,) his chamber in the Ca- nongate, where he had lodged, being, by order of the commitiee, searched, and no papers of conespondenxe with his majesty found there- in, the Lord Sinclair (ihen more furious in the causr than afterwards) was commissionated to go to Old Montrose, the earl's chief dwelling- house, and search what he could find there to militate against him. At his coming he broke open his cabinets, but found nothing therein belonging to the public affairs, only instead thereof he found some letters from ladies tohim in his younger years, flourished with Arcadian compliments, which, being divulged, would possibly have met with a favourable construction, had it not been that the hatred carried to Montrose, made them to be interpreted in the worst sense. " The Lord Sinclair's employment having been only to search for papers of correspondence betwixt his majesty and Montrose, in refer- ence to public affairs, he was much blam.'d by men of honour and gallantry for publishing those letters, but the rigid sort had him in greater esteem for it." XXV. APPENDIX. 4-97 So fram'd he man of elements combin'd, T' excel that substance where he was refin'd ; But that poor creature, drawn from his breast, Excelleth him, as he excell'd the rest ; Or as a stubborn stalk, whereon there grows A dainty lilly, or a fragrant rose, The stalk may boast, and set its vertues forth, But, take away the flower, where is its worth ? But yet, fair ladies, you must know Howbeit I do adore you so ; Reciprocal your flames must prove, Or my ambition scorns to love. A noble soul doth still abhore To strike, but where its conquerour. Part First. My dear and only love I pray This noble world of thee, Be governed by no other sway But purest monarchie. For if confusion have a part, Which vertuous souls abhore, And hold a synod in thy heart, I'll never love thee more. Like Alexander I will reign, And I will reign alone, My thoughts shall evermore disdain A rival on my throne. He either fears his fate too much, Or his deserts are small, That puts it not unto the touch, To win or lose it all. But I must rule and govern still, And always give the law, And have each subject at my will, And all to stand in awe. But 'gainst my battery if I find Thou shun'st the prize so sore, i i 493 APPENDIX. XXV As that thou sct'st me up a blind, I'll never love thee more. Or in the empire of thy heart, Where I should solely be, Another do pretend a part, And dares to vie with me, Or if committees thou erect, And goes on such a score, I'll sing and laugh at thy neglect, And never love thee more. But if thou wilt be constant then, And faithful of thy word, I'll make thee glorious by my pen, And famous by my sword. I'll serve thee in such noble ways Was never heard before ; I'll crown and deck thee all with bays, And love thee evermore. Part Second. My dear and only love, take heed, Lest thou thy self expose, And let all longing lovers feed Upon such looks as those. A marble wall then build about, Beset without a door ; But if thou let thy heart fly out, I'll never love thee more. Let not their oaths, like vollies shot, Make any breach at all ; Nor smoothness of their language plot Which way to scale the wall ; Nor balls of wild-fire love consume The shrine which I adore j For if such smoak about thee fume, I'll never love thee more. XXV. APPENDIX. 499 I think thy virtues be too strong To suffer by surprise ; Which victual'd by my love so long, The siege at length must rise, And leave thee ruled in that health And state thou was before ; But if thou turn a common-wealth I'll never love thee more. But if by fraud, or by consent, Thy heart to ruine come, I'll sound no trumpet as I wont, Nor march by tuck of drum j But hold my arms, like ensigns, up, Thy falsehood to deplore, And bitterly will sigh and weep, And never love thee more. I'll do with thee as Nero did, When Rome was set on fire, Not only all relief forbid, But to a hill retire, And scorn to shed a tear to see Thy spirit grown so poor j But smiling, sing until I die, I'll never love thee more. Yet for the love I bare thee once, Lest that thy name should die, A monument of marble-stone The truth shall testifie j That every pilgrim passing by, May pity and deplore My case, and read the reason why I can love thee no more. The golden laws of love shall be Upon this pillar hung, A simple heart, a single eye, A true and constant tongue. Let no man for more love pretend Than he has hearts in store ; 500 APPENDIX, XXV. True love begun shall never end j Love one and love no more. Then shall thy heart be set by mine, But in far different case ; For mine was true, so was not thine, But lookt like Janus' face. For as the waves with every wind, So sails thou every shore, And leaves my constant heart behind. How can I love thee more ? My heart shall with the sun be fix'd For constancy most strange, And thine shall with the moon be mix'd, Delighting ay in change. Thy beauty shin'd at first most bright, And woe is me therefore, That ever I found thy love so light, I could love thee no more. The misty mountains, smoaking lakes, The rocks resounding echo ; The whistling wind that murmur makes, Shall with me sing hey ho. The tossing seas, the tumbling boats, Tears d roping from each shore, Shall tune with me their turtle notes, I'll never love thee more. As doth the turtle chaste and true Her fellow's death regrete, And daily mourns for his adieu, And ne'er renews her mate j So though thy faith was never fast, Which grieves me wond'rous sore, Yet I shall live in love so chast, That I shall love no more. And when all gallants rides about These monuments to view, XXV. APPENDIX. 501 Whereon is written in and out, Thou traiterous and untrue j Then in a passion they shull pause, And thus say, sighing sore, Alas ! he had too just a cause Never to love thee more. And when that tracing goddess fame From east to west shall flee, She shall record it to thy shame, How thou hast loved me ; And how in odds our Jove was such, As few has been before ; Thou loved too many, and I too much, That I can love no more. There's nothing in this world can prove So true and real pleasure, As perfect sympathy in love, Which is a real treasure. The purest strain of perfect love In vertue's dye and season, Is that whose influence doth move, And doth convince our reason. Designs attend, desires give place, Hopes had no more availeth ; The cause remov d the effect doth cease, Flames not maintain'd soon faileth. The conquest then of richest hearts, Well lodg'd and trim'd by nature, Is that which true content imparls, Where worth is join'd with feature. Fill'd with sweet hope then must I still Love what's to be admired j When frowning aspects cross the will, Desires are more endeared. 6 502 APPENDIX. XXV, Unhappy then unhappy I, To joy in tragick pleasure, And in so dear and desperate way T'abound yet have no treasure. Yet will I not of fate despair, Time olt in end relieveth, But hopes my star will change her air, And joy where now she grieveth. Burst out my soul in main of tears, And thou my heart sighs tempest move, My tongue let never plaints forbear, But murmure still my crossed love ; Combine together all in one, And thunder forth my tragick moan. But, tush, poor drop, cut breath, broke air, Can you my passions express ? No : rather but augment my care, In making them appear the less. Seeing but from small woes words do come, And great ones they sing always dumb. My swelling griefs then bend your self This tatal breast of mine to fill, The center where all sorrows dwell, The limbeck where all griefs distil, That silent thus in plaints I may Consume and melt my self away. Yet that I may contented die, I only wish, before my death, Transparent that my breast may be, E're that I do expire my breath ; Since sighs, tears, plaints, express no smart* It might be seen into my heart. XXVI. APPENDIX. Can little beasts with lions roar, And little birds with eagles soar ? Can shallow streams command the seas, And little aunts the humming bees ? !No, no, no, no, it is not meet The head should stoup unto the feet. On False Friends, a Poem by Montrose. Unhappy is the man In whose breast is confin'd The sorrows and distresses all Of an afflicted mind. Th' extremity is great, He dies if he conceal ; The world's so void of secret friends, Betray'd if he reveal. Then break afflicted heart ! And live not in these days, When all prove merchants of their faith, None trusts what other says. For when the sun doth shine, Then shadows do appear ; But when the sun doth hide his face, They wilh the sun retire. Some friends as shadows are, And fortune as the sun ; They never proffer any help Till fortune first begin. But if, in any case, Fortune shall first decay, Then they, as shadows oi the sun, With fortune run away. 503 504? APPENDIX. xxvxr. No. XXVI. Verses wrote by the Marquis of Montrose, with the point of a diamond, upon the giass window of his prison, ajter receiving his sentence. Let them bestow on every airth a limb, Then open all my veins, that I may swim To thee, my Maker, in that crimson lake, Then place my par-boil'd head upon a stake ; Scatter my ashes, strow them in the air. Lord, since thou knowest where all these atoms are, I'm hopeful thoul't recover once my dust, And confident thoul't raise me with the just. No. XXVII. Extract from the Mercurius Cakdonius. Edinburgh, Monday, January 7, 1661. This day, in obedience to the order of parliament, this city was alarmed with drums, and nine trumpets, to go in their best equipage and arms for transporting the dismembered bodies of his excellency the Lord Mar- quesse of Montrose, and that renorned gentleman Sir William Hay of Dalgety, murthered both for their prowes and transcending loyalty to king and country, whose bodies, to their glory and their enemie's shame, had been ignominiously thurst in the earth, under the publike gibbet half a mile from town. That of the Lord Marquesse was indeed intended for ignominy to his high name, but that of the other, ambitiously covet by him- self as the greatest honour he could have, when being incapable to serve his majesty longer, to engrave nigh his great patron, which doubtlesse proceeded from a faith typical of a more glorious one. The ceremony was thus performed : — The Lord Marquesse of Mon- trose, with his friends of the name of Graham, the whole nobility and gentry, with provest, baillies, and councel, together with four companies of the trained bands of the city, went to the place, where having chanced directly XXVII. APPENDIX. 505 (however possibly persons might have been present able to demonstrate) on the same trunk, as evidently appear- ed by the coffin, which had been formerly broke a pur- pose bv some of his friends in that plaee nigh his chest, whence they stole his heart, embalmed it in the costliest manner, and so reserves it. As also by the trunk itself found without the scull, and limbs distracted in the four chief towns of the nation j but these through the indus- try and respect of friends carried to the martyre, are soon to welcome the rest. That other of Sir William Hay of Delgety, was as surely pluckt forth, lying next to that of his excellency. The noble Lord Marquesse and his friends took care that these ruins were decently wrapt in the finest linnen ; so did likewise the friends of the other, and so incoffined suitable to their respectful dignities. Thetrunck of his excellency thus coffined, was cover- ed with a large and rich black velvet cloath, taken up and from thence carried by the noble Earis of Marre, Athol, Linlithgow, Seaford, Hartfield, and others of these honourable families; the Lord jVJ a rquesse himself, his brother Lord Robert, and Sir John Calquhoun, ne- phew to the deceased Lord Marquesse, supporting the head of the coffin, and al! under a very large pale, or canopy, supported by the noble Viscount of Stormond, the Lords Stranaver, Fleeming, Drumlanerick, Ramsay, Matherly, and Roliock. Being accompanied with a bo- dy of horse of nobility and gentry, to the number of 200, rallied in decent order by the Viscount of Ken- mure, they came to the place where the head stood, un- der which they set the coffin of the trunk on a scaffold made for that purpose, till the Lord Naper, the Barons of Morphy, Inchbrakie, Urchell, and Gorthy, and se- verall other noble gentlemen placed on a scaffold next to the head, (and that on the top of the town's tolbooth, six story high,) with sound of trumpet, discharge of ma- ny canon from the castle, ami the honest people's loud and joyful acclamation, all was joyned and crowned with the crown of a marquesse, conveyed with all honour be- fitting such an action to the abbay church of Ho!) rood- house, a place of buriall frequent to our kings, there to 506 ArPENDIX. XXVIll. continue in state, untill the noble lord his son be ready for the more magnificent solemnization of his funerals. All our solemnities, both that of the high commis- sioner's reception, that of riding the parliament, and this great honour done to the memory of the grand ex- amplar of loyalty his excellency the Marquesse of Mon- trose, was accompanied with infinite acclamations of the people ; great volleys of shot by the city companies, and thundering of canon from the castle. It's many years since those sparks of loyalty has been smothered by the ashes of tyranny. It's true, though a considerable part of our nation were the first that transgressed upon their duty, yet they never reached the length of a boundlesse disobedience, for they no sooner discovered the depth of the treason wherein their rebelious confederates in England would have ensnared them, but they presently faced about to their allegiance, and it is well known to the world, that, since the year 1648, there was never a people enterprised such honourable and probable wayes to redeem former escapes then we did ; and though it was the pleasure of providence to disappoint our designs, yet we never grudged neither at our imprisonments, the losse of the dearest of our blood, nor devastation of our fortunes ; and which is our grand comfort, we have attained so much knowledge as never again to be jug- sled out of our reason, under the notion of spacious pre- tences ; for the drowsiest clown of our most northern islands can with contempt smile at the cheats of liberty, and the good old cause. And, therefore, the blasphe- mers, rumpers, and other antimonarchicall vermin in England must cast about some where else then for com- panions in Scotland. No. XXVIll. A Relation of the True Funerals of the Great Lord Marquesse of Montrose, his Mqjestie's Lord High Commissioner, and Captain General of his Forces in Scotland. With that of the renowned Knight Sir William Hay ofDelgity. Gob Almighty's justice and revenge of murder is so frequently recorded by many famous historians, that no- XXVIII. APPENDIX. 507 thing shall be said here on that theme in general, lest I should grate on some, who, though subtile, hath been sur prised in their subtilty, while they divested themseves of Christian maxims, to raise themselves through humane policy by the ruin ot ihe most eminent, and yet that their promised stability hath been overturned, and their tut out ways damped and overclouded with abysses and darkness. The bnquais and returns of Providence of this nature, discovered in our late unnatural civil war, are testimonies sufficient to convince and confound the most peremptory atheist of the eternal and immortal deity, that will Buffer no wickedness (under what specious pretences soever, of reformation or aood cause) to pass unpunished. 1 shall not mention these ambitious spirits who grounded their proper advancement by overthi owing religion and law; how, I say, some of them vagabonds are exposed to shame and deserved obloquy. But the divine Providence teach- eth us to make this difference, that when virtue and loy- alty hath groaned and suffered under tyranny and oppres- sion, in the end they have been crowned with fame and admiration, as our dread sovereign and noble Parliament would have it witnessed in the ceiebiation of the great Marquis of Montrose's funerals, in the highest and mag- nificent grandeur, to counterbalance the height ot mali- cious invention exercised on him to the full. The par- ticulars of the honourable ceremonies will, in true and ex- quisite heraldrv, display the several dignities he had, either as a peer of the laud, or charged with his majesty's ser- vice ; so, in a proportionable manner, we shall shew the honour done to the memory of that renowned colonel, Sir William Hay of Delgity, who, suffering martyrdom with him in the same cause, ambitioned his funeral under the same infamous gibbet, piophetically certaml}, that he might participate with him the same honour at his first bodily resurrection. This his request was easily assented to by these monstrous leeches, whose greatest glory was to be drunk and not m the blood of the most faithful sub- jects. Nay, even some of those whose profession should have preached mercy, belched out that the " Good work went bounily on," when the scaffold, or rather shambles, at the cross of Edinburgh, for the space of six weeks, was 508 APPENDIX. XXVIII. daily smoking with the blood of the most valiant and loyal subjects. But we proceed to the funeral pomp, hoping that these glorious martyrs are praising and glorifying God, while we are amusing ourselves in this scantling transitory following description: From the abbey church of liolyroodhouse to that of St Giles in the high town, the funeral pomp was as tolloweth : Two conductors in mourning, with black staves. Twenty-five poor in gowns, hoods, the first of which weut alone next to the conductors carrying a gumpheon, the other twenty- four following two and two, carrying the arms of: he house on long staves. An open trumpet clothed in rich livery of the mar- quis colours, carrying his anus on his banner. Sir Harie Graham in complete armour, on horseback, carrying on the point of a lance the colours of the house : this noble gentleman accompanied his excellence in all his good and bad fortunes, both at home and abroad. Servants of friends in mourning two and two. The great pincel, with his arms carried by John Graham of Douclnie, a renowned Highland Hector, and one who stuck peremptorily to the present Marquis of Montrose in the last expedition under his Grace the Lord Commissioner ; he is best known by the title of Tetrach of Aberfoil. The great standard in colours, with his arms, carried by Thomas Graham of Potento, a hopeful cadet of the an- cient family of Clansse. An horse of war, with great saddle and pistols, led by two lacqueys in livery. The defunct's servants, two and two in mourning. An horse in state, with a rich footmantle, two lacqueys in rich livery, and his parliament badges. Four close trumpets in mourning, carrying the defunct's arms on their banners. The great gumpheon of black taffety carried on the point of a lance, by William Graham, younger of Dun- trum, another sprightful cadet of the house of Clarisse. The great pincel of mourning carried by George Grahame, younger of Cairnie, who, from his first entry to manhood, accompanied his chief in the wars. XXVIII. APPENDIX. 509 The defunct's friends, two and two, in mourning. The great mourning banner carried by George Graham of Inchbrakie, younger, whose youthhead only excused him from running the risks of his father. The spurs carried on the point of a lance by Walter Graham, elder of Duntrun, a most honest royalist, and highly commended for his hospitality. The gauntlets carried by George Graham of Drums, on the point of a lance, a worthy person well becoming his name. Ihe head piece by Mungo Graham of Gorthie, on the point of a lance, whose father had sometimes the honour tocairyhis majesty's standard under his excellency ; his great sufferings and forfeiture is enough to speak his action and honesty. The corslet by George Graham of Monzie on the point of a lance, a brave young gentleman, whose father fell in his majesty's service under the defunct. A banner all in mourning, by John Grahame of Ba!« gowne, who likewise hazarded both life and fortune with Ins chief. The lord provost, bailies, and burgesses of Edin- burgh, two and two, all in deep mourning. The burgesses members of parliament in mourning, two and two. The barons members of parliament, two and two, in mourning. The nobles in mourning, two and two. Next followed the eight branches, first of the mother's side. Halyburton Lord Dirleton, carried by William Haly- buiton of Bittergask. Douglass Eail of Angus, by Sir Robert Douglass of Blackerstouu, a most worthy person, and great sufferer for his constant adherence to his majesty's interest. Stuart Lord Meihven, by Stuart Sheriff of Bute ; it is to no purpose to commend their loyalt\,or to doubt of it, when the relations ot their predecessors to his majesty's progenitors is considered. Kuthven of Gowrie, by William Ruthven Baron of Gairues, a gentleman of clear repute and honesty, suitable 510 APPENDIX. XXVIII. to his noble and valiant cousin the Earl of Forth and Brandford. Next on the father's side, Keith Earl of Marshal, by Colonel George Keith, bro- ther to the said earl, a noble gentleman, whose behaviour in his majesty's service discovered him a worthy inheritor of his illustrious progenitors. Fleming Earl of Wigtoun, by Sir Robert Fleming, son to the said aerl, a gal lam soul, carved out for his king and country's service, as are all his family, witness his noble uncle Sir William Fleming. Druminoud Eaii of Perth, by Sir James Drummond of Maehiny, one whose fidelity to king and country was never brought in question. Grahame Maiquis of Montrose, by James Grahame, Baron of Orchell, whose life and fortune never caused him scruple to advance the royal interest. The arms of the defunct in mourning, by James Graham of Bucklevy, son to the Baron of Fentry, a gen- tleman which nothing could ever startle from his majesty's service, and that he was a favourite of the deceased, and accompanied his son in the late Highland war, is sufficient to speak his praises. An horse in close mourning, led by two lacqueys in mourning. Four close trumpets in mourning, with the defunct's arms on their banners. Six pursuivants in mourning, with their coats displayed, two and two. Six heralds with their coats, as followeth : The first carrying an antic shield, with the defunct's arms on it. The second carrying his crest. The third his sword. The fourth his targe. The fifth the scroll and motto. The sixth his helmet. Two secretaries, Master William Ord, and Master Thomas Seintserf. Then Doctor Middleton and his chaplain. His parliament robes carried by James Graham of XXVIII. APPENDIX, 511 Killern, a gentleman whose merit, besides his birth, pro- cured this noble employment. The general's baton, by Robert Grahame, elder of Cairnie, a brave and bold gentleman, who, from the be- ginning of his chief's enterprises, never 'abandoned him, and one whose fortune endured ail the mischiefs of fire and devastation. The Order of the Garter by Patrick Graham, Baron of Jnchbrakie, elder, a peisou most eminent for his ser- vices upon all occasions, and the only companion of the defunct when he went first to Athol, and published his majesty's commission. The marquis's crown carried by Sir Robert Graham of Morphie, younger, a noble person, no less renowned for his affection to royalty, than for his kindness and hospi- tality amongst his neighbour gentry. The purse carried by David Graham of Fentrie ; this noble gentleman's predecessor was the son of the Lord Graham, then head of the house of Montrose, who, upon a second marriage on King James the First his sister, be- got the first Baron of Fentry, which, in a male line, haih continued to this baron ; and, as their births was h:gh, so their qualifications hath in every respect been great, for in all ages since their rise, nothing unbecoming loyal sub- jects, or persons of honour, could be laid to their chaige, and he who possesseth it now can claim as large a share as any of his ancestors. Next before the corps went Sir Alexander Durham, Lion King of Aims, with his majesty's coat displayed, carrying in his hand the defunct's coat of honour. The corps was carried by fourteen earls ; viz. The Fails of Man, Morton, Fglinton, Caithness, Win- ton, Linlithgow, Home, Tiliibardm, Roxburgh, Seaforth, Kallender, Annmdale, Dunclie, Aboyn. The pale above the corps was likewise sustained by twelve noblemen, viz., the Viscounts of Stormont, Ar- buthnot, Kingstone, the Lords Stranaver, Kilmaurs, Mont- gomery, Coltlingl.ame, Fleming, Gask, Drumlaneiick, ^inclar, Mackdonald. 512 APPENDIX. XXVIII, Gentlemen appointed for relieving of those who car- ried the coffin under the pale. Earls sons, Sir John Keith, Knight Marshal, Robert Gordon, Alexander Livingstoun, Sir David Ogilvie, the Barons of Pitcurr, Powrie, Fotheringhame, Cromlis, Aber- cairny, Ludwharne, Denholm, Mackintosh, B;ihnedie r Glorat, Cahoun, Braco, Craigie, Morphie, Bandoch, elder and younger, and the ingenious Baron of M morgan, and John Graham of Creekie, who likewise accompanied the Lord Marquis in his travels in France and Italy. Next to the corps went the Marquis of Montrose and his brother as chief mourners, in hoods and long robes carried up by two pages, with a gentleman bare-headed on every side. Next to him followed nine of the nearest in blood, three and three, in hoods and long robes, carried up by pages ; viz. The Marquis of Douglass, the Earls of Marshall, Wig- toun, Southesk, Lords of Drummond, Matherti, Napier, Rollo, and Baron of Luz, nephew to the defunct. Next to the deep mourners went my Lord Commis- sioner, his Grace in an open coach and six horses, all in deep mourning ; six gentlemen of quality going on every side of the coach in deep mourning, bare-headed. The Corps of Sir William Hay of Delgity jollowed in this order. Captain George Hay, son to Sir John Hay, late Clerk Register, carried the standard of honour. William Ferguson of Badyfarrow the gumpheon. Master John Hay the pinsel of honour. Alexander Hay the spurs and sword of honour. Master Harie Hay the croslet. Master Andrew Hay the gauntlets. Next followed his four branches. Hay, — House of Arrol, carried by Alexander Hay. Lesiy, — House of Bouwhoyn, by George Lesly of Chapleton. Forbes, — of the house of Forbes by Forbes of Lesly. XXVIII. APPENDIX. 513 Hay, — Of Delgity, by Robert Hay of Perk. Two close trumpets in mourning'. Then tlie corpse garnished with scutcheous and epi- taphs, attended by the Earl of Errol, Lord High Con- stable ot Scotland, the Earls of Buchan, Tuadall, Dum- fries, Kinghorn, the Viscount of Fiendi aught, the Lords Ray, Eraser, Foster, Master Robert Hay of Dronlaw, George Hay of Kininmonth, with a multitude of the name of Hay, and other relations. As the good town of Edinburgh was never wanting to the celebration of loyal solemnities, so they appeared highly magnificent in this, for their trained bands in gal- lant order ranged both sides of the street betvuxt the two churches, and, as the corpse of the great Montrose was laying in the grave of his grandfather, who was viceroy, they did nothing but tire excellent vol lies of shot, which was answered with thundering of cannon from the castle ; the same was done to the Baron of Delgity as he was in- terring by his general's side. There was two things re- markable, the one, that, before the beginning of the so- lemnity, there was nothing but stormy rains, but the corpses no sooner came out, but fair weather, with the counte- nance of the sun, appeared, and continued till all was finished, and then the clouds returned to their frowns, and the storm begun afresh. The other, it was observed, that the friends of both the deceased had wedding counte- nances, and their enemies were howling in dark corners like howlets. Some say that there was then a kind of collective body, or sort of spiritual judicatory in town, that would not be present at the funeral, lest the bones of both should bleed. Never funeral pomp was celebrated with so great jol- lity, neither was it any wonder, since we now enjoy a king, laws, liberty, religion, which was the only cause that the deceased did so bravely tight for, and who would not be good subjects, since there is so great honour paid to their memories, when we see traitors for their villany has their carcases raised and hung upon gibbets, as was the late Cromwell and others. All that belonged to the body of this great hero was carefully recollected, only his heart, which, two days after the murder, in spite of the k k 514 APPENDIX. XXVIII. traitors, was, by the conveyance of some adventurous spi- rits appointed by that noble and honourable lady, the Lady Napier, taken out and embalmed in the most costly manner by that skiltui chinugeon and apothecary Mr James Callender, then put in a rich box of gold, and sent by the same noble lacjy to the now Lord Marquis, who was then in Flanders. The solemnities being ended, the Lord Commissioner, with the nobility and barons, had a most sumptuous sup- per and banquet at ihe Marquis of Montrose's house, with conceits of all sort of music* * The following account of the Marquis's funeral is printed from an original MS. The ifrder of Montroises Funerattis, ivhois corpcs ivas caried from the Abba// Church of ' Holieroodhous, to the Great Church of Edin. on Setterday the 11th of Maij, 1661. In first, ther was out of Edin., Wast Port, Potera, out of Leith, Leith Wynd, and Cannogait, 26 companies of foot, all in good kippage, and weal armed, drawn up in the Abbay clos ; the whole streettis from the Abbay gait, set in both sydes with some of the said companies, to the Mercat Cros of Edin. The rest of the said companies marched thro' the middle of the streit, till they cam to the Mercat Cros, and their drew up in bodies upon both sydis of the streettis, and thereafter the king's loveguard being likewayis drawin up in the Abbay clos, marched up the streettis nist the foot com- panies in good order with trumpettis and drawin swordis, and march- ed rhe length of the Lane Mercat, where the drawin up and stood in. order. All the bellis of Edin. and Cannogait ringing all the whyle, with the great common bell jowmg and tolling. The two conducteris in mourning, with ane grumpheon and 24 salia in long gounis and blak coattis. Ane open trumpet cloathed in liveray, with the culleris of the defunct at his baner. Ane gentilman in compleat armor, with ane plum of featheris in his helmet of the culloris of the defunctis paternall culloris. Servantis of triendis, 2 and 2 in murning. Johne Grahame of Deucharie caried the great pinsell of honor, with ittis full atchievement. Thomas Grahame of Potento caried the great standart of honor with ittis full atchievement. Ane horse mounted with ane great sadle, pistollis, and other things fit for service, led by a lekay in livery. His parricalar servandis 2 and 2 in mourning. 12 XXVIII. APPENDIX. 515 Nothing here was wanting for completing the solem- nities but ihe good old custom of a sermon, which (in re- His Parliament horse, with rich foot mantle, led by two lekayis in livery, and badges on bak and breast. The four trumpettis in mourning, carying the arms of the defunct on both sydis. William Grahame of Duntroone, younger, caried the great grum^heon on the point of ane lance. George Grahame, younger of Cairnie, caried the mourning pinsell. His triendis 2 and 2 in mourning. Waiter Grahame of Duntroone caried the s;urris. Alexander Grahame of Veanie caned the gantlettis. George Grahame of Monzie caried the corslait bak and breast. Mungo Grahame of Gorthie caried the head peece. Johne Grahame of Balgowne caried the great mourning banner, with lttis whole atchiveraent. Eight gentiimen caried the eight branches, viz. William Halybur- ton of Buttergask for Dirletoun, .~>ir Robert Douglas of Blakerstoun for Douglas and Angus, tewart of Boot, for Stewart, Lord , William V. uthven of Gaime, Colonel George Keith for the hous of Marschall, Sir Robert Flemyng for the hous of Wigton, Sir James Drummond ot Machany for the hous of Pearth, James Grahame of Urchile fur the hous or Montrose. Capt. James Grahame of Bucklyvie caried the defunctis armis in blak tafFatie, which was the murning baner. Ane horse in mourning led by two lekayis in murning. Nist 4 trumpettis in murning, having the defunctis armis at their baneris. Nist them six pursuivants in order two and two. Nist them six heraldis, the first caryin - an antique schield with the defunctis armis theiron, another carying his creist, another his sword, another his targe, another his scroll and diton, ar.d ane other careing his helmet. Mr William Ord and Thomag Sydserff secretaries. Mr John Laine cheaplaine, Doctor George Midletoun, phisitian. James Grahame of Killearnie • aried the Parliament robes. Robert Grahame of C airnie, elder, caried the order of the garter. Grahame of Morphie caried the crown- Grahame of Fintrie caried the purse with the commission. The defunctis coat of armes, caried by the Lyon King at Arms in murning. Twell ncblemen caried ihe pall, viz. Viscounts Stormont, Arbuth- not, and Kingstoun. Lordis Stranaver, Kilmauris, Montgomerie, Coldinghame, and Fleming, Gask, Drumlanerick, Sinclair, Mac, donald. For careing the corpis under the pale, the Earles of Mar, Mortone, 51 6 APPENDIX. XXVIII. gard of the true and excellent character of the great Mon- trose, given by that learned and ever loyal Doctor George Wishart in his book De Rebus Montis ros, &c.) was the more easily dispensed with, and, indeed, it is a sufficient Atholl, Eglintoune, Caithnes, Linlithgow, Home, Roxburgh, Tulli- bardine, Seaforth, Callender, Annandaill, Dundie, and Aboyine. Barronis of qualitie to waitt on both sydis of the pale, for relieving the noblemen, viz. Sir John Keith, knight marschall, Robert Gordon, sone to the Earle of Sutherland, Mr Livingstoune, brother to the Earle of Linlithgow, Sir David Ogilvie, sone to the Earle of Airlie, the Lairds of Pitcur, Purie, Cromlis, Abercairnie, Ludwhairne, Mac- intosh, Gloret, Allexander, Colhoun, Balmedie, Strowane. The chiefF murneris with hoods and long robes caried by pages, with ane gentilman bairheidat on everie syd, and nyn of the nearest noblemen in the samyn habits, marched thrie and thrie, viz. Marquis of Douglas, Earles of Marshall, Wigtoun, Southesk, the Lordis Drummond, Madertie. Naper, llollo, and the Laird of Lus. It was forgot, that just after the king's loveguard was the whole magistrates and town councell of Edin. all in murning, marchelled in comlie order. At the lifting of the corpis out of the Abbay Kirk, the haill cannon of the castill, the haill foot companies of Edin., Leith, and Cannogait, with the king's loveguard, gave all fyr at ane with taking of drumis, sound of trumpettis, and ringing of bellis, and at the ingoing of the church, the second voiey, and the third at his interring. Just after the pale was the Commissioner, his Grace in his coatch, and horses, coatch and all in murning, the coatch being all open, but four stoupis that caried on the cover of it. And after the commissioner's coatch was the corpis of Dagitee, with all his honors caried before him, and many noblemen and gentle- men about the corpis. It was a gallant fair, sooneshine day, ay quile the corpis was in- terred, and long after. Thair was twa great thingis remarkit at this heroickis funeral!. The first is, that it was never hard tell of since the world began, bot at the burial of any defunct, the fnendia murned, and the ene- mies rejoiced, but heir the just contrair, at this heroick's fune- rall the fnendis rejoiced and the enemies murned, ane paradox in- deed. The second it was marked, that from the Abbay gait to the Luckinboothis, thair was neither stair, balconie, window, nor schot, bot thair was faces looking out at them to see this heroick sight, bot onlie on, quhich was the balconie and window of the Ladie Hoomis hous, quhair all the world sayis that * * * was contryved, for ther was no creater on that balconie, nor looking out of theas win- dows." 10 XXVIII. APPENDIX. 517 monument to perpetrate his memory to eternity. How- ever, because the book is in the language of the Beast, which haply some will scruple at, and many not under- stand for their satisfaction, 1 have glanced at the charac- ters of these two noble and crowned martyrs. And, first, It is known that he is head and chief of that most ancient and famous family of Grahams, called in our old Scots language, the Great Graem. The rise of the race is from that Graem so famous in history, father-in-law to Fergus the Second, King of Scotland, from whom he received lands for his signal service in demolishing the vallum se- veri, which to this day is known by the name of Graem's Dike, and is still in possession of the noble Marquis of Montrose. If the heroic actions of this late martyr could be more splendid by these of his ancestors, we could mention the valiant Graham, who so often baffled the Daues then masters of England, and Sir John the Graham, who gave so much trouble to Edward King of England, who took occasion of the difference twixt the Bruce and Baliol to invade our country's liberties. But these and many others of that ancient race I pass to has- ten to our martyr, only this, his grandfather's memory is yet fresh for his great services to king and country, both as Lord High Chancellor of Scotland, and viceroy of this kingdom, his father likewise for his singular eminences, both of body and mind, inferior to none, who, after he had acquit himself most honourably of several royal ambas- sages, was, to the great loss of his country, taken away by untimely death. But to pass much which might be said of the fame of his progenitors, 1 shall acquaint you with both I know myself (having followed him several years in his expeditions) and what I have learned from others of good name and credit. He was of a middle stature, and most exquisitely proportioned limbs, his hair of a light chesnut, his complexion betwixt pale and ruddy, his eye most penetrating, though inclining to gray, his nose rather aquilin than otherwise ; as he was strong of body and limbs, so was he most agil, which made him excel most of others in those exercises where these two are re- quired. Jn riding the great horse and making use of his 518 APPENDIX. XXVIII. arms, he came short of none. I never heard much of his delight in dancing, though his countenance and other his bodily endowments were equall) fitting the court as the camp. In his younger days he travelled France and Italy, where he made it his work to pick up the best of their qualities, necessary for a person of honour, hav- ing rendered himself perfect in the academies. His next delight was to improve his intellectuals, which he did by allotting a proportionable time to reading, and conversing with learned men, yet still so, that he used his exercise as he might not forget it ; he studied as much of the mathe- matics as is required for a soldier ; but his great study was to read men, and the actions of great men ; thus he spent three years in France and Italy, and had surveyed the rarities of the east. If his domestic affairs had not ob- liged his return home, which chanced at that lime the late rebellion began to peep out, the conspirators knowing his great abilities, and the great esteem he had amongst the people, sought by all means to ensare him with them- selves, and so wrought in him a discontent, that, notwith- standing his grandfather's, his father's eminent services, together with his own merits so highly deserving, yet he had not the honour of being counsellor. Besides, they knowing how good a patriot he was, they left not that string untouched by persuading that his majesty intended to provinciate us, and to introduce popery, with which and the like cunning forgeries born in upon him by some setting, &c. kept a purpose for that use ; they got him as- sociated in the cabal, but his generous soul soon after his engagements smoaked out their hypocrisies and rotten en- terprises ; and from that time, which was in the latter end of anno 1639, he abandoned them and faced about to his allegiance, resolving to sacrifice all was precious to him in his majesty's service ; and, accordingly, disco- vered all the engines of the plot, the many circumstances of which must be left to the historians of the time. In the end of the year 1643, when a great party of our na- tion had been involved against the king in England, he, with the help of a thousand Irish, gave opportunity to the royalty party to bestir themselves and join with him, with whom he established an army more consisting in the XXVIII. APPENDIX. 519 valour than number of persons, as was seen in a year's space, in which he clearly gained six battles, where there fell 20,000 of the rebels. In the management of this ser- vice, though he had never been bred a soldier, yet he shewed admirable knowledge in the art of war ; and though he never confined himself to the practice of other natious, yet he never did any thing but with strong reason, his stratagems seldom missing of being successful ; his vi- gilance and toil were wonderful, that the enemy knew not where he was till he was on them, and he again never ig- norant of their place, strength, and condition. His fight was still on the plains, though the hills were advantageous to him ; his cavalry, not being the fourth part of the ene- mies, but all of gentlemen, particularly of these noble families of Gordons and Ogilvy. He shewed greatest cheer- fulness in his greatest extremities. If his infantry at any time scrupled the wading ol little rivers, he was the first dismounted to shew others the way, and this banished all repining. He accustomed himself to coarse feeding and constant drinking of water, he knew they were still to be found, so that the want of delicacies should be no tenta- tion to him to weary of the service. He had many op- portunities of large sums of money, but shunned the mak- ing use of them, knowing he could never enjoy both their hearts and purses, ever inculcating to them that his ma- jesty demanded nothing but the performance of their duty m point of allegiance. Indeed, the propagators of the good cause had a religious way to enrich themselves, by flaying to the very skin the royal party, whom they termed Egyptians. It was wonderful with what dexterity he kept his army en- tire without pay or plunder, which his behaviour did strange- ly undeceive the people, that neither his majesty nor his followers were such heathens as they were held out to them by their black mouthed juries. Nay, he was most happy in restoring fanatical enemies to their wits, either by convincing them of their erroneous course, or persuading them to join with him, and ibis was according to one of his own principles, viz. That a person in pub- lic employment should rather court the people for his prince's interest, than his prince for his own. If tins rule were exactly followed by all favourites, it would smoother 520 APPENDIX. XXVIII. all dangerous heart-burnings, and contribute highly to se- cure the people's affections to their king. His vast know- ledge in military and state affairs was admirable ; he was pleasant and witty in conversation, with an affability in private becoming a comrade; scandalous and obscene wit durst not appear before him. In this sort he made war in Scotland against his majesty's enemies for the space of eighteen months, bearing the trophies of six battles, with the defeat of six armies ; and no doubt he had con- tinued victorious if the art of trepanning had not been pre- valent ; however, the slur he received at Philipshaugh vtas not the cut-throat of his majesty's army, for through his enemy he made way to his friends in the north, though far off, where his presence gave life to drooping spirits, and in a short time made up so considerable forces as could give check to the insulting enemy. But his majes- ty coming to Newcastle, put a period to that war. Here our hero was as conspicuous for his passive obedience as either he or his noble ancestors were for their most de- serving actions. His army he had so endeared to him that they would have followed him upon any account ; but, according to the commands received from his majes- ty, he capitulated nobly for these gentlemen who had ac- companied him in the service, which capitulation was most sacredly and inviolably kept by that noble person who treated with him. The marquis, in obedience to his majesty's orders, went to attend the queen's commands at Paris, where he staid for some time, casting about and designing in several nations what was conducible for his majesty's recovery; at length, weary of delays, and im- patient of action, he came to be surprized as he was en- terprising to come to his ancient friends, whose gallant behaviour in the former war had made both him and them so famous. I shall not speak of his barbarous usage whilst he was prisoner, because they were countrymen, and pretended to be Christians; but as to himself, never martyr for the cause of Christ went with greater cheerful- ness to the fire than he did embrace all the indignities put on him, and all without vanity or pageantry as many are nsed to do on such occasions. His composedness and gravity can scarce be mentioned without hyperboles. XXVIII. APPENDIX. 521 When he was reviled and the lie put upon him, (by him whom Caledonius called the Athenian Hocus,) he re- turned no other answer than, that he had heard him speak to better purpose at other times. He was frequent in his devotions and heavenly meditations, and having reconciled himself with a true contrition to his giacious God, he ad- vanced to finish his course with a couiageous gravity and pious modesty, as his glorious martyred master had done before ; which carriage turned the hearts of his enemies who came to insult at the butchery, and generally the bar- barity of his usage was condemned by all ; and truly it is to be regretted to think how some on the scaffold (espe- cially a little Levite) laboured to discompose his soul by their horrid upbraidings and reproaches, but his unspeak- able Christian and mild behaviour shewed how firmly it was fixed in the state of grace. J shall say little more of this great martyr, then what was said of the Reverend Archbishop of Canterbury, martyred on the same account, when a worthy knight was in a contemptible jeering way demanded what his epitaph should be, he answered, that so long as St Paul's church stood, and his book preserved, he could neither want monument nor epitaph ; so I say, so long as his history is in being, and the heaps of stones which covered his enemies' carcases in Tippermoor, Aberdeen, Eunerlochy, Aldern, Alford, and Kilsyth are lasting, he can neither want the one nor the other, and that is so long as there is a summer to succeed the spring, and the celestial bodies to terminate their usual course. A word now to the noble cavalier that accompanied him in the same fortunes, and with the same genius, though in a lesser sphere. He is descended of that ancient and noble family of the Earls of Arrol, chief of the name of Hay, Lord High Constable of Scotland heritably. The establishment of this family is most famous in our old re- cords and histories ; their honours and estate were confer- red by King Kenneth the Third on this occasion. The Danes, at a battle, had put to a disorderly retreat the Scottish army, which one named Hay, with his three sons, being (as the story goes) at the plough, perceiving, stop- ped them at a narrow pass, and w hat with threats, and what with persuasive notions, animate them to rally and 52£ APPENDIX* XXVIII. to turn face, they going on with the foremost, with such arms as their plough with its accoutrements did furnish them, where they shew such eminence of valour in a most furious charge, that immediately victory attended them, with the total overthrow of the enemy. For which great action the king gave them a faulcon's flight of the choicest land, ennobling them, and giving them for their arms, in a field argent, three bloody shields, a fauicon in crest, and two savages for supporters, the motto Servo jugurn. This noble rise being eight hnndied years ago, may well place them amongst the most honourable families in Europe, and thus for his extraction, being the first cadet of this family. His youthhead he spent in Germany, under the command of his uncle, the renowned Count Lesly, great chamberlain to the emperor ; but hearing that his ma- jesty was in war with his rebels, he shook off all expecta- tions of preferment there, and came home with the tender of his service to his majesty, where first, with the great M. Montrose and the valiant Lord Ogilvy, he gave many and singular proofs of his prowess in his majesty's service in England, till (he affairs of Scotland drew him thither, in which service, with his general, how eminent lie was his sufferings shew ; he never dispute the command put on, though carrying never so many difficulties and dan- gers, which he always judiciously and hardily put in exe- cution. His stature was much of that of the Marquis of Montrose, but more square, of great bones, his limbs equailv proportioned, of a very flaxen and bushy hair, his complexion rarely delicate, red and white well mixed, such as a lady would have who would vie for beauty, of disposition affable, a stock of courage and liberality be- coming both soldier and gentleman. His constancy at his death shew well he repented nothing he did in order to his allegiance and majesty's service, to the great shame of those who threatened him with their apocryphal ex- communications, to which he gave no more place than our Saviour to the Devil's tentations. He was murther- ed the next day after his general the Lord Marquis, Many othei noble gentlemen's murthers in the same na- tuie 1 will not name at this time ; yet I cannot pass that of John Spotswood, grandchild to the Archbi- XXVIII. APPENDIX. 52S shop of St Andrew's, who died in exile, and nephew to the great Sir Robert Spotswood, butchered in the like manner. This same \oung gentleman, on his knees, ready to lay his head on the block, had these self same follow- ing words : " O Lord, who hath been graciously pleased to bring me through the wilderness of his world, 1 trust at this time you will waft me over this sea of blood to thy heavenly Canaan." To which heavenly ejaculation, a mi- nister standing by replied, " Take tent, take ten?, Sir, that you drown not by the gate;" an expression sufficient to have disti acted an ordinary soul : but our martyr Chris- tian answered, " He hoped he was no Egyptian," which he deliveied with such Christian modesty, that the lout stole away in the crowd, being confounded. His uncle Sir Robert was no otherwise dealt with by another of the brethren, being on the scaffold at St Andrew's for the same just cause : In his speech to the people, while he was recommending to them titeir duty and obe- dience to the king, especially so good a king, one inter- rupted him, and forbade the people to believe him, being the son of a false prophet, meaning that great light in the chmch his father, the archbishop of the place. Hence may the people learn if they ought to tiust the doctrine of their allegiance to such ones who dienches themselves in the blood of the best subjects, whose fame and acts shall serve as examples of future loyalty, gallantry, and piety; and it is hoped that none will be so mad again as to wor- ship meteors, when God almighty hath provided a shining sun, our lawful and diead sovereign, whom God long preserve. Amen, Amen. Elogium Tumulo Insckibendum. Immortali, veicv Nobilitatis, incequundce Magnanimitq~ tis, incontaminati Honoris, et intemerata Fidelitatis, Ma»ni Grami Memories Sacrum. Si, quis hie jacet . ? quaeris viator ; Magnus hie est iile IVlontisrosarum Maichio, generosi tenn suae familiae ge- nerosus ha^res : qui, virescentibua ad hue, licet aunosis, ma- jorum suorum palmis, tot victrices contexuit lauros, ut, si onines illi huic uni, au unus hie libs omnibus plus gloriee 524 APPENDIX. XXVIII. contulerit, scire sit nefas. Hie est nobilis ille Montis- rosarum Marchio ; qui, si prosapia, an virtute, illustrior, consilio, an dextera, promptior, aula?, an castris, charior, principibus suis, an exteris, gratior, perduellionis malleus durior, an monarchia? assertor acnor, fama, an forturat, cla- rior, in vita denique insignior, an in morte constantior, exstiterit, dictu difficile. Hie est, viator, magnus ille dux, ducum sui sa?cuii facile princeps ; dux, qui, cum pedi- tum manipulo, (ne dicam excercitulo,) pene inermi, victus et amictus inope, causa? a?quitati, ducis magnanimitati, et gladiis confiso suis, ingentes hostium acies armatas, duode- cim mensium plus minus spatio, septies Vidit, Vicit, De- levit. Majora ha?c oculata Caesaris victoria. Sed, pi oh instabilem lubrici fati rotam ! Qui arma, castra, oppida, turres, propugnacula, qui frigus, famem, sitim, inaccessa montium juga, immo omnia superare consueverat, tandem maligno fortuna? errore victus, nequissime hostibas tradi- tus, quid non passus ! Protomartyns regis sui martyr pe- dissequus, plus quam barbaro inimicorum furori, (nisi tam generoso sanguine implacabiii,) et effra?na? pra?stigiatoruni Druidum insolentia?, victima oblatus, invictam mails ex- spiravit animam. Sic concidit nobile illud diadematis fulcrum ! sic occidit resplendens ille Caledonia? phospho- rus! sicoccubuitmagnus ille Martis alumnus! et cum illo, mascula qua?que superfoetantis virtutis suboles, per obste- trices indigenas, ipsis iEjjyptiis crudeliores, trucidata ! Post undecenmum, ossa effodi, membra recolligi, et, per proce- res et regni comitia, a coenobio regio S. Crucis, per me- tropolin summo cum splendore, ad aedes D. iEgidio sa- cras comitata, impensis regiis, sub hoc monumeuto mag- nifico, cum avo suo nobili, quondam Scotia? prorege, sepe- liri mandavit augustissimus regum Carolus Secundus, ini- perio suo divinitus restitutus. Vale viator, et, quisquis es, immensam serenissimi principis ergo suos pietatem, et posthumum hunc Magni Grami, pristina? sua? gloria? redi- vivi, cole triumphum. Miles Philo-Gramus Po. XXVIII. APPENDIX. 5Q5 At the Funerals of the Lord Marquesse of Montrose, 1661. Here reinterr'd Montrose lies, though not all, As if too narrow were one funerall. So Orpheus corps descerpt by wicked furie, . His friends Apollo and the Muses burie. That head, his enemies' trophee, and their shame, Which oft hath been a Gorgon unto them. The badge of their foul perfidie and pride, When to their soveraign's view they ovvn'd the dead. Had scarce been three months mounted when as all Like Caesar under Pompey's statue fall : Brought down by their own aleis, and that sin Which like the sin of Nebat's son had bin. Ten years the land's deboach, religion's mock, Drew on for ten years more a foreign yoke ; Till by the revolution of Heaven's lace, Montrose gets glory, and the land gets grace. When after ages shall recount his worth, And read his victories on Die, Tay, Forth, Achievements noble of a loyal baud Upon a biaiusick faction of the land : His conduct, his submission to the crown, T" advance, arm'd or unarm'd, and lay arms down : His scorne of lucre, care of keeping faith, His matchless constancy in meeting death. They'll doubt what epithets, great, generous, Suit best, or loyal, or magnanimous. \\ bether more splendor to bis name do bring, His actings or his suffrings for his king. W. D. Come here and read varieties, A man of contrarieties Most loyal to bis king, although A traitor to the kingdom ; so His countrymen he still opprest ; Yet still bis prince's wrongs rediest. He did invade his native land, Yet wanted ne'er his king's command ; 5 %® APPENDIX. xxvnr. His countrymen he (ought, he ki/Td, Yet ne'er hut traitors* blood he spiij'd. He scourg'ci the land, did tyrannize, Yet only rebels did chastize. He caus'd the subjects' liberties, Advanc'd the king's prerogatives ; Our edicts he did still neglect, TV ancient laws he did respect ; -An apostate he branded was, Yet still maintain'd the * -rood old cause; He hk'd not well cur church's form, Yet to the Scriptures did conform. He's excommunicate ; and why? He sinn'd too much in loyalty. He dies a rebel to the crown, Yet for the king his life lays down ; He's punish d as a murtheier, Yet's hang'd a valiant martyr; His courage here was sole Romain, His imitation's Christian. Our wits conduit him how to shame, And yet our wits procure his fame; Alive and dead thus he doth prove The equal but of hate and love. Expect not here in things complext That mid-mouth'd distinction 'iwixt True and false ; and such like moe, 'Twixt really and deemed so : To reconcile thy doubis. Attend Till our posterity -diall lend Their sence upon the matter, so The mother then shall Jet thee know The daughter, polish't fair and clear From errors. Then perhaps you'l hear J hem say, His life's his count rey's fame His usage and his death their shame. Hunc j' ur lor immanis reg/ ni Ju «"! a I vit aD erte (.am J °\ is sepeli / «»perte. Huic-J ["lor immanis real" 1 ! dat / S olgatlla fuica| n l am i ° l»s f \ Funefa tumbam. XXVIII. APPENDIX. 527 In vain thou looks that I should show Whose ashes here doth sleep below : For if thou would'st acquainted be With his great parts and vertues high, Consult with after times, they'l tell What we delight not to reveal. Our offspring will the truth discover, Where we took pains the truth to smother. Advise with Time's recorder : Come, He'l give vou reasons why we'r dumb; My prince but bids me only say, Montrose his bones we here did lay : The pious dust forbids me breath Ought of his usage or his death, Lfcsi sober mtidels should spy Our church's weakness, and deny The Gospel for our sakes, and cry, His death's his country's obloquy. On the Great Montrose. Seraphic soul, what heavenly powers combine To reinter these sacred bones of thine ? Thy glorious lelics by malice bonds detain'd In silent grave ; will no more be restrain'd But must appear in triumph, glad to see The blessed year of Britain's jubilee : Should there a Phoenix from thy ashes rise, Would not all nations it idolatrize ? Thy noble stem and high extraction Was beautified with such perfection, As makes thee still to be thy nation's glory, Europe's great wonder, stately theme of story : Th\ valorous actings far transcend the praise Of tongues or pens, or these my rural layes; Therefore I must so high a subject leave, And what I cannot speak or wute, conceive. Mr John Chalmebs 528 appendix. xxvnr. A Reflection on the First and Second Funerals of the Great Montrose. Amazed with these glorious shews, I find A crowd of fancies struggling in my mind ; Staggering me in a doubt, which will be chief, A grievous joy, or a rejoicing grief. While I behold the trophees of thy worth, With all this joy and splendour now set forth, And hear thy name, perfumed by the state, With titles of so loyal and so great. And see pure honour in so lofty straines, Hov'ring about thy late disdain'd remaines. Thy parboil'd parched head, and thy dry bones, Courted by Mars and Pallas both at once. Thy conquering palm with loading higher rise, And in the treasurie of thy growing praise, Each cast his mite ; and here thy en'mies cry, Hosannah now for their late crucifie. To see thy friends their honour yet retain, Hearing thy trophees with triumphant train. This over treason adds a victory more, A seventh conquest to the six before. To see thy torments travelling with thy praise, And thy herse crowned with thy conquering bayes. To see thy pains, thy infamie, thy death, Give life to loyalty, to honour breath. That after thee these vertues may revive, And in thy glorious issue ever live. These do commence our joyes, these expiate Our former crimes, although they came too late. And yet our griefs from that same fountain sprung, He's dead for whom our jovial echoes ring. He's dead, the shame of all our British story, He's dead, the grace of all our Scotish glory. Valour's great Mimon, the true antidot Of all disgrace that e'er defam'd a Scot. The flow'r and Phoenix of a loyal stem, In Charles his crown the most illustrious gem. And yet this gem is broke, this Phoenix dead, This glory buried, Mimon murdered- XXVIII. APPENDIX. 529 A sight would made (had he been there to see't) Argus with all his eyes turn Heraclit. Would metamoiphos'd Mars to Niobe, And turn'd the world all but to one great eye, To have delug'd that ghastly rueful place Where Albion's faith and honour buried was. A place which ever wise posterity Shall style hereafter, second Calvarie. It was no dint of steel, no force of amies, Nor traitors' plots that did procure his harmes. To encounter and to conquer, all did see, Was one to him: At his nativitie, He had Mars in the ascendant, whose bright flame Made mighty nations tremble at his name. Valour with valour, force with force control, He then, he only could : But's loyal soul To be a willing victim thought it meet, While monarchies lay bleeding at his feet For seeing Charles first run that sad disaster, In that same cup he pleg'd his royal master. And now, and not till now, that loyal spirit Hath got the honour due unto his merit. But since a schedul will not quite the score, Fit for great volums ; here I'll give it o're. Too mean a tribute of a slow pac'd verse Is the affectory to so great a herse. Or he or Heav'n must make the epitaph That will be fit for such a noble grave. He died ; and after the solemnity, Ev'n Heav'n itself did weep his elegy. Dignum laude virum musa vetat mori» l! 530 APPENDIX. XXVIII. In patriem, regem legis ceu perfidius hostis Pro patria, rege et legibus occubui, Legibus antiquis patriae regiquae ikielis, A patria rege et legibus intumulor. Go, passenger, persuade the world to trust, Thou saw intomb'd the great Montrose his dust ! But tell not that he dy'd, nor how, nor why ; Dissuade them in the truth of this to pry : Befriend us more, and let them ne'er proclaim Our nobles' weakness, and our countrie's shame. Xhe noble ashes here shall only tell That they were buried, not how they fell ; For faithfull patriots should ne'er proclaim Such acts as does procure their countrie's shame. Let it content thee, passenger, that I Can tell thee here entomb'd my bones doth lye : Do not enquire if e'er I died, or why ? Speak nought of cruel rage, hate, or envy : Learn only this, — 'Tis malice to reveal Our countrey's shame, but duty to conceal. ERRATUM. Page 320, for Wallace's tower, read Falkirk. Printed by George Ramsay and Co. Edinburgh, 1819. 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