THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 Richard Petrie
 
 THE NATIONAL HISTORY OF FRANCE 
 
 EDITED BY 
 FR. FUNCK-BRENTANO 
 
 With an Introduction by J. E. C. BODLEY 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH 
 CENTURY
 
 THE NATIONAL HISTORY OF FRANCE 
 EDITED BY l\{. FUNCK BRENTANO 
 
 Wim an Imkoduction by J. E. C. BODLEY 
 
 Each I olumr Demy 8vo 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. By Fn. Funck-Bkim \no 
 
 [To be Published 
 
 THE CENTURY OF THE RENAISSANCE. By L. 
 Batiffol [Heady 
 
 THE GREAT CENTURY. By Jacques Boulenoer 
 
 [Shortly 
 
 THE XVIIIth CENTURY. By Casimir Stryienski 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. By Louis Madklin 
 
 [In tlie Press 
 
 THE CONSULATE AND THE EMPIRE. By Louis 
 Madelin [To be Published 
 
 NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
 
 THE NATIONAL HISTORY OF FRANCE 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH 
 CENTURY 
 
 fCEOWNED BY THE ACADEMIE DEST 
 [.SCIENCES MORALES HI POLITIQUESj 
 
 BY 
 
 CASIMIR STRYIENSKI 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH BY 
 
 H. N. DICKINSON 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
 
 rrinted in Great Britain
 
 
 1 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 FIRST PART— REGENCY OF THE 
 DUC D'ORLEANS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REGENCY, 1715 3 
 
 II. THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV, 1715-1722 12 
 
 III. THE SYSTEM, 1715-1720 24 
 
 IV. THE TWO CARDINALS, 1716-1723 38 
 
 SECOND PART— THE DUC DE BOURBON 
 AND CARDINAL FLEURY 
 
 V. THE KING'S MARRIAGE, 1723-1725 57 
 
 VI. A PALACE REVOLUTION, 1725-1726 76 
 
 VII. THE QUEEN'S DOWRY, 1727-1737 84 
 
 VIII. THE ROYAL FAMILY 98 
 
 IX. FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING, 1740-1743 112 
 
 THIRD PART— LOUIS XV 
 
 X. LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED, 1743-1744 129 
 
 "^ XI. " AS STUPID AS THE PEACE," 1744-1749 145 
 
 XII. LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR, 1749-1757 154 
 
 XIII. THE SEVEN YEARS WAR, 1756-1763 171 
 
 XIV. CHOISEUL, 1764-1770 188 
 XV. THE DEATH OF THE KING, 1770-1774 199 
 
 
 85C453
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 FOURTH PART— LOUIS XVI 
 
 CHAPTER TAGE 
 
 XVI. Till-: CORONATION, 177Jr-JUNE 11, 1775 218 
 
 XVII. THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS, 1775-1776 228 
 
 Will. THE EMPEROR'S VISIT. 1777 2 M 
 
 XIX. BERTH OF MADAME ROYALE j.-..-» 
 
 XX. THE END OF THE AMERICAN WAR, 1779-1783 261 
 
 XXI. THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY, 1785 269 
 
 XXII. DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 282 
 
 FIFTH PART— THE ARTISTIC AND 
 LITERARY MOVEMENT 
 
 XXIII. i.— THE ARTS; ii.— THE SCIENCES ; m.— LITERATIM. . 
 
 iv.— THE SALONS 297 
 
 INDEX 887
 
 FIRST PART 
 
 THE REGENCY OF THE DUC 
 DORLEANS
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REGENCY 
 
 1715 
 
 The death of Louis XIV. The Royal family. The Due du 
 
 Maine. The Due d'Orleans : his character. The late King's 
 
 will disregarded. The new King's Lit de Justice on September 12 ; 
 
 his portrait ; the popularity of Louis XV. 
 
 LOUIS XIV is dead and his courtiers breathe again. 
 . The last years of the King had been mournful and 
 * morose. The words that he addressed to his great- 
 grandson when giving him his blessing convey an echo of those 
 Death of troubled times : 
 
 Louis XIV. " You will be a great King ; do not imitate 
 
 me in my taste for building, nor in my taste for war. . . . Try 
 to lighten the burden of your people, as I, unhappily, have not 
 been able to do." 
 
 These moving and humane words had in them something 
 of the prophetic. In 1715 a new era was beginning. The 
 King was to retain his divine prestige for nearly a cen- 
 tury in spite of everything, but the nation around him 
 was adopting a new life. The history of the eighteenth 
 century is the history of the disorganization of the ancient 
 monarchy, to end at last in revolution. Imperceptibly, the 
 modern spirit grew, developed, and assumed more tangible 
 shapes. Soon a lamentable ruin was all that remained of 
 the ancient edifice ; our Acropolis was destroyed, and like 
 that of Athens it became but a shrine for pilgrims where 
 some might come to mourn the vanity of human things, 
 others to raise the song of victory. Chamfort triumphantly 
 recalled the saying of a courtier in 1715 : " After the death 
 of a Louis XIV anything may be expected ; the greatest 
 calamities may occur." 
 
 3
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The great King's successor was five and a hall years old ; 
 
 In- was the son of the Due dc Bourgogne and Marie Adelaide 
 The Royal of Savoy, whose wit and charm had cheered and 
 
 Family. solaced the last years of Louis XIV. At his 
 
 birth, on February 5, 1710, Louis XV had seemed far enough 
 from the throne. His great-grandfather, his grandfather (tin' 
 great Dauphin), his father and his elder brother (the Due de 
 Bretagne) were still living, four barriers in his way to the 
 throne. In two years all had gone, and the only representative 
 of the direct Bourbon line was a feeble orphan. Both the State 
 and the King needed a guardian. Until the heir to the throne 
 should attain his majority the country would have to be 
 governed by a Regent. Louis XIV, in his will, appointed two 
 persons to perform this duty : his nephew, Philippe, Due 
 d' Orleans, son of Monsieur and Elisabeth Charlotte, Princess 
 Palatine, and his legitimized son, the Due du Maine. The 
 former was to have the title of Regent, but he was to be at 
 the mercy of the latter who alone was " charged with watching 
 over the safety, preservation and education of the King during 
 his minority." 
 
 These princes represented two rival parties. The Due du 
 Maine, brought up by Madame de Maintenon, was the Benjamin 
 The Due of Louis XIV. The edict of August 2, 1711, by 
 
 du Maine. recognizing the legitimized children of Louis XIV 
 
 and their descendants as equal to the princes of the blood- 
 royal had " put the finishing touch to the hereditary greatness " 
 of M. du Maine. This paternal weakness encouraged the 
 flattery of place-seekers, and grouped around the Duke such 
 people as the Marshal de Villcroy and President de Mesmes, 
 to say nothing of those who awaited events before knowing to 
 which side they should give their allegiance. 
 
 M. du Maine was not lacking in intelligence, but he had a 
 tendency towards avarice and one weakness that is fatal among 
 Frenchmen — cowardice. At the siege of Namur, in 1695, 
 M. d'Elbeuf asked him before a number of officers where he 
 would be stationed in the approaching campaign. When the 
 Duke asked the reason for this question, M. d'Elbeuf replied 
 " Because with you one's life is safe." 
 
 The Duke made a bad use of his intelligence; he took 
 4
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF REGENCY 
 
 especial pleasure in false and tortuous ways. In appearance, 
 his face was sufficiently prepossessing, but he had little re- 
 semblance to his majestic father ; he was small of stature, 
 deformed and lame, and he had " an ungainly walk." Philippe 
 d'Orleans, on the contrary, was popular : both from his frank, 
 open, and amiable character and from the retirement in which 
 his uncle had kept him. He had wished for a military com- 
 mand, but in spite of the brilliance of his first engagements at 
 Leuze in 1691, at Steinkerque, where he was wounded, in 1692, 
 and at Nerwinde in 1693, he had difficulty in obtaining per- 
 mission to take part in the Italian campaign of 1706. There, 
 owing to the folly of La Feuillade and de Marsin, who would not 
 listen to him, he was present at the defeat of Turin where he 
 conducted himself with courage and was seriously wounded. 
 During the years 1707 and 1708 he was in Spain defending the 
 interests of Philip V. As master of the situation he showed a 
 considerable talent both in administration and generalship ; the 
 towns of Valencia, Saragossa, Lerida, and Tortosa surrendered 
 to him. His popularity increased to the point of overshadowing 
 that of the King of Spain himself. Unpleasant rumours were 
 spread about him ; it was reported that he wished to seize 
 the crown of Castille. These calumnies brought him into dis- 
 grace, and for a while he was condemned to obscurity ; but he 
 profited thereby in acquiring a closer knowledge of men. During 
 this period he had to struggle against far more formidable 
 enemies than those he had conquered. Certain courtiers, led 
 by M. du Maine, accused him of having poisoned the Due and 
 Duchess de Bourgogne, stating as evidence that he studied 
 chemistry in his leisure hours. Then, again, he gave Louis XIV 
 cause to be angry with him ; he conducted himself with culpable 
 frivolity and neglected his wife, a legitimized daughter of 
 Louis XIV and a sister of M. du Maine, to whom the King had 
 married him against his will in 1692. 
 
 It is not surprising that Louis XIV followed the dictates 
 of his heart and gave his nephew a phantom regency for the 
 benefit of M. du Maine. No doubt the great King would have 
 liked to go still further, but he could not take from the Due 
 d'Orleans the title of first prince of the blood-royal or its 
 accompanying rights. Louis knew, however, that wills are 
 
 5
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 fragile. He knew that those of Henri IV and Louis XIII had 
 been disregarded ; he foresaw the difficulties which were certain 
 
 to arise and he said to Philippe : M I have made what I have 
 considered to be the wisest disposition ; but one cannot foresee 
 everything, and if there is any point which is not satisfactory, 
 it will be changed." For an intelligent prince who was desirous 
 of securing his position this verbal testament was a sufficient 
 programme. Saint-Simon is deceived in thinking that the 
 nephew of Louis XIV was taken unawares. It was not so, 
 for the coup (VEtat was prepared with as much skill as discretion. 
 The Due d' Orleans made certain of a great part of the army 
 and of the Parlemcnt of Paris before the death of the King. 
 He was sure of the support of his cousin and ally, George I of 
 England, with whom he had started a political correspondence 
 in 1714. This newly made monarch had a particular reason for 
 not wishing to see the Due du Maine master of the kingdom of 
 France ; he had justifiable fears that the latter would support 
 the Pretender, James Stuart, son of James II, and would thus 
 menace both the peace of Europe and the throne which he 
 occupied, more or less as an usurper. 
 
 The Due d'Orleans had also in his favour his brilliant 
 military exploits, his ready eloquence, and his generosity. lie 
 The Due flattered himself on his resemblance to Henri IV 
 
 d'Orleans. and studied to increase " this resemblance in the 
 
 vices of that prince as in his virtues." But when put to the 
 proof, he could not continue long in the same direction, for he 
 had no spirit of perseverance. He was impulsive ; if he stopped 
 to reflect he became so undecided that he could not be induced 
 to make up his mind at all. Madame Palatine wrote a cele- 
 brated description of her son in the form of an apology, in 
 which she frankly showed his vulnerable points. He is, said 
 the princess, like the child to whose baptism the fairies had 
 been invited : one willed him a beautiful form, another eloquence, 
 the third a talent for the arts, the fourth an aptitude for physical 
 exercises, the fifth martial glory, the sixth courage. But they 
 had forgotten to invite the seventh fairy : " I cannot take back 
 from the child," sin- said, tl what my sisters have given him, 
 but during his entire life I will be against him, so that all t li 
 favours will be useless to him." This seventh fairy was 
 6
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF REGENCY 
 
 indolence, and the laxity which made the prince blast and 
 bored and led him into his worst errors. Yet the six other 
 fairies did not abandon their protege ; they often came to 
 his aid. 
 
 At the decisive moments, on the eve of and on the day after 
 the death of Louis XIV, Philippe d'Orleans was entirely master 
 The King's °f himself and scored a brilliant success over the 
 Will Due du Maine. On September 2, the Parlement 
 
 disregarded. f Paris, charged with opening and executing the 
 royal testament, decided first of all that the Regency should 
 go to the Due d'Orleans " by right of birth." In return the 
 prince, by an adroit move, revoked the edicts of 1667 and 1673 
 which had taken all political authority from the Parlement ; 
 in his speech he emphasized his liberality. " Whatever my 
 right," he said, " to aspire to the Regency, I dare assure you, 
 gentlemen, that I shall merit it by my zeal in the service of 
 the King, and by my love of the public welfare, with the aid, 
 above all, of your advice and wise admonition." The victory 
 was won. The Due du Maine took fright, as was his wont on 
 a field of battle, and appealed to the court to decide " what he 
 was to be " ; he hoped that they would not leave him an empty 
 title. At these words, the Due d'Orleans declared the clauses 
 of the testament which had just been opened to be monstrous. 
 Was it possible that he, the Regent, should be under the orders 
 of a prince who would be master of everything, of the King, 
 of Paris, and consequently of the State ? He wished to be 
 freed of this tutelage, to have the free disposition of pardon, 
 employment, place and benefice ; then summing up all in a 
 phrase borrowed from Telemaque, recalling the noble traditions 
 of the Due de Bourgogne, he added : " I wish to be independent 
 that I may do good, and I am willing to be bound in whatever 
 way you please so that I may not do evil." There was loud 
 applause. The Due du Maine saw that the game was lost and 
 abandoned the contest, merely stipulating that he should have 
 the superintendence of the education of Louis XV. 
 
 "Willingly," said the Regent, "that does not matter so 
 much." 
 
 The voting was in accordance with the wishes of Philippe 
 d'Orleans ; no vestige of authority was left to the Due du 
 
 7
 
 V 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Maine. Everything Mas in the hands of the Regent, who had 
 
 the right to surround himself with persons chosen by himself, 
 and to arrange the form of the government as he thought lit. 
 The direction of affairs, however, was vested in a Council of 
 Regency, who wire to decide according to the vote of the 
 majority, while in the case of an equal division the Regent was 
 to have the casting vote. 
 
 Thus, Louis's nephew, with the strength of his prestige, 
 annulled the dispositions of his uncle by means of the very 
 magistrates who had been commissioned to uphold them ; at 
 H the same time he had restored the Parlementto its rightful posi- 
 otion, which had been disregarded for many years. This was the 
 first liberal measure of the Regent, though it was not absolutely 
 disinterested. None the less he gave an impetus to the power 
 of that Assembly which was to play so leading a part during the 
 whole eighteenth century. The precautions which were taken 
 for the safety of the Duke were unnecessary ; there was no need 
 to have recourse to the armed force which was stationed at the 
 Palais de Justice in readiness to support him. As he left the 
 Saintc-Chapcllc there were repeated cries of " Vive le Roi, Vive 
 le Regent ! " On the same evening he returned to VcrsailK is, 
 where he received the congratulations of the court. 
 
 The powers with which he had just been vested were con- 
 firmed at the lit de justice held on September 12. There is an 
 The new interesting picture at Versailles painted by 
 
 King's Dumesnil which shows the minutest details of 
 
 lit de justice, the ceremony : the great chamber, or chambre 
 (lore, with its royal decoration of blue hangings ornamented 
 with golden fleurs-de-lis ; in one corner, on a dais, Louis XV 
 is seated, still so fragile that he was obliged to have his govern' 
 the Duchcsse de Vcntadour, with him ; the Due de Trcsmcs, 
 Governor of Paris, had carried the King from his carriage to 
 the throne, a woman kneels at his feet to watch over his weak- 
 ness — symbolical of his whole reign, for Louis XV was for ever 
 surrounded by women and courtiers. 
 
 It was a large assembly; the King was supported by the 
 Grand Chamberlain, peers spiritual and temporal, princes of the 
 blood-royal, governors and lieutenants-general of provinces, the 
 ehanccllor, the chief president, the chief justice and the councillors 
 8
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF REGENCY 
 
 of the Parlement. There are two portraits of the child-King 
 also at Versailles, one by Rigaud and the other by Ranc. In 
 spite of the official character of these state portraits they show 
 the whole charm of his youth, grace, and beauty. They depict 
 faithfully the Louis XV whom Madame Palatine has described, 
 with large, black eyes, long curling lashes, fresh complexion, 
 tiny mouth, quantities of long, dark hair, and a straight and 
 well -formed figure. The painters have reproduced these attri- 
 butes marvellously, Rigaud with the masterly touch of an 
 assured artist, and Ranc with that scrupulous attention to 
 detail which in him took the place of genius. 
 
 P. D. Martin's picture, also at Versailles, shows us the front 
 of the Sainte-Chapelle, from which the King has just come 
 after the lit de justice. Louis XV, once more carried by the 
 Due de Tresmes, is on the top of the flight of steps, escorted by 
 the Regent, the Due de Bourbon and the princes of the blood- 
 royal. The square was crowded with people wishing to see the 
 King. The French and the Swiss guards could hardly move 
 amongst the enthusiastic crowd that cheered the new monarch. 
 The cannon of the Bastille was fired and the town was en fete. 
 An officer of the bodyguard distributed money to the people 
 from time to time on the journey from Paris to Vincennes 
 where, in accordance with Louis XIV's express desire, his 
 descendant and successor was to live, that he might be in " the 
 fresh air." Following an ancient custom, birds were set free 
 in the court of the palace, symbolical of the deliverance of 
 prisoners ; the Regent, not contented with the symbol alone, 
 ordered the doors of Vincennes, the Bastille, the Conciergerie, 
 Saint -Eloi and For-l'Ev§que to be opened, liberating most of 
 the prisoners, particularly the Jansenists. Thus the new reign 
 began under the best auspices. The Regent contented himself 
 with exiling Pere le Tellier, the confessor of Louis XIV, and he 
 softened the voluntary retreat into which Madame de Maintenon 
 had retired/The young King kept for a long time the popularity 
 Popularity of of which he received the first proof on that day. 
 Louis XV. Ready sympathy was naturally given to this 
 
 charming child, the only remaining representative of a great 
 family which had been smitten by successive blows at the hand 
 of death. 
 
 9
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 DESCENDANTS OF LOUIS XIV 
 
 Louis XIV w. Maria-Theresa of Austria (1GG0), d. 1G83 
 
 1G38-1715 
 
 Louis (the great Dauphin) m. Anne of Bavaria (1G80), d. 1G90 
 His Pedigree. ' ■ 
 
 Louis, Due de BourgOgne Philippe, King of Spain Charles, Due dc Berry 
 m. Marie Adelaide 1G83-174G 1G8G-1714 
 
 of Savoy, d. 1712 
 1682-1712 
 
 Louis, Due de Bretagne Louis XV, m. Marie Leszczynska, d. 17G8 
 
 1710-1774 
 
 I 
 Louis (Dauphin), m. Maric-Josephe 
 
 of Saxony, d. 1767 
 
 1729-17G5 
 
 Louis XVI 
 
 m. Marie- Antoinette, d. 1793 
 1754-1793 
 
 Louis XVIII 
 1755-1824 
 
 Charles X 
 1757-183G 
 
 DESCENDANTS OF LOUIS XIV 
 
 (Legitimized Princes) 
 Louts XIV 
 
 Due ilu MtdfU Comic de Toulouse Mile, de Nantes Mile de Blott 
 
 m. Anm -Hrnrdicte m. Sophie de m. Louis, Due m.Ducd'Orleaoi, 
 de Bourbon, d.1768 Noailles, d. 173G de Bourbon, Regent 
 
 1070-1730 1G78-1737 1678 17 Ui 1077 1719 
 
 I 
 Ij)tns, Due de llourbon 
 
 Prime Minister under Louis XV 
 
 1692-1740 
 
 ID
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF REGENCY 
 
 HOUSE OF ORLEANS 
 
 Philippe, Due d'Orleans (brother of Louis XIV) 
 m. 1. Henrietta of England, d. 1670. 
 
 2. Elisabeth Charlotte, Princess Palatine, d. 1722 
 By his second marriage 
 
 I 
 Philippe, Regent (1674-1723) 
 
 I 
 Louis, Due d'Orleans (1703-1752) 
 
 I 
 Louis Philippe, Due d'Orleans (1725-17S5) 
 
 I 
 Louis Philippe, Egalite (1747-1793) 
 
 I 
 Louis Philippe I, King of the French (1773-1850) 
 
 Principal Sources. Archives of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, 
 memoirs and documents, France, 139 ; Mimoire of Le Dran on the 
 Regency ; Spanheim, Relation de la Cour de France en 1690, 1 vol., 
 Paris, 1882 ; Memoires of Saint-Simon ; Journaux of Buvat, Monais, 
 Barbier ; Correspondence of Madame Palatine, Duchesse d'Orleans ; 
 Memoires sur la Regence, 3 vols., The Hague, 1737 ; Toussaint, Anecdotes 
 curieuscs de la Cour de France (first edition with real names of the cele- 
 brated Memoires secrets pour servir a Vhistoire de Perse), Paris, 1905 ; 
 Lemontey, Histoirc de la Regence, Paris, 1832 ; Rocquain, UEsprit 
 revolutionnaire avant la Revolution, 1 vol., Paris, 1878 ; Nolhac and Perate, 
 Le musec de Versailles, 1 vol., Paris, 1896. 
 
 11
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 1715-1722 
 
 The Minority of Louis XV. The Duchesse deVentadoui (Gover- 
 ness to t he young prince. Letters of Madame Palatine and of 
 Madame de Ventadour. Visit of Peter the Great. Marshal 
 Yilleroy, the King's Governor. His portrait (Saint-Simon, Span- 
 lieim, Rigaud). Reception of Mehemct Effendi, Ambassador 
 from the Grand Turk. M The people is yours." Dismissal of 
 Louis' Governor. Fleury. Louis and the Papal Nuncio. 
 Responsibilities of the Pishop of Frcjus. The Due dc Charost 
 appointed to succeed Villeroy. The Return from the Coronation. 
 Lessons in the Art of Governing. 
 
 THE Regency was to last until February 22, 1723, when 
 the King officially attained his majority. At the 
 age of thirteen, Louis was to become absolute master 
 of France, though naturally he would remain under the guidance 
 of his chief minister. His minority was not troubled by sedition 
 Minority of as that of Louis XIV had been. During the early 
 Louis XV. years a considerable party was formed, which 
 
 seemed ready to grant liberty to the Parlcmcnts, to Janscnists, 
 to members of the reformed religions, and to those subject to 
 " taillc " ; blessings were to flow spontaneously over the country. 
 The ambition of Philip V of Spain, who asserted his rights to 
 the regency as the grandson of Louis XIV, and the speculations 
 of Law the Scotsman momentarily disturbed the prevailing 
 calm, but there was no other excitement during that period. 
 However, the Regency did not keep its promises, but in the end 
 reverted to the policy of the preceding reign. The nephew 
 of the (irc.it King, owing to his indolent character and to the 
 necessity, which statesmen find so pressing, of giving way to 
 private interests, never completed his purpose; the seventh 
 fairy brought him ill luck. 
 12
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 But before these events are dealt with, we must introduce 
 some of the personalities, who, in addition to the Regent, were 
 charged with superintending the education of the young 
 monarch. It is important to know how they acquitted them- 
 selves of their task, what their influence was, and how far 
 they were responsible for the results obtained. In this way 
 we shall better understand the strictures passed by history 
 upon Louis XV,'<who gave evidence of his character at an 
 early age. 
 
 In accordance with the settled custom, the King was at 
 first placed in the charge of women. His Governess was the 
 The Duchesse Duchesse de Ventadour, Charlotte de la Motte 
 de Ventadour. Houdancourt, late lady-in-waiting to Madame 
 Palatine. She was now elderly ; but there had been a time 
 when in her youth and beauty she had had a brief but brilliant 
 career, and rumour had been busy about her. In 1715 she had 
 become extremely pious, and she maintained the tradition of 
 the court of Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon in all its 
 rigorous austerity. 
 
 She performed her duties to the best of her lights and 
 imagined that she was acting wisely in flattering her pupil and 
 in telling him that he was a being apart, to whom nothing was 
 comparable. In return the child loved his Governess alone, 
 and gave the Duchess, whom he called his " dear mamma " 
 all the affection of which his heart was capable. He was 
 small and delicate ; consequently he was never crossed or 
 contradicted and was allowed to do whatever he pleased. 
 Thus he was badly brought up and began to give indications of 
 what he was to be throughout his life, obstinate, self-opinionated, 
 and proud, taking dislikes to people for no apparent reason, only 
 breaking his usual taciturnity to make some offensive remark. 
 One day when Monseigneur de Coislin, Bishop of Metz, came 
 to present his homage, Louis cried, " Ah, mon Dieu ! how 
 ugly he is ! " The bishop turned on his heel remarking, 
 " What a badly brought up little boy ! " 
 
 Occasionally, he was merely playful. On one occasion 
 he asked M. de la Vrilliere who he was and the courtier replied, 
 " Your Secretary of State." The King at once requested him 
 to enter his study and for work gave him nuts to shell. 
 
 13
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 His childish pranks were overlooked; every one showed 
 complete devotion to him, young as he was, as Madame Palatine 
 _ .. j said. She herself treated him as a spoilt child, 
 
 Madame remarking : "I am not in his good graces, but 
 
 Palatine and it does not disturb me, for by the time he is old 
 Madame enough to reign, I shall be no more of this world 
 
 deVentadour. and j s]ia |j nQt be dependent on his caprices." 
 
 There is a letter from Madame de Ventadour to Madame de 
 Maintenon, which proves that the Governess at least foresaw 
 the future character of this being who was so sad and morose 
 in his childhood, and seemed to bear the burden of the troubles 
 which had afflicted his family. " He is a child," she wrote, 
 " who must be taken care of; he is not naturally gay and 
 great pleasures will be harmful to him, for he will abandon 
 himself to them too much. They wish him to display the same 
 disposition on all occasions ; and you know, Madame, how 
 intolerable such restraint is at any time of life. You will laugh 
 at me when I tell you that he has the vapours ; yet it is true ; 
 he had them in his cradle. The result is his mournful air and 
 the constant necessity of rousing him. One can do anything 
 with him if one speaks without passion." 
 
 It is difficult to undertake the defence of Louis XV ; but 
 before he is condemned, an allowance must be made for his 
 education at the hands of flatterers ; it must be remembered 
 that he was always surrounded by strangers, and, as he 
 himself said, that he had lost his parents before he could 
 realize his loss. All these are extenuating circumstances from 
 a psychological point of view. Shakespeare, with his great 
 human knowledge, has noticed this particular agent in the 
 deformation of character ; when he introduces unnatural 
 people they are always orphans ; thus Regan and Goncril, 
 the odious daughters of King Lear, had never known a mother's 
 smile. 
 
 Madame de Ventadour retained her position until 1717, 
 when Louis, who was now seven years old, was placed in 
 the charge of men. The ceremony which took place on this 
 occasion was conducted with great pomp, in accordance with 
 custom. The Regent and the whole Court repaired to the 
 Tuileries in brilliant equipages; the King was disrobed in the 
 11
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 sight of all, that every one might witness the good state of his 
 health ; then he was dressed in new clothes and handed over 
 to his governors and preceptors. The officers who were to 
 serve him were presented, even including a Swiss boy " aged 
 six and a half, the son of the Swiss attendant of Marshal de 
 Villeroy, clothed in black in the fashion of the Swiss Guard, 
 holding in his hand a halberd with silver blade and ebony 
 shaft." 
 
 About this time, the Czar, Peter the Great, came on a visit 
 to the King ; the visit was political but the result was negative. 
 Visit of Peter The Regent rejected the advances of the Russian 
 the Great. Emperor, not wishing to ally himself with an 
 
 enemy of England ; he also declined the proposals for the 
 marriage of the young King made by the Czar. Peter had a 
 daughter, Elizabeth Petrovna, who was of the same age as 
 Louis, and he dreamt for the moment of placing her on the 
 throne of France. 
 
 This event excited the well-known curiosity of Parisians ; 
 for a month and a half the Czar was extremely popular. As 
 he passed through the streets with his half-barbarous appear- 
 ance, his restless gaze, his simple tastes and dark clothes, 
 forming a contrast to the fastidiousness of the French Court, 
 the Parisians were delighted. He showed an interest in the 
 people, in the workmen, and in the philanthropic institu- 
 tions, disdaining anything which was merely pleasure. The 
 luxury of the French surprised him greatly. He even said 
 that this luxury would be the ruin of the country. Peter 
 received a visit from the King, and embraced him several 
 times. He lifted him in his arms until he was on a level with 
 him, caressed him often and seemed charmed with his grace and 
 his handsome face. 
 
 To revert to the education of Louis XV. The Governor 
 appointed was Marshal de Villeroy ; he had been nominated 
 Marshal de ^y Louis XIV himself, who said of him in his 
 Villeroy, will : "By his good conduct, his probity and 
 
 the King's his talents he has seemed to merit the honour of 
 Governor. ^jg mar k f our esteem and confidence." 
 
 Villeroy was incapable of giving Louis any serious guidance. 
 He had often been unfortunate on the field of battle and was in 
 
 15
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 reality little more than a courtier sated by royal favours, owing 
 all to the chance circumstance that he had been brought up 
 with Louis XIV. In his latest capacity as Governor his attitude 
 was servile, and he attached little importance to anything but 
 futilities. He was seventy-three years of age, but retained 
 all the fine airs of the old Court ; tall, well made, and of pleasant 
 appearance, he remains essentially magnificent, a very prince of 
 dandies. Saint-Simon says of him : " He was the kind of 
 man who is created for the especial purpose of presiding over a 
 ball, of being judge at a tournament, and, if he had the voice, 
 of singing at the opera in the part of king or hero ; essentially 
 fitted to set the fashions, but good for nothing else." His judg- 
 ment may seem severe, but it is confirmed by Spanheim, the 
 discreet ambassador whose descriptions of the Court of Louis 
 XIV are so interesting. His verdict on the subject of the 
 Marshal was : " His views are restricted and his discern- 
 ment dull, and if we may judge his capacity by the event, he 
 is the sort of officer who finds himself better suited to the 
 ballroom than to the field of battle. Magnificence is his mania, 
 but magnificence with a suspicion of bad taste ; there is always 
 something of the flunkey (Mascarille) about him." The por- 
 trait of Menippe in la Bruyere is a complete portrait of the 
 Marshal : " Menippe is the bird decked in divers plumes 
 which do not belong to him ... a man who is tolerable for 
 a quarter of an hour at a time, but after that degenerates, loses 
 the little lustre that a little memory may give him, and reveals 
 the sow's ear." The Marshal was not popular and inter- 
 course with him was insupportable ; it was impossible to 
 endure this man who sought applause and whose sole topics 
 were mere reflections of fashion and the trite formulas of polite 
 speech. In spite of the pomp of an official portrait, Rigaud's 
 picture in the Musee deCaen has faithfully shown the self-satisfied 
 air which was the principal feature of Villcroy's physiognomy. 
 
 When Louis XIV was very young he had danced ballets 
 in public with girls from the opera ; Villeroy " a worshipper 
 of the late King even in trifles," desired that Louis XV should 
 follow his example; he merely succeeded in disgusting the child 
 with such exhibitions, which he held in abhorrence for the rest 
 of liis life. 
 16
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 In another way, Villeroy showed the trifling pre-occupa- 
 tions which seem to have been his sole concern. In March 1721, 
 Mehemet Mehemet Effendi, the ambassador of the Sublime 
 
 Effendi, Am- Porte, was presented to Louis. The scene as 
 bassador from described by the Sultan's envoy himself was 
 Turkey. delightful : 
 
 " As soon as the prince saw me, he turned to me and I ap- 
 proached him. Friendly discussions on divers matters were the 
 subject of our conversation. He was delighted to examine our 
 clothes and our poignards one after another. The Marshal 
 (Villeroy) asked me : 
 
 " ' What is your opinion of our King's beauty ? ' 
 
 " ' God be praised,' I replied, ' and may He preserve him 
 from evil ! ' 
 
 " ' He is only eleven years and four months old, and is not his 
 figure well proportioned ? Notice especially that his hair is 
 his own.' 
 
 " In saying this he turned the King round, and I looked at 
 his hyacinthine locks as I caressed him. They were like smooth 
 strands of gold and reached down to his waist. 
 
 " ' His carriage too is particularly fine,' went on the Governor 
 and at the same time he said to the King : ' Take a few steps.' 
 
 " Louis XV walked to the centre of the room with the 
 majestic step of a partridge and returned. 
 
 " ' Walk a little quicker,' added the Marshal, ' so that we 
 may see how lightly you run.' 
 
 « ' Immediately the King began to run speedily. The Governor 
 then asked me if I found him amiable. 
 
 " ' May the All-powerful God who has created so beautiful 
 a creature bless him,' I rejoined." 
 
 On each festival of Saint-Louis, the Marshal said to his 
 pupil in the presence of the multitude which thronged around the 
 " The People Tuileries : " See ! my master, see all this people, 
 belong to this gathering ! All is yours ! " He seemed to 
 
 You ! ' forget that the lessons given to the King's father, 
 
 the Due de Bourgogne, had been very different. The grand- 
 son of Louis XIV had been taught that the people did not 
 belong to the King, but the King to the people, that he might 
 make them happy by the equity, wisdom, and mildness of his 
 
 b 17
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 government. Villeroy had not read TiUmaque and was too 
 
 much of a courtier to admire Fcnelon. He forgot the words 
 which Massillon, a few months previously, had addressed to 
 Louis himself before the whole Court : " Never, Sire, may you 
 efface from your memory the wise maxims which that great 
 prince (Louis XIV) bequeathed to you in his last moments as 
 a heritage more precious than the Crown. He exhorted you 
 to lighten the burden of your people. Be their father and you 
 will be doubly their master." 
 
 The Regent was exasperated by the old man who so little 
 understood his duties ; consequently he resolved that as in 
 August 1718, he had abolished the rights of the Due du Maine 
 to the crown and the superintendence of the royal education, 
 so he would get rid of the influence of Villeroy. He had other 
 grievances against the Marshal. Villeroy had spread slanderous 
 reports, accusing Louis XIV 's nephew of having poisoned the 
 Due and Duchesse de Bourgognc. Even under the Regency he 
 had affected to take precautions, " full of the blackest motives 
 of self-interest, which angered such as were honest, and amused 
 others, but which impressed the people and the fools and had 
 the double effect of renewing the wicked reports which he had so 
 carefully engendered against the Due d'Orleans, and of making it 
 appear that the safety and life of the King were dependent on 
 the care and vigilance of so faithful and attached a Governor." * 
 
 When Louis, in July 1721, was sick and kept his bed for 
 five days, scandal again reported that he was being poisoned 
 and Villeroy did not hesitate to allow suspicion to rest on 
 the Due d'Orleans. More than ever he posed as the protector 
 and guardian angel of France. It was easy to lay a trap for 
 Villeroy. The Marshal was extremely jealous of his preroga- 
 tives and did not allow any one to speak to the King unless he 
 himself was present. 
 
 On Sunday, August 9, 1722, at Versailles, the Regent sub- 
 mitted some business to the King in the presence of the Governor, 
 and afterwards he requested Louis to pass into his inner apart - 
 Dismissal of ment, where he had something to say to him in 
 Villeroy. private. Villeroy objected to this, but the Due 
 
 held to his point. The King, he said, was so nearly of the age 
 
 * Saint-Simon. 
 18
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 when he would govern for himself, that it was time for the 
 trustee of his whole power to inform him of matters which 
 could only be explained to him in private. The Marshal was 
 indignant and replied that he would not allow his Royal Highness 
 to speak to the King in private. Whereupon the Regent 
 regarded him fixedly, made a profound reverence to Louis and 
 left the room, since he did not wish, out of respect for the 
 King's youth, to reply to Villeroy as he deserved. On the next 
 day the Marshal went to see the Due in order to make an 
 explanation ; but the Marquis de la Fare, captain of the 
 Regent's guards, stopped him and demanded his sword ; at 
 the same time the Comte d'Artagnan, captain of the grey 
 musketeers, approached Villeroy. He was hustled into a sedan 
 chair, shut in, and carried through one of the windows which 
 opened into the garden ; then he was taken down the staircase 
 of the Orangery to a coach and six. The captain got in beside 
 Villeroy ; in front were an officer and a gentleman in ordinary ; 
 twenty musketeers surrounded the carriage ; they left at 
 full speed for the castle of Villeroy in Brie, situated eight 
 leagues from Paris, where the exile arrived in about three 
 hours. 
 
 This arrest caused a thousand rumours ; it was insinuated 
 that the King would not live long, that he would be poisoned 
 and the Regent would become Seneschal of the kingdom. 
 Villeroy's complaints were so loud that an official manifesto 
 was published for the purpose of satisfying the public. This 
 document asserted that the Marshal " wished to assume a 
 royal authority, in order to oppose the Regency, as though the 
 royal power could be divided. But for these indiscretions, which 
 do not affect the probity of the Marshal, we could still have 
 the pleasure of seeing him near the King ; but good intentions 
 are not sufficient in important officials ; they must know how 
 to behave with tact." 
 
 Louis was extremely displeased. He had a certain affection 
 for this " grand-papa " who satisfied all his whims. He wept 
 bitterly, and the more so because his tutor, Fleury, Bishop 
 of Frejus, left the court on the same day ; the latter retired 
 voluntarily to Baville to stay with the Lamoignons, as soon as 
 he learnt of the Marshal's exile, since he considered himself 
 
 19
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 indebted to him. He "was hastily recalled, and the Due d'Orleans 
 received him with favour ; he assured him that it was to 
 spare his feelings that he had not been informed of the secret 
 arrest of Villeroy ; he explained the reason for the exile " the 
 more freely, because Fleury hated the Marshal, his pride and 
 jealousies and caprices, and secretly rejoiced at his dismissal 
 and at the prospect of having the King to himself." This is 
 Saint-Simon's account, but perhaps it should be modified if 
 what Bcrnis says is true. According to the latter, the Regent 
 said to Fleury with his usual somewhat crude frankness : 
 " You have lost your friend, but you will be master of the 
 house 1 (triyot)." Did Orleans foresee the lofty destiny which 
 awaited the Bishop ? Anyhow, Fleury yielded to his arguments, 
 and although he had to submit to the violent reproaches of the 
 Marshal, he shared his hatred with the Due de Charost, Villeroy's 
 successor designate, with the Regent, and also with the Abb6 
 Dubois, whose influence was not wanting on this occasion, 
 since he saw in the Marshal an enemy to his English policy. 
 
 Fleury performed his functions conscientiously ; he was 
 capable and he did not forget a single one of his duties, as 
 Cardinal Villars testifies. It is true that Bernis gives an 
 
 Fleury. amusing description of the King putting his in- 
 
 structor's grey hairs into curl-papers, and Argenson affirms that 
 Quintus Curtius remained open at the same page for six months 
 while, instead of working, Fleury amused the child by playing 
 with cards. But in the National Library there are whole copy 
 books filled with Louis' work corrected in Fleury's handwriting, 
 and these are clear proof of his industry. The King had lessons 
 in writing, Latin, and French history every day, while three days 
 a week he studied geography, for which he showed a pronounced 
 taste, astronomy, drawing, mathematics, and botany ; he remem- 
 bered this last even later in his life, since he laid out a garden at 
 Trianon where the horticulturist, Claude Richard, taught him 
 how to graft. The gardener was put into communication with 
 Linnaeus and sent him on behalf of his Most Christian Majesty, 
 some stra\vb( rry seeds : " To the most celebrated and most 
 noble M. de Linn6, Knight of the Pole Star, chief physician to 
 the King, professor of medicine and botany at Upsala, associate 
 member of the Academy of Paris." Louis, as Buvat relates, 
 20
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 made great progress in all these studies, with the help of such 
 able specialists as Guillaume Delisle, the greatest geographer 
 of his age, and Chevalier, the eminent mathematician. Even 
 the name of his writing master has been preserved and a small 
 engraving was published in his honour, showing him beside 
 his pupil, while Fleury and Madame de Ventadour superintend 
 his work ; underneath is written the following verse : 
 
 En trois heures de temps le Roy scait bien ecrire ; 
 Par un secret nouveau, que toute le monde admire, 
 A lui seul Dom Duchene, enfant de Besancon 
 Sceut faire ce prodige en moins de six lecons.* 
 
 Military studies were not neglected, this branch being under 
 the direction of Lieutenant-General Puysegur and the engineer, 
 Hermann. 
 
 In every case Louis distinguished himself by the excellence 
 of his memory and the comparative quickness of his intellect. 
 Louis XV and One day he inquired of the Papal Nuncio, Benti- 
 the Papal voglio : 
 
 Nuncio. " Monsieur le Nonce, how many Popes have 
 
 there been up to the present ? " The prelate hesitated. 
 " You do not know the number of popes ? Why, I know how 
 many monarchs there have been in France before me." Where- 
 upon he named his predecessors one after the other in chrono- 
 logical order. 
 
 Fleury also instructed Louis in religious doctrine, but he 
 did not carry his self-sacrifice far enough to recommend his 
 pupil to read a book which might have taught him how to 
 govern wisely ; he had no more appreciation for the principles 
 of Fenelon than had Villeroy. " I was imprudent enough," 
 wrote Voltaire, " to inquire one day of the Cardinal de Fleury, 
 whether he had made the King read Fenelon's Telemaque. He 
 replied that he made him read better works, and has never 
 forgiven me." 
 
 His particular care was to develop in his pupil a taste for 
 order and economy ; he was celebrated for his avarice and as 
 Prime Minister he managed the finances of the State as if he had 
 
 * In three hours the King learns how to write ; by a secret method 
 admired of all, with him alone could Dom Duchene, son of Besancon, work 
 this miracle in less than six lessons. 8 $ 
 
 21
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 to deal with the small acounts of a middle-class establishment, 
 though it must be admitted that he made it a rule only to divert 
 to his own profit enough to maintain a modest suite and a 
 frugal table. He is a curious example of the advancement of 
 plebeians, which was more common than might be imagined 
 under the ancien regime. He was the son of a tax-collector 
 of Lodeve, and had risen in the world thanks to his handsome 
 appearance, his ability, and his ambition ; he was appointed 
 Bishop of Frejus in 1698. He owed the position of trust in 
 which he was now placed to the great King who had nominated 
 him in his will. Such were the beginnings of a brilliant career 
 based on the affection which the instructor was able to inspire 
 in his royal pupil. But, to repeat the just criticism of a historian, 
 Fleury did not seek to make Louis a king, he sought to ensure 
 the place of Prime Minister for himself ; and it is a fact that he 
 was more successful in that direction and must, as well as 
 Villeroy, be held partly responsible for the troubles which were 
 in store for France during the new reign. 
 
 The Due de Charost, the Marshal's successor, is best known 
 by the letter which Villeroy addressed to him on learning of his 
 appointment. " I cannot rejoice," he wrote, " that they have 
 given you the place of Governor, because I held this charge 
 at the hand of the late King, to whom I promised that I would 
 never abandon His Majesty. When I sec that it is out of my 
 power to keep so noble a promise given to a great king on his 
 deathbed, I am unable to identify myself with a preferment 
 which deprives me of that honour and forces me to break my 
 word." This is the letter of the magnificent grand seigneur we 
 know ; but it also shows us that Villeroy knew at least how 
 to complain with tact and dignity. 
 
 His successor was recommended by the connexion he had 
 formerly had with the circle of the Due de Bourgognc, with 
 Villeroy's Beauvilliers, Chevreuse and Fenclon, and as early 
 
 successor, as 1712 he had been marked out to fulfil the 
 
 the Due function ; consequently the Regent's choice was 
 
 de Charost. justified. But the Due de Charost had no 
 better knowledge of business than the Marshal, and his attain- 
 ments were not of the highest order. However, it must be 
 realized that Louis was now twelve years old and the mischief 
 22
 
 THE EDUCATION OF LOUIS XV 
 
 was already done. All his life the prince was to bear the 
 traces of the worthless instruction of his first Governor. Gradually 
 studies were abandoned, and riding, as a prelude to the exploits 
 of the chase, so dear to the Bourbons, superseded everything 
 in the education of the young monarch. The Due de Charost 
 merely had to figure in two ceremonies ; the one private — the 
 first Communion on September 15, 1722 ; the other surrounded 
 by royal pomp — the coronation at Reims on October 25, 1722. 
 After this ceremony it was noticed that Louis spoke a great 
 deal ; he often said, " I will." Mathieu Marais recounts that 
 " he makes fun of M. de Charost and M. de Frejus. On one 
 occasion he ordered every one to leave the room ; when M. de 
 Frejus remained, he told him that the order applied to him 
 as well as to the others. He rides often, shoots well, and is 
 devoted to play, even playing early in the morning before 
 mass." 
 
 The only studies which remained to him were studies in 
 administration and politics, over which the Regent himself 
 Lessons in presided. The subjects for the King's instruction 
 
 the art of were drawn up by able specialists : Le Dran, 
 
 Government, chief of the Department of Foreign Affairs; 
 Briquet, first Secretary for War ; Fagon and Ormesson, the 
 Intendants of Finance. Louis was taught how to govern ; it 
 remained for him to take advantage of the instruction, dull 
 as it may have been, and to realize his position ; but that 
 depended more on his heart than his intelligence. Before we 
 see how he acquitted himself of his task, it will be as well 
 to review the state in which France was left to him by the 
 Regent and the Due de Bourbon. 
 
 Principal Sources. Most of the works mentioned at the end of 
 the previous chapter. La Bruyere, Caracteres ; Memoires of the Mar- 
 quis d'Argenson, of Bernis and of the Due de Richelieu ; Duclos, Memoires 
 secrets de la Regence ; Massillon, Petit Careme ; Albert Vandal, Louis XV et 
 Elisabeth de Russie, 1 vol., Paris, 1882 ; Druon, Histoire de V Education 
 des Princes dans la maison des Bourbons de France, 2 vols., Paris, 1897 ; 
 Comte de Fleury, Louis XV intime, 1 vol., Paris, 1899 ; Casimir Stryienski, 
 Le Gendre de Louis XV, 1 vol., Paris, 1904. 
 
 23
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 1715-1720 
 
 Tin- Councils. A good-natured Prince. The Public Debt. 
 Marshal de Noaillcs. The Cliambre <le Justice. Lcnormand in 
 the Pillory. Bet helot de Plcncuf. John Law. His youth. 
 I lis financial system. Founding of the Bank. Law appointed 
 Controller-General. Lea mires, les fiUes el lea pctUes-fiUes. The 
 Rue Quincampoix. The Parvenus. The Cointe de Horn. 
 Popular anger against Law. Kxilc of the Parleinent. Flight of 
 Law. BBs destitution. Results of the bankruptcy . The Philip- 
 piques of Lagrange-Chancel. Tlie plague at Marseilles. 
 
 THE Regent transformed the administration, taking his 
 inspiration from the Due de Bourgogae and Fenelon ; 
 he instituted groups of councillors to replace the 
 Secretaries of State. In addition to the Council of the Regency, 
 over which he presided, with the princes of the blood-royal and 
 The Councils, certain dukes and peers as his colleagues, he 
 created seven councils to deal with war, finance, navy, foreign 
 affairs, home affairs, matters of conscience or ecclesiastical 
 affairs, and commerce. This new administration afforded him 
 the disposal of numerous appointments, besides giving satis- 
 faction to his supporters, and seemed advantageous from the 
 point of view of the public ; decisions were now taken not on 
 the discretion of a single individual, but after due debate by 
 several people, many of whom, although holding inferior 
 positions, were able by their intelligence to be of great use to 
 the chief councillors. The Abb6 de Saint-Pierre, the friend of 
 perpetual peace, in bis l)i scours sur la Polysynodie, has shown 
 how much is to be gained by such an organization. Hut it 
 could not last. It was soon apparent that Louis XIV had 
 been wise in excluding the great nobles from a share in the 
 government ; when they returned to power at the commcncc- 
 24
 
 > 
 
 \ 
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 ment of the Regency, they showed themselves incapable of 
 forgetting their own interests, privileges and futile pretensions, 
 incapable also of taking a serious view of their duties as states- 
 men. The Councils were abolished in September 1718, a step 
 which was justified by the disturbance, slowness, and indecision 
 that had resulted in public affairs, in spite of the enthusiasm 
 with which the innovation had been received. Chancellor 
 d'Aguesseau, in his harangue at Martinmas, 1715, said in 
 justification of the Due d'Orleans : " Mediocre intellects may 
 fear the Councils, the greater minds are among those who 
 value them most highly ; in their self-reliance they are 
 not afraid to seem to be governed by those whom in reality 
 they govern, and disdaining the false honour of ruling by 
 virtue of their rank, they reign more gloriously by the 
 transcendency of their ability." There was general relief 
 on the return to the old system; the Secretaries of State 
 were re-established after this unsuccessful experiment, which 
 on the whole did honour to the liberal sentiments of Philippe 
 d'Orleans. 
 
 Monarchic power regained its full strength ; but a rebellious 
 spirit spread over the intellectual world ; the Regent himself 
 A good- authorized the publication of Telemaque ; the 
 
 natured Prince. Memoires of the Cardinal de Retz were published 
 in 1717, at a time when philosophers like Fontenelle, humorists 
 like Montesquieu, and ambitious men like Voltaire began to 
 show hitherto unheard-of audacity, and made themselves the 
 mouthpieces of moral, religious, literary and political liberty. 
 They thought aloud, relying on the good-nature of a prince 
 who in his heart agreed with them, while preserving an outward 
 respect for tradition. When the Due d'Orleans went to Mass 
 he took a volume of Rabelais disguised as a prayer-book ; 
 when he exiled the Parlement, he softened the exile by fur- 
 nishing sufficient money for the necessities and even the 
 pleasures of the members in retirement at Pontoise ; this 
 town became a pleasant place, where folks dined well in company 
 with people of quality who came daily from Paris ; the road 
 to Pontoise was as much frequented as that to Versailles, and 
 as Duclos wittily remarked, it probably would not have been 
 impossible to take the Regent himself there. 
 
 25
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The Due d'Orleans, as we have seen, was under a serious 
 obligation to the Parlement ; he had accordingly given a certain 
 
 The National share of authority to that Assembly, until he 
 De bt. began to realize that the royal power would be 
 
 compromised by the attempt of the delegates to assume the 
 part of fathers of the people. This was one of the reasons 
 which induced the prince to treat them with severity ; another 
 reason was the opposition that the Assembly made to his 
 financial reforms. The most oppressive heritage left by 
 Louis XIV was the National Debt — it had risen to 90,000,000 
 livres, representing practically the arrears of four years. At 
 the head of the Council of Finance was the Marshal de Villeroy, 
 who was there by virtue of his office of Governor. "With 
 Villeroy was Adricn-Maurice, Marshal dc Noailles. Saint- 
 Simon has drawn his portrait with a pen dipped in gall ; he 
 could never pardon Noaillcs for having married Francoisc 
 d'Aubigne\ Madame de Maintenon's niece ; moreover, he was 
 politically opposed to him. 
 
 £§ It is certain that Noailles was not a great man, but to repre- 
 sent him as a " demon," a " replica of the serpent which tempted 
 Marshal de Eve," was somewhat of an exaggeration. The 
 Noailles. Marshal had had the confidence of Louis XIV; 
 
 he had been intrusted with the monarch's most precious docu- 
 ments, among others his Reflexions sur le Metier de Roi ; and 
 he continued, like a true Nestor of the monarchy, to act as 
 counsellor to Louis XV until the reversal of the alliances in 
 1756, which destroyed French traditions, and made it im- 
 possible for an old servant to follow the new direction of afTairs. 
 Under the Regency, Noailles was conspicuous for his opposi- 
 tion to the declaration of bankruptcy proposed by Saint-Simon, 
 which was to free Louis XV from the debts incurred by his 
 great-grandfather. " France would never have recovered from 
 the blow," said Noailles, in a minute addressed to the Due 
 d'Orleans; "for, besides the extreme injustice of such an 
 action, the injury caused both to commerce and to public 
 credit would be prejudicial to us both in the eyes of foreigners 
 and of subjects of the realm ; one may truthfully say that the 
 only fruit we could gather from it would be shame and eternal 
 disgrace." The Marshal triumphed, but he was less successful, 
 20
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 when, following the example of Sully and Richelieu, he resorted 
 to a Chambre de Justice in order to compel the financiers — the 
 contractors stigmatized by Lesages in his Turcaret (1709) — 
 to restore the illegal profits extorted from the public pocket 
 and from the taxpayer. The inquiry was to extend as far back 
 as 1689, twenty-seven years before, while the edict was so 
 vaguely worded that no one could be certain of its application. 
 The result was that people who had originally praised its severity 
 were soon brought to tremble for their own safety. 
 
 This Court was installed at the Grands -Augustins and con- 
 tinued its functions for about a year ; it did a great deal of harm 
 The t hambre and little good ; as Saint-Simon remarked : 
 de Justice. " the harm consisted in the notorious subterfuges, 
 the concealments, the flights and the total discredit of officials 
 to which it gave rise ; the little or nothing of good in the large 
 returns of taxation which were made and the pernicious means 
 employed to obtain them." The nation became tired of the 
 prosecutions which caused commerce to flag, and gave rise to 
 scenes like the one of which Buvat has recorded the details. 
 One Lenormand was condemned to pay twenty thousand livres 
 as damages to the Community of Arts and Crafts for his 
 exactions, and a hundred thousand livres to the King. He 
 was compelled to do penance for his conduct at the door of 
 the church of Notre-Dame, at the Augustins and at the Halle ; 
 finally, he was condemned to the galleys for life, after being 
 exposed in the pillory, where, with bare feet and head, clad 
 only in his shirt, and holding a lighted torch in his hand, he 
 had to submit to the insults of the people. A placard bearing 
 in large letters " Robber of the People " was attached to the 
 unfortunate man's chest and excited the gibes of the multitude. 
 The financiers were hunted out ; some of them surrendered 
 to the summons ; others, like Berthelot de Pleneuf, father of the 
 Marquise de Prie, placed the frontier between them and their 
 pursuers, but all were deprived of their goods, often justly. 
 Berthelot de Pleneuf especially had a heavy load on his con- 
 science. He had been a provision contractor, and had not 
 contented himself with the enormous profits he was enabled to 
 make, but had robbed the public funds, his method being to 
 allow the soldiers in the army hospitals to die of hunger, while 
 
 27
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 entering their keep in his bogus account-books; when the 
 unfortunate men died he represented them as living and drew 
 t he money for their support. But while Lenormand was sub- 
 jected to needless insults, the more adroit Berthelot de Pleneuf 
 was able to return to France in 1719, and was appointed extra- 
 ordinary Treasurer-General for war. Surely this crying in- 
 justice warrants the strictures of Saint-Simon against this 
 Chambre dc Justice, which went as far so to pronounce the 
 death-sentence on Paparel and others. On this occasion the 
 Regent exercised his right of pardon, and commuted the penalty ; 
 he desired to see retribution fall on the pockets of those who had 
 robbed the people, and thought them sufficiently punished by 
 the loss of their ill-gotten gains. The very severity of its judg- 
 ments condemned this tribunal, which was also called the Chambre 
 Ardcnte ! The Chancellor, in the speech he made on the 
 occasion of its abrogation, very justly said : " You are aware 
 that even remedies may become evils when they last too long. . . 
 The people easily change from excessive hate to excessive 
 compassion ; they like the spectacle of speedy and severe 
 chastisement, but their mood does not last, and once the first 
 outburst of indignation against the guilty dies down, they almost 
 come to believe them innocent, when they sec them long in 
 misery." 
 
 What was necessary was to recover the money hidden in 
 the strong boxes in France and abroad, and to re-establish the 
 monetary circulation ; so far the Chambre de Justice succeeded. 
 A satirical engraving, The Squeezer of the King's Sponges, shows 
 us the victims of the Chambre de Justice vomiting streams of 
 gold ; it is ornamented by the following legend : 
 
 Ces sangsues icy pressoirez 
 Sont les pirates de la France 
 Qui regorgent les flots dorez 
 De nos tresors, en abondancc* 
 
 The time had now come to consider seriously a reorganiza- 
 tion of the finances ; in this matter the Due dc Noaillcs gave 
 John Law. up his place nominally to Argenson, but in reality 
 
 to a foreigner, John Law, of* Lauriston, who was to have an 
 
 * The leeches here squeezed arc the robbers of France, vomiting in 
 abundance the golden streams of our Treasure. 
 
 28
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 important effect on the Regent's conduct of affairs. Philippe, 
 intelligent as he was, relied on others ; he was a man of swift 
 determinations, but owing to his lack of energy, he was quickly 
 discouraged. He was feeble and jaded by pleasure and allowed 
 himself to be influenced. In the early success of the System 
 he found a sort of justification for his attitude and a direct 
 advantage, inasmuch as it enabled him to appear generous and 
 prodigal to all. Unfortunately he could not foresee that the 
 private interest of the reckless financier would make him forget 
 the interests of the kingdom. 
 
 Law came from Scotland. Through his mother, Jean 
 Campbell, he was descended from the Dukes of Argyll. He was 
 born in 1671, and at his birth his father Was carrying on the 
 business of goldsmith and banker at Edinburgh. Law received 
 a good education, and while still young showed a pronounced 
 taste for scientific study. He came into the management of 
 his father's fortune early in his life, and made use of it in order 
 to see the world, scorning to follow the lucrative career to which 
 he owed his wealth. 
 
 Tall, handsome, and pleasing of appearance, he had all the 
 gifts which are necessary to success. London was his first stage, 
 and there his success was remarkable, and his expenditure 
 enormous. But in spite of his ample income, and his winnings 
 at the gaming table, winnings which were perfectly honest and 
 due to his extraordinary talent for figures, Law was soon over- 
 whelmed with debts which were paid by his mother. As the 
 result of a sword duel in which he killed his adversary, he 
 was condemned to death ; he was pardoned and confined 
 to prison, whence he escaped to sea. 
 
 He arrived on the Continent and waited his opportunity ; 
 his head was full of projects, but he was still too young to have 
 had sufficient experience. In Holland he studied the system 
 of the famous bank of Amsterdam; then he returned to Scotland, 
 hoping that he would be able to put into practice his system of 
 credit, founded on the creation of a new currency — banknotes 
 and paper money, much as they exist to-day. 
 
 Law has often been represented as an adventurer, but in 
 reality he was a pioneer, and, in some degree, the ancestor of 
 the modern financier ; the majority of his ideas have found a 
 
 29
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 place in modern banking. His mistake lay in his belief that 
 t Ik- prosperity of a nation depended on the quantity of currency, 
 and that this quantity could be increased at discretion, whereas 
 the establishment of banks should be the result of prosperity. 
 To borrow an " illustration " from Thiers who has given so 
 clear an account of the famous System : Supposing," says the 
 great economist, " one were to cover a desert island with all the 
 gold of the Americas or all the paper of the Bank of England, 
 one could not immediately cause the growth of roads, canals, 
 cultivation, factories, in fact, industry." Law failed, but his 
 initial error was to a certain extent aggravated by the fever of 
 speculation and jobbing which affected every class, from the 
 greatest nobles, like the Prince de Conti or the Due de la Force, 
 to the lower orders and the lackeys. 
 
 Law's fellow-countrymen would not listen to him ; so he 
 again left the shores of Scotland and went first to Brussels and 
 then to Paris. He made the acquaintance of the future Regent, 
 who was struck by the novelty of his ideas and received him 
 warmly. Louis XIV would not allow " this Huguenot " to be 
 mentioned in his presence. In the interval Law won at the 
 gaming-tables, and the nobles of the Court lost enormous sums 
 to him ; in consequence he was suspected, and was ordered to 
 quit Paris within twenty-four hours. He was next seen in 
 Italy, at Genoa, Venice, and Turin, where he lent money to the 
 Due de Vendome, who was always his staunch protector ; he 
 had interviews with Victor Amadcus, King of Sicily and Duke 
 of Savoy, and with the Emperor Charles VI, but he was always 
 rebuiTcd, and returned to Scotland with a fortune of eighty 
 thousand pounds. This sum he sent over into France, hoping 
 ntually to find that country favourable to the realization 
 of ] i is system. When Louis XIV died, and the royal power was 
 in the hands of the Due d'Orl6ans, the finances were in a de- 
 plorable condition, and Law's time had come. 
 
 The Regent was already on his side, but for a long time he 
 was kepi in suspense. However, on October 24, 1715, he made 
 Law's Bank. the first exposition of his principles to the Council ; 
 all the revenues of the King were to be paid into his Bank ; 
 those to whom money was due from the State were only to receive 
 papei money from the royal Treasury (consisting of notes for 
 ten, one hundred and one thousand crowns) for which they could 
 80
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 immediately receive the value by going to the Bank ; no one 
 was bound to keep them or to receive them commercially ; but 
 Law demonstrated that every one would be content to have 
 the notes instead of coin " because of the ease with which pay- 
 ments could be made in paper, and the certainty of receiving pay- 
 ment for them whenever it was desired," adding "that it would 
 be impossible to have more notes than coin, since notes could 
 only be issued in proportion to the coin, and thus the expenses 
 of remittance, the risks of carriage, of transport from one town 
 to another, and the multiplication of clerks, would be avoided." 
 Law had not yet won his case ; the Bank was not established 
 until some months later by the edict of May 2, 1716. The 
 popularity of the establishment is well known ; the curious 
 flocked there in crowds ; this new house of credit, established 
 first in the old Hotel de Mesmes, in the Rue Sainte-Avoye, and 
 later at the Hotel Mazarin, in the Rue Vivienne, now the Biblio- 
 theque Nationale, offered a novel spectacle. People entered a 
 vast hall divided into counting-houses in which gold and silver 
 abounded ; in exchange for a note they received coin ; but 
 later they came to exchange coin for notes, w^iich were popular 
 since they were found so convenient for business transactions. 
 In less than a year the bitterest enemies of the Scottish financier 
 were convinced, for the results which he had foretold seemed 
 for the most part to be realized. In April 1717, the Bank opened 
 branches in the provinces. At first notes were only issued to 
 the extent of six million francs ; fifty or sixty millions might 
 have been issued without shaking the public confidences in the 
 least. Everything was going well, but Law was impatient, 
 and so were the people he had enriched. Following this 
 prosperous venture other speculations were tried — with dis- 
 astrous effects. The Bank was declared the Royal Bank on 
 May 4, 1718 ; Law became master of the public revenues, on 
 the one hand encouraging, by means of a stock commonly called 
 Mississippi Stock, the colonial trade, in which he was assisted 
 by great companies, on the other hand taking over the whole 
 Law farming of the revenue, including that of tobacco, 
 
 Controller- the privilege of coining money, and the collection 
 General. f taxes. After his conversion to Catholicism, 
 
 which was brought about by the Abbe Tencin, he was appointed 
 Controller-General. 
 
 31
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 He was all-powerful, and according to a picturesque ex- 
 pression of Saint-Simon, he possessed in his paper a tap of 
 finance which he allowed to run on any who would. His son 
 was invited to dance in the King's ballet ; but owing to small- 
 pox he missed the honour. Even a duchess courted Law, one 
 of them so far forgetting herself as to kiss his hand. Every 
 stratagem was tried to obtain an interview with him ; one lady 
 ordered her carriage to be driven past the Scotsman's house, 
 and when she arrived there she was heard to shout to the coach- 
 man, " Upset, you fool, upset ! " The coachman obeyed ; 
 the financier hastened to her assistance, and the lady admitted 
 the accident had been designed to procure an interview with 
 him. He was for ever in demand, and besieged by petitioners. 
 " Law," says Saint-Simon, " saw them force his doors, enter 
 from the garden through the windows, or tumble down the 
 chimney into his room." Madame Palatine also recounts that 
 her son, the Regent, required a duchess to attend his daughter, 
 the Princess of Modena, and a courtier said to him, " If you 
 wish, sir, to have your choice of duchesses, send to Madame 
 Law ; you will find them all collected there." 
 
 There was nothing derogatory on the part of the great noble- 
 men in mixing in the affairs of the Bank and the companies, 
 since the Due d 'Orleans himself had decreed it. Matters came 
 to such a pass that the fictitious value of the paper in 1719 
 represented eighty times the coin in circulation in the kingdom, 
 for the jobbers succeeded in raising the value of every kind of 
 stock issued by the Royal Bank. These stocks were called first 
 the mires, then the fillcs, and the pclites-fillcs (mothers, daughters, 
 and grand-daughters) ; these last could only be bought at the 
 price of four meres and one fille, because of the successive 
 premiums. 
 
 The Bourse was established in the Rue Quincampoix, where 
 the crowd was so great that horses and carriages could not be 
 The Rue Quin- allowed there, and guards were placed at either 
 campoix. end of the street, while drummers and men with 
 
 bells were stationed to announce the opening of business at 
 seven in the morning, and to clear the premises in the evening. 
 The madness which prevailed was without parallel ; it was 
 even difficult to guard the entry of the narrow street on Sundays 
 82
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 and holidays. Paris was filled with strangers attracted by 
 the desire for gain ; in 1719, it held 250,000 more people than 
 in preceding years. Rooms had to be built above the attics 
 to accommodate them. The end, however, was approaching. 
 The bank was on a solid foundation, the Mississippi scheme 
 was merely a chimera " a continual catch (tour de passe passe) 
 to attract the money of some and give it to others ; it was 
 absolutely certain that in the end these stocks would fail, 
 since there was neither mine nor philosopher's stone, and that 
 the few would find themselves enriched at the expense of the 
 total ruin of the greater number ; and this is what happened."* 
 Panic seized the speculators, shareholders wished to realize. 
 The Prince de Conti sent three wagons to the bank, and they 
 returned full of coin in exchange for his " paper." The till was 
 soon empty. The authorities had recourse to extreme measures. 
 No one was allowed to have in his house more than five hundred 
 francs in specie or to wear diamonds. The following was a 
 rhyme sung in the streets of Paris at this time : 
 
 Lundi, j'achetai des actions 
 Mardi, je gagnai des millions 
 Mercredi, j'ornai mon menage 
 Jeudi, je pris un equipage 
 Vendredi, je m'en fus au bal 
 Et Samedi, a l'hopital.f 
 
 Positions were reversed, servants were enriched, while noble- 
 men put their houses up for sale. 
 
 One lackey gained enough to buy a carriage ; when the 
 carriage was brought to him he forgot he was the master and 
 
 „, „ mounted behind. His servant exclaimed, " Oh ! 
 
 The Parvenus. r , M . ., • • ,„ «.,, 
 
 la ! Monsieur, the carriage is yours ! Ah ! 
 
 true ! " he said, " I did not remember." 
 
 Some ladies of quality saw a finely dressed woman, whom 
 
 none of them knew, descend from a smart carriage, and sent to 
 
 ask the coachman who she was. " She is a lady," he replied 
 
 grinning, " who has fallen into this carriage from the fourth 
 
 * Saint-Simon. 
 
 f Monday, I bought shares ; Tuesday, I won millions ; Wednesday, 
 I furnished my house ; Thursday, I bought a carriage ; Friday, I was at 
 the ball ; and Saturday at the poorhouse. 
 
 C 33
 
 T 11 E E 1 G II T E E N T II C E N T U It Y 
 
 stun 5 ." She was just a parvenu like Madame Bejon's servant. 
 .Madame B6jon and her daughter saw their cook in a box at 
 i be opera ; they could not believe their eyes ; " It is Marie, our 
 cook " said they. The young people in the amphitheatre took 
 up the cry, " Marie the Cook ! Marie the Cook ! " Where- 
 upon the cordonrbleu rose and addressed her former mistress : 
 1 Yes, madame, I am Marie, the cook ; I have made money at 
 the Hue Quincampoix ; I am fond of fine clothes ; I have bought 
 pretty dresses and I have paid for them ; can you say the same 
 for yours ? " 
 
 The comedy is amusing, but there were also tragedies. A 
 young Comte de Horn, of a noble Flanders house, allied to many 
 The Comte of the princely families of Europe, murdered a 
 de Horn. clerk of the Bank at the " Ep6e de Bois " Inn 
 
 in the Rue de Venise, near the Rue Quincampoix ; he had lost 
 a great deal of money at the fair of Saint-Germain and 
 recouped himself by robbing the clerk. Hoping to conceal 
 liis crime he ran, bloodstained as he was, to the house of the 
 Police Commissary, and affirmed that an attempt had been 
 made to kill him. The Commissary replied, " You come here, 
 monsieur, all covered with blood, yet you are not wounded, 
 I shall arrest you." He had two accomplices who were smitten 
 with remorse and confessed. Judgment was pronounced 
 without delay. The relatives of the culprit made eilorts, not 
 to save his life, but to secure that he should not be executed in 
 public, but should be beheaded privately in the prison. The 
 Regent was inflexible. Doubtless it cost him an effort to do 
 violence to his own kindness of heart, but the fact that he had 
 not yielded made him popular. He told his mother that when 
 the Comte de Horn was broken on the wheel people said : " If 
 anything is done against our Regent, personally, he pardons all, 
 but if anything is done against ourselves, he is not to be trifled 
 with, but gives us justice as is seen in the case of this Comte 
 de Horn." In recounting this the Duke's eyes were moist. 
 
 The agitation in Paris was extreme ; on July 17, 1720, tin.' 
 crowd before the Bank in the Rue Vivicnnc, all seeking thi til 
 Popular fury money, was so great that sixteen people were 
 against Law. stifled. Law ventured outside, and as he passed 
 tin- little market of Quinze-Vingts, a woman threw herself 
 :;i
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 before the door of his carriage and demanded her husband 
 who had just been killed. As pale as death, he went on foot 
 to the Palais Royal where he found refuge and remained for 
 several days under the protection of the Due d' Orleans. The 
 carriage went home ; the crowd believing that the financier 
 was returning, flung stones at the vehicle and the coachman 
 was wounded : 
 
 " Messieurs, Messieurs, grande nouvelle, 
 Le carosse de Law est reduite en canelle ! " * 
 
 said the President de Mesmes, at the Duchesse du Maine's, in 
 the tragic tones he assumed in the theatre of Sceaux. His 
 colleagues asked about the man himself. " He was not inside." 
 " So much the worse," was the reply. 
 
 On the same day there was a sharp struggle between the 
 Parlement and the Regency, the former refusing to register an 
 The Parlement edict purporting to grant fresh monopolies to the 
 exiled. Mississippi company ; consequently lettres de 
 
 cachet were issued to each president and councillor of the 
 Parlement, ordering them to quit Paris within forty-eight 
 hours and retire to Pontoise. Little excitement was caused 
 by this event, as the financial disaster eclipsed everything. 
 The musketeers had been summoned, but they were not needed, 
 and remained in the halls of the Palais drinking and amusing 
 themselves with the trial of a cat, with pleadings and forma] 
 condemnation, reviving the scenes of Les Plaideurs. 
 
 Law was obliged to take to flight to escape the hatred of the 
 
 Parisians who, after damaging his carriage, broke the windows 
 
 _..,,„_ of his house. He was guarded on his departure, 
 Flight of Law. ,, . , j. v v . . -,«,„«• • 
 
 and he went away to die in Venice in 1729 in misery 
 
 and destitution. When he took his leave of the Regent he said to 
 
 him, " Monseigneur, I have made some great mistakes ; I have 
 
 made them because I am mortal ; but in my conduct you will 
 
 find neither malice nor roguery." He wrote in exile to the 
 
 Due de Bourbon : " /Esop was a model of probity ; yet the 
 
 courtiers accused him of possessing treasures in a coffer which 
 
 he often visited ; all they found in it was a coat he had had 
 
 before he had gained the prince's favour. If I had saved my 
 
 * Gentlemen ! Great news ! Law's coach is reduced to splinters. 
 
 35
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 coat, I would not change my place with those who are in the 
 first positions ; but I am naked ; they seem to expect me to 
 exist with nothing, and to pay my debts without having any 
 funds." Law never recovered the coat he claimed. He 
 justified the remark of La Bruyere : " If the financier fails 
 the courtiers say of him: he, is a bourgeois, a nobody, an 
 ill-bred person ; if he succeeds, they ask him for his daughter." 
 By a curious irony of fate, at the very moment of the bank- 
 ruptcy, the Regent was presented with a vignette placed at 
 the head of the dedicatory epistle of the third edition of 
 the Dictionnairc dc Baylc. It showed his portrait, after 
 Rigaud, supported by Mercury, while Minerva pointed it out 
 for universal admiration. On the left was portrayed France, 
 sorrowful and afflicted, bearing an empty cornucopia from which 
 some pieces of money had fallen ; on the right the Royal 
 Bank, triumphant, with genii bearing a conch full of gold, and 
 near them a small negro with a map of the Mississippi, the 
 source of all this wealth ! Eulogy had turned to satire, and the 
 public was amused to read the following words of the acade- 
 mician, La Motte, who wrote the dedicatory epistle : " Your 
 justice and your goodness have enabled you to find, for the 
 payment of the debts of the State and the bestowal of fresh 
 treasures, the mighty resources which astonish the nations, 
 and of which they would be jealous, but that your own equity, 
 and that which they may expect from our young monarch, 
 who is being schooled in your example, rc-assures them as to 
 your might." This dithyramb arrived at a truly opportune 
 moment ! The Regent, who was a man of wit, did not keep 
 the copy in his library. 
 
 Everything was not lost in this disaster. Though Law 
 has left the memory of a financier at bay, crazed by specula- 
 tion, it must not be forgotten, that as Controller-General 
 he made wise reforms, diminished the taxes, lightened the 
 burden which weighed on the people, and even anticipated 
 Turgot in an attempt to facilitate the distribution of corn. 
 He prepared the way for the economists, and supplied an 
 example of the power of credit. 
 
 But the immediate consequences of the bankruptcy were 
 disastrous ; to the lucky Mississippians, favoured by fortune 
 3G
 
 THE SYSTEM 
 
 and not their own efforts, it meant an unnatural life, a life of 
 luxury and pleasure, of fetes often degenerating into orgies 
 which, equally with the suppers given by the Regent and his 
 rouSs, lowered the moral standard of the nation. Men sought 
 after riches as before they had sought after glory and honour, 
 and, in this wild pursuit, the different classes began to forget 
 their respective traditions. 
 
 The financial problem was not solved. Matters were placed 
 in the hands of the Paris brothers, who were bankers to the State 
 for many years. Then a return was made to the system of 
 Farmers-General, who leased the collection of taxes. But 
 during the whole of the eighteenth century, the public debt 
 was far in excess of the receipts and the financial embarrass- 
 ment was extreme. 
 
 In 1720 — the inauspicious year of the Regency — the cele- 
 The Philip- brated Philippiques appeared, in which Lagrange- 
 piques of Chancel, a hired satirist, perverted history and 
 
 Lagrange- dragged Philippe d'Orleans in the mud with 
 
 Chancel. ridiculous exaggeration. 
 
 A more serious scourge fell on Provence, and Marseilles 
 especially ; for a whole year a pestilence desolated that fair 
 The Plague at country. The occasion gave birth to deeds of 
 Marseilles. great devotion. Monseigneur de Belzunce, at 
 
 the head of his clergy, showed an example of heroism rivalling 
 that of Carlo Borromeo at Milan. He was supported by the 
 sheriffs, Estelle and Moustier, and by the Chevalier de Roze. 
 Many saw in this calamity a divine visitation. 
 
 Principal Sources. Fenelon, Ecrits politiques, Tddmaque ; Presi- 
 dant Henault, Mimoires ; Memoirs and correspondence previously 
 quoted ; Correspondance de Louis XV et du Mardchal de Noailles, edited 
 by Camille Rousset (2 vols., Paris, 1869) ; Thiers, Histoire de Law (1 vol., 
 Paris, n.d.) 
 
 37
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 1716-1723 
 
 Dubois. The second marriage of Philip V of Spain. Elizabeth 
 Farmse. Alberoni. His treaty with England. George I and 
 the Regent. Dubois' mission to Holland. Stanhope. The Pitt 
 diamond. The Triple Alliance Dubois in London. Alberoni 
 and the Sicilian Expedition. The Intrigues of the Duchesse 
 <lu Maine and the Prince de Cellamare. Wat declared against 
 Spain. Alberoni's plans. His dismissal. The Quadruple 
 Alliance. The Spanish marriages. Mariannila. Dubois at 
 
 his zenith. Watteau. 
 
 THE Regent had another satellite, the Abbe Dubois ; 
 a man of the greatest ambition, he directed foreign 
 affairs from behind the scenes, with more skill but with 
 no less daring than Law had shown in the management of 
 finance. He was the son of a doctor at Brive-la-Gaillarde, and 
 came to Paris at the expense of a nobleman, for 
 he had no private means. Entrusted with the 
 education of Philippe d'Orl^ans at a salary of five hundred 
 crowns, he gradually won for himself a place in the sun. He 
 reaped the reward of services performed for his pupil, often of 
 an ignoble nature, by becoming his most powerful minister, 
 and finally he was to receive the highest ecclesiastical prize, 
 the cardinal's purple. 
 
 On September 2, 1715, the day on which the Duke was 
 proclaimed Regent, he went to sec his mother at Versailles. 
 She embraced him tenderly and said : " I do not intend to 
 interfere in anything, there is only one thing that I wish, and 
 that is that the Abbe Dubois may have no share in the future 
 government. He is the greatest knave and the most notorious 
 rascal in the world ; he would do anything to advance himself 
 38
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 in the slightest degree, and would sell his master and the State 
 to serve his smallest interest." The Regent promised all the 
 princess asked, but his promises were but empty words. 
 
 Dubois' reign was about to begin, and in certain respects 
 it was to be a glorious reign. Knave he may have been, but he 
 was also a skilful politician. The Regent foresaw that this 
 bugbear of Madame Palatine, Saint-Simon, and after them, of 
 Michelet, could be of service to him. Events were to justify 
 his confidence in his old tutor. We shall see Dubois at grips 
 with Spain, where a Bourbon was King, the grandson of Louis 
 XIV, and with England, whose interests were closely allied to 
 those of France, and to those of the Regent especially. 
 
 Philip V had officially renounced his rights to the crown 
 of his ancestors, and might have been satisfied with his throne 
 in Spain ; but his whole policy was directed towards obtaining 
 the ultimate succession to Louis XV, if not for himself, at least '". 
 for his descendants. His minister Grimaldo had written thus 
 in May 1714, in anticipation of the King's death : " If the 
 Dauphin (Louis XV) should die, his Catholic Majesty, who has 
 never dreamed of possessing the two crowns himself, would 
 wish to give that of France to one of his sons, while himself keep- 
 ing the crown of Spain." 
 
 Philip V had lost his first wife, Marie-Louise of Savoy, sister 
 of the Duchesse de Bourgogne, on February 14, 1714, and had 
 Second married again. The new Queen was twenty-two 
 
 Marriage of years of age. Her first act was the courageous 
 Philip V of one of dismissing the Princesse des Ursins, the 
 Spain. a jj p 0wer f u i camerera mayor, thus indicating that 
 
 she would submit to no yoke. Elizabeth Farnese brought with 
 her into Spain all the energy of a descendant of Charles the 
 Fifth, and all the pride of a woman whom fortune has placed 
 in a position beyond her hopes. 
 
 She travelled over land from Parma, receiving homage by 
 the way, along the Ligurian coast and through the south of 
 France. The stages of her journey were short, in spite of her 
 husband's impatience. The judgment passed on her was every- 
 where the same, that she was not beautiful, that she was deeply 
 pitted with small-pox, but that her demeanour was lofty and 
 that she could be extremely gracious when she pleased. " Heart 
 
 39
 
 TTIK EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of a Lombard, spirit of a Florentine, her will was very strong," 
 said t he Prince of Monaco. The Due de Saint-Aignan, who was 
 sent by Louis XIV to greet her on her entry into Provence, 
 wrote : " Her w r ill is very pronounced . . . but I believe 
 there will be some means of ruling her ; if this is so, it will be 
 done by those of her household who know how to please her/' 
 Saint-Aignan foresaw Albcroni, who, as was known later, 
 planned the dismissal of the Princesse des Ursins. Philip's 
 ambitions were strengthened by the influence of Elizabeth and 
 her confidant. 
 
 Albcroni's career is singularly like that of Dubois. Like 
 him he w r as of humble origin. He was the son of a gardener of 
 Placentia and " had assumed the gown, by be- 
 coming an abbe\ to enable him to reach heights 
 which would have been inaccessible to his smock." He was able to 
 secure the favour of the Duke of Parma, who discovered his capa- 
 bility, and appointed him to represent him at the court of Madrid. 
 Like Dubois, he succeeded in making an unique position for 
 himself ; and this was assured when he had brought about the 
 marriage of Elizabeth Farncse, his master's niece, with the 
 King of Spain. Also, like Dubois he became a Cardinal, and 
 the same indignation was expressed when it was know r n that 
 he had been admitted to the Sacred College. 
 
 He had enormous influence over the mind of the princess 
 whom he had made Queen, and through her over the King, 
 who allowed himself to be easily led. He inspired all Philip's 
 policy during the early years of the Regency. He urged the 
 King to the conquest of Italy, and he instilled in the mind of 
 Elizabeth that consistent hatred of France, which, in spite of 
 subsequent rapprochements, even survived his fall. 
 
 He courted England with the object of dealing a mortal 
 blow at France. At his instigation, Philip, on November 14, { 
 His Treaty 1715, signed a treaty under which the King of 
 with England. Great Britain was accorded greater privileges in 
 America than had ever been given to France, a treaty so 
 advantageous, " that the Dutch ambassador at Madrid showed 
 his joy as 1 hough it meant the ruin of French commerce." But 
 the English did not accept the alliance proposed by Albcroni, 
 and to the great surprise of Madrid, George I and the Emperor 
 40
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 concluded a treaty in May 1716, to guarantee each other's 
 territories ; the Emperor was Philip's irreconcilable enemy, 
 and had been an unsuccessful competitor for the Castillian 
 succession. The King of Spain was punished for having broken 
 with France and for his estrangement from the elder Bourbon 
 line. 
 
 It is surely not to the discredit of the Regent that he upset the 
 plans of Alberoni, assured himself in his turn of the friendship 
 of England, and re-established peace, which was threatened by 
 the schemes of a skilful intriguer whose fault was that his vision 
 was too vast. Had Alberoni the true qualities of a statesman ? 
 He said of himself : " My temperament is lively, and the little 
 pot boils quickly." On his own showing, he had not the self- 
 possession which is necessary to secure diplomatic victories ; 
 his designs were ambitious, but he always failed — owing to his 
 temperament and his lack of tact and prudence. 
 
 As a matter of fact, England was playing with Spain. She 
 had no interest in supporting Philip in his attempt to secure 
 the throne of France. 
 
 George I and the Regent were able to be mutually useful. 
 It must not be forgotten that they were very close relatives. 
 George I and On their mothers' side they were descended from 
 the Regent. the Stuarts ; the grandmother of the one, and 
 the great-grandmother of the other was Elizabeth, Charles I's 
 sister, the unfortunate Queen of Bohemia, who was deposed 
 and exiled at the beginning of the Thirty Years War. The 
 two cousins had exchanged courteous and even affectionate 
 letters before September 1, 1715. They cultivated one another 
 in anticipation of the future. George needed the King of 
 France to keep away the Pretender, the son of James II, whose 
 throne he had taken, while on his side the Due d' Orleans relied 
 on the King of England to keep Spain in order. There was a 
 compact between them, though there was some hesitation on 
 either side. The Regent temporized. In his anxiety to settle 
 his numerous daughters, he thought of marrying Mademoiselle 
 de Valois, afterwards the Duchess of Modena, to the Chevalier de 
 Saint-Georges ; consequently he secretly supported the Pre- 
 tender ;' while George I allowed Alberoni to burn himself in 
 picking chestnuts from the fire. In spite of these complications 
 
 41
 
 Till: EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 the firsi entenU cordiale was concluded and cemented by 
 
 both real and persona] interests. The understanding was 
 useful to the House of Orldans, whose ultimate triumph in the 
 event of Louis' death the Regent was determined to secure. 
 George also gained the support he needed to assure his position 
 as a usurper. In fact, the whole policy of this period was 
 founded on open egotism ; whether at Versailles, London, or 
 Madrid, the interests considered -were dynastic and not national. 
 
 Hut during this struggle the diplomats performed marvels, 
 and Dubois, after considerable difficulty and sacrifice, extri- 
 cated the Regent from the imbroglio in which he found him- 
 self between England, discontented at his equivocal conduct, 
 Spain, in open hostility to France, and the faction of the 
 legitimized princes, who in their present eclipse expected every- 
 thing from the intervention of Philip V< These three problems 
 were solved at practically the same time, thanks to Dubois, 
 who had been given full powers to treat. 
 
 The future Cardinal could trust only himself with the 
 conduct of these delicate negotiations. In June 1716, he went 
 Dubois' to Holland in the strictest incognito, under the 
 
 Mission to assumed name of Saint-Albin. His disguise con- 
 
 Holland, sisted of a whole wardrobe of different costumes 
 
 and perruques. He was accompanied by a single secretary, 
 the Sieur de Sourdeval, who passed as his master. This mission, 
 which was to end in the Triple and Quadruple Alliances, had at 
 the outset the appearance of comedy, and seemed to have been 
 entrusted to Dorantc and Pasquin. 
 
 Dubois arrived at the Hague on July 5, and waited for 
 the arrival of George I, who was to land at a secret spot, on a 
 visit to his dominion of Hanover. He bore a letter from the 
 Eli gent, couched as follows : " Should the Abbe Dubois, who 
 is in Holland on his private affairs, be there when His Majesty 
 ] hisses, and should the opportunity be given him to have tin- 
 honour to convey the sentiments he is aware that I feel for the 
 pa on of Four Majesty and for union between France and 
 England, I pray Your Majesty to have confidence in him and 
 to be persuaded that he cannot exaggerate my resped and 
 esto 'in for Your Majesty." 
 
 After waiting for a fortnight Dubois heard of the King's 
 12
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 arrival, and sent a note to the minister Stanhope, in which he 
 said : "I could not, my lord, resist the temptation to take 
 advantage of your passage through Holland that I might do 
 myself the honour of embracing you. I am at the Hague, 
 unknown to anyone and incognito. I ask you to keep my 
 secret, and to be so good as to let me know where and when 
 it would be convenient for me to meet you and converse with 
 you without interruption. I hope you will grant this favour 
 in remembrance of the friendship with which you have honoured 
 me, and the sincere interest I take in all that concerns you." 
 The Abb6 saw Stanhope on July 21, and was able to reassure 
 him as to the Regent's attitude, declaring that he had abandoned 
 all idea of assisting James II's son. After three interviews 
 Dubois hurriedly returned to Paris to seek instructions. A 
 week later he left again for Hanover, where, in the meantime, an 
 agreement had been drawn up, embodying Stanhope's con- 
 ditions, which, after some discussion, were accepted. 
 
 The English minister had been the mainspring of these trans- 
 actions ; he was a skilled diplomat, who was actively concerned 
 in most of the important events of his time ; his 
 Stanhope. policy is summed up by his phrase : " I hope to 
 
 make the English lose the habit of considering the French their 
 natural enemies." He had known the Regent in Spain, and 
 Dubois in Paris. It suited him to encourage a bold policy, since 
 he realized the advantage to be derived therefrom, a purely moral 
 advantage, for during the negotiations, he was compelled to 
 refuse a bribe from Dubois, who offered him 600,000 livres. 
 The only present that was accepted was sixty casks of the best 
 Champagne and Burgundy, which were sent to the English 
 Court. Saint-Simon accused Dubois of having sold himself to 
 the English, but he could hardly have accepted and offered a 
 gratuity at the same time. His cupidity is well known, but 
 on this occasion it is only just to refute the calumnies of the 
 memoir-writer. One of Dubois' historians, M. Wiesener, after 
 careful research in the Record Office in London, has been 
 unable to find any trace of money given to Dubois. There 
 The Pitt remains the question of the diamond which was 
 
 Diamond. bought from Stanhope's father-in-law, Pitt, for 
 
 2,500,000 francs — the famous " Regent " diamond, now in the 
 
 43
 
 THK EICxIITEENTII CENTURY 
 
 Louvre. Here again it was necessary to win over the English, 
 or rather the small but powerful party in the House of Commons, 
 which was then opposed to an alliance with France. It is 
 possible that Dubois received a commission from Pitt, but this 
 is a pure conjecture founded on a presumption from the known 
 character of the man. 
 
 The Triple Alliance between France, England and Holland, 
 was signed on January 4, 1717, in all the sunshine of a "true, 
 The Triple firm, and inviolable peace." The conditions 
 
 Alliance. were that "the person who had taken the title 
 
 of Prince of Wales, during the life of the late King James II, 
 and. alter his death, that of King of Great Britain," should be 
 for ever expelled from French territory, and should be obliged 
 to live " on the other side of the Alps." England had no wish 
 to see a repetition of the unsuccessful attempt which the 
 Pretender had just made on English territory, and therefore 
 had made up her mind to crush the Jacobite party com- 
 pletely. The canal at Mardick, begun by Louis XIV to replace 
 the port at Dunkirk, and then demolished in accordance with 
 the Treaty of Utrecht, was to be abandoned, and to be used 
 only as a conduit for water to irrigate the country, or for the 
 commercial service of that part of the Netherlands ; and the 
 boats to be used for this purpose were not to be larger than 
 sixteen feet in width. The clauses of the Treaty of Utrecht 
 relative to the succession of the Protestant line in Great Britain 
 were maintained, as were those that dealt with the succession 
 to the French crown, whereby the Spanish Bourbons were 
 excluded. As a concession to Holland, France agreed to 
 abolish her import duty of four sous in the pound on Dutch 
 goods. 
 
 George I and the Regent thus assured their dynasties, while 
 Holland improved her commercial position. France, it is true, 
 sacrificed the Mardick canal, but in so doing she conformed to 
 the spirit of the Treaty of Utrecht, and it would have meant cer- 
 tain war if she had not yielded. The policy of Dubois and the 
 Regent has been severely criticized; new ideas in defiance of 
 tradition arc not readily accepted, and no one likes to swim 
 
 mist the stream, but it is possible to defend this policy in 
 view of the attitude of Spain. For this natural ally of France 
 It
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 was now her enemy, while George I had for a long time favoured 
 the idea of an alliance with her. Before the death of Louis XIV 
 he wrote to Stair, his representative at Paris : " We think it 
 expedient to command you, very particularly, to try by all 
 the means in your power to maintain an intimate and con- 
 fidential connexion with our brother the Duke of Orleans. 
 You will encourage him to trust us and our kingdoms to provide 
 him, should the occasion arise, with the most effective 
 assistance." Eighteen months had barely gone by since then 
 and George was victorious : he had made it appear that he was 
 furthering the interests of his future ally, while he had really 
 assured his own — a triumph of diplomatic ability. 
 
 Yet the interests of France, the " real good " of the people, 
 had not been neglected. At the end of 1716, Dubois said to the 
 Regent : : ' It is certain that this alliance will decide the fate 
 of Europe for a long time and will give France a superiority 
 which she could acquire by no other means. That being so, I 
 believe it to be beyond price, and were I master I would rather 
 lose thirty millions than have it fail." In answer to this 
 declaration the Regent wrote personally : "I agree with you 
 in all this." The day that the Treaty was signed, Stanhope 
 said to Dubois : " Your journey to The Hague, Sir, has saved 
 much bloodshed and there are many nations that unwittingly 
 owe their peace to you." 
 
 But Dubois had every intention of profiting by the conclusion 
 of the Triple Alliance. When it was signed, he hastened to 
 assure his position ! " I consider myself happy," he wrote 
 to the Due d' Orleans, " to have been honoured with your 
 commands in a matter so essential to your welfare, and I am 
 more grateful to you for having given me this proof of the honour 
 of your confidence than if you had made me a cardinal.'''' This 
 was the first hint ; meanwhile, Dubois obtained a list of vacant 
 benefices, and with absolute shamelessness, appropriated a 
 number of remunerative dignities. Among others, he granted 
 himself the Abbey of Alquier, with a revenue of 25,000 livres, 
 and sat as Councillor of State for Foreign Affairs. His assump- 
 tion of office was marked by the abandonment of the Councils ; 
 the old forms were revived, and Dubois was assured of being 
 absolute master of his own department. 
 
 45
 
 T HE E I G II T E E N T II CENTU R Y 
 
 For the Future Dubois was no longer a comedian in a low 
 Dutch inn, but a splendid ambassador, living in greal style 
 Dubois in in London. He definitely crowned his policy by 
 
 London. the signature of the Quadruple Alliance on August 
 
 2, 1718. lie persuaded the Emperor Charles VI to renounce 
 his hope of reuniting the crowns of Spain and Hungary, and 
 thus made any new usurpation improbable. Philip V, for his 
 part, obtained the Emperor's promise to cede the Duchy of 
 Parma to his son, Don Carlos. But the King of Spain agreed 
 to the conditions reluctantly. 
 
 Whilst Dubois was negotiating with the English Court, 
 Alberoni, who had become a Cardinal on July 12, 1717, was 
 using the money, raised by papal authority from the clergy 
 of Spain and the Indies for the Cruzada against the infidels, 
 to strengthen Philip's navy. He attacked Sardinia and hoped 
 to retake Sicily, which had been given to the Duke of Savoy 
 by the Treaty of Utrecht. This second armada was entirety 
 d estroy ed by the English Admiral Byng, on August 17, 1718, 
 oil Syracuse and Cape Passaro. 
 
 A less sanguinary defeat also awaited the Cardinal in the 
 discovery of the intrigues carried on by the Spanish Ambassador 
 The Cellamare at Paris, the Prince of Cellamare, at his instiga- 
 Conspiracy. tion. His object had been to persuade the legiti- 
 mized princes, who were discontented with the obscure position 
 they occupied under the Regency, to support his master's 
 claims. The pompous though popular word conspiracy is too 
 strong an expression to use for so childish a plot, an absurd 
 conception of the feather-brained Duchessc du Maine, who 
 found a cure for her neurasthenia in weaving these imbroglios. 
 
 But the Government insisted on treating the " conspirators ' 
 as criminals, and in taking I hem seriously, although they knew 
 well enough that a handful of madmen do not constitute a 
 party. The Comte de Laval who, on the pretext of his relation- 
 ship to Louis XIV, had worn mourning at that king's death, was 
 
 king only to advertise himself. The Marquis de Pompadour, 
 Whose name was afterwards so celebrated, joined this venture 
 in the mere hope of retrieving his fortunes, shattered by a new 
 Governmenl to which he was opposed. These two had been 
 charged bj Madam< du Maine, one with the negotiations with 
 
 t
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 Spain, and the other with the correspondence with the provinces. 
 Cellamare himself has testified to the insignificance of the 
 little Duchess' following and to the ineptitude of their plans. 
 When he received Alberoni's instructions not to quit Paris 
 until all the mines had been fired, he wittily remarked : " Mines 
 without powder." The Duchesse du Maine was sent to the 
 Chateau of Dijon ; the Duke, in spite of the fact that he was 
 not in his wife's confidence and had kept aloof from the plot, 
 was taken to the fortress of Doullens, and the subordinates 
 were lodged in the Bastille, Vincennes, and other places. But 
 they were all pardoned soon afterwards, the confessions of the 
 culprits being the only condition demanded for their liberty. 
 His status as ambassador made Cellamare inviolable ; he was 
 retained for a short time at Blois, and then escorted over the 
 Spanish frontier. 
 
 Dubois naturally made use of this pretended conspiracy to 
 induce the Regent to declare war on Spain, and to support the 
 policy of England. If, at this moment, Philip had joined the 
 Quadruple Alliance, thus abandoning his pretensions and 
 securing for his son the Italian duchies denied him by the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, there would have been no need to resort 
 to extremities. But nothing could check the obstinacy of 
 Alberoni, and it was necessary to give that Cardinal a lesson. 
 
 On January 9, 1719, the rupture between France and Spain 
 was complete. The French forces were led by the Marshal 
 War between Duke of Berwick, who had formerly won battles 
 France and for the grandson of Louis XIV. Hostilities broke 
 Spain. ou t in the spring, on April 20. They resulted 
 
 in a series of reverses for Philip's naval and military forces ; 
 the arsenals of Pasajes and Santona were burnt ; Fontarabia and 
 San Sebastian were captured. The Spanish King came to 
 realize how chimerical was the advice to which he had listened. 
 
 All Alberoni's schemes were foundering ; yet how vast 
 were the projects which filled his overcharged imagination ! 
 In March 1719, he attempted to assist the Stuart Pretender, but 
 the fleet which set sail for Scotland was scattered by a tempest. 
 In June he made Philip propose the dismemberment of France 
 and England, promising to reserve one throne for the Due 
 d' Orleans and another for James. After thus upsetting the 
 
 47
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 map of Europe in the depths of his palace, Philip wrote to 
 Orleans on June 12, 1719: "These are the conditions which 
 will restore public calm, the balance of power in Europe, peace 
 and gratification in Spain and France, and the honour of our 
 august House, so often slighted by England, while the latter 
 will learn from personal experience the meaning of partition, 
 the more justly, since she has arranged the same for all Europe. 
 The lustre of the House of France will shine the brighter by the 
 addition of a fresh crown on the head of a prince of that august 
 family." To this letter the Due d' Oilcans made no reply. 
 
 Alberoni next turned his attention to the provinces of 
 France, particularly Brittany ; he made use of an agitation 
 started by the Breton States-General and encouraged by a 
 group of gentlemen favourable to the Spanish cause, who 
 acted with the Cardinal's connivance and were independent of the 
 Duchcssc du Maine. An extraordinary commission called 
 a Chambre Royale was appointed by letters patent on October 
 3, 1719, to try the rebels ; four were beheaded, among them 
 the Marquis de Pontcallec, and sixteen others fled either to 
 Madrid or Parma, and were condemned by default. 
 
 Before this, Alberoni had endeavoured to secure an alliance 
 with Turkey, when that country was signing the peace of 
 Passarowitz with the Emperor ; and had derived fresh hopes 
 from Charles XII of Sweden at the very time the latter fell in 
 (he trenches before Frederikshall. 
 
 It is not permissible for a minister to be always at fault 
 in the situations he creates, nor to be thus persecuted by fortune. 
 Dismissal of One by one all the dreams of Alberoni faded ; 
 Alberoni. the plots he wove against the King of England 
 
 and the Emperor in the north and east, the vain schemes he 
 pre pared against the Regent, all vanished in smoke. He had 
 revealed the possibilities of his energetic but erratic tempera- 
 ment. The Spanish King's eyes were opened. Philip dis- 
 missed the Cardinal like a servant, commanding him to leave 
 Madrid in eight days and never to appear before him again. 
 This happened in December 1719, and the relief in Europe 
 was general. Dubois wrote to Stanhope : " The King and 
 Que ii of Spain have at length had resolution enough to dismiss 
 the ministry and to drive Cardinal Alberoni out of Spain. . . . 
 is
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 One cannot think of this event, my lord, without realizing 
 how much is due to Your Excellency for the value of the pro- 
 jects that you have made, and for the justice of the means used 
 to bring them about. The slight temporary anxiety and 
 expenditure involved have saved us from the infinite misfortunes 
 that a general war might have caused." 
 
 In an unpublished letter of December 11, 1719, now in the 
 Archives at Naples, Elizabeth Farnese wrote to the Duke of 
 Parma : " God be praised ! the Cardinal departs to-morrow ; 
 but keep an eye on him, for he is capable of anything ; his 
 brain is diabolical — un cervello diabolico." 
 
 Alberoni himself realized that he was an obstacle in the way 
 of European peace. On December 6, he admitted to his friend 
 Rocca : " You will learn what has happened from the Marquis 
 Annibale Scotti. It was the smallest sacrifice that could be 
 made to give peace to Europe." Was this resignation, pride, 
 or irony ? Anything may be read between the lines. 
 
 Alberoni lived until 1752. Before his death, at the age of 
 eighty-eight he had the pleasure of seeing Don Carlos and Don 
 Philip, the sons of Philip V and Elizabeth Farnese, in possession 
 of the Kingdom of Naples and the Duchy of Parma, and an Italy 
 partially delivered from Austrian rule— a pleasure which must 
 have had some bitterness in it, since he himself had nothing 
 to do with the result. 
 
 In spite of his defeat, the King of Spain endeavoured to 
 exact sacrifices from the conqueror ; he seemed to wish to 
 The Quadruple recompense himself for the dismissal of Alberoni 
 Alliance. by demanding, as a condition to the signature of 
 
 the treaty, the restitution of the territory occupied by the 
 belligerents, and the recognition of the rights of his son Don 
 Carlos to the succession of Parma and Tuscany, without Imperial 
 investiture. Philip was disarmed by the very excess of his 
 claims. He finally acceded to the Quadruple Alliance on 
 January 20, 1720. His accession was ratified at The Hague on 
 May 20 ; Sicily reverted to the Emperor, and the Duke of 
 Savoy, late King of Sicily, became King of Sardinia. The King 
 of Spain again renounced the Crown of France, and submitted 
 to the Emperor's will as to the establishment of Don Carlos in 
 Italy. 
 
 d 49
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the friendly relations between the Regent 
 and Fhilip V were sealed by proposals of marriage. It seemed 
 
 The Spanish that there was to be a return of happy days for 
 
 Marriages. the two Houses, and that the most cherished 
 
 dynastic ambitions were to be satisfied. In 1721, Louis XV 
 was affianced to Anna-Maria- Victoria, his first cousin, daughter 
 of the King of Spain and Elizabeth Farnese. The King was 
 in his fourteenth year, the Infanta in her fifth, so that this 
 arrangement was a little premature, and some time would have 
 to elapse before the marriage could be celebrated ; but the 
 Regent decided that there should be an exchange of princesses 
 in order to establish his own daughters. One of them, Mile. 
 de Montpcnsicr, as the wife of Louis I, w T as to be Queen of 
 Spain for a few months ; * another, Mile, de Bcaujolais, was 
 affianced to Don Carlos. Mariannita, as her mother called 
 her, made her solemn entry into Paris on March 2, 1722, 
 amid popular rejoicings. She was thought charming, spirited, 
 comparatively pretty, " fair, pink, and white." While she 
 was at Chartrcs, on the previous day, the Cardinal dc Rohan, 
 Grand Almoner of France, and Madame de Soubise came 
 to see her. As a joke the Infanta was told that the Cardinal 
 was very ugly, more so even than the Bishop of Bazas, of 
 whom she was afraid. When she saw, on the contrary, 
 how handsome M. de Rohan w r as (he was called the Belle 
 Eminence) she remained quiet, but at dinner, half an hour 
 later, she made a mischievous remark : " Madame de Soubise 
 must be whipped, for she has lied." On March 21-, a superb 
 firework display was held on the Seine ; a fete given by the 
 I )ukc of Ossona, the Spanish Ambassador. Louis XV and Anna- 
 Maria-Vietoria watched from a box constructed at the Louvre. 
 As the King said nothing, the Infanta often pulled his sleeve 
 and asked him : " Monsieur, do you not think it beautiful ? ' 
 He replied : " Yes," whereupon she waved her hands excitedly 
 to those around and cried : " He has spoken to me ! He has 
 spoken to me!" The contrast, between this "tiny (mirmi- 
 donc) Infanta" as the songs called her, and the young King 
 
 * In January i"'j t, Philip abdicated in favour of the I 'rime of Asturiai 
 who n iurird undei the Dame of J.euis I and died in the month (if July 
 following. Philip then re-assumed the crown. 
 50
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 beside her, melancholy and taciturn, was striking. Artists have 
 handed down to us the characteristics of Mariannita, and the 
 graceful portrait of her by Belle is one of the most charming 
 pictures at Versailles. She is here depicted smiling, with a 
 crown of flowers, a crown doomed to fade, symbolical of the 
 little princess' destiny in France. 
 
 President Henault described these matrimonial arrange- 
 ments rather harshly, but he must come very near the truth 
 when he says in his Mhnoires : " The Regent after hasty de- 
 liberation said to his companions : I understand the motives 
 of Spain ; but the present need is that my regency should be 
 peaceful and I consent to the Infanta's coming. Why did he 
 not add that his ambitions were the same as the King of Spain's, 
 though their rights were in conflict, and that counting on the 
 strength of Philip's renunciations, he had no need to desire heirs 
 for the King too soon ! " 
 
 What a brilliant future for all these princesses, and failing 
 them for their parents ! These marriages were expected to 
 accomplish what policy and war had failed to achieve. 
 
 All was now calm after the troubles caused by Law's 
 system and the dreams of Alberoni. On the disappearance 
 Apogee of of his rival Dubois could satisfy all his ambitions. 
 
 Dubois. On June 9, 1720, he was consecrated Arch- 
 
 bishop of Cambrai ; on July 16, 1721, he obtained the 
 Cardinal's hat ; on December 4, he was received into the 
 Academie Francaise ; on August 22, 1722, he was appointed 
 Prime Minister. It would take too long to recount, as the 
 chronicler Saint-Simon and the historian Lemontey have done, 
 all the intrigues involved in this triumphal progress. It is 
 sufficient to recall that, in order to become a prelate and to 
 occupy the chair of Fenelon, Dubois had to be ordained priest, 
 and that to secure the purple he put in motion the King of 
 England, a Lutheran, the Pretender, a Catholic, the Courts of 
 Madrid and Vienna, the Oratorians and the Molinists, directing 
 the most irreconcilable enemies towards the same goal, and 
 squandering eight million francs of French gold ! His cause was 
 only won by his making the Parlement accept the famous Bull 
 Unigenitus of 1713, condemning the hundred and one pro- 
 positions taken from the book of Pere Quesnel the Oratorian 
 
 51
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 (Riflecriont sur le Nouveau Testament), which had excited so 
 much dispute. At the commencement of the Regency the 
 Due d'Orleans had strongly opposed this submission, from a 
 iK sire to prove himself liberal and to support the Jansenists, 
 who believed in Pere Qucsnel. But he could do nothing against 
 this fevered desire for the hat, which has been compared to the 
 papal mania of some influential cardinals. 
 
 Dubois did not long enjoy his remarkable position ; he died 
 on August 10, 1723 ; while on December 2, in the same year 
 his master the Regent was carried off by an attack of apoplexy 
 at the Chateau of Versailles. 
 
 Both of them had faults which history has mercilessly and 
 justly criticized. But they left behind them an accomplished 
 task, though their work is unpopular with certain historians 
 even to this day, and though it was to be endangered in the 
 entire reversal of Dubois' policy by his successor, the Cardinal 
 de Fleury. 
 
 Many people consider the Regency to have been a mere 
 succession of suppers, masquerades, and balls at the Opera 
 — " a little wit and much debauchery," said Voltaire. But 
 the Regent, who had entirely changed the old pompous court 
 etiquette of Louis XIV, did his share of serious work. This 
 Don Juan did not forget that he had public duties to fulfil. He 
 was as temperate in his statesmanship as he was intemperate 
 in his private life. He deserves a better fate than the perpetua- 
 tion of all the slanders and legends levelled against him. 
 
 A great poet lived at that time. In his Embarqucment pour 
 Cythere, he synthesizes a fete galante during the Regency with 
 amazing artistic taste, audacity, and brilliance of 
 colour. If wc are to rely on such aesthetic 
 testimony wc must try only to see the beautiful side of this pagan 
 episode. Watteau, beloved of the gods, died young ; yet we owe 
 him a debt for discovering the poetry of love and discreetly veil- 
 ing the bacchanals of that licentious period. 
 
 Principal Sources. Archives of Naples, foscio 56; Lettere co»- 
 
 fl'I'nzi'it) di /•;. Furnrsr al Dura ili Partita, Documents lenl 119 by 
 
 Glauoo Lombard] ; Mimoire* of the Marshal, Duke of Berwick, of Mme. 
 de Sta.il, and of President Henault; Lettret hi times tTAlberoni a Rocca, 
 
 published |,v K. Bourgeois, 1 vol., Paris, 1892; Dumont, Corps tlijiln- 
 
 52
 
 THE TWO CARDINALS 
 
 matique VIII ; Voltaire, Siicle de Louis XV ; Michelet, Histoire de 
 France ; Aubertin, U Esprit public au XVIII siecle, 1 vol., 1872 ; A. 
 Baudrillart, Philippe V el la Cour de France, vol. ii., 1890 ; Wiesener, Le 
 Rdgent, V Abbe Dubois et les Anglais, 3 vols., 1891 ; Glasson, Le Parlement 
 de Paris, 2 vols., Paris, 1901 ; Bliard, Dubois, cardinal et premier ministre, 
 2 vols., 1902. 
 
 53
 
 SECOND PART 
 
 THE DUC DE BOURBON AND 
 CARDINAL DE FLEURY
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 1723-1725 
 
 The Court at the Regent's death. Fleury's patience. The Due 
 de Bourbon and the Marquise de Prie. The new government. 
 Its unpopularity. Results of the abdication of Philip V. The 
 marriage of the Regent's son. The Infanta sent away. The 
 candidates for the French throne. The sisters of Monsieur le Due. 
 The overtures of Catherine I. Marie Leszczynska. Her life at 
 Wissembourg. Correspondence between the Marquise de Prie 
 and Stanislas. The Polonaise. Talk of a mesalliance. A 
 parody of the Ecole des Femmes. The vengeance of Spain. The 
 marriage celebrated at Fontainebleau. Stanislas Leszczynski's 
 advice to the Queen of France. 
 
 A FTER the death of Dubois, the Due d'Orleans, whose 
 /\ Regency came to an end with Louis' majority, had 
 -*- ■*- accepted the office of Prime Minister, which thus became 
 vacant once more, on December 2, 1723. His successor was 
 The Court at appointed the same evening. Louis-Henri de 
 the Regent's Bourbon, called Monsieur le Due, was at Ver- 
 Death. sailles when Philippe died. He had no difficulty 
 
 in gaining the approval of the King and Fleury. The Bishop 
 supported the prince's candidature, Louis made a sign of 
 assent, and the new minister immediately took the oath of 
 his office. This great-grandson of the great Conde did not 
 owe his promotion to his intelligence or his capacity, but he was 
 the only member of the Royal Family in a position to take up 
 the post. The two legitimized brothers, the Due du Maine and 
 the Comte de Toulouse, were out of favour ; the former and 
 his wife were distrusted ; while the latter was said to be too 
 honest a man to make a good minister. 
 
 There were other princes of the blood-royal, but nearly all 
 were born after 1700 and were too young to be serious rivals 
 
 57
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 to the Due de Bourbon. There was Louis, Due de Chartres, the 
 only son of the Regent, who showed an inclination to expiate his 
 lather's excesses by living a life of piety. There were the two 
 younger brothers of the new minister, the Comte de Charolais, 
 a rough, ill-tempered man, and the Comte de Clermont. There 
 were the Prince de Dombcs and the Comte d'Eu, sons of the 
 Due du Maine ; lastly, there was the Prince de Conti, who was 
 of the youngest branch of the Bourbon -Condes, born in 1695, and 
 married to a sister of Monsieur le Due. But neither husband 
 nor wife was popular at Court. 
 
 The only man of real consequence was Fleury ; but the 
 preceptor of Louis XV was one of those who are patient in their 
 ambitions. He knew that his time would come, for the sincere 
 affection with which he had inspired his royal pupil was a 
 guarantee for the future. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon was born in 1692 and was therefore 
 thirty-one when he came into power. In his early youth he was 
 The Due de rather good-looking, but one of his eyes had been 
 Bourbon. put out by the Due de Berri while hunting, and 
 
 this disfigured him. By degrees he lost his figure and became as 
 thin as a lath. Being too tall, he began to stoop, his stork-like 
 legs could hardly support his body, and his eyes were so red that 
 the good eye could hardly be distinguished from the blind one ; 
 in fact, he was " hardly of a prepossessing appearance." This 
 i|< script ion of him is taken from Madame Palatine and Tous- 
 saint. His temper was short and suspicious ; he would have 
 been unpopular even without the bitter feeling felt towards him 
 by the many victims of Law's System, by which he had been 
 enriched. His large fortune enabled him to live in great style. 
 He loved rare and precious things, and helped to make Chantilly 
 a Chateau worthy of a great nobleman. As a minister he 
 proved to be shallow and ignorant, and none were surprised. 
 Hi- had little credit with the King and never transacted business 
 wit h him in private, a condition imposed on him by the Bishop 
 of Frejus, when he agreed to propose the Duke's appointment 
 to Louis. His weak character made him a puppet in the hands 
 of a young woman, the Marquise de Prie, daughter of Bert helot 
 de Pleneuf, the farmer of the revenues whose good name was 
 compromi da1 the time of the Chambre de Justice. The Duke 
 58
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 inaugurated the period of feminine interference in affairs of 
 State. He was a contrast to the Regent, who divided his life 
 into two distinct parts, never allowed pleasure to interfere with 
 politics, and always kept the secrets of the government with 
 jealous reserve. Philippe d'Orl6ans had followed his mother's 
 advice when she wrote in 1715 : " I have resolved not to 
 interfere. Between ourselves, France has, to her detriment, 
 been too long governed by women " (she was thinking of 
 her great enemy, Madame de Maintenon). " I wish my 
 example to be useful to my son, that he may let no woman 
 lead him." 
 
 The Marquise de Prie, Agnes Berthelot de Pleneuf, was 
 twenty-five years old in 1725. She was an attractive person- 
 The Marquise ality ; she had shone as ambassadress at Turin 
 de Prie. and immediately on her return to France she 
 
 had distinguished herself by her genius for intrigue. She 
 had plotted against Le Blanc, Minister for War, against 
 the Belle-Isles, and against her own mother. She was now 
 to have wider scope for her activities, for she was to 
 govern the State and gain great profit thereby, though gain 
 was indeed a secondary consideration to her, and she would 
 have been contented with a modest fortune provided she 
 had power. But all her ambitions were realized ; her term 
 of power resulted in a large revenue for herself at the expense 
 of France. 
 
 President Henault has drawn a charming pen-portrait of the 
 Marquise. " She was of a slender build and above medium 
 height ; she had the form and the air of a nymph, a delicate 
 face, pretty cheeks, a well-made nose, and ash-coloured hair. 
 Her eyes were slightly almond-shaped but bright and gay ; as a 
 whole her face was refined and distinguished. Nature had 
 endowed her with all the gifts essential to the art of coquetry ; 
 her voice was light like her form ; she was very musical and 
 played the harpsichord extremely well. . . ." The Marquis 
 d'Argenson describes her as " even more graceful than 
 beautiful " with " a ready wit on all subjects. . . ." 
 These portraits tell us more about the beautiful sorceress 
 than Vanloo's picture in which the Marquise is represented 
 holding a bird, a symbol of the attraction of this captivating 
 
 59
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 creature. The allusion in the verses underneath is sufficiently 
 obvious : 
 
 Sur votre belle main, ce captif enchant e 
 De I'aile meprisant le secours et l'usagc, 
 ( ontenl de badiner, de pousser son rama^e, 
 
 N'a pas, pour tire hcurcux, besoin de liherte. 
 Le coeur, ne libre, Iris, n'a de plus dure envic, 
 Que d'atteindre au plus tot le temps de s'engagcr ; 
 Est-il coule Be temps si doux, mais Irop leger, 
 Ah ! que la liherte nous pese dans la vie ! * 
 
 And when Tremolicres describes Monsieur le Due and Madame 
 de Prie in the characters of Rinaldo and Armida, he confirms 
 Vanloo's graceful allegory. 
 
 The Marquise has been compared to Agnes, but she had 
 nothing of the ingenue except a feigned candour and a pretended 
 naivete" ; her grace, her youth, her nymph-like form of which 
 Saint-Simon also speaks, her modest air, her mind which 
 appeared so cultivated, her experience of the world and foreign 
 courts, all these attributes were deceptive. Clever and artful, she 
 knew that it was essential to keep the Duke in the mistaken 
 belief that he was able and independent. She pretended to 
 inferfere with nothing and to wait until affairs were communi- 
 cated to her. She chose Paris-Duverney, Law's adversary, as 
 intermediary between herself and the Prime Minister. She made 
 him Minister of Finance. Paris-Duverney reversed Law's System ; 
 lie did away with paper money and sought to lower the price 
 of provisions by decreasing the value of specie. He lowered 
 the value of the louis d'or from twenty-seven livres to fourteen, 
 and caused strikes by trying to introduce a fixed scale of wages 
 and prices in spite of economic laws and the relations of supply 
 and demand. President Henault asserts that Paris advised the 
 Duke after consultation with the Marquise, while that clever 
 person, to keep up the illusion, even contradicted the Duke 
 when he consulted her. He never ceased to admire the intelli- 
 ace with which she grasped questions that he believed her 
 to be handling for the first time. The known astuteness of 
 
 * On your fair hand the enchanted captive SCOrns to use its wings to 
 fly away ; it Is content to sport and warble ; for happiness it needs not 
 liberty. Iris, the free horn heart lias no more fond desire than to seek 
 the opportunity to enslave itself. Has it passed, this hour so pleasant, 
 luit too fleeting ? Ah ! how oppressive is a life of liberty ! 
 GO
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 Madame de Prie makes this subterfuge very probable. With 
 the aid of two secretaries she manipulated all decisions, adding 
 recommendations with her own hand to the petitions presented 
 to the Prime Minister. 
 
 Such were the masters of the kingdom : a false Agnes and a 
 foolish and narrow-minded nobleman ; and their policy was 
 purely egotistical. The most important event of their adminis- 
 tration was Louis' marriage, a very daring enterprise. The Due 
 de Bourbon further distinguished himself at the beginning of his 
 ministry by some fiscal reforms, among which we find a decrease 
 in the duties on corn and dairy produce coming into Paris ; by 
 improvements on the Saint-Quentin canal from the Somme to 
 the Oise, and the institution of a ballot to decide who should 
 serve in the militia of 60,000 soldiers, which later performed such 
 splendid services in the wars of the eighteenth century. But his 
 inexperience and his despotic nature caused him to introduce 
 some very unpopular measures, such as the persecution of the 
 Protestants and Jansenists whom the Regency had left in 
 peace, the mendicancy laws which condemned old offenders to 
 the galleys, and the tax on the fiftieth of all the revenues of the 
 kingdom which was decreed for ten years. This tax gave 
 rise to the following witty verses : 
 
 Prince, quelle misere extreme ! 
 Vous imposez le cinquantieme 
 Quand vous nous savez sans argent ! 
 Pour votre maudit ministere, 
 Le cinquantieme du bon sens 
 Vous serez bien plus necessaire.* 
 
 Happily, no foreign complication arose to reveal the weak- 
 ness of the Government. But the Due de Bourbon had a lucky 
 escape when Mariannita was sent home, for Spain in her anger 
 nearly fired the powder. 
 
 In 1722 Noailles had said : " The marriage of the Infanta 
 will end as Law's System did." The Marshal was exiled as 
 The Infanta a reward for his prophecy, but events proved 
 sent back that he was right. On April 5, 1725, Philip's 
 
 to Spain. daughter left the Louvre and the garden which 
 
 still bears her name, without saying good-bye to the King, and 
 
 * Prince, how extreme is our misery ! You impose the " fiftieth " 
 when you know we have no money ! For your wretched ministry a 
 " fiftieth " of good sense would be far more necessary. 
 
 61
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 went back to Spain in charge of the Duchcsse de Tallard, never 
 to return. They had sufficient tact to tell the poor Infanta 
 that " her parents wanted to set- her." 
 
 After the Regent's death there had been countless intrigues 
 directed towards undoing all lie had done and against the House 
 of Orleans, whose power excited the jealousy of the House of 
 Conde. Henri de Bourbon could not support the idea that the 
 crown of Spain should be the appanage of a rival family. But 
 when Philip abdicated on January 14, 1724, in favour of his son, 
 the Prince of As.1 urias. who became King under the title of Louis 
 I, Louise-Elisabeth, the daughter of the Due d' Orleans, became 
 Queen. Moreover, on July 13, 1724, the Regent's son married 
 Marie Jeanne, Princess of Baden, who was destined to assure the 
 succession by giving birth to a prince in May 12, 1725. If Louis 
 XV were to die without an heir, the French throne would pass 
 to the descendants of the younger branch. The Prime Minister 
 had many sisters to establish, and he hoped to profit by his 
 position and benefit his family by raising Mile, de Sens or 
 Mile, de Vermandois to the throne. He secretly pursued this 
 purpose, and suddenly the young King's health gave cause for 
 some anxiety, which for political reasons was exaggerated. 
 On February 18, 1725, he awoke with a fever and was ill all day ; 
 towards evening he began to improve, but while the doctors were 
 busy at his bedside the two factions at Court held councils so as 
 to be prepared for anything which might happen. The Dowager 
 Duchcsse d'Orleans summoned her son and his partisans, while 
 Monsi< ur le Due and the Marquise de Prie conferred with 
 Marshal dfi Villars, the Minister of War, and Morvillc, the 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 It had already been decided that the Infanta should be 
 sent home before this alarm, as it was thought that her 
 Candidates youth would interpose too long a time before 
 
 for the the marriage could take place. The King's 
 
 Kind's hand, illness hastened new matrimonial schemes. The 
 Due de Bourbon was haunted by the recollection of the death 
 
 Of Louis, fh< young King of Spain, and wished to assure the 
 tut lire. The choice fell on a princess whose character and 
 
 position would leave Madame dc Prie free to govern the kingdom 
 as she pleased. There were- ninety-nine candidates for the 
 
 f.2
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 King's hand, 25 Catholics, 3 Anglicans, 13 Calvinists, 55 
 Lutherans and 3 Greeks. Inquiries were made in all the 
 European courts where there were marriageable princesses, 
 from Lisbon to St. Petersburg and from London to Athens. 
 This long list was reduced to seventeen names and then to five ; 
 these were : Anne, daughter of the Prince of Wales, aged fifteen ; 
 her sister, Amelia Sophia Eleanor, aged thirteen ; Mile, de 
 Vermandois, aged twenty-one, and Mile, de Sens, aged nineteen, 
 both sisters of Monsieur le Due ; and lastly, Marie, aged twenty- 
 one, the daughter of the dethroned King of Poland, Stanislas 
 Leszczynski (which is the correct way of spelling the name). 
 The objection to the candidature of the two English princesses 
 was their religion ; it was feared that they might remain 
 Protestant at heart like Elizabeth Charlotte, Monsieur's second 
 wife, the mother of the Regent. Nor did George I really 
 approve of the union. The candidates were thus reduced to 
 three, and Henri de Bourbon naturally wished to support the 
 candidature of one of his sisters ; possibly also he desired to 
 avenge himself upon the Regent's son for refusing to marry 
 Mile, de Vermandois ; but Madame de Prie eventually carried the 
 day. From theMarquise's point of view Marie Leszczynska seemed 
 a perfect queen. She thought that the daughter of Stanislas, who 
 was poor and simple, would not forget the person to whom she 
 owed her throne, and that she would thus retain her influence. 
 
 A story was started based on supposed overtures made to 
 Mile, de Vermandois in her convent at Fontevrault near Chinon, 
 Mile, de whither she had retired from the world without 
 
 Vermandois. taking any religious vows. Among others who 
 have repeated the details of this story are Voltaire and Soulavie. 
 It was said that the Dowager Duchesse de Bourbon and the 
 Marquise de Prie visited Mile, de Vermandois, and that the Mar- 
 quise was disguised when she went into the princess' presence, in 
 order to make a sensation. The conversation was brought 
 round to Madame de Prie, whereupon Mile, de Vermandois 
 changed her tone and spoke openly and with copious invectives 
 against ' the wicked creature " who was the cause of her 
 brother's unpopularity. The Marquise listened to this discourse 
 without flinching but, on leaving the room cried : " You shall 
 not be Queen of France ! " 
 \" 63
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Either this scene was entirely invented by the Orleans fac- 
 tion, or it was the fabrication of the Lorraine group. The 
 lattei were closely allied to the Palais-Royal, because Princess 
 Elizabeth (daughter of Duke Leopold), who had been one of 
 the rejected seventeen candidates, was the first cousin of the 
 young Due d'Orleans. 
 
 The real reason for the rejection of two Bourbon-Cond^ 
 princesses was that Monsieur le Due's sisters did not suit 
 Intervention oJ Madame de Prie. Among the pretexts given 
 Catherine of were these : the King could not marry a subject ; 
 Russia. and the Dowager Duchesse de Bourbon, a legiti- 
 
 mized daughter of Louis XIV, would have had too great an 
 influence over her son and daughter. One thing certain is 
 that the Marquise, having at last found her ideal queen, held 
 to her choice and was determined to have her own way. Cathe- 
 rine, widow of Peter the Great, personally intervened with tin 
 object of maintaining her husband's policy. She wished to ally 
 herself with Louis XV by giving him her daughter Elizabeth ; 
 but she was too late. The siege was over. No political con- 
 sideration could affect Madame de Prie's desire to see Marie 
 Leszczvnska on the throne. 
 
 How strange was the destiny of this poor daughter of a 
 fallen king ! In retirement with her father and mother at 
 Wissembourg in a house put at the disposal of her family by 
 Philip Michael Weber, Councillor of the Elector Palatine, she led 
 an uncertain existence divided between piety and charity. 
 Stanislas had been dispossessed of his kingdom by Augustus II, 
 Elector of Saxony, and by the favour of the Regent he had found 
 a refuge in this small Alsatian town. With some difficulty he 
 contrived to live and keep up some appearance of a court in 
 company with seven or eight gentlemen who were faithful to 
 their late King in his misfortune. His sole support came from 
 the charity of the monarchs of Europe. The Due d'Orleans gave 
 him a pension which was not regularly paid, and assistance came 
 also from Spain, Sweden, and Lorraine. Tie had pledged his 
 wif-'s j.-wels with a Frankfort merchant and but for Marie's 
 unexpected good fortune he would never have been able to 
 redeem Hum. Very few people came to visit this Castle of 
 Indigence ; but Stanislas was friendly with the Cardinal de 
 64
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 Rohan-Soubise (Armand Gaston Maximilien), Bishop of 
 Strasburg, who liked to receive him in his beautiful resi- 
 dence at Saverne, with the Andlau family, and Lieutenant- 
 General the Comte du Bourg, commanding at Strasburg, who 
 was the " confidant of all the troubles " of the unhappy prince. 
 Marie's future gave him much anxiety. When the Due de 
 Bourbon became a widower in 1720, he proposed, through the 
 Marie Chevalier de Vauchoux, his diplomatic agent, 
 
 Leszczynska. to give him his daughter in marriage '/ out Anne 
 of Bavaria, Princess Palatine, widow of the great Conde's son, 
 was still living, and opposed her grandson's marriage in an 
 almost insulting manner. Equally fruitless were Stanislas' 
 overtures to others such as Prince Ludwig Georg of Baden, 
 brother of the Duchesse d'Orleans, and the Comte de Charolais. 
 There was one candidate for Marie's hand, a gentleman in 
 command of a regiment of cavalry at Wissembourg named 
 Le Tellier de Courtenvaux (then Chevalier de Louvois and 
 later Comte d'Estrees) ; but Stanislas insisted that Courten- 
 vaux must become a duke and peer of France, and since he 
 was unable to secure this favour he was obliged to retire. At 
 this point the Regent died. Madame de Prie was well aware 
 of events at Wissembourg, and thanks to her genius for intrigue 
 she saw how she might derive benefit from the situation. She 
 Corresnondencp was * n commun i ca tion with the Chevalier de 
 between Vauchoux, and since the beginning of 1724 had 
 
 Madame been carrying on a correspondence with the sur- 
 
 de Prie and prised but greatly flattered Stanislas. The Mar- 
 
 n as. quise, under the cover of letters of pure courtesy, 
 
 made her investigations without revealing her designs. Mon- 
 sieur le Due continued to hesitate. The alarm given by Louis' 
 illness conquered his last scruples and finally on March 31, 
 1725, he wrote to ask Stanislas in the name of Louis XV 
 for the hand of his daughter in marriage. This letter 
 arrived at Wissembourg on April 2. The scene has often been 
 described. The ex-King of Poland assembled his wife and 
 daughter, told them to kneel down, and addressed a prayer of 
 thanksgiving to God without any explanation. 
 
 " Ah ! my father," said Marie, " then you are recalled to the 
 throne of Poland ? " 
 
 e 65
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 " No, Heaven is far more favourable to us," said Stanislas ; 
 " you arc Queen of France." 
 
 The n< rws was not published until a month later when the 
 Infanta had arrived in Spain. Then a list of the ladies who 
 were to form part of the future Queen's household was circulated] 
 and wits who knew Latin compared this household with the 
 temple at Rome which bore the inscription : deo ignoto, 
 to the unknown £od. 
 
 On April 5 Marais records in his Journal the rumours of the 
 town and deals with the Princess Marie at some length ; he 
 speaks of the difference in their ages (she was twenty-one and the 
 King fifteen), and says that she is well-made and well brought 
 up. Then he mentions the other candidates, explaining why 
 they could not be chosen, and concludes with the following 
 " The Polish words: "So the Polish woman must be chosen 
 Woman." and w r e must have a Queen whose name ends in 
 
 ski. A few months ago people complained of the Due d'Orleans 
 because he had married a princess of Baden, who was not con- 
 sidered to have come from a sufficiently illustrious family, and 
 now we arc to accept as Queen one who is even less exalted." 
 
 On May 27, when Mariannita had arrived in Spain and 
 was with her parents, the King announced his marriage in these 
 terms : "I am marrying the Princess of Poland. This princess, 
 who was born on the 23rd of June, 1703, is the only daughter 
 of Stanislas Lcszczynski, Count of Leszno, formerly Starost of 
 Adelnau, then Palatine of Posnania, and finally elected King of 
 Poland in the month of July 1704, and of Catherine Opalinska, 
 daughter of the Castellan of Posnania, who are both coming to 
 live in the Chateau of Saint-Germain-en-Layc with King 
 Stanislas' mother, Anne Jablonowska." After this Marais 
 published a diatribe against this marriage which depressed the 
 Court "as if some one had told them that the King was 
 having an apoplectic fit." He said that French hearts could Dot 
 love Poles, those Gascons of the North and ultra-republicans. 
 He foresaw " a terrible war ' in which all Europe would be 
 
 ||( d against France. " Perhaps nothing will happen," he 
 said in conclusion ; " everything is in the hands of the Lord of 
 Hosts."' There was some excitement, but it subsided when the 
 people aw the graciousness of the dcmuiscllc Lcszczynska, as 
 GO
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 she was irreverently called ; the Queen was the Queen, and 
 every one bowed before the crown which adorned her brow. 
 
 The various Courts kept a diplomatic silence. The King of 
 Sardinia alone, as grandfather of Louis XV, made a useless 
 remonstrance to this " mesalliance," founding his opposition 
 on calumnious reports which accused Marie of bodily defects, 
 alleging that she was epileptic, that two of her fingers were 
 webbed, and that she had scrofula. The Regent's sister, 
 Elisabeth-Charlotte de Lorraine, was also much annoyed at not 
 having been able to secure her daughter's claims. She poured 
 out her heart in her letters to the Marquise d'Aulede saying : 
 ' If the late King could see what is happening to France, 
 I think he would be surprised. ... It seems to me that mes- 
 alliances are very much in fashion . . . since they have now even 
 reached the sacred person of the King ; I shall say no more. . . . 
 In marrying her he will do a very novel thing, for he will be, I 
 think, the first of our Kings to marry a simple demoiselle. . . . 
 Everyone laughs at it. . . ." 
 
 Voltaire himself, who later was so subservient to the Queen 
 and flattered her as he never failed to flatter the favourites of the 
 moment, allowed himself to write to the wife of the President de 
 Bernieres : " The marriage of Louis XV is detrimental to poor 
 Voltaire. They do not speak of paying any pensions, or even of 
 keeping them up ; but they are going to have a new tax to buy 
 Parody on the * ace an d stuffs for the demoiselle Leszczynska." 
 Ecole des Pamphleteers entered the field. The most signi- 
 
 Femmes. ficant of their satires was a parody on the Ecole 
 
 des Femmes in which the Marquise de Prie says to the Queen : 
 
 Notre roi vous epouse et, cent fois la journee, 
 Vous devez benir l'heur de votre destinee. 
 Contemplez la bassesse ou vous avez ete, 
 Et du prince qui m'aime admirez la boute, 
 Qui, de l'etat obscur de simple demoiselle, 
 Sur le trone des lys par mon choix vous appelle . . . 
 Nous ne pretendons pas, en vous declarant reine, 
 Que sur lui, ni sur moi, vous soyez souveraine ; 
 Vous gouterez en paix les plaisirs les plus doux ; 
 Les affaires d'Etat n'iront point jusqu'a vous ... * 
 
 * Our King is marrying you, and a hundred times a day you must 
 bless the fortune of your fate. Think on the lowliness of your former 
 
 67
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Marie was spared nothing. They reminded her <>f the pro- 
 posed marriage with Courtenvaux and the rejection of tin 
 Infanta — 
 
 Preuve certaine 
 Qu'a roinprc fln autre hymen on n'aura pas dc peine* 
 
 if she was not entirely in subjection to her " real master " the 
 Due de Bourbon. 
 
 " The ' affair ' has become public and therefore those who 
 wished to frustrate it are disconcerted," wrote the Due dc 
 Bourbon to Stanislas on the day of the proclamation. He also 
 wrote a very skilful letter to the future Queen in which lie did not 
 fear to allude to the marriage that had been proposed between 
 Marie and himself : " Permit me," he said at the end of his 
 letter, " to say here that your Majesty is under all the more 
 obligation to me, because I cannot think without regret that I 
 sacrificed to you a hope on which all the happiness of my life 
 depended. But the respect which I owe to a princess who will 
 always be my Queen and Mistress, does not permit me to say 
 more on this subject." 
 
 The King's marriage had no political significance ; this 
 was the great mistake to be laid to the charge of Madame 
 Spanish de Prie and the Chief Minister. It was not 
 
 Vengeance. displeasing to the Court of Spain, but Philip, 
 nevertheless, had serious cause for irritation . The over- 
 tures that Monsieur le Due had made to the English Court 
 proved that George I had known of the rejection of the Infanta 
 before himself, and he felt bitterly this affront which excited 
 the most violent anger/ The immediate result was the de- 
 parture of Louise-Elisabeth of Orleans, widow of Louis I, who 
 became Dowager Queen of Spain at the age of sixteen, and 
 of her Bister, Mile, de Beaujolais, affianced to Don Carlos; they 
 were sent from Spain in such haste that at Bayonnc they had to 
 
 estate, and admire the generosity of the prince who loves me. For, from 
 tin- humble state of a simple gentlewoman, through my choice Ik- calls you 
 to th<- throne of lilies. We do not pretend thai in declaring yon que a, 
 
 you arc to be sovereign over him or me | in peace you will taste the choid 
 pleasures ; affairs of State v, ill not allrct you. 
 
 * A certain proof that it would not l>e difficult to hrcak off another 
 marriage. 
 08
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 await an escort to attend them on their journey. Thus ended 
 the brilliant hopes that their father had conceived for their 
 future in Spain. 
 
 But the Court had no time to trouble about these princesses. 
 It was busy preparing for the ceremonies at Strasbourg and 
 Fontainebleau and could speak only of Marie Leszczynska. 
 Every one listened eagerly to any details of her faults or her 
 qualities, especially the former. 
 
 She was not beautiful, but her face was full of expression 
 and possessed that undeniable charm which increased with 
 Portraits of a g e — a characteristic well brought out in the 
 the Queen. striking portrait by La Tour, painted twenty 
 years later, which now hangs as fresh as ever in the Louvre. 
 Those who knew her at Wissembourg said she looked like 
 a bourgeoise and that her disposition seemed sullen to those 
 who saw her every day. But it is impossible to believe that 
 the great portrait-painter of St. Quentin, so faithful in por- 
 traying both the soul and the outward form of his models, 
 could be absolutely misleading. He shows us a woman, clothed 
 it is true, like some rich private individual, but gracious and 
 refined, with intelligent eyes and a smile full of indulgent kind- 
 ness. 
 
 At Versailles there is a great state portrait either by Gobert 
 or Belle, painted at the time of the marriage, in which the Queen 
 is shown holding a large bunch of lilies and followed by a page 
 in Polish costume. The studied stiffness and forced smile of 
 the central figure denote an inferior artist obviously attempting 
 to imitate Santerre's portrait of the Duchesse de Bourgogne. 
 
 Then there are the written descriptions. First of all that of 
 Sieur Lozilliere, called the Chevalier de Mere, a tool of Madame 
 de Prie, who was sent to Wissembourg and afterwards to several 
 of the German courts in order to allay suspicion. Lozilliere 
 has a natural tendency towards eulogy. He did not forget 
 any detail of her appearance, from her good complexion (fresh 
 water in summer and snow in winter provided Marie's whole 
 make-up) to her sweet and pleasant voice. He finishes with 
 these words : " Without being beautiful, this princess is lovable 
 for her wit, goodness and behaviour ; she is a combination of 
 all the virtues." Such is the natural refuge of anyone who has 
 
 69
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 to speak of a bride who lacks beauty. It must be admitted 
 that according to all the contemporary writers the future 
 Queen was not the equal in looks of " the handsomest young 
 man in the kingdom." Marie with her heavy should< is and her 
 breadth of body made the slender youth of Louis XV the more 
 noticeable. 
 
 ' I agree that she is ugly," wrote the Due d'Antin to Morville, 
 " but she pleases me above everything that I can express." The 
 intriguers were very active. Scandal-mongers passed their 
 talcs from mouth to mouth, until the Queen was made out to be 
 an absolute monster. 
 
 On dit qu'elle est hklcuse, 
 Mais cela ne fait lien, 
 Car cllc est vcrtucuse, 
 Et tres flllc de bun ! * 
 
 Monsieur de Conflans, who was sent to tell the King of the 
 celebration of the marriage at Strasburg, gave a just account 
 of her. Villars says, "He reassured us about the Queen, who, 
 as he tells us, is certainly amiable, not beautiful, but far removed 
 frofn the ugliness which is generally attributed to her." 
 
 The whole Court met at the capital of Alsace on August 15 ; 
 the Due d'Antin, Ambassador Extraordinary to Stanislas, 
 accompanied by the Comtc de Bcauvais and the Marquis de 
 Dreux, Grand Master of the Ceremonies, Mile, de Clermont, 
 Superintendent of the Queen's Household, and with her the 
 ladies of the Palace, amongst whom was the Marquise de Pric, 
 who had not forgotten herself. 
 
 Stanislas, on his part, did his best to make some show of 
 royalty to honour the occasion, aided by his relative and general 
 factotum the Count of Tarlo, and Baron of Mcszek, Marshal of 
 the Palace. The Comtesse de Linange acted as Lady of Honour 
 to Marie. With some difficulty and finally through the good 
 offices of the Marshal du Bourg, six pages were mustered. The 
 Due d'Orleans was the most important person present ; he 
 was to marry the Queen by proxy, this honour being given to 
 him because he was first prince of the blood-royal; but th< 
 
 * Tli.\ say sIm- is hideOIIS, but thai matters naught, for die is virtuous 
 ami \ i i \ gOOd. 
 
 70
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 was a certain irony in this chance which made the son the instru- 
 ment for the undoing of his father's work. 
 
 The Cardinal Bishop de Rohan, surrounded by his clergy, 
 received the procession at the door of the Cathedral. Marie 
 entered the church between her father and mother ; in front 
 of her went the Due d'Or leans and two ambassadors. The 
 prelate gave a dignified address before the mass and the nuptial 
 benediction. The roar of cannon and a Te Deum concluded 
 the ceremony. 
 
 The Queen dined in public, "served by officers of the King, 
 her husband," then she returned to the Cathedral for the 
 Procession of the Vow of Louis XIII. There were popular 
 fetes in the afternoon and in the evening a wonderful firework 
 display, while food and wine was distributed at the public 
 fountains. 
 
 Madame de Prie did not waste her time in Strasburg ; she 
 gave Stanislas a letter from Monsieur le Due, which said : " Your 
 Majesty has shown me so much kindness that I have thought 
 you might allow me to take the liberty of instructing you on 
 many of the things which are happening in the country ; but 
 as prudence forbids me to write them and as I can trust Madame 
 de Prie's discretion, I have charged her to inform your Majesty 
 and to hide nothing, believing that there are many things 
 our future Queen would be glad to know." The nets were 
 spread and the traps all ready ; Madame de Prie, no doubt, 
 spoke with as much eloquence as ability. She brought presents 
 to the Queen and talked of her own exalted position with an 
 incredible want of tact. She even offered her chemises, not 
 hesitating thus to humiliate the poor daughter of Stanislas, who 
 accepted them with a smile. . . . 
 
 On August 17 Marie set out for Fontainebleau. The 
 weather she experienced was execrable ; it never ceased to rain 
 during the whole journey. Several times the Queen's coach 
 stuck fast in the mud. The crops were injured by the floods, 
 and the summer of 1725 was remembered as a time when the 
 evils of nature were made worse by the maladministration of 
 Monsieur le Due. Bread was so scarce that there were riots 
 both in Paris and the provinces, and the bakers' shops were 
 pillaged. The Prime Minister and the favourite were accused 
 
 71
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of speculating in corn and of making large profits out of the 
 people's distress. 
 
 Faithful to her reputation, Marie distributed alms ;i1 each 
 halt. The fifteen thousand livres sent her for largesse were 
 soon exhausted. Everywhere she went she was feted, and 
 
 heard highly coloured addresses. Her good sense and tact 
 prevented her from losing her head, as is shown by the charming 
 letter to her father, quoted by the Abbe Proyart : " There is 
 nothing that these good French people will not do to divert me. 
 They say the prettiest things in the world ; but no one tells me 
 that you arc near me. Perhaps they will tell me so later, for I 
 am journeying in fairyland, and am indeed under a magic sway. 
 I pass through transformations every instant, and each seems 
 more brilliant than the one before. At one place I have the 
 virtues of an angel ; at another the sight of me makes people 
 happy ; yesterday I was the wonder of the world ; to-day 
 I am. a star of benign import. Every one docs his best to deify 
 me, and to-morrow, doubtless, I shall be higher than the 
 immortals. To break the spell, I put my hand up to my head ; 
 and then, my dearest papa, I find her whom you love, and who 
 loves you too so tenderly, your dear Maruchna." 
 
 The young wife who could write these lines must have had 
 wit as well as heart. Very soon she appeared wearisome and 
 ill-humoured. Doubtless her new surroundings changed her 
 character, but she was still lovable to those who could gain her 
 affection and conquer her shyness. 
 
 The meeting between husband and wife took place near 
 Moret, at a spot which has still retained the name of The Queen's 
 Marria Q j Crosswavs (Carrcfour dc la Rcinc). A small 
 Louis XV monument was erected to commemorate the 
 
 and Marie event. Louis was kept waiting for some time 
 
 Leszczynska. owing to the badness of the roads, which made the 
 progress of the coaches extremely difficult. It was sometimes 
 in a ssary to attach more than thirty horses to Marie's coach to 
 drag it out of the ruts. Barbier relates thai all the King's 
 Household was smothered in mud. A carpet and flooring were 
 placed on tin ground. The queen alighted and was about to 
 fall on her knees, but Louis allowed her to make no more than 
 a formal ob< Lsance; then he raised ami embraced her with an 
 72
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 ardour that had never before been seen in him. He entered the 
 coach with the Duchesse d'Orleans, and accompanied his wife 
 to Moret, where he remained for half an hour talking to her with 
 extreme affability. Marie spent the night in this little town, 
 and the next day, September 5, she reached Fontainebleau at 
 about ten o'clock in the morning. The marriage was celebrated 
 in the chapel of the palace. The scene was magnificent, every- 
 where was the glitter of embroidered dresses, robes covered with 
 precious stones and hangings ornamented with golden fleurs- 
 de-lis. The procession was announced by trumpets, fifes and 
 drums ; it started from the King's Great Chamber, crossed the 
 Gallery of Francis I, and arrived at the Staircase of Honour, 
 which was lined by the Hundred Swiss. Louis came first, a 
 picture of youthful grace, preceded by the princes of the blood, 
 the Comtes de Charolais and de Clermont and the Prince de 
 Conti ; then came the Queen escorted by the Due de Bourbon 
 and the Due d'Orleans ; she wore a violet train, lined with 
 ermine, which was borne by the Dowager Duchesse de Bourbon, 
 the Princesse de Conti, and Mile, de Charolais. She was followed 
 by the Duchesse d'Orleans, Mile, de Clermont, and Mile, de la 
 Roche-sur-Yon, sister of the Prince de Conti. Attending the 
 various royalties came the dignitaries of the Court, officers 
 and knights of the Holy Ghost, maids-of-honour, heralds 
 at arms, Scotch guards, and bodyguards with their shining 
 arms. 
 
 The Cardinal de Rohan, Grand Almoner of France, again 
 officiated and gave the address. At Strasburg he had drawn a 
 touching picture of the vicissitudes of Stanislas and had spoken 
 his praises ; on this occasion he addressed himself particularly 
 to Louis, exalting the greatness of his ancestors, and finally he 
 presented him with a wife whom God had made after His own 
 heart, ; ' a virtuons and prudent woman." The nuptial bene- 
 diction was given, and while medals struck in honour of the 
 occasion were being distributed, music burst forth, and hymns 
 of thanksgiving filled the vaulted roof of the chapel. 
 
 The procession returned again to the royal apartments. 
 After dinner the Due de Mortemart presented the Queen with 
 a velvet casket embroidered with gold containing " the splendid 
 trifles which are called the corbeille (wedding gifts)." The 
 
 73
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Queen distributed them to her household, saying " This is the 
 first time that I have been able to make presents." 
 
 The day ended with a display given by the court actors ; 
 plays of Moliere were selected so that no one might be offended. 
 The result was that Voltaire, who had prepared an entertain- 
 ment, decided that the Amphitryon and the Midecin malgri 
 lui were not a suitable choice ; he criticized everything even to 
 the display of fireworks given at about half-past eleven after 
 supper, " with many rockets and little originality " ; he saw 
 nothing in the festivities but noise, crowds, uproar, and tumult. 
 A few days later all seemed fair to him. Adrienne Lccouvreur 
 played his Marianne. Madame de Prie presented him to 
 the Queen, and she spoke to him of his Hcnriadc, as yet 
 unpublished, and called him " my poor Voltaire." A pension 
 was granted to him, and he quitted the ranks of the rhymers 
 who resorted to Fontainebleau and assailed the young bride with 
 " Pindaric odes, sonnets, epistles and epithalamia." It must 
 be admitted that Voltaire was right and that these starveling 
 poets must have seemed to Marie " a band of court jesters." 
 They called the King Alcides or Adonis, the Queen was changed 
 into Astraea, Cypris, Diana, or even Flora — an excellent rhyme 
 for Aurora ! The whole fashionable mythology was resusci- 
 tated. Voltaire dedicated Marianne to the daughter of 
 Stanislas, and was himself unable to avoid comparing her to the 
 ancient goddesses : 
 
 I)u trone redoute que vous rendez aimable, 
 Jetez sur cet ccrit un coup d'ceil favorable ; 
 Daignez m'encourager d'un scul de vos regards, 
 Et songez que Pallas, cette auguste deesse, 
 Dont vous avez le port, la bonte, la sagessc, 
 Est la divinite qui preside aux Beaux-Arts ! * 
 
 These uninspired and unpoetic verses were the best with wliich 
 the Queen was afflicted ! 
 
 In all probability she read nothing but the celcbrat< rj 
 Conseih written by her father, which began with the scrip- 
 
 * From your dread throne, that you make so gracious, cast on these 
 lines a favourable glanee, deign to encourage ine with a single look, and 
 remember that Pallas, the august goddeM whose bearing and grace and 
 wisdom you have, is the divinity who presides over the Ail . 
 
 74
 
 THE KING'S MARRIAGE 
 
 tural reminiscence : " Hearken, my daughter, behold and give 
 ear. Forget thy people and thy father's house. ..." Stanislas 
 Advice of warned his daughter of the dangers she would 
 
 King Stanislas encounter at the Court, such as grandeur and pros- 
 to his perity and flattery ; he enlarged upon these three 
 
 Daughter. subjects with emotion, showing all the tender 
 
 affection he felt for his daughter. " Prosperity," he said, " is 
 the more dangerous in that it is practically unknown to you ; 
 since infancy you have participated so fully in my adversities 
 that, as you are aware, there is nothing like the experience of 
 misfortune to guard us from abusing our happiness." 
 Flattery inspires him to some wise precepts : " You must realize 
 that you will be surrounded by those who will vie with one 
 another to pay court to you ; there will be no one who will not be 
 prepared to obey you, to sacrifice his goods, his life, for your 
 service, but there will be no one who will tell you the truth, or 
 who will not think that if he did so he would displease you and 
 risk his fortunes. Though you are surrounded by those who 
 are devotedly attached to you and are most attentive in your 
 service, yet, on this point, you are left to yourself, and have 
 nothing to rely on but your own good sense and reason." 
 
 Stanislas sought for some one on whom she might rely. He 
 found only the King and him " who is the depositary of all his 
 wishes," meaning Monsieur le Due, to whom the Queen was 
 under " an infinite obligation." This was the real danger to 
 avoid. But fortune blinded the King of Poland ; he could not 
 foresee that the queen was to shed her first tears simply because 
 she had too much confidence in the Due de Bourbon. 
 
 Principal Sources. National Archives, Carton K. 139, 140 ; Foreign 
 Affairs, France, 314 ; Bibl. Sainte-Genevieve, MS. 2197. 
 Journal Historique ou Fastes du rtgnc de Louis XV, Paris, 1766 ; Memoires 
 of Villars and Luynes ; Souvenirs du Comte de Tressan, Versailles, 1897 ; 
 Voltaire, Correspondence, Epitres ; Moufle d'Angerville, Vie privde de 
 Louis XV, 4 vols., London, 1781 ; Abbe Proyart, Vie de Marie Leckzinska, 
 1794 ; Paul de Raynal, Le Mariage d'un Roi, Paris, 1887 ; Marquise de 
 Reaulx, Le roi Stanislas et Marie Leczinska, Paris, 1895 ; P. Boye, Stanislas 
 Leszczynski et le troisi&me traiU de Vienne, Nancy, 1898 ; P. de Nolhac, 
 Louis XV et Marie Leczinska, Paris, 1902 ; H. Thirion, Madame de Prie, 
 Paris, 1905. 
 
 75
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 A PALACE REVOLUTION 
 1725-1726 
 
 Stanislas at Fontaincblcau. The honeymoon. Louis' character. 
 Intrigues of Madame de Prie. Interview between Monsieur 1«' 
 Due and the King. Departure of Fleury. Marshal de Villars' 
 advice to the Queen. Public complaints against the Ministry. 
 Dismissal of the Due de Bourbon. The King's dissimulation. 
 The Due exiled to Chantilly. The madness of " Orestes." 
 Illness of the King and Queen. Coldness of Louis. Cardinal 
 
 de Fleury. 
 
 ON the day after the wedding, to the great joy of the 
 Queen, her parents arrived to take up their residence, 
 not indeed at Saint-Germain, but at the Chateau de 
 Chambord. Stanislas spent three days with his daughter " in 
 raptures," then some weeks at Bourron until his new residence 
 should be furnished. 
 
 Louis and Marie spent the whole autumn at Fontaincblcau. 
 Their perfect harmony promised well for the future. The 
 The King was transformed ; he was high-spirited, 
 
 Honeymoon. a pleasant companion and lover. The Queen 
 found her husband comparing her to Blanche of Castillc. 
 When anyone wished him to admire a lady of the Couri, 
 Louis replied : " The Queen is still more beautiful ! ' But these 
 were merely the illusions and the words of a young husband ; 
 the King's enthusiasm was only an instinctive recognition 
 that he owed to Marie an existence to which he had hitherto 
 1h t ii a stranger, and the first emotions of a new life. 
 Louis' heart and mind were incapable of other and noblef 
 sentiments. It has often been said of Stanislas' daughter that 
 she did not know how to make use of her opportunities, and 
 that at her age she might have gained a complete influence over 
 the as yet unformed character of the young King. But she 
 76
 
 A PALACE REVOLUTION 
 
 believed she was doing what was right in submitting to the Due 
 de Bourbon, as if to the King himself. This attitude, which re- 
 commended itself to the ingenuousness of the young wife, was the 
 most fatal she could have adopted. Unfortunately, the percep- 
 tions of Stanislas were no clearer ; he thought that Monsieur 
 le Due's cajoleries were sincere, and had no suspicion of the 
 intrigues of which his daughter was to be the plaything. As 
 for Louis, would he ever have submitted to the influence of any 
 queen ? He was inconstant by nature, and his chief object was 
 to escape the ennui which was already beginning to poison his 
 most brilliant days. " Sire," said Marshal de Villars to him in 
 1735, " to see a King of France listless and bored at twenty-five 
 is unconscionable. . . . Besides, your affairs are in so good 
 a condition, that it will never be a trouble for your Majesty to 
 Character of attend to them. ..." Words such as these 
 Louis XV. had little effect on Louis. His lamentable 
 
 education had given him neither the taste for serious matters, 
 nor application, nor the energy which had made a great 
 King of Louis XIV. All his life he was idle, a great hunter, and 
 an equally great gambler. He made it his habit never to 
 interfere, and, according to Dufort de Cheverny, he spoke 
 of affairs of State as though some one else were at the head 
 of the kingdom. He displayed the same carelessness in his 
 private life, much to the Queen's distress. In reality it was 
 essential for him to be in bondage to some one, and owing to her 
 timidity and to bad advice, the dominion was not to be Marie's, 
 but that of a politician. Fleury, the King's tutor, in seeming 
 simplicity and modesty, awaited the time when he would be able 
 to profit by the remarkable ascendency he had gained over his 
 pupil. Marie made the unconscious blunder of attacking the 
 one person whom she should have propitiated ; she did not 
 realize his unostentatious but immense influence, and so, act- 
 ing at the instigation of the Prime Minister and Madame de 
 Prie, she displeased Fleury. Madame de Prie continually inter- 
 fered ; she took complete possession of the Queen, allowing her 
 neither to speak nor write to whom she would, and abused her 
 position as lady-in-waiting to enter the royal apartments at all 
 times. 
 
 When the Court returned to Versailles, there were prepara- 
 
 77
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 tions on loot for a revolution in the Palace which was to com- 
 promise Marie and bring the first clouds, never again to be 
 dispersed. 
 
 It will be remembered thatjllcnri de Bourbon was never 
 allowed to see Louis alone ; the Bishop of Frejus even made it 
 his custom on all occasions to enter the King's cabinet half an 
 hour before the Prime Minister. There he did what was called 
 his work, which consisted in the distribution of favours, both 
 great and small, such as commands in war and the like, while 
 Monsieur le Due could dispose of no favours, and saw them all 
 go to creatures of Fleury. 
 
 The baffled minister sought to rid himself of this constraint. 
 He made overtures to the Queen, who at first resisted, but after- 
 wards gave way on being informed that it was a question of 
 Slate secrets. He thought he had found an accomplice. One 
 Interview evening the Queen contrived an interview between 
 
 between the King and the Due de Bourbon in her presence : 
 
 the King the Due aired his complaints against Fleury, 
 
 and the Due criticizing both his character and his conduct. 
 The King was annoyed, although he said nothing, 
 but at last his anger broke out. 
 
 'Have I displeased your Majesty?" asked the Duke 
 naively. 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " Your Majesty no longer has a kindly feeling towards 
 me?" 
 
 " No." 
 
 " M. de Frejus alone has your Majesty's confidence ? ' 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 Thereupon the minister fell on his knees and burst into tears. 
 The Queen also wept, and Louis immediately retired to his apart- 
 ment in extreme displeasure. Fleury went to see his master 
 and found the apartments closed by order of Monsieur le Due. 
 On the next day he left the Court and retired to the Convent 
 of llif Sulpiciens at Issy. The following day he came back on 
 receiving a letter from the Due himself soliciting his return to 
 Versailles. The Prime Minister was charged with the perform- 
 ance <>f this humiliating task by the King, on the advice of 
 Monsieur de Ekfortemart, First Gentleman of the Bedchamber. 
 78
 
 A PALACE REVOLUTION 
 
 The Due was doomed, and Fleury only waited his time to 
 get rid of him. The Queen herself was not long in seeing how 
 great a mistake she had made. She tearfully complained to 
 the Marshal de Villars of the change she saw in her husband's 
 affection, attributing that change to the influence and jealousy 
 of the Bishop. The Marshal consoled her to the best of his 
 ability and made some remarks which are useful as revealing 
 the psychology of these incidents : "I believe, Madame, that 
 the King's heart is far removed from what is called love. He 
 has not the feelings towards you that he had ; but do not show 
 any signs of resentment. He must not perceive that you fear 
 the weakening of his affections, lest the many fair eyes which 
 continually ogle him make a desperate attempt to profit by the 
 change." The advice might have been couched in better 
 language, but the sense could not have been improved upon. 
 The Queen did not yet understand, however, and a few weeks 
 later in conversation with Fleury, she again defended those who 
 had been the cause of her trouble. 
 
 " What is your complaint against them ? " said Marie, " that 
 you insist so strongly on their removal ? " 
 
 " I have no personal feeling against them," replied Fleury, 
 " and if I oppose Monsieur le Due, it is because of the harm 
 tht Madame de Prie and Paris-Duverney do to the King." 
 
 " But how can I decide to send away these people, one of 
 whom, my private secretary, asks for judgment as to the accusa- 
 tions against him, the other, that strict inquiry should be made 
 into the wrongs attributed to her. I assure you that the dis- 
 grace of these people, who satisfy me, will cause me distress." 
 
 Marie went on to speak of the coldness of Louis, to which the 
 Bishop drily replied : " It is not my fault." 
 
 Meanwhile, the complaints against Henri de Bourbon 
 began to take definite shape. The town came to the help 
 Dissatisfaction of the Bishop. Public opinion played Fleury's 
 o£ the People, game and brought matters to a head. The 
 Bishop remained behind the scenes, keeping an outward 
 appearance of friendliness. His proverbial patience was 
 destined to assure his victory, and his long desired succession 
 to the position of prime minister, without the name, indeed, 
 but with all the power. 
 
 79
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Reforms were demanded, but never came. The people 
 desired the abolition of heavy taxes representing an annual 
 income to the King of a hundred and eighty million francs, and 
 the reorganization of the administration on more equitable 
 lines. There was need for a better distribution of the revenues 
 from the monopolies — for instance, the tobacco monopoly 
 that had been given over to the Compagnie des Indes — and 
 for new sources fo taxation less onerous to the exhausted 
 and impoverished nation. The King was silent, following, no 
 doubt, the advice of the Bishop of Frejus. He was affable to 
 Monsieur le Due, and seemed to have pardoned his errors. At 
 three o'clock on June 11, 1726, he left for Rambouillet with the 
 intention of hunting with the Comte dc Toulouse, which he was 
 fond of doing. Before he left he said to the Due dc Bourbon : 
 
 " Do not make me wait for supper." 
 
 Some hours later the Due de Charost, who had been let into 
 the secret the day before, asked to speak to Monsieur le Due, 
 Dismissal of anc * handed him a severely worded Icttrc de 
 the Due cachet : "I command you, on pain of punishment 
 
 de Bourbon. f or disobedience, to retire to Chantilly, and remain 
 there until further orders. Louis." 
 
 The Duke obeyed immediately, though complaining of the 
 harsh manner in which he had been treated. 
 
 The King's dissimulation was severely criticized; it was 
 said to be unlike the conduct of anyone of his age. and to 
 show " a mind at once feeble and petty " ; the influence of Fleury 
 was also plainly discernible. However, Louis never showed 
 frankness and courage in similar circumstances. His defenders 
 explain his invariable line of conduct by his timidity. 
 
 The triumph of the Bishop of Frejus was assured. The Queen 
 also had her lettre dc cachet, brought to her by Fleury himself : 
 "Madame," said the King, " do not be surprised at the orders 
 I have given. Pay attention to what Monsieur de Frejus will 
 tell you on my behalf, I pray you and I command you." After 
 this, a correspondence was established between the Bishop and 
 the Queen-; but though they have an appearance of affectionate 
 confidence, these letters prove that Marie was deluded, and that 
 she did not find an echo in him through whom she hoped to keep 
 the heart of the King. Fleury deeeived Stanislas also later on. 
 BO
 
 A PALACE REVOLUTION 
 
 Reading the exile's letters one might think that the Bishop was 
 really interested in his fate. 
 
 The ministers of State, Morville and Maurepas, received 
 similar orders. To celebrate his victory, Fleury confined Paris- 
 Duverney in the Bastille, sent away his three brothers, and 
 exiled Madame dc Prie to her castle of Courbepine in Normandy, 
 where she died a year later. He accepted the resignation of 
 Dodun, Marquis d'Herbault, the Controller-General, who was 
 succeeded by Desforts, and of Bre.teuil, whose successor was 
 Le Blanc, returned to favour. An order was at once drawn up 
 to revoke the Cinquantieme tax, and everyone smiled on Monsieur 
 le Due's enemies. The joy was extreme. The lieutenant of police 
 had to take the most rigorous precautions to prevent the people 
 of Paris from illuminating the town on the day of the departure 
 for Chantilly. 
 
 Henri de Bourbon distracted himself by hunting " in the 
 world's fairest residence," but he was " troubled by the natural 
 constraint felt by all who cannot go away, at any rate for any 
 distance." His mother paid him many visits, less to console 
 him than to reproach him continually for not having married 
 Mademoiselle de Sens to the King. Louis was ill in July : 
 Madame la Duchesse took occasion to ask that her son might 
 come to hear the bulletins. To her importunities the King 
 replied that he did not wish to be troubled. 
 
 ' But. Sire, you overwhelm me with the keenest grief ! 
 Would you drive my son and myself to despair ? Allow him 
 the consolation of seeing you, if it is only for a moment." 
 
 ' No ! " said the King, and he turned away to put an end to 
 the monologue. 
 
 The Due de Bourbon was restored to favour in 1727, on 
 his second marriage with Charlotte of Hesse-Rheinfels. He 
 died in 1740, leaving no record in history beyond that of his 
 deplorable administration. 
 
 A celebrated passage in Andromaque was parodied, in which 
 he was made to say : 
 
 Si j'ai reduit la France aux pleurs, a la misere ; 
 Si j'ai frappe Le Blanc d'une injuste colere, 
 C'est que je voulais etre un tyran accompli : 
 He bien, je suis content et mon sort est rempli . . . 
 
 F 81
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Mais quelle cpaisse nuit tout a coup m'environne ? 
 De Prie, ou etes vous ? D'ou vient que je frissonne ? 
 Quelle horreur me saisit ? grace au ciel j'entrevoi . . . 
 Dieu ! ce sont les Paris perdus autour de moi . . . 
 Viens, ma chere de Prie, a toi je m'abaudonnc . . . 
 Je te reserve encor mon cceur a dechirer, 
 Apres t'avoir donne l'Etat a devorer.* 
 
 The King's illness which had served as a pretext for Madame 
 la Duchesse to come to Versailles, was only indigestion. He 
 Illness of na d had "too many figs and walnuts and too 
 
 the King and much milk and other things,'' besides being over- 
 Queen, fatigued by hunting. The alarm was, however, 
 great, and upset the Queen to such an extent that she fell into 
 a fever. But according to a letter from Stanislas, there was 
 yet another cause for this illness : " You have heard of the 
 indisposition of the King and Queen. God be thanked it is over. i 
 . . . Their sympathetic feelings extend even to the cause of 
 their maladies, which is over-eating. They both had violent 
 indigestion, and the Queen especially, after eating a hundred 
 and eighty oysters, and drinking four glasses of beer. . . . 
 As you will realize, there is a charming touch in the assistance 
 they have lent one another during their indisposition. You 
 will be equally glad when I tell you that their confidence and 
 their tenderness have been strengthened. . . ." 
 
 Stanislas was always an optimist, and he was far from un- 
 derstanding that this confidence and this tenderness did not 
 exist. After the first four days, in which the small-pox was 
 feared, Louis went often to see the Queen, but his visits were 
 only for a few minutes, and Villars remarked that " the tender- 
 ness did not seem very great " on the King's side. When Marie 
 recovered, Louis spent three-quarters of an hour with his wile, 
 accompanied by the Bishop of Frejus. This mark of affection 
 did something to repair the pain caused by his coldness, even 
 
 * If I have reduced France to tears and misery, if in my unjust anger 
 I struck down Le Plane, it is because I wished to be a complete tyrant ; 
 ah ! well ! I am content, I have fulfilled my destiny. But what is this 
 dark night which now envelops met ])<■ Prie, where arc you? Why do 
 I hhiver ? What horror sci/<s mc ? Thanks to heaven I have a glimpse 
 of . . God ! It is Paris and the rest ruined all round me. . . . Come, 
 my dear de Prie, I abandon myself to you. ... I have kept my heart 
 for you to rend after having given you the State to devour. 
 82
 
 A PALACE REVOLUTION 
 
 though the presence of Fleury gave it an official air. The King 
 left for Fontainebleau without bidding the Queen good-bye ; 
 it was announced that he would return every Saturday until 
 Marie was well enough to rejoin him, but he did not in fact do 
 so. ' This was not all, for when the Queen arrived at Fontaine- 
 bleau at the end of the month, the huntsman in Louis was 
 stronger than the husband, and instead of going to greet his wife, 
 he went after his hounds. I The Queen could retain no illusion as 
 to his feelings, but her own love was constant. The courtiers 
 whispered ; for they saw that the young King was indifferent 
 and selfish. 
 
 Thus it was that Stanislas' daughter lost all at the fall of 
 Monsieur le Due ; the revolution in the Palace had turned 
 Honours for against its author and his innocent accomplice. 
 Fleury. Henri de Bourbon had arranged the marriage 
 
 in the belief that he could use it to the profit of himself and 
 Madame de Prie ; his only achievement was to ensure the 
 Queen's unhappiness, and her isolation between a husband 
 who was indifferent, and a minister who was absolute master 
 of the King and the destinies of France, and little troubled 
 by the moral tortures under which her heart bled. Having 
 thus become head of the Government, Fleury received from the 
 Pope the highest honour bestowed on prelates ; Cardinal 
 Gualteri's nephew brought him the Cardinal's hat from Rome 
 on November 5, 1726. Henceforth he had precedence of the 
 Dukes in the council," and he was " cousin " to all Christian 
 kings and princes. 
 
 Principal Sources. The same as in the last chapter with the addi- 
 tion of the Mdmoircs de J. N. Dufort, Comte de Cheverny, 2 vols., Paris, 
 1886. 
 
 83
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 1727-1737 
 
 The Cardinal's associates. I lis unostentatious life. Reconcilia- 
 tion with Spain. The Treaty of Seville. Don Carlos, Duke of 
 Parma. Death of Augustus II, Elector <>f Saxony and King of 
 
 Poland. The candidates for the throne of the Jagellons. English 
 influence. Stanislas, the protege* of France. Departure of 
 Leszczynskl for Poland. His election. Counter-election of 
 Augustus III. The "Forsaken*" of Danzig. Intervention of 
 the Comte de Plelo. Operations on the Rhine and in Italy. 
 Ridiculously inadequate support sent by Fleury to Stanislas. 
 Death of Plelo. Stanislas in Prussia. French victories. Don 
 (arlos, King of the Two Sicilies. Stanislas becomes Duke of 
 Lorraine. The Cascade of Marly. 
 
 CARDINAL DE FLEURY'S only desire was to govern 
 in peace , to effect stringent economics, and to avoid 
 war. On his advent to power he was seventy-two 
 years old ; but in spite of his age he was in excellent health, 
 The Cardinal anc ^ there was some analogy between his methods 
 and his of treating his own constitution and that of the 
 
 Collaborators. State. Voltaire was justified in saying that 
 Fleury considered France a strong and robust body which 
 would recover of its own accord. 
 
 The Bishop surrounded himself with associates, but he chose 
 men who would place liis own capacity in relief and strengthen 
 liis position. The best known was ( 'hauv< lin, who, in spite of 
 public opposition, was entrusted with two important posts in 
 four days, without having given any proof of his ability, lie 
 In faun Keeper of the Seals in 1727, and immediately undertook 
 I In functions of Secretary <>f Slate and Minister for Foreign 
 
 airs, in the place of Morville, who decided to retire at the 
 same time as his father, M. d'Armcnonville, Chauvclin's pre- 
 di ccssor. 
 84
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 Fleury was perfectly honest and never abused his high 
 position. He had not the ostentation of a Richelieu, though it 
 The simplicity is certain that he had not his talents either ; but 
 of his life. after the rule of Dubois, it is only fair to call 
 
 attention to the integrity of the Cardinal, if but for its novelty. 
 The Court and Paris did not treat him with respect, so extra- 
 ordinary did this spirit of economy seem. They mocked at his 
 simple life ; the Marquis d'Argenson ridiculed it : " One of 
 the most absurd spectacles is the prelate's petit-coucher. All 
 France, from the usual idlers to those who have business, is at 
 his door. His Eminence enters and passes into his cabinet, 
 then the doors are opened and you see the old priest take off 
 his small-clothes and carefully fold them ; an unostentatious 
 dressing-gown is handed him, and then his shift ; he takes 
 a long time combing his four white hairs, discourses, chats, 
 babbles, makes bad jokes interspersed with bland or common- 
 place remarks. The good man imagines that this is a consolation 
 for the poor folk who press to see him ; he cannot give them a 
 more propitious moment, without interfering with business." 
 
 Fault was also found with the niggardly fare of the Cardinal. 
 He was compelled to keep open table, but he only had " four 
 enormous entrees, a dish of roast and four entremets." Such 
 was his custom and he would not change it. When the guests 
 were too numerous, the dishes were passed round without the 
 least ceremony. On one occasion the Bishop of Rennes 
 (Vaureal), not finding enough to eat, said to his host : 
 
 " Ma foi, Monseigneur, however much you try your estate 
 will not equal that of Cardinal Mazarin." 
 
 The minister laughed, he considered probity and economy 
 the first of virtues ; a typical phrase he used when he had occa- 
 sion to defend his finance was : " Silver and gold do not drop 
 like leaves from the trees." 
 
 One of Fleury's first objects was to reconcile France and 
 Spain. Ever since the return of the Infanta, Philip and 
 Reconciliation Elizabeth had sulked ; they even formed an 
 with Spain. alliance with the Emperor, Charles VI, though as 
 Archduke he had claimed to succeed Charles II, and had 
 conducted the war in Catalonia against the combined Franco- 
 Spanish armies. 
 
 85
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 In 1724 a Congress had been opened at Cambrai, at which 
 the plenipotentiaries of the States who formed the Quadruple 
 
 Alliance attended, their object being to settle the complicated 
 
 interests of Spain. But while Marhmnita was on the way back 
 to Madrid, Philip recalled his representatives. After the disso- 
 lution of the Congress he gave secret instructions to Ripperda, 
 his minister at Vienna, to continue negotiations. As a result 
 four treaties were signed on April 30 and May 1, 1725, three of 
 them with the Emperor and one with the Empire. 
 
 The Germans agreed to recognize the hereditary rights of 
 the Infante Don Carlos to the Duchies of Parma, Placentia, 
 Don Carlos and Tuscany, in return for the renunciation by 
 Duke of Parma, the King of Spain of his claims to Naples and the 
 Two Sicilies. This settlement satisfied Elizabeth Farncsc, 
 whose whole skill was concentrated on dynastic claims in 
 favour of her sons, a business in which she displayed the 
 asperity and ill-humour of a virago, threatening and insulting 
 the French ambassadors as if they had been servants. 
 
 The remaining treaties confirmed the Quadruple Alliance, 
 guaranteed the Spanish succession as established at Utrecht, 
 recognized the Imperial Pragmatic Sanction, that is to say, 
 acknowledged the right of the Emperor's only daughter to 
 inherit the possessions and powers of her father ; assured 
 for Philip the good olliccs of Charles VI with the King of England 
 to secure the restoration of Gibraltar and Minorca ; regulated 
 the commerce between the two countries, according protection 
 to the Ostcnd Company and so oll'ending the English and Dutch ; 
 finally, in case of war, provided for mutual support between 
 the contracting parties. The hereditary enmity between 
 Hapsburg and Bourbon was forgotten. 
 
 So strange a political situation caused consternation in 
 Europe. On September 23, 1725, a reply was made by the 
 Treaty of Hanover between France, England and Prussia, to 
 which Sweden and Denmark, and later on Holland, adhere d. 
 Tin y were pledged to the maintenance of the Treaty of Utree-ht . 
 Hut Prussia soon detached herself from this league against 
 Vienna, and in company with Russia rangeel herself on the 
 side of the Emperor. The Powers who were ultimately to share 
 Poland were preparing for the future. During the whole of 
 86
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 the eighteenth century their policy was directed towards the 
 dismemberment of the northern republic. 
 
 Such was the position at the disgrace of Monsieur le Due. The 
 Cardinal saw that it was necessary to bring Philip V to a better 
 frame of mind. It was easy for him to disown all responsibility 
 for the Infanta's return, and having done this, he had recourse 
 to Father Bermudez, the Spanish King's confessor. He wrote 
 a letter on September 1, 1726, in which he insinuated that his 
 Catholic Majesty had renounced his family and his fatherland, 
 and was indifferent to all that was happening in the French 
 Court ; in his postscript he put aside all pretence and said : 
 " It is true that we have formed alliances which are suspected 
 by the Catholic King, but our allies are not our masters, and 
 God grant that it is the same with those of Spain. I trust that 
 you will forgive me for saying this." 
 
 A year later a reconciliation was with some difficulty effected; 
 \ it was brought about by the fall of Ripperda, the daring originator 
 Treaty of of the treaties of Vienna, by the Spanish reverse 
 
 Paris, 1727. before Gibraltar, and by Philip's precarious state 
 of health. These causes were quite as effective as Fleury's 
 skill. On May 31, 1727, the Treaty of Paris was signed. By 
 this the Emperor agreed to suspend the concessions given to 
 the Ostend Company for seven years, and to summon a fresh 
 congress with a view to a general peace. Alarmist reports 
 ceased, and the plenipotentiaries, meeting at Soissons, sealed 
 the compact between the two Bourbon branches as a pre- 
 liminary to the Treaty of Seville. The latter was signed on 
 November 9, 1729, and for the moment reconciled Spain with 
 the members of the Hanoverian alliance. By this treaty 
 Spain was authorized to station six thousand troops in Parma 
 and Tuscany to support the rights of the Infante Don Carlos 
 over the Italian Duchies. The last Farnese died on March 10, 
 1731, without issue, whereupon the son of Elizabeth became 
 Duke of Parma, and heir-presumptive of the Grand Duke of 
 Tuscany. Calm reigned in Europe until 1733. But on 
 February 1 of that year an event happened which created fresh 
 complications : Augustus II, Elector of Saxony and King 
 of Poland, died of a swelling in the thigh caused by blood 
 poisoning. 
 
 87 
 
 / .
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 His dcat h left the succession to the throne vacant . The new 
 king had to be elected by the Polish nobility assembled in the 
 
 Death of Diet. Among the candidates were the son of 
 
 Augustus II the late King, who was 1'avonred by Austria 
 of Poland. ant ] Russia, the young Emmanuel of Portugal, 
 
 the Prussian candidate, and the Queen's father, Stanislas 
 Leszczynski, who was supported by France, but without much 
 enthusiasm on the part of Fleury. However, the conclusion 
 of this struggle was to be fortunate for France, and after five 
 years of war and negotiations to give her a new province. 
 
 The Cardinal was able to compliment himself on having 
 brought a difficult task to a satisfactory conclusion, but tin 
 reconciliation with Spain was not particularly successful. 
 Fleury had too blind a confidence in the English minister, 
 Walpole, his great friend, who was paralyzing the commerce 
 and sea-power of France. 
 
 He was apprehensive lest the elevation of Stanislas should 
 give Marie a certain amount of influence and diminish his 
 English ministerial power ; while if France were to land 
 
 Influence. in Poland from the sea, and thus give the Queen's 
 
 father effective assistance, he was afraid of what Great Britain 
 might say in her jealousy for her maritime supremacy. 1 -- Fleury 
 secretly took the advice — one might almost say the orders — 
 of Walpole. Thus he was not only acting against the Polish 
 friends of Leszczynski, but also offending the many Frenchmen 
 who saw in the cause of Stanislas an object worthy of the 
 chivalrous traditions of the nation. 
 
 Louis himself intervened at the commencement. Having 
 no suspicion of the purposes of his late tutor he did his duty 
 without reservation. The French Ambassador at Warsaw was 
 t lie Marquis de Monti, who had no need of moral encouragement 
 as he had already made Stanislas' cause his own. The diplo- 
 matist was delighted to receive the promise of a million florins 
 to capture tin electors who had been depraved by the election 
 campaign of Augustus II, when money had been flung about in 
 handfuls. Monti was authorized to distribute Cardinals' hats, 
 offic* s, blue and red ribands, golden jewels, glittering bul in- 
 i xpensivc watches, caskets, flagons and patch boxes, te> the' most 
 loyal of the Polish nobles. Thus far the Cardinal approved. 
 88
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 Louis realized that his father-in-law ought to go to Poland 
 to conduct his electoral battle. "His stay at Chambord," he 
 wrote to Monti, " although possibly advisable for the moment, 
 yet allows discreditable doubts to arise as to the sincerity of the 
 measures I am taking for his restoration. ... I am aware of 
 the force of your arguments in requesting the presence of King 
 Stanislas. He will leave how and when you suggest. Every- 
 thing will be ready for his departure at a moment's notice. 
 Until then he will await your final instructions." 
 
 Stanislas set out, and monetary support flowed in. Fleury 
 gave him upwards of three million francs, hoping that this 
 sacrifice would keep off war ; for his desire for peace outweighed 
 his care for the coffers of the State. 
 
 The affair which was to end in tragedy began with comedy. 
 Leszczynski, attired in garment of pinchina, a coarse woollen 
 material, and wearing a black perruque, left Meudon on August 
 22, 1733. He reached the frontier in the utmost secrecy and 
 entered Germany, accompanied by the young d'Andlau, son of 
 his friend the Lieutenant of Alsace. One passed as a clerk, the 
 other as a merchant ; their passports were made out in the names 
 of George Bawer and Ernest Bramback. The two travellers 
 arrived at Warsaw on September 8. 
 
 Meanwhile, a squadron sailed from Brest towards the Baltic 
 Sea, carrying a French noble, the Comte de Thianges, who 
 vaguely resembled Stanislas. He was dressed in gala costume 
 and wore the cordon of the Holy Ghost in order to make his 
 appearance the more authentic : this stratagem was suggested 
 to Fleury by Walpole. 
 
 Received with enthusiasm, Leszczynski was elected King 
 on September 12 amid the acclamations of the electors on the 
 Stanislas ^ e ^ °f Wola, near Warsaw. His success was 
 
 elected King remarkable and induced Narbonne to say : 
 of Poland. "Posterity will find difficulty in believing that 
 
 a prince could come to Warsaw from four hundred leagues 
 away and be proclaimed King all in the course of a fortnight." 
 There was great delight at Versailles when a courier named 
 Barthel arrived post-haste with the news of the election after 
 having covered four hundred and twenty leagues in eight 
 days. He reached Versailles between eleven o'clock and mid- 
 89
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 night. The Keeper of the Seals was still at dinner, but the 
 
 Cardinal was resting, and the King had already retired. When 
 Louis opened the paeket and read the- missive, he threw himself 
 on the Queen's neck and she embraced him tenderly. 
 
 Their joy was not destined to last long. The son of Augustus 
 prepared for vengeance. He was assisted by the Russian army 
 which advanced to threaten Warsaw and was about to effect a 
 junction with the Saxon and Austrian forces. He gained some 
 adherents by distributing gold and buying the fickle electors 
 in his turn. Faced with this invasion of foreign troops and wit h 
 the desertion of the larger part of his friends, Stanislas fled to 
 Danzig, then a free town under the protection of the Polish 
 Republic, and firmly loyal to its suzerains. Here he found 
 hospitality and valiant defenders. 
 
 A new Diet annulled the former one and elected Augustus III 
 on October 25. History repeated itself and the son followed 
 Counter- h* s father's example, dethroning in his turn 
 
 election of the ephemeral King, the nominee of French 
 
 Augustus III. diplomacy, who was thus again driven from his 
 country by the Russians. 
 
 Stanislas would not acknowledge himself beaten. He had 
 faith in his star and knew the bravery and devotion of those 
 who had accompanied him, among them Monti and all the flowi t 
 of the purest Polish nobility, Poniatowski, the hero of the wars 
 of Charles XII, the Primate Theodore Potocki, Prince Fi< derick 
 Michael Czartoryski, Duke Ossolinski, andPrince George Sapieha. 
 He counted also on the support of France. Fleury decided on 
 war. The Emperor was to be attacked on the Rhine and in 
 Italy in conjunction with the Kings of Sardinia and Spain, but 
 practically nothing was done for him who was justly styled 
 " the forsaken of Danzig." 
 
 While the Russians under Lacy were pushing their way to 
 Warsaw, Stanislas' eyes were turned to the sea. His hop 
 were set on the promised French tint. But this fleet v 
 <l' layed at Copenhagen, and Thianges returned to France having 
 played his ridiculous part. "The Commander dc Thiang 
 who played the part of king on the flotilla," wrote Marais to 
 President Bouhicr, "has arrived in France and deserted the 
 sen.. I do not know where he has left the fleet."'' The French 
 90
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 Ambassador in Denmark, the Comte de Plelo, whose name 
 is famous, urged La Luzerne, who was in command of the 
 Intervention squadron, to sail for Danzig ; but that officer 
 of the Comte asserted that he had received secret orders not to 
 de Plelo. s tay more than a night off the town and then 
 
 to return with all speed ; he made an illusory concession, at 
 the instance of de Plelo, and left three of his ships in Danish 
 waters ; the Argonante, the Astree and the Mdduse. The 
 ambassador followed the dictates of his own enthusiasm, but 
 he had to make excuses for having done his duty ! "I have 
 taken it upon myself," he wrote to the King, "to retain the 
 vessels here for some days. ... I am apprehensive lest some 
 may think it extraordinary that the squadron has not by now 
 passed Copenhagen, and they may imagine that if it had 
 appeared off the coast of Poland, its presence alone would have 
 given great encouragement." 
 
 Plelo was severely reprimanded. Generous sentiments were 
 no longer appreciated at Versailles. The Cardinal contented 
 himself with writing dispatches, bearing the stamp of the Court, 
 full of fair words which led to nothing. He had been obliged 
 to declare war, and Stanislas' injuries had been the cause, but 
 he maintained an attitude of servility towards the maritime 
 Powers/and did not allow himself to be disturbed by the mis- 
 fortunes of the exiled King. He was far from appreciating, 
 like Marais, " the impulse of glory and the warm ties of kinship." 
 He would more readily have quoted : 
 
 mais que nous chaut que le Nord s'entrepille ? 
 
 Stanislas thus served as pretext for the operations of armies 
 on a scene far distant from Danzig. The French, under the 
 command of Marshal Berwick, conquered Kehl on October 28, 
 and in Italy entered Milan under Villars ; this was the latter's 
 last campaign ; he set forth, in spite of his eighty years, 
 like a true paladin, and the people remembering his former 
 exploits, cheered him all along the route. Marie Leszczynska 
 gave him a cockade, Elizabeth Farnese sent him another at 
 Lyons, and the Queen of Sardinia pinned a third on him at 
 Turin. He was able to say : My hat is decorated by a bevy 
 of queens, a happy opening to my venture for the three crowns." 
 
 91
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The ope rat ions could nol In decisive during the winter, and the 
 allies of France were chiefly Concerned with their own interests. 
 Charles Emmanuel paid little attention to the advice of Villars, 
 assured himself of the Milanese province on December '_".». and 
 made no effort to join the Spanish armies beyond the Mincio ; 
 Don Carlos, on his side, directed his troops towards Southern 
 Italy and marched on Naples. The two princes, who were united 
 by treaties, turned their backs on one another and each fought 
 for his own hand. Thus the way was clear for the Imperial 
 forces to fall back on Mantua and the passes of the lower 
 Tvrol. 
 
 The whole conduct of this campaign was strange, and it has 
 been described as 'a triumph of diplomatic fictions." The 
 Emperor was on the defensive on the Rhine and in Italy, but in 
 Belgium he was neutral. The King of Prussia did not interfere 
 in Poland, and he forbade the passage through his territory of 
 the Russian artillery which wished to attack Danzig ; mean- 
 while, on the Rhine, in his capacity as Prince of the Holy Roman 
 Empire, he furnished a contingent of six thousand men. 
 George II, as King of England, was also neutral, but as Elector 
 of Hanover he swelled the Imperial forces. Russia, nominally 
 at peace with France, aided Charles VI as auxiliary of Austria. 
 Voltaire called attention to the singularity of the situation, 
 saying to the Abbe de Sadc : " The fort of Kehl has been taken ; 
 the Alicante fleet is at Sicily; and while the wings of the 
 Imperial eagle are being clipped in Italy and Germany, King 
 Stanislas is being more than ever obstructed." 
 
 Leszczynski hoped that dc Plelo's advice would be followed, 
 and that thirty thousand men would be detached from the 
 Stanislas at army of the Rhine to come to his succour through 
 Danzig. Saxony, while the Saxon forces were massed in 
 
 Poland ; but the Cardinal would not listen to reason. The 
 Queen received discouraging letters from her lather: 'I 
 assure you," said he, "that unless the King occupies Saxony, 
 I shall be compelled to abandon my inheritance and seek 
 liit my old homestead, where I shall be your tenant. If, 
 as I am informed, by M. de La Roche (the Cardinal) and M. 1c 
 Chauve (Chauvelin), treaties and conventions make Hie invasion 
 of Saxony absolutely impossible, it would be better i<> end 
 92
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 the matter at once and peaceably than to incur useless expense 
 in further pursuing it ; for I see no other hope of its success." 
 Stanislas began to regret the adventure ; " You are to be 
 envied," he wrote to his wife, Catherine Opalinska, and his 
 daughter, " You are to be envied my dear ones, for being 
 together as you inform me, and for the dinner you have had 
 with mother. I believe I would be willing to fast on bread 
 and water for a whole year to be one of the party." 
 
 He could at least depend on the inhabitants of Danzig, who 
 remained faithful to the deposed king even after the coronation 
 of Augustus III in the Cathedral of Wavel at Cracow on January 
 17, 1734. But the eight hundred defenders of the gallant town 
 could do little against the bombardment which the Russians 
 had commenced. Ten thousand Polish supporters hoped to 
 concentrate in Danzig, but they were soon dispersed on the 
 frontiers of Pomerania. Help from France might still have 
 saved all, but Fleury's abandonment of Stanislas was obvious. 
 Plelo wrote to the Court unceasingly : " Send us a fleet as soon 
 as possible ; we have only ourselves to depend on. I should 
 wish above all that M. Duguay-Trouin should be in command. 
 His name alone is worth a squadron. Moreover, we must have 
 a spirited leader who does not immediately wish to be back 
 again at Brest. . . . Were all Germany and all Raly to be 
 taken from the Emperor it would not enhance our prestige so 
 much as the capture of the King of Poland and the fall of 
 Danzig would shame us and damage our reputation." 
 
 While promising a squadron, Fleury only sent one flotilla 
 without stores or ammunition. On their arrival in Denmark, 
 Fleury's the men had to be revictualled by the ambassador, 
 
 illusory who discovered that the soldiers were supplied 
 
 support. with but seven rounds a piece ! " Has such a 
 
 thing ever been seen as that only seven rounds should be 
 served out to men who were going to meet the enemy," he 
 wrote to Chauvelin ; "as for the flints, it is shameful that 
 anyone should dare to supply them." This was not all. The 
 flotilla, equipped as it was, arrived before Danzig on May 11 ; 
 three days later, during the night, the French rejoined their 
 ships and set sail for Copenhagen. La Motte, the commander, 
 had been frightened by the numbers of the enemy and the small- 
 
 93
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 ncss of his own force ; possibly also he did not take Jiis com- 
 mission seriously. Modern historians have some reason for 
 thinking that Fleury, after his custom, must have sent the office! 
 secret contradictory instructions. Whatever was the cause, 
 
 Stanislas was abandoned. " The King of Poland," said Monti, 
 
 " is plunged in the deepest grief. Consider what my own must 
 
 be ! The whole town is in tears ; the relief so long expected, 
 
 which did such honour to the King . . . has set out from 
 
 France, only to become the laughing-stock of Europe. . . . 
 
 The Vistula has never seen the French flags. They should never 
 
 have come if it was but to flee. Condole with me ! ' Plelo 
 
 also wrote to the King : " Never, Sire, never have your Majesty's 
 
 arms suffered so shameful a disgrace." 
 
 But the gloom was lightened by one of the fairest acts of 
 
 heroism in all French history. Plelo reasoned with the 
 
 ~ „ ,,>,,, fugitives, telling La Motte that he acted in the 
 Death of Plelo. b '.. £? ,. . . ., .. 
 
 name of the King, his master, whose authority 
 
 he represented. Three other ships were anchored at Copen- 
 hagen, and the fleet became almost the squadron that had 
 been desired. On May 20 the ambassador informed the 
 French Court of his decision; he took over the command 
 and himself led the sailors to battle. " You will only see 
 me again if I am victorious," he wrote to Louis, "or if we 
 survive it will only be in a manner worthy of true Frenchmen 
 and faithful subjects of your Majesty." Addressing ( hauvelin 
 he was more explicit : "The resolution I have taken is extra- 
 ordinary, but the event which causes it is still more so. . . . 
 The shame and infamy of what has happened can only be 
 effaced by a complete victory or by the blood of us all. . . ." 
 
 Lastly, he sent a letter to his wife, who knew nothing of his 
 projects : " I should be unworthy of the name of Frenchman 
 and of your love if I did not do my duty on this occasion. My 
 h< art is too full to say more. Love, duty, glory, what ills you 
 bring me ! All that there is to do, is to get our people to 
 Danzig . . . thence I shall rejoin you, never to leave you again 
 in this life." 
 
 Plelo arrived at Danzig on May 23. Shortly afterwards he 
 led an assault on the enemy's entrenchments. The little force 
 was compelled to retreat under a murderous fire from fifteen
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 thousand Muscovites. The dead body of the ambassador was 
 found covered with wounds at the entrance of the Russian 
 camp. 
 
 In the chapel of Saint-Bihi, near Saint-Brieuc, may be seen 
 a memorial inscription marking the spot where this noble heart 
 was laid : " Sparge lauris sepulchrum, viator, et benedic nomini 
 armorico. . . . Traveller, strew the tomb with laurels, and 
 praise the Breton name. ..." This prayer is heard ; no more 
 eloquent proof of the greatness of the sacrifice can be given 
 than the memory this gallant Breton has left. 
 
 Events moved rapidly. Stanislas in despair fled from the 
 besieged town and abandoned it to its bitter fate ; he left in 
 the disguise of a peasant, unarmed save for a thorn stick. After 
 braving countless dangers he succeeded in reaching Prussian 
 territory, and arrived at Marienwerder on July 3, on a muddy 
 cart which he drove himself. Danzig capitulated, after a terrible 
 siege lasting one hundred and thirty-five days, and the magis- 
 trates were compelled to recognize the election of Augustus III. 
 
 The Queen's father found refuge with Frederick William, 
 King of Prussia. He signed his official abdication at Koenigs- 
 Stanislas in berg, but the Cardinal hesitated to allow him 
 Prussia. to re-enter France. Stanislas' letters are full of 
 
 bitter feeling : " Let the ministers triumph," said he, " as they 
 will ; I will triumph in my turn when by divine assistance and 
 angelic patience I shall arise from my abyss. . . . But now 
 there is a new dagger in my heart, since you tell me of their 
 cruelty in wishing to prevent me from seeing you. I assure 
 you that they will not prove the stronger in this and I will not 
 yield. ..." He spoke the truth, for during the course of the 
 year (1736), he again saw his beloved Maruchna. 
 
 The campaigns continued on the Rhine and in Italy. Here, 
 however, neither troops, supplies, nor ammunition were wanting. 
 Berwick fell before Philippsburg, struck by a cannon ball ; 
 and Villars observed : " That man was always fortunate ! " 
 The Marshal envied his glorious fate ; he himself, completely 
 worn out, died in his bed a little later, on June 17, 1734, at 
 Turin, the town where he was born. 
 
 On June 29, 1734, Coigny won the battle of Parma, defeating 
 Mercy, the Imperial general, who was killed with eight thousand 
 
 95
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of his men. Maillebois captured Mockna, but the Prince of 
 
 Wurtemberg, Avho succeeded Mercy, avenged him by surprising 
 the Comte de Broglie in his tent at Quistcllo, a reverse which 
 was redeemed by the victory of Guastalla on September 19. 
 
 Don Carlos readied Naples in May. His general, the Duke 
 of Montcmar, distinguished himself at Bitonto, in Apulia, and 
 Don Carlos the Prince crossed over to Sicily, where he secured 
 King of the the recognition of the rule of the Spanish Bourbons. 
 Two Sicilies. The armies of Charles VI were everywhere 
 defeated ; the Emperor won a kingdom for Saxony, but he lost 
 two others and with them a great part of Italy. It was time 
 to think of peace. Flcury willingly listened to Charles' hints 
 and sent a secret agent to Vienna, Monsieur de la Baune, 
 a gentleman in ordinary of the King's Household. The pre- 
 liminaries were discussed at length. The Two Sicilies went 
 to Don Carlos ; Parma and Placentia were given back to 
 the House of Austria ; Milan fell to the lot of Charles Emmanuel. 
 Stanislas caused considerable embarrassment. Duke Francis 
 of Lorraine had just been betrothed to the Archduchess Maria 
 Theresa, eldest daughter and heiress of the Emperor, but France 
 could not allow the Duchy to become Austrian. This new diplo- 
 matic problem provided a means of settling everything. Lorraine 
 Stanislas Duke was to be given to Stanislas for life, and was 
 of Lorraine. afterwards to form part of France, and thus 
 become a retrospective dowry for the Queen, who, like Anne 
 of Brittany, would enrich France with a fair and powerful 
 province. In exchange Francis III was to have Tuscany, 
 where Giovanni, the last of the Medici, was about to die with- 
 out issue. The conditions were signed at Vienna on October 3, 
 1735, and after interminable conferences with reference to 
 the cession of Lorraine, they were ratified on November 18, 1738. 
 The delicate negotiations were carried through by Chauvelin, 
 but this did not restrain Flcury from sacrificing him to his own 
 English proclivities. 
 
 Stanislas was generously provided for ; he received an annual 
 pension of two million livrcs, but he had no right of taxation 
 iu Lorraine. That province became a source of considerable 
 wealth to the French Crown. Stanislas s<>]< iiinlv entered on 
 his rule in 1737. In the future he lived a quiet life of philan- 
 96
 
 THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 
 
 thropy and patronage, well endowed, but a king without a 
 kingdom, still dreaming at times of the Polish throne. He was 
 worn out by struggles for which he was not fitted, and he 
 found in his affection for Marie some consolation for his political 
 sorrows. Before everything he was a fond father ; his corre- 
 spondence gives charming proofs of his sentiments. This hero, 
 in spite of himself, lives for us as the prince who dearly loved 
 his Marie. 
 
 In his craving for economy the Cardinal had replaced the 
 magnificent cascade of Marly with grass banks, in order to save 
 a thousand crowns. One day he was discussing with the Queen 
 the events which had brought Leszczynski to his satisfactory 
 retreat : 
 
 'Believe me, madame," said he, "the throne of Lorraine 
 is better for the King, your father, than that of Poland." 
 
 6 Yes," replied the Queen, "just as a grass-plot is better 
 than a marble cascade." 
 
 Marie Leszczynska was not without wit, but it was her pleasure 
 to shun the society of courtiers. Consequently she is held to 
 have been a woman of no importance. It will be apparent later 
 on why she adopted a secondary role and was content to live 
 with a few intimate friends, who knew how much sad philosophy 
 and what resources the " good Queen " had within herself. 
 
 Principal Sources. Journal historique ou Fastes du regne de Louis 
 XV, 1 vol., Paris, 1764 ; Journal of Pierre Narbonne, 1 vol., Paris, 1866 ; 
 .Abbe Proyart. Vie de Marie Leckzinska. 1 vol.. . Pa ri-s T7ft4 ; Rathery, 
 Le Comte de PUlo, 1 vol., Paris, 1876 ; Farges, Recueil des Instructions 
 aux Ambassadeurs (Pologne), 2 vols., Paris, 1888 ; Boye, Stanislas Lesz- 
 czinski et le troisieme traite" de Vienne, 1 vol., Nancy, 1898. We are in- 
 debted to this work for a number of new documents which throw light on 
 the attitude of Fleury in the War of the Polish succession, and provide 
 information on the events in Warsaw and Danzig. Lacour-Gayet, La 
 Marine militaire de la France sous le regne de Louis XV, 1 vol., Paris, 1902. 
 
 G 97
 
 CHAPTER VIII 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 Ten births. Portraits of the daughters of Louis XV in the Music 
 de Versailles. The King's son-in-law. Madame Henriette and 
 the Due de Chartres. The exiles of FontevTault. Madame 
 Adelaide. Madame Victoire. Madame Sophie. The Carmelite 
 of Saint-Denis. The Dauphin and Dauphine. How the Queen 
 spent her days. Idle existence of Louis. The Society of Ram- 
 bouillet. The three sisters de Nesle. 
 
 BETWEEN 1727 and 1737 ten royal children were born. 
 First came twins in 1727, Louise-Elisabeth, the future 
 Duchess of Parma and the only daughter of Louis who 
 married, and Anne-Hcnriette ; then in 1728 a princess who 
 died young ; in 1729, to the great joy of all 
 France, the Dauphin was born. A second son, 
 the Due d'Anjou, came into the world in 1730 and only lived 
 three years. Further, there were Adelaide (1732), Victoire 
 (1788), Sophie (1784), Therese-Felicite (1736-1741), and last 
 of all, Louise-Marie (1737), Madame " derniere," who was 
 afterwards Sister Therese of Saint-Augustin, Prioress of the 
 Carmel of Saint-Denis. 
 
 These princesses may be seen in the Musee de Versailles, 
 in the rooms on the ground floor where they passed the greater 
 Portraits of the part of their lives; they are there in fitting 
 Princesses. surroundings, amid scenes on which their fail 
 
 glances still seem to rest. One might almost imagine they 
 were alive, so skilfully have the painters portrayed the beauty 
 and freshness of their young models. The two eldest are 
 painted by Belle as well-behaved children, looking dainty 
 in their hoods. Adelaide, in her fifteenth year, is shown by 
 Nattier in a costly rose-coloured dress, shot with white and 
 embroidered with stars, holding a shuttle. Put this portrait 
 unquestionably is surpassed in beauty by the portrait of Madame 
 98
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 Victoire, in which the artist has shown his full talent. Seldom 
 has he portrayed a smile with more exquisite simplicity, or a face 
 with more radiance and expression. There is unconscious grace 
 in the carriage of her head, a head of amber tints, with large soft 
 eyes, and crowned by a wealth of black hair. A dress of silver 
 and a yellow scarf which the breeze flutters lightly, complete 
 the mellow harmony of this fine portrait. Nattier gives us 
 less happy pictures of Mesdames Sophie and Louise ; in these 
 more artifice was required. 
 
 The princesses in life sometimes resembled their portraits 
 and had that smile on their lips, but it was not there always. 
 They spent many monotonous days at Versailles, at Fontaine- 
 bleau, at Choisy, or at Compiegne. These costly changes of 
 residence were their only distractions ; everywhere they were 
 on parade and dressed for ceremony, whether at the King's 
 daily mass, at their dinner, at the taking off of their father's 
 boots, or at their mother's receptions. On one occasion a maid- 
 of-honour complained to Madame Adelaide that she was dressed 
 and undressed four times a day, and did not get a quarter of 
 an hour to herself. 
 
 " Madame," replied Louis' daughter, " you are free to have 
 a week's rest ; but I have to do it all the year through, so you 
 must allow me to keep my pity for myself." 
 
 It is the business of painters — for painters of royalty it 
 is their reason for existence — to show us the flattering side 
 of this endless display and finery ; but it is impossible to 
 forget the sadness that is hidden beneath the furbelows. It 
 is pleasant to believe in their deceitful outward appearance, 
 so attractive are the smiling and serene faces of the young girls. 
 Yet it is probable that the princesses have more consideration 
 in the Chateau of Versailles to-day than they had at the Court 
 of their father. Their biography is but a few lines and the 
 springtime of their lives was dreary ; and for this Louis must 
 be blamed. He really had an affection for his daughters, but 
 he gave them no effective proof of it either by precept or 
 example. 
 
 The eldest princess married in 1739 at the age of twelve ; 
 she went to Spain as the bride of the Infante Don Philip, son 
 of Philip V and Elizabeth Farnese ; her departure was a great 
 
 99
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 grit f to the whole royal family, though it was a valuable political 
 gage of the good relations between the two crowns. 
 
 Louise-Elisabeth's marriage could not have been less 
 satisfactory ; Don Philip was the least intelligent man in 
 The King's Spain ; he was kept in leading strings by his 
 Son-in-law. mother and had neither initiative nor will of his 
 own. The unhappy son-in-law of Louis XV had at least the 
 good fortune of possessing an ambitious mother, and a wife 
 who was jealous of his dynastic interests, and to them he 
 owed the Duchy of Parma in 1748. Louise-Elisabeth led 
 a feverish existence ; she filled the world with her schemes, 
 moved heaven and earth to gain her ends, went from Madrid 
 to Versailles, from Versailles to Parma, and returned time 
 and again to her father's Court, wearing herself out with 
 fatigue and disappointed hopes. She wanted something 
 better for her husband and her descendants than this 
 " hole " of a Parma, as she called her domain. She dreamed 
 of reigning in Milan, Corsica, Poland, the Netherlands, the 
 Two Sicilies, and even in Spain itself. She had fresh hopes 
 every day, only to be dissipated by circumstances over which 
 she had no control ; yet her illusions survived through all. 
 If she could win nothing for herself, she believed she would 
 ensure glorious reigns for her son Ferdinand and her daughters ; 
 one of whom became Archduchess of Austria, the other Queen 
 of Spain. She could not foresee the calamities which from one 
 generation to another would destroy the royal fortunes. She 
 could in all sincerity declare that her duty was her first love, 
 and she performed her duty as a princess with unusual energy, 
 ]>< rhaps better than her duty as a mother. Also, throughout 
 she remained French at heart. 
 
 It is possible that Louise-Elisabeth's example discouraged 
 Louis, and that the hard struggli s of the eldest condemned 
 Madame ner ^ 1VC s^crs to celibacy ; but it is also true thai 
 
 Henriette and the King was indifferent ; his family caused him 
 the Due little anxiety. Did he not leave them a kingdom, 
 
 de Chartres. a treasure, and wealth that were unassailable? 
 For a while he seemed to favour the marriage of the Due de 
 Chartrt . grandson of the Regent, with Madame Henriette. 
 The young prince was much in love, but one day, when he 
 100
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 was hunting in the King's company, he thought he had found 
 a favourable moment while their horses were side by side, to 
 make his request to the King : " Sire, I have a great hope. 
 Your Majesty has not rebuked my father for it. . . . I would 
 further the happiness of Madame Henriette, for she would stay 
 in France with Your Majesty. May I still hope ? " Louis leaned 
 towards the young prince and sadly pressed his hand twice. 
 It meant a refusal. Was Henriette a victim of the Cardinal's 
 policy as a sworn enemy of the House of Orleans ? The 
 Marquis d'Argenson is perhaps a little too certain on this point. 
 Anyhow, the unhappy princess died in 1752, some say of grief, 
 others, with more probability, of a malignant fever which 
 she obstinately refused to have nursed. A phrase of her 
 sister Louise sums up this sweet creature, so sensitive and 
 affectionate, who was cut off in the flower of her age : " Why 
 did they not leave me at Fontevrault ? I should never have 
 known Henriette ! " 
 
 Fontevrault was an abbey, celebrated in the Middle Ages 
 as the sepulchre of the Kings of England. It was eighty 
 The Exiles at leagues from Versailles on the borders of Maine 
 Fontevrault. and Poitou. Four of Louis' daughters were 
 sent there in 1738. The idea of banishing them was Fleury's ; 
 in his passion for economy he asserted that the princesses 
 ' ' encumbered the Chateau of Versailles and caused expense." 
 Five were to have been exiled, but Adelaide presented herself to 
 her father on his return from mass ; she kissed his hand, threw 
 herself at his feet and began to weep. The King was touched 
 by the scene — " he wept a little and the Court did the same." 
 Adelaide remained. But Victoire, Sophie, Therese-Felicite 
 (who died there) and Louise, who was not a year old, went to 
 the abbey. 
 
 There was no one to protect these innocents ; they did not 
 know how to speak or command like their elder sister, whose 
 imperious and masterful nature soon showed itself. Ad61aide 
 had high ideas of the prerogatives of her rank. On one occasion 
 one of her chaplains had the misfortune to pronounce the 
 Dominus vobiscum with too little solemnity, and she roundly 
 rated him after the service, reminding him that he was not a 
 bishop and had no right to act as one. 
 
 101
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Her beauty quickly faded; she acquired a masculine 
 appearance which was not unsuited to her baritone voice. She 
 Madame had an overwhelming desire to learn everything. 
 
 Adelaide. She wished to play every musical instrument, 
 
 from the horn to the Jew's-harp. She learnt Italian, English, 
 the higher mathematics, and watchmaking, without acquiring 
 B very deep knowledge of any of them. All this we learn from 
 the Due dc Luynes and Madame Campan. She endeavoured 
 to interfere in State all airs, but had no influence and could 
 scarcely have had any with a father who said of an unpopular 
 minister : "It is better that he should fall, since there is none 
 but myself to support him." 
 
 Madame Adelaide became soured in her old age, and as 
 aunt of Louis XVI, she was difficult to please. With her 
 sister Victoire she survived to the Revolution, and they both 
 died in exile and poverty at Trieste, one in 1799, the other in 
 1800. 
 
 Thanks to her youthful energy, Ad61aide escaped the 
 convent, while the seclusion of Fontevrault lasted ten years 
 in the case of Madame Victoire, and twelve years in that of 
 Mesdames Sophie and Louise. What did these young girls 
 learn in their distant monastery under the guidance of the 
 Most High and Puissant Dame Claire-Louise de Montmorin 
 dc Saint -Herein ? Madame Campan relates that Madame 
 Louise did not yet know all her letters when she returned to 
 V< rsailles. This is an exaggeration, for an autograph of the 
 future Carmelite exists dated 1746. 
 
 It was no longer a time when king's daughters had 
 philosophers and men of learning for their tutors, when, like 
 Elizabeth of England they understood the classical tongues, 
 and like Marguerite de Valois, sister of Charles IX, could 
 answer the speeches of ambassadors in Latin. 
 
 Fontevrauh did not change Madame Victoire. She was 
 
 always essentially a princess and essentially melancholy. She 
 Madame loved good living— the princesses' fare was 
 
 Victoire. marked by great simplicity she also [ov< d ease. 
 
 She was asked if she would retire into some Carmelite house [ike 
 Louise, and her reply was pleasing: "Here is an armchair 
 which corrupts me ! " So saying, she stretched herself with 
 102
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 enjoyment in a cosy bergere. She was a complete nonentity. 
 The same may be said of Sophie, whose virtues and absurdities 
 Madame Campan records. Sophie always seemed to have 
 fallen from the clouds ; she remained for months without 
 opening her mouth, and she was never seen full face. Victoire 
 and Sophie were the antithesis of Adelaide. They passively 
 submitted to her tyranny. 
 
 Louise on the other hand revolted, and would not let herself 
 be managed ; she sought refuge at Saint -Denis, and quickly 
 Madame made an independent position for herself. Thus 
 
 Louise. she had influence at court and profited by it to 
 
 help the Church. She possessed wit and gaiety : the ordinary 
 dower of nuns who entered the Carmelite Houses was six thou- 
 sand livres ; Madame Louise doubled the amount and said to 
 the Prioress : "I am giving you twelve thousand livres, six 
 for myself and six for my hump." She is known to have had 
 spinal curvature. Until her father's death she obtained 
 numerous favours, but after the accession of Louis XVI, the 
 Court grew tired of her ceaseless demands. " Here is another 
 letter from Louise," Marie- Antoinette would often say to 
 Madame Campan : " she is the most intriguing little Carmelite in 
 the kingdom." " This severe phrase," says a historian, " has the 
 durability and austerity of an antique bronze medal." On that 
 day, Marie -Antoinette forgot the emotion she had experienced 
 in September 1770, on her aunt's taking the veil, when she 
 handed her the scapulary, the mantle and the nun's veil all 
 bedewed with tears. She forgot the impressive ceremony 
 when the princess, before donning the mantle of Sainte-Therese, 
 appeared before her household in all the splendours of an 
 apotheosis, covered with pearls and diamonds, whose fires 
 surrounded her with a sort of luminous mist — " truly a king's 
 daughter in her court robe threaded with silver and sprinkled 
 with golden flowers." * 
 
 In her youth Madame Louise had loved the pleasures of the 
 chase passionately and on her death-bed her thoughts went 
 back to her existence at court. Her last words were : " To 
 paradise, quick, quick, gallop ! " She thought she was giving 
 orders to her equerry. 
 
 * Jules Soury. 
 
 103
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Louis >;iw his daughters for :i few minutes practically every 
 day : to love them was a kind of duty in the King's eyes, and 
 The King with he acquitted himself of the duty conscientiously, 
 his Dauphters. but he never thought of treating them as more 
 than pretty dolls. Between the princesses and their mother 
 there was always a certain coldness, due, no doubt, to the 
 isolation in which Marie Leszczynska was left, and to etiquette 
 which the Queen could not break as easily as the King. That 
 Louis' familiarity was a little disconcerting, is shown by the 
 nicknames he gave the princesses : Adelaide was called Torche ; 
 Victoire. who was inclined to be plump. Cache ; Sophie, GraiUe 
 (a kind of crow), and Louise, Chiffe. This was the fashion of 
 the age. We do not find in the eighteenth century only the 
 pleasing elegance which has come down to us in the pictures 
 of Boucher, in the scented verses of the minor poets and the 
 exquisite chamber decorations. In the letters of the Duchess 
 of Parma, for instance, there are crude expressions and remarks 
 worthy of a trooper. We may have lost the artistic sense of 
 those times, but our language at least is more correct. 
 
 The King used often to descend to Madame Adelaide's 
 chamber by a private staircase ; he brought down coffee made 
 with his own hands and took it with her— he was fond also of 
 cooking dishes he had prepared, and on days of high festival he 
 used to go and inspect the head cooks and supervise t he roast. As 
 soon :i s the King arrived, Madame Adelaide pulled the bell to 
 inform Madame Victoire, who, as she rose to go to her sister 
 rang for Madame Sophie, while she in her turn rang for Madame 
 houisc. The latter lived in the most remote room, and being 
 mall of stature she could not take long steps; she had to 
 run as fast as she could and then only arrived in time to cm- 
 brace her father as he left for the chase. At six o'clock in the 
 evening, the debotte* was held, and the princesses publicly 
 
 Visited their father. "Each princess,'* says Madame de 
 Campan, their reader, "put on an enormous hoop which sup- 
 ported a petticoat trimmed with gold or embroidery; they 
 fastened a long train round their waists, and hid the nigligi 
 of the n st of their dress with a large cloak of black taffeta 
 which covered them up to the chin. The gentlemen of the 
 
 * The removal of the boots. 
 104
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 Court, ladies-in-waiting, pages, equerries and ushers attended 
 them to the King's presence with large torches. Instantly the 
 whole palace, usually quite deserted, was in motion. The 
 King kissed each princess on the forehead, and the visit was so 
 short that the reading, interrupted by it was often resumed 
 after a quarter of an hour's interval. Mesdames retired to 
 their apartments, undid the ribbons of their petticoats and 
 trains, and again took up their tapestry, and I my reading. . . ." 
 
 It was with their brother, the Dauphin, that Mesdames 
 really experienced family life. That Prince was twice married, 
 The Dauphin's first of all to Marie-Therese-Raphaelle, Infanta 
 Family Circle, of Spain, who left him a widower in 1746, and 
 later to Marie-Josephe of Saxony, daughter of Stanislas Lesz- 
 czynski's rival, Augustus III, King of Poland and Elector of 
 Saxony. 
 
 Marie-Raphaelle did not live long enough for any judgment 
 to be formed about her. Marie-Josephe was a high-minded 
 woman, well educated and loving beautiful things. She soon 
 made a position for herself at Versailles. She had some difficulty 
 in winning the Dauphin's affections, but thanks to Madame 
 Henriette, who loved and supported her, she came to know the 
 joys of wedded life. She was morally strong and a sincere 
 Christian, and won universal esteem. The King had a remark- 
 able affection for her. She had the merit, rare in those days, of 
 looking after her children like a simple bourgeoise, and that 
 even before Rousseau had made maternal care the fashion ; 
 yet withal she was a princess, and jealous of the prerogatives 
 attached to her title. 
 
 The Dauphin was kept in the background by his father. In 
 spite of his distinguished conduct at Fontenoy, he was denied 
 a career in the army, and was given no share in affairs of State. 
 His chief pleasure was to find a quiet corner where he might 
 indulge his taste for study. There, with a considerate and 
 obedient wife, he consoled himself for events which distressed 
 him, in which he was compelled to take part, but which he 
 could not remedy. In this little circle Mesdames also found 
 the inestimable pleasure of intimacy between brother and 
 sister. There they enjoyed an innocent gaiety always in the 
 best taste. 
 
 105
 
 TTIK EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 During his lifetime the Dauphin was not understood ; he 
 was thought to be an overgrown boy, apathetic and indifferent. 
 
 The Dauphin's He was wry like the Queen, as is shown by their 
 Character. two pictures by La Tour in the Louvre. Like 
 
 Marie, he had wit and a sense of humour ; like her he was also 
 reserved. His conversation was coherent, well-informed, and 
 agreeable ; no one could have shown more tact than he did when 
 giving audiences to ambassadors. He was a considerable 
 judge of character and could express himself concisely. On 
 liis death in 176 1, the clergy and philosophers, among them 
 Voltaire and Diderot, praised his great qualities. All parties 
 of the public sincerely mourned him. It had been hoped that 
 this prince, who possessed all the virtues of a man, would have 
 also had those of a king. The writings he has left testify 
 to his profound piety ; they contain a series of maxims 
 on laws, administration, and the interests of the State, 
 which display sentiments of justice, humanity, and love for 
 the people. 
 
 On one occasion he was leaning over the great balcony of 
 the ChjUeau de Bellevue with his eyes fixed on Paris, when one 
 of his friends approached him and said : " Monsieur le Dauphin 
 seems pensive." " I was thinking," he replied, " of the pleasure 
 a sovereign must feci in causing the happiness of so many 
 people." 
 
 The Dauphin would doubtless have shown more energy on 
 the throne than did his son Louis XVI, but he could only have 
 delayed the relentless march of events. 
 
 The Queen, like the Dauphin, was isolated, but her life was 
 active and her days fully occupied. She was often alone but 
 The Life of "she always made good use of her time." Her 
 the Queen. mornings were passed in prayers and serious 
 
 reading ; then, after a short visit to the King, there came 
 recreations, among others painting. The good Queen had 
 ii' vet had a master and she was not highly gifted ; her pictures 
 as seen at Trianon and at the Carmcl de Send, have been re- 
 touched by some obliging artist. She :ilso loved music; she 
 played the guitar, the \i<>l and the harpsichord, and was the 
 first to laugh at her own false notes. At hall-past twelve she 
 made her toilet, which was followed by the daily mass and 
 10G
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 the dinner, at which twelve ladies-in-waiting attended. After 
 dinner she retired to her private apartments and was no longer 
 Queen, but an " ordinary mortal." She did her embroidery, 
 and spoke of her morning's reading, which malicious tongues 
 said she did not always understand. About six o'clock the 
 Court assembled in her apartments, though the attendance 
 was not large ; afterwards every one tried to escape the eternal 
 game of cavagnole at the Duchesse de Luynes', one of the 
 ladies-in-waiting, where Marie Leszczynska spent her evenings 
 and supped. The Dauphin and Dauphine and Mesdames were 
 bound to attend, but in addition there were only the Queen's 
 intimates, President Henault, Moncrif, all the dowagers, some 
 old gentlemen and some officers of the Gardes, like the Marquis 
 de Razilly, a famous piquet-player. Etiquette was banished 
 from this rather monotonous society. The conversation often 
 flagged, for all ordinary subjects such as intrigues and politics 
 were interdicted. The Queen allowed people to argue with 
 her. Sometimes she was even given a lesson, as the following 
 anecdote related by the Comte de Cheverny will show. 
 
 A certain Monsieur de Flamarens, Grand Master of the 
 wolf-hounds, was celebrated for his table accomplishments. 
 The Queen's He wagered that he could eat a rabbit after a 
 Appetite. large dinner, and won. His achievement was 
 
 often spoken of, and, at one of her suppers, the Queen who 
 herself ate with " a well sustained appetite," asked the man of 
 the moment, without any notion of giving offence : 
 
 " Monsieur de Flamarens, is it true that at Monsieur 
 d'Ardore's (the ambassador of the Two Sicilies) you ate a 
 rabbit in two mouthfuls ? " / 
 
 " Yes, Madame." 
 
 " Then you always have a good appetite, and it is well 
 maintained ? " 
 
 " Yes, Madame, and I always pray that Your Majesty may 
 be equally blessed ; I know perfectly well that Your Majesty 
 has this morning eaten so and so." He went on to enumerate 
 all that he had seen the Queen eat. Whereupon she was annoyed 
 and left the table saying : 
 
 " It serves me right, but I will never speak to him 
 again." 
 
 107
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The King lived an idle life. His chief occupations were 
 hunting and trifling — habits which were encouraged by Cardinal 
 The King's lie Fleury, who only consulted him for form's 
 idle Life. sake. His chief care was to avoid being bored, 
 
 and. such being his attitude, he was easily gulled by his court iers. 
 A\ ith the Queen he was cold and indifferent, even in the early 
 years of their union. Marshal dc Villars in his memoirs, notes 
 a characteristic scene in September 1727 : ' The King supped 
 with the Queen ; there were very few present, and as he was 
 about to depart for Fontaineblcau the next morning, it was 
 whispered that it would be better to leave them alone and 
 every one quitted the room ; but an instant later the King 
 opened the door." Everything proved that the Queen loved 
 him, but was not loved in return. 
 
 Louis attended the councils, but if he were indisposed to 
 the slightest extent they were suspended ; hunting, and in 
 winter sledge races, and excessive meals at the Menagerie 
 followed by balls far into the night, often injured the royal 
 health. These diversions marked a new stage in the King's 
 existence. People began to suggest that some bold woman 
 might easily gain an influence over the young idler. There were 
 ambitious persons endeavouring to be the first in the field and 
 waiting for the right moment ; they encouraged the King's 
 intimates to lay traps for him. There were two factions ; the 
 Chantilly faction headed by Monsieur le Due and his mother, 
 which had but little influence, and the Rambouillet faction, in 
 which Sophie de Noailles, Comtesse de Toulouse, was most 
 prominent. 
 
 Louis delighted to go to Rambouillet to find relaxation from 
 state. The society there was gay ; he felt himself free and 
 showed himself a good conversationalist. The 
 Comte dc Toulouse was a kind of great-uncle of 
 the King. Between the interludes, small groups were formed, 
 in which Louis, the owners of the Chateau and .Mile, de Charolais, 
 a sister of Monsieur le Due who had quarrelled with him, took 
 part. At these meetings many favours wen; granted ; in 
 particular, the Comte de Toulouse's son, the Due de IVntliievrc, 
 
 ured the reversion to the ollie. s and powers of his father. 
 At Rambouillet the idea originated of introducing the King to 
 108
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 the Comtesse de Mailly, nee Mailly-Nesle, one of the Queen's 
 ladies-in-waiting. This lady was discreet and at Versailles had 
 the air of a penitent. There is some reason for comparing her with 
 Mile, de la Valliere. She was devotedly attached to the King. 
 
 Later on, her sister Madame de Vintimille was preferred to her, 
 and she suffered greatly. However, when Madame de Vintimille 
 The de Nesle died in 1741, she displayed great self-abnegation 
 Sisters. and returned to the King to console him. But 
 
 the King was overwhelmed by the event, and his grief could 
 not be assuaged. His religious fervour was awakened under 
 the influence of this emotion, the first real emotion of his life, 
 for when he lost his parents and his grandfather he was too 
 young to know what had happened. He returned to the 
 spiritual observances which he had abandoned, and now and 
 then he was heard to express regrets inspired by the purest 
 Christian sentiment. Such moods were rare with him. 
 
 Madame de Vintimille bore no resemblance to her sister ; she 
 was arrogant, bold, inquisitive, vindictive, fond of power and 
 of inspiring fear, with few friends and little to attract them. 
 Her whole thought was for her own interests, her only aim was 
 to make the best use of the King's favour, and she would have 
 succeeded if she had had the time. She was " a dangerous 
 favourite." Occasionally her intentions were good ; she en- 
 deavoured to make a soldier of Louis by inducing him to 
 accompany the army. She was hated by the people of Ver- 
 sailles, who were delighted at the news of her death ; they 
 called her " an infamous beast." Insulting gibes were hurled 
 after her funeral cortege by the mob. 
 
 Another sister of Madame de Mailly was also presented at 
 Court. Her name was Marie-Anne, and she was the widow 
 of the Marquis de la Tournelle. Louis created her Duchesse 
 de Chateauroux, just as Antoinette Poisson, wife of Monsieur 
 le Normand d'Etiolles was created Marquise de Pompadour. 
 Nattier painted Madame de la Tournelle as a victorious Aurora 
 floating on a cloud. This portrait is in the Museum at Marseilles ; 
 it was the artist's first success. It is a remarkable psycho- 
 logical study showing, in all her disquieting beauty, her of 
 whom it was said : " Her large blue eyes gave bewitching 
 glances, and all her movements showed infinite grace." 
 
 109
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The Duchesse de Chateauroux possessed a natural wit, and 
 
 though she was quite ignorant, she charmed by the spontaneity 
 Mme. de of her conversation. All Madame de Mailly had 
 
 Chateauroux. asked had been a little alVection ; Madame de 
 Vintimille died before she had obtained all she coveted ; the 
 future Duchesse, in the words of a chronicler, " made good terms 
 for herself." She asked for the dismissal of her elder sister, 
 and demanded titles and distinctions such as had only once been 
 accorded in the reign of Louis XIV. The King granted all her 
 desires, and her influence became so great that it was feared 
 she would rule as absolute mistress. The Cardinal tried to 
 check this intrigue, but failed. There was a complete revolu- 
 tion at Versailles. Louis did not like governing ; he never 
 entered into discussions, but merely gave his decision. But 
 Madame de la Tournelle busied herself with all that happened 
 both in France and abroad. 
 
 " She does not interfere in personal matters," said Louis to 
 Madame de Brancas ; "that would not be worthy of her, but 
 she never ceases talking to me of ministers, the Parlemcnt, and 
 peace ; which makes me wretched. I have often told her she 
 will kill me Do you know what she replies ? ' 'So much 
 the better, Sire, a King must be brought to life again and I will 
 revive you." 
 
 " I do not understand it," he said. He understood nothing 
 about it, but he was involved in spite of himself. To do her 
 justice, Madame de Chateauroux supported by Noailles and 
 Richelieu, had an excellent influence over Louis. More Fortunate 
 than Madame de Vintimille, she induced the monarch to share 
 the campaign in Flanders. 
 
 The King's conduct had immediate consequences. His ruinous 
 expenditure burdened the Treasury, and the State fell into 
 the hands of the favourites. From that moment the monarchy 
 was lost ; a vast ground swell was driving it like a disabled 
 v< ssi 1 against the rocks. But for the present the sky was 
 < I ar ; neither King nor people saw any threatening signs 
 on the horizon. When Louis escaped from death at Metz he 
 was called Louis the W cll-bclovcd, so powerful still were tin 
 monarchic traditions which had brought about the unification 
 1. 1' tin country. 
 
 110
 
 THE ROYAL FAMILY 
 
 PKiNcirAL SouncES. Memoir es de la Duchesse de Brancas sur Louis 
 XV et Madame de Chdteauroux, Louis Lacour, Paris, 1865 ; Mimoires 
 of Madame Campan, 3 vols., Paris, 1823 ; Abbe Proyart, Vie de Madame 
 Louise de France, Brussels, 1793 ; Engerand, Inventaire des tableaux com- 
 mandos et achetds par la Direction des bdtiments du Roi (1709-1792), Paris, 
 1901 ; H. Bonhorame, Louis XV et sa famille, Paris, 1873 ; Jules Soury, 
 Portraits de femmes, Paris, 1875 ; P. de Nolhac, Louis XV et Marie 
 Leczinska, Paris, 1902. 
 
 Ill
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 " FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING " 
 1740-1743 
 
 Death of the Emperor Charles VI. The candidates for the Im- 
 perial throne. Plans of Frederick II. Louis supports (harks 
 Albert, Elector of Bavaria. The war party. TheComtede Belle- 
 Isle. His designs. The Emperor's cleet ion. Erederie victorious 
 in Silesia. Treaty of Nyniphenhurg. Two French armies cross 
 (he Rhine. Surprise of Prague. A letter of Maurice de Saxe. 
 Charles Alhert, King of Bohemia. Defection of Erederie II. 
 Voltaire congratulates the King of Prussia. Abandonment of 
 Prague. Death of Cardinal de Eleury. Religious and parlia- 
 mentary affairs. The Jansenists and the party of Paris the 
 deacon. Portrait of Eleury by Voltaire. 
 
 ON October 20, 1740, the Emperor Charles VI, the last 
 male descendant of Charles V, departed this life 
 at Vienna. He left behind him a depleted treasury 
 and an army weakened by the war of the Polish Succession. 
 Death of the The Pragmatic Sanction, his edict giving his 
 Emperor inheritance to his daughter Maria Theresa, wife 
 
 Charles VI. f Francis of Lorraine, the Regent's nephew, 
 had been recognized during the Emperor's lifetime by the 
 States of the Empire and by Europe, with the sole exception "I 
 Havaria. 
 
 But when it was seen that Charles Albert, the Elector of that 
 Duchy, coveted the Imperial throne of tin Ilapsburgs, claiming 
 it through his grandmother, a daughter of Ferdinand I and a 
 niece of Charles V, other candidates arose. Firstly, there was 
 Augustus III, Elector of Saxony and King of Poland. He had 
 married Marie-Josephe daughter of Joseph I, the elder brother 
 of ( harks VI and Emperor before him. Next there was 
 Charles Emmanuel HI of Sardinia, husband of Elisabeth 
 Therese, the sister of Francis of Lorraine ; and lastly, Philip V 
 1 L2
 
 "FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 of Spain, and Frederick II King of Prussia, who had ascended 
 the throne at twenty-eight years of age on May 31, in the same 
 year 1740. Each of the two last named desired to profit by 
 so important an event, the former for one of his sons, the latter 
 for himself. 
 
 Maria Theresa, against whom all this rivalry and covetousness 
 was arrayed, was twenty-three years of age. She was rather 
 attractive than beautiful, well educated, intimately conversant 
 with many languages, pious, simple and home-loving ; she 
 brightened the gloomy court of her father like a delicate flower 
 blooming in the crevices of an ancient building, to quote the happy 
 simile of Arneth, one of her biographers. As Queen of Hungary 
 and Bohemia, she justified the judgment of the English diplo- 
 matist, Robinson : " She is so well fitted to reign, that she 
 already looks upon her father as merely the administrator of 
 States which belong to her." 
 
 Her most redoubtable adversary was Frederick II, a young 
 sovereign endowed with the character of a conqueror : much 
 Projects of energy and no scruples. On hearing of the 
 Frederick the demise of Charles VI he wrote to his friend 
 Great. Voltaire : " This death upsets my pacific plans, 
 
 and I believe we shall be more concerned in the months of June 
 with gunpowder, soldiers, and entrenchments than with actresses, 
 ballets, and the theatre. . . . The time has come for the total 
 change of the old political system. ... I am overwhelmed with 
 business. I must get rid of my fever, for I need my machine, 
 and must draw upon every resource at my command." 
 
 In November, Frederick again took up his pen, and this 
 time confided in Algarotti, a pleasant Italian of his acquain- 
 tance : "If you ask me what is happening in Europe, I will 
 tell you that Saxony is playing at knucklebones ; that Poland 
 is eating salted beef and rotten cabbage ; the Grand Duke 
 (Francis of Lorraine, Grand Duke of Tuscany) has a gangrene 
 in his body and cannot make up his mind to the operation 
 that would heal him ; France is playing a deep game and watches 
 her prey ; Holland trembles ; at Rheinsberg we play and 
 dance. . . ." The picture is amusingly conceived, but the 
 King of Prussia was covering the scent. If they were dancing 
 at Rheinsberg, they were also meditating formidable schemes. 
 
 H 113
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The gangrene of the Grand Duke needed a surgeon's knife, and 
 the specialist was none other than Frederick, who intended to 
 annex Silesia and to give a good example to his rival competitors. 
 He appealed to old rights which had been in abeyance for eighty 
 years ; but in fact his troops were ready for action, his finances 
 sound, his confidence firm, and these were his real rights, as 
 he himself declared, though he did not go so far as to admit 
 that he wished to despoil a weak woman. He sent Maria 
 Theresa an ultimatum, and offered to lend his support to the 
 claims of Francis of Lorraine to the Empire, and to pay 
 six million francs in addition, in exchange for Silesia. The 
 young Queen replied that she " defended her subjects and 
 did not sell them." But as a reply, the King of Prussia in- 
 vaded Austrian territory on December 22, 1740. Frederick 
 needed support and obtained it, blinding his allies and per- 
 suading them to co-operate in the bold stroke he proposed to 
 make. It was above all for his benefit that so many victims 
 bled, and that for nearly eight years, central Europe was con- 
 vulsed. 
 
 Louis XV believed it his duty to support the Elector of 
 Bavaria, whose grandmother was the Grande Dauphine, Marie 
 Louis XV Victoire, the mother of the Due de Bourgogne. 
 
 supports the But he had something better to do than to join 
 Elector of in a war which was to enrich the King of Prussia 
 
 Bavaria. ^y a f a | r province and to bring nothing to France. 
 
 The time had come to abandon the ancient struggle with the 
 Hapsburgs, and to be satisfied with the conqiusts which during 
 the last century had extended the domains of France, and freed 
 her from the pressure of Austria. Cambrai, Besancon and 
 Strasburg were sufficient guarantees; the recognition of the 
 Pragmatic Sanction, so strangely violated, had strengthened 
 and confirmed the new view of the situation. But Fleury, 
 whom Fret 'crick ironically described as " a great man endowed 
 with so many singular qualities . . . the greatest man that 
 France has had up to now," — was quite incapable of under- 
 standing the advantages to be derived from such a rol/i'-fncc. To 
 do him justice, the prelate was stimulated by the impatience of 
 tin- young military element, so long inactive, which was anxious 
 to win laurels. Perhaps at bottom there was also a desire to 
 114
 
 "FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 induce Louis to imitate his ancestors in their conduct as kings 
 and soldiers. 
 
 Public opinion on this occasion was irresistible and all- 
 powerful. It was one of its first victories ; it will be seen 
 whether the victory was a fortunate one. 
 
 The spokesman of the young French war party was the 
 grandson of the celebrated Controller Fouquet, Charles Louis 
 The Comte de Auguste Fouquet, Comte de Belle-Isle, one of 
 Belle-Isle. Madame de Prie's victims. On the day after 
 
 the Regent's death he had been confined to the Bastille for 
 having been concerned, together with the minister Le Blanc, 
 in a scandal connected with military supplies. He was fifty- 
 six years of age in 1740, and was intelligent, ambitious, and 
 energetic. He knew all the secrets of the Chancelleries, and 
 neglected nothing which could inform him as to the strength 
 and weakness of the various European Powers. He proposed 
 a great scheme to the Cardinal ; this was to place the Imperial 
 crown on the head of the Elector of Bavaria, and to seize some 
 of the fairest states of Maria Theresa — as though all the pro- 
 vinces of the Archduchess were up for auction — in order to 
 provide a suitable domain for the Elector, whose possessions 
 were too small to maintain the rank of Emperor. The Cardinal 
 was attracted by the scheme, though he grudged the expense. 
 A hundred thousand men were required for Munich, but he 
 only granted forty thousand ; meanwhile, he despatched Belle- 
 Isle, newly promoted to the rank of Field-Marshal, as am- 
 bassador extraordinary to the Electoral Diet of Frankfort, 
 where the proud representative of France's interests displayed 
 an almost royal luxury, and astonished the town with his 
 dinners and receptions and retinue. He visited the Electors 
 of Treves, Cologne, Mayence, and Saxony, making liberal pay- 
 ments to their ministers and secretaries ; he poured out money 
 like water, and in the end secured the victory of the Elector of 
 Bavaria, who was nominated Emperor on January 24, 1742. 
 Election of On January 27, Belle-Isle wrote : " The moment 
 the Emperor, the Emperor came to the window of the Town 
 Hall and was shown to the people ... he was greeted by 
 countless acclamations. I had the honour to be at a window 
 with the Empress, who was incognita. The Emperor at 
 
 115
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 one of these acclamations and outbursts of joy, turned his 
 eyes towards me, and putting his hand to the crown of 
 Charlemagne on his head, he made me a sign, to show that it 
 was to the King of France alone that he owed the glory he was 
 then enjoying." 
 
 Important events, which must be recapitulated, had con- 
 tributed to this success, and first and foremost the victory of 
 Battle of the armies of the Prussian King over the Austrians. 
 
 Molwitz. On April 10, 1741, Frederick was almost surprised 
 
 in his headquarters at Molwitz in Silesia by Field-Marshal 
 Neipperg and was obliged to fly. He owed the ultimate success 
 of that day to Marshal Schwerin. It is asserted that he took 
 refuge in a mill where he passed a night of trepidation. At 
 dawn, Schwerin came to announce the defeat of his enemies, 
 and to bring him to his army, covered, as was maliciously said, 
 with glory and flour. However Frederick brought the laugh to 
 his own side, by wittily announcing the news to Voltaire : 
 " They say the Austrians are beaten, and I believe it is 
 true." 
 
 Belle-Isle was happy in the diplomatic sphere. On May 18, 
 he signed a treaty at Nymphenburg, the Elector's beautiful 
 Treaty of residence in the neighbourhood of Munich. The 
 
 Nymphenburg. participants were France, Spain, and Bavaria, 
 and later Saxony and Sardinia, and they proposed to share 
 Upper Austria, Bohemia, Moravia and the Italian possessions 
 of the Hapsburgs. The Pragmatic Sanction was forgotten. 
 Fleury thought himself justified in what he did by saying that 
 the guarantee was subject to the rights of third parties. 
 
 After long discussions Frederick decided on June 7, to con- 
 clude an alliance with Louis. He promised to give his support 
 to Charles Albert, and in return he obtained a guarantee for 
 his future possession of Silesia, and for a present dispatch 
 of French troops into Germany. lie acted up to the reply he 
 lmvc to an English ambassador: "Do not talk to me <»f 
 grandeur of soul ; a prince must only consult his own interests." 
 His manoeuvres wen astute ; he had entered into negotiation 
 witli both North and South, and had accepted the alliance of the 
 one who oi"'< n-d most. " If there is anything to gain by being 
 honest," he said, " we will be honest ; if we must deceive, let us 
 11G
 
 a 
 
 FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 be knaves." All that remained to Maria Theresa was the sup- 
 port of England, but she was able to count on the flimsiness 
 of the coalition which was organized against her. All the allies 
 were concealing their designs and all had ulterior motives. 
 Their shufflings, as Frederick himself said, were the miracle 
 which saved the House of Austria. 
 
 At this juncture, Maria Theresa was crowned Queen of 
 Hungary and received the oath of her subjects at Presburg on 
 Coronation of June 25, 1741, amid the greatest enthusiasm. 
 Maria Theresa. " The Queen is grace personified," said one of 
 her admirers, the old diplomatist Robinson : " when she lifted 
 her sword in defiance of the four quarters of the world (for 
 thus the Kings of Hungary swore to defend their people against 
 the enemy from whatever side the danger came), it was easy 
 to see that she neither needed that weapon nor any other to 
 conquer those who entered her presence. The old mantle of 
 St. Stephen became her as well as the richest robes." 
 
 This festival preceded some sad to-morrows for the sovereign, 
 and the chances of Louis' protege in his candidature for the 
 Empire were increased. The French were duped by Frederick 
 and crossed the Rhine in the summer of 1741 ; one division, 
 commanded by Marshal de Maillebois, overawed George II, 
 Elector of Hanover and King of Great Britain, compelling him 
 to maintain a neutral attitude to the King of Prussia's advan- 
 tage and guarding Holland and the Netherlands ; the other 
 division was nominally under the command of Belle -Isle, but the 
 real leader was Marshal de Broglie. This latter was intended 
 to support the Bavarians, of whom Charles Albert was Generalis- 
 simo ; in its ranks was Maurice de Saxe, the future victor of 
 Fontenoy, and natural son of Augustus II, Elector of Saxony 
 and King of Poland. He needed nothing but the opportunity 
 to show himself a remarkable general. There were also Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Chevert, a celebrated soldier of fortune, who 
 gained his promotions step by step at a time when they were 
 lavished on birth, and the delicate thinker, Vauvenargues. The 
 Bavarians entered Upper Austria, and on September 10 they 
 were joined by the French, and encamped before Linz on the 
 Danube, three days from Vienna, which they were afraid to 
 besiege. They hoped to have Frederick's assistance, but he 
 
 117
 
 THE KIGIITEENTII CENTURY 
 
 was content to play the part of spectator, only showing himself 
 when there was no longer any need of him. 
 
 Cliarles Albert's object was Bohemia, and he directed the 
 Franco-Bavarian army towards Prague. The siege of this 
 Siese of town is famous. An ingenious surprise was con- 
 
 Prague, trived by Maurice de Saxe. Besides him there 
 
 were others who distinguished themselves, the Comte dc Broglic, 
 son of the Marshal, and Chevert, who before the assault ex- 
 changed the well-known dialogue with a sergeant of the Alsace 
 regiment named Pascal : 
 
 " You would like to mount first, comrade ? " 
 
 " Yes, colonel." 
 
 " When you are on the wall, the sentry will cry ' Wer da ? ' 
 (Who goes there ?) 
 
 " Yes, colonel." 
 
 " You will make no reply." 
 
 " No, colonel." 
 
 "He will fire at you." 
 
 " Yes, colonel." 
 
 " He will miss you." 
 
 " Yes, colonel." 
 
 " You will kill him." 
 
 " Yes, colonel." 
 
 The sentry was not killed ; he took to his heels. The 
 town capitulated on November 25, without a drop of French 
 blood being shed. 
 
 The letter which Maurice dc Saxc wrote to Belle-Isle, must be 
 quoted ; it is grandiose in spite of the quaint orthography : 
 
 " Monsieur . . . vous aves desire que Prague fut pri ct 
 il ait pri ; le gouv< incur sait rendus a moy et je vous ecri 
 de Ba chambre ; je nc sanies au demeurant asscz vous faire 
 delloge de la valeui des troupes et surtout de la bonne conduite 
 de M. Chever, lieutenamp-colonel de Bosse (Beauce); J< suis 
 un pen occupe a maintcnir l'ordrc ; sequin'est pas aiss6 dans one 
 vill' prise lYpee a la main. 
 
 " Maurice de Saxe." * 
 
 * "Monsieur. . . You desired that Pragui should be taken ami it has 
 
 !>'• n taken ; the GovernOI lias surrendered to tne and I ani writing t'rnin 
 
 iii- apartments ; I am indeed unable to eulogize sufficiently the valour 
 
 118
 
 It 
 
 FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 Some days later the gates were solemnly opened to receive 
 Charles Albert. He was escorted to the Hradschin, in the 
 cathedral church, where he was crowned King of Bohemia. 
 It might be said that it was not only the town of Prague and 
 the crown of Bohemia which had been taken by storm, but 
 the Imperial dignity itself. 
 
 The news of this event arrived when the Diet of Frankfort 
 was sitting, and ensured the Elector's success. Thus the 
 yroUgS of France became Emperor under the title of Charles 
 VII, and a hard blow was struck at the descendants of Rudolf 
 of Hapsburg, who had held for many generations the orb and 
 sceptre of the Holy Roman Empire. But the insignia fell into 
 feeble hands. Charles Albert was in no way prepared for his 
 new position ; he had neither energy nor initiative, and he had 
 not even the money or the troops necessary to resist the reprisals 
 meditated by the Austrians. Maria Theresa's subjects were 
 fired by the proud attitude of their Queen and were about to make 
 fresh efforts and to avenge the loss of Prague. Khevenhiiller 
 crossed the Danube and the Hungarians and the Croats invaded 
 The Austrians Bavaria, and reached Munich on the day after 
 take Munich, the coronation of Charles VII. The Emperor 
 became a John Lackland. He was at Frankfort with his 
 family without a kingdom in which to exercise his illusory 
 sovereignty. All he now possessed was Prague, his ephemeral 
 capital, while armies led by Francis of Lorraine, his brother 
 Charles Alexander, Lobkowitz, Neipperg, and Koenigseck, 
 blocked his way to Bohemia. The unfortunate Emperor was 
 not spared by the rhymes and lampoons of the time ; the best 
 example was a Latin couplet : 
 
 Aut nihil aut Caesar, Bavarus dux, esse volebas, 
 Et nihil et Caesar f actus utrumque simul. 
 
 Which may be translated : 
 
 Caesar or naught, Bavarian prince, you'd be ; 
 Caesar and naught at once, your destiny. 
 
 of the troops and especially the conduct of M. Che vert, Lieutenant 
 Colonel of Beauce ; I am somewhat occupied in maintaining order, which 
 is not easy in a town taken sword in hand. — Maurice de Saxe." 
 
 119
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 To this disaster Frederick, the ally of France, had contri- 
 buted. He profited by Charles' weakness to carry on negotia- 
 Frederick's tions with him, by which he secured, not only 
 Defection. Upper Silesia, but also the County of Glatz, 
 
 dependencies of the Bohemian crown. He also sounded 
 Vienna ; finally, to give more weight to his arguments, and make 
 some show of keeping his official word, he closed the route to 
 Prague for the Austrian army by the battle of Czazlau on 
 May 17, 1742. " Look to yourselves," he then said toValori, 
 the French Minister at Berlin : " I have gained my point 
 and am going to make my peace." This was the signal for the 
 negotiations which ended in the Treaty of Berlin on July 27. 
 The treaty guaranteed to the King of Prussia nearly all the 
 territories he coveted and secured the adhesion of the Elector 
 of Saxony. France had been tricked and Belle-Isle could 
 now recognize the vain audacity of plans so easily upset by 
 a young king whose double dealing he had not suspected. 
 France was isolated in Europe, both morally and in fact. 
 
 England joined Germany and waited a propitious moment 
 to make her mark in the struggle. The King of Sardinia turned 
 to meet the Spanish troops massed in the north of Italy, and 
 it was apprehended that Elizabeth Farnese, who had been 
 abandoned by Fleury, would join a coalition at the price 
 of an establishment for Don Philip. The Electors of the Rhine 
 deserted France one after another, and even Charles VII 
 followed their example and ceded Bohemia, with the object 
 of regaining a roof under which to hide his mortification. 
 His defection left France small regret, and the memory of 
 a friendship which had heavily burdened her. 
 
 Paris was in consternation. Voltaire however, found 
 occasion to congratulate the King of Prussia. His letter 
 Voltaire abounds with witticisms and even contains a pun. 
 
 congratulates The following an- sonic of the passages: 'The 
 Frederick. Saigncur * of the nations, Frederick the Great, 
 
 lias granted our prayers. ... I understand that your Majesty 
 has concluded a favourable treaty. That it is favourable to 
 yourself cannot be doubted, for you have trained your mind 
 in political skill. But there is some doubt expressed in Paris 
 
 * i.e. Blood-letter; this is of course a play on the word •• Seigneur."' 
 120
 
 ct 
 
 FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING 
 
 as to whether it is favourable to us French. One half of our 
 people cries that you have abandoned our troops to the will of 
 the God of war ; the other half cries too, but does not know 
 what is the matter. . . . Then you are no longer our ally, Sire ? 
 But you will be the ally of the human race ; your desire is that 
 each should peacefully enjoy his rights and his inheritance (a 
 cynical statement, as applied to the despoiler of Silesia) and 
 that troubles should cease ; this would be the philosopher's 
 stone of politics ; a fit product of your laboratory. Say ' I 
 wish men to be happy ' and they will be. May yours be a suc- 
 cessful Opera — a successful comedy. May I be witness of your 
 pleasures and your triumph at Berlin ! " 
 
 Frederick replied : "I have little concern for the cries 
 of the Parisians ; they are hornets who are always buzzing. . . . 
 If all France condemns me for having made peace, Voltaire 
 the philosopher will never allow himself to be carried away 
 by the crowd." The justification which follows is too gross 
 to quote. Voltaire's letter was intercepted and published ; 
 he was forced to disown it under the threat of being sent 
 again to the Bastille. 
 
 These two men who hold so important a place in the 
 Eighteenth Century, one in the military annals, the other in the 
 republic of letters, show themselves in an unfavourable light 
 at the commencement of their careers. Frederick twitted 
 those he had deceived ; Voltaire clothed the ill-timed homage, 
 which he laid at the feet of his Majesty of Prussia, in philosophic 
 and humanitarian phrases. Both were ignoble ; but their 
 pettiness is forgotten in the grandeur of their achievements ; 
 here it is indeed the end which justifies the means. 
 
 The climax was reached when the French Marshals, Broglie 
 and Belle -Isle, failed to agree as to the orders to be given to the 
 armies ; and Fleury accentuated the failure by writing to 
 Koenigseck on July 11, 1742, a letter expressing his regrets 
 and excusing himself for having supported Bavaria, and for 
 having allowed himself to be carried away by such disastrous 
 counsels. A few months earlier, Maria Theresa had tried in 
 vain to soften the Cardinal, and now her only reply was to 
 publish the letter in the Dutch papers. Louis' minister replied 
 to this insult, by summoning to the assistance of the French 
 
 121
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 in Bohemia the troops under Maillebois, who had been 
 quartered in Westphalia since 1741 ; but the junction was not 
 effected. 
 
 Broglic retired into Bavaria, being unable to maintain his 
 positions until winter. Belle-Isle evacuated Prague in the 
 Prague night of December 1G with fourteen thousand men, 
 
 abandoned. and retired to Egra, which was half way to Munich ; 
 thence he retreated to Frankfort, and informed Charles VII 
 of Frederick's defection, advising him to make terms with the 
 Queen of Hungary. The retreat of Egra was terrible owing 
 to the rigours of the season. To use an expression of Belle- 
 Isle — " nature was forced " ; the troops began to march " at 
 moonrise ' in order to climb mountains where soldiers had 
 never before ventured. An echo of the sufferings endured 
 by the French has come down to us in a funeral oration over 
 one of the too numerous victims. In his Eloge of his friend, 
 Paul de Seytres, Vauvcnargues says : " Mourn, my hapless 
 country, mourn these sad trophies. You arc covering all 
 Germany with your gallant soldiers, and you pride yourself 
 on your glory ! . . . Scarce will a remnant of a once flourishing 
 army see your happy fields again. What perils ! I shudder 
 at them. They are fleeing. Hunger and confusion march 
 on their furtive tracks ; night covers them and death follows 
 silently. You say : Is this the army which spread terror before 
 it ? You see that fortune changes ; it is afraid in its turn ; 
 it hastens its flight through woods and snows. It marches 
 incessantly. Sickness, hunger, and fatigue overwhelm our 
 young soldiers. Poor wretches ! Wc see them laid in the 
 snow and inhumanly deserted. Fires lit on the ice lighten 
 their last moments. The ground is their terrible bed." 
 
 A pitiful consolation was found in comparing their mournful 
 achievements with the Retreat of the Ten Thousand. But 
 what advantage did France gain from this sacrifice of men 
 and money ? 
 
 At this disastrous period in the fortunes of French arms, 
 came the death of the man. who, in the weakness of his ninety 
 Death of years, had allowed himself to be drawn into Ihese 
 
 Cardinal Fleury. barren struggles. On January 29, 1713, the 
 Cardinal-Minister died in his retreat at Issy. The event had 
 122
 
 It 
 
 FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 been long expected and desired. " At last ! " cried the Marquis 
 d'Argenson. " It is certain that our greatest enemy is dead," 
 said Elizabeth Farnese to Don Philip, and she added : ' I 
 pardon him with all my heart for the evil he has done us, and 
 may God give peace to his soul ! ' Louis XV alone had some 
 words of tenderness for " a good friend " and a " good servant ' 
 who was " infinitely attached to him." 
 
 The history of these two wars for the Polish and Austrian 
 Successions is enough to enable us to judge him in his capacity 
 as Minister for European affairs. But we must not leave 
 the Cardinal without some account of the internal events in 
 which he was concerned. 
 
 Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon had left unsolved 
 a serious problem which placed the Church of France in conflict 
 with the Papacy, Gallican liberty with Roman 
 The Jansemsts. supremacy# This was the ma tter of the Constitu- 
 tion or Bull Unigenitus. By this celebrated Bull, Clement XI 
 in 1713 denounced the hundred and one propositions contained 
 in the Augustinus of Jansenius, and quoted by Pere Quesnel 
 the Oratorian in his Abrege de la Morale de VEvangile. This 
 religious manual was already twenty years old, and no doubts 
 had been raised about it until the Jesuits, hating the Oratorians, 
 and strong in the support of Madame de Maintenon, awakened 
 the susceptibilities of the Papacy. 
 
 Cardinal de Noailles, Archbishop of Paris, and seven other 
 prelates refused to submit to the demands of Rome and sent 
 a protest to the Holy See. The Regent at first was not disposed 
 to interfere, but, at the time of the intrigues to which Dubois 
 owed his Cardinalate, he intervened without success in favour 
 of the Vatican. The Lateran Council, held in 1725, did not 
 succeed in restoring peace between the rival parties who met 
 there. On one side were the Jansenists, who comprised ecclesi- 
 astics and parliamentarians. These were called "Appelants." 
 On the other side were the Molinists and Jesuits, called 
 " Acceptants." In 1727, Fleury summoned the Provincial 
 Council of Embrun which condemned Pere Soanem of the 
 Oratoire, Bishop of Senez ; this was the starting-point for 
 a general agitation, which was accentuated by the death of 
 the Deacon Paris in 1727. 
 
 123
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Francois de Paris was the brother of a Counsellor of the 
 Grand 1 Chambre, and possessed an income of about ten thousand 
 The Deacon livrcs. He gave liberal alms and lived a simple 
 Paris. and saintly life. Barbier notes that he " only 
 
 ate vegetables," " slept without covering," and was" aJansenist 
 in all respects." He was buried at the cemetery of Saint- 
 Medard in the Faubourg Saint-Marcel. Almost immediately 
 his tomb became the resort of the disciples of Jansenius, and 
 an "astonishing number of people" followed them there. 
 The church was some distance from the centre of Paris, and 
 on the way thither might be seen the carriages of many people 
 of fashion, and even bishops and princes of the blood, such as 
 the Comte de Clermont, brother of Monsieur le Due. Numbers 
 of sick persons went there ; they lay on the tombstone and 
 had convulsions, and some of them went back cured. But 
 these scenes acquired a bad character ; fraud was introduced ; 
 and the real Jansenists were discredited in consequence. The 
 best known of the appellant bishops, the Cardinal de Noailles, 
 after considerable hesitation finally submitted to the papal 
 bull in 1728 ; but the bishops of Troyes, Auxcrre and Mont- 
 pellier, and the Parlements of Paris and the provinces still 
 held out. Fleury had the cemetery of Saint-Medard closed, 
 but the " convulsionnaires " continued their practices in private. 
 
 The Parlements on their side made Jansenism a political 
 weapon with which to encroach on the ecclesiastical power and 
 to rouse an opposition sufficient to threaten the royal power 
 under the pretence of asserting Gallican liberties. In 1731, 
 they condemned certain priests of the diocese of Orleans who 
 wished to compel the faithful to range themselves on the side of 
 the " Acceptants." Fleury exiled a number of the magistrates, 
 and their colleagues replied by refusing to sit, but suddenly the 
 King yielded and allowed the most violent decisions of the 
 Grand' Chambre to go unpunished. Hostilities, however, did 
 not abate ; nor did the struggle terminate until 1756, after 
 many conflicts betwi < D the same adversaries. 
 
 F!< ury died without string the end of either the EuTOp an 
 or tli' religious and parliamentary troubles. The task he 
 I' ft his pupil was a difficult <>nc The finances were in a 
 fairly prosperous condition, owing to the proverbial economy 
 124
 
 (C 
 
 FOR THE PRUSSIAN KING" 
 
 of the Cardinal, but it was at the expense of the navy and of 
 commerce, which had been badly neglected since the death of 
 Louis XIV. For personal reasons, which, according to Maurepas, 
 he communicated to the King alone, Fleury did not favour the 
 augmentation of the naval forces. It seems that he was afraid 
 of giving offence to the English, who were now about to enter 
 the lists and to show with complete cynicism how blind had been 
 the confidence of their ally. 
 
 Voltaire has left a remarkable portrait of the Cardinal. He 
 shows him as " hating all system, because his intellect was 
 Voltaire's happily limited ; understanding nothing of finance, 
 
 portrait of and only demanding of his subordinates the 
 
 Fleury. strictest economy; incapable of being a clerk in 
 
 an office, but able to govern the State." Voltaire revenged 
 himself for the disdain Fleury had shown when he recommended 
 Telemaque to him, and he never cloaked his words with a subtler 
 irony than this. 
 
 Principal Sources. Vauvenargues, Eloge de Paul Hippolyte 
 Emmanuel de Seytres, Officier au rdgiment du Roi ; Frederick II., Histoire 
 de mons temps — Politische Correspondenz FriedricK's des Grossen ; Corres- 
 pondence de Louis XV et du Mardchal de Noailles, 2 vols., 1869. Due de 
 Broglie : Frdddric II et Marie-Thirese, 2 vols., 1882 ; Freddric II. et 
 Louis XV, 2 vols., 1885 ; Marie-Thdrese impdratrice, 2 vols., 1888. In 
 addition, the various memoirs mentioned for the preceding chapters, and 
 especially those of Barbier, Argenson, Luynes and Noailles. 
 
 125
 
 THIRD PART 
 LOUIS XV
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 1743-1744 K 
 
 The favourites. Belle-Isle. Marshal de Noailles. His advice 
 followed. Retreat of the army of Bohemia. Intervention of 
 George II. Dettingen. Noailles' visit to the Emperor. Louis' 
 decision. Treaties of Worms and Fountainebleau. Attempted 
 invasion of England. Declaration of war against George II and 
 Maria Theresa. Louis' departure for Lille. Visits to the frontier 
 towns. Sieges of Menin, Ypres and Furnes. Treaty with 
 Frederick II. The King at Metz. The mysterious coaches. 
 Madame de Chateauroux made the subject of lampoons. News 
 from Italy. The King's illness. The Queen and whole Court at 
 Metz. The ill-omened day of August 24. Frederick in Bohemia. 
 Louis' entry into Paris. Death of Madame de Chateauroux. 
 
 THE Cardinal is dead ! Long live the King ! " was the 
 sentiment of the public, and it was confirmed when 
 Louis announced his intention not to have a chief 
 minister but to govern by himself. 
 
 Yet the position of the King was no more independent 
 than before. The sole change was that he became subject now 
 The King's to a fresh and more dangerous tyranny, the 
 Favourites. tyranny of his favourites. The fate of France 
 began to be decided in boudoirs, the centres of intrigue and 
 ambition. There it was that when ministers and generals 
 saw their favour rise or fall, and diplomatic questions of the 
 gravest importance solved, they knew that all depended on the 
 moods or caprices of a woman. In the intervals of choosing a 
 precious stone or new toy, when the correct spot had been found 
 for the patch, when the newborn wrinkle had been hidden with 
 the assistance of some infallible paste, the favourite had leisure 
 to give her advice on State affairs. Everything, whether 
 frivolous or serious, was treated as an amusement at a toilet- 
 
 I 129
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 table veiled with lace in the woman's hour of triumph, when 
 madrigals and amber-scented trifles were assured of victory, 
 ■when a smile was the most potent argument. While a guitar 
 twanged or a parrot screamed, amid the hum of conversation, 
 alliances were broken, colonies lost, all Europe convulsed. 
 
 This |x riod, which became acute under Madame dePompadour, 
 was happily preceded by a bright interval; Louis began his 
 part as King conscientiously, and without any illusion as to the 
 difficulties of his task. He worked and studied, and he wrote 
 letters which were seen by his correspondent alone. It is a 
 pleasure to recall this all too short phase when Frenchmen, 
 delighted at the change, were eager to display the most de- 
 voted loyalty in return for the attitude of a king, then, indeed, 
 worthy of his ancestors. The Marquis d'Argcnson could ask 
 without any irony : " Arc we going to have a king ? ' 
 
 Louis provided himself with a Mentor. For a while it was 
 feared that it would be Marshal de Belle -Isle, who came to 
 Eclipse of Court to make a survey, " extremely incon- 
 
 Belle-Isle. venienccd by his sciatica," and only walking 
 
 ' with the support of two men." The Marshal had carried 
 through part of his programme with success ; the Emperor 
 owed his crown to him, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany had 
 been excluded. Was he responsible for the King of Prussia's 
 treason ? No, but he returned to give a disastrous account 
 of the consequences of his over-ambitious projects, and although 
 his breast was covered with the exalted orders of a Prince of 
 the Empire, the Golden Fleece and the Cordon Bleu, he 
 had temporarily lost his prestige ; he retired of his own 
 accord to his estate of Vernon near Gisors. Couplets followed 
 him in his retreat : 
 
 Belle-Isle fameux empiriquc, 
 Grand novateur en politique, 
 Homme de guerre sans pratique, 
 Dans ses projects vmi fren clique, 
 Charge de la haine publique, 
 Porte a Gisors sa sciatiquc* 
 
 * Belle-Isle, the famous empiric, the great political innovator, tin 1 
 
 inexperienced warrior, insane in his plans, loaded with the public hatred, 
 
 carriea his sciatica to Gisors. 
 
 130
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 Marshal de Noailles' time had come and he was chosen. Fore- 
 seeing the death of Fleury, Louis wrote to this faithful servant 
 Marshal de November 1742 : " The late King, my great - 
 Noailles. grandfather, whom I desire to imitate as far as 
 
 possible, counselled me, on his deathbed, to seek advice in all 
 things and to endeavour to know the best, that I might always 
 follow it. I shall be delighted if you will give me yours. I 
 open your mouth, as the Pope does to the cardinals, and I 
 permit you to say whatever your zeal and attachment to my 
 person and kingdom may prompt." Louis was as good as his 
 word, and received from the Marshal sound advice, founded on 
 the actual policy of Louis XIV, whose confidant Noailles 
 had been. Thus the office of Prime Minister was suppressed. 
 The Marshal wrote to the King : " The rule of having neither 
 favourite nor Prime Minister, which your Majesty will read in 
 the directions of your august great-grandfather, was formed, 
 as I have had the honour of learning from the late King him- 
 self, as the result of his long experience and great skill, of his 
 profound studies of former governments, and in particular of 
 the ministry of Cardinal Mazarin." In this long memorandum 
 Noailles recalled the examples of Henri III, who was ruled by 
 his favourites to the great detriment of the State, of Henri IV, 
 who would never have other counsellors than his own head 
 and arms, of Louis XIII, whose minority had been so stormy 
 and his reign so troubled. But although the Marshal had not, 
 like Fleury, the title of Prime Minister, he had all the preroga- 
 tives. 
 
 The pupil seemed to follow his precepts with docility, and 
 the public rejoiced at the change. Barbier said of Louis : 
 " He is accessible, he speaks at Versailles, he administers justice 
 and works with considerable knowledge of his subject. This 
 does not astonish me, for I have long understood that he was 
 intelligent. . . . What does astonish me, so that it almost 
 seems uncanny, is that Cardinal de Fleury should have had such 
 an ascendency over a king more than thirty years old, as to 
 prevent him from displaying all his talents and to dominate 
 him in everything." 
 
 The first question which arose was the plight of the French 
 army of Bohemia. The cause of the phantom Emperor, 
 
 131
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Charles VII, was lost. It had cost France sufficiently dear, 
 and it had been defended with chivalrous unselfishness. It 
 Bohemia would become necessary to send reinforcements 
 
 evacuated. to this exhausted army which, in a year's time, 
 without serious battles, had lost sixty thousand men, mostly 
 from disease or hardships. It was decided to evacuate. 
 Marshal de Broglie tried to bring his troops back from the 
 Bavarian frontiers in time to join the army of the Rhine, the 
 movements of which were directed from France by Marshal de 
 Noailles. But the junction was not effected. 
 
 The struggle was concentrated in the Rhenish and Flemish 
 provinces, where Noailles, at the head of forty thousand men was 
 Battle of prepared to meet the so-called " Pragmatic " 
 
 Dettingen. army of George II, who purposed to aid Maria 
 
 Theresa and was assembling his troops in the Electorate of 
 Hanover. This was in the spring of 1743. The battle took 
 place on June 27 at Dettingen, a village of Lower Franconia, 
 while Broglie was still at Donauwerth on the confines of 
 Wiirtcmberg. The French lost the day, though Noailles at- 
 tained his object of preventing the English from entering 
 Bavaria. The battle was lost through the fault, not of the 
 Marshal but of his nephew the Due de Gramont. The latter, 
 instead of waiting for the attack, foolishly charged the enemy 
 with his French guards, and thus upset all Noailles' plan of 
 defence, and rendered the artillery unable to fire for fear of 
 shooting Frenchmen. The soldiers in their flight crossed 
 the river by swimming, and long retained the sobriquet of 
 "Ducks of the Main." In the general encounter the English 
 King was almost made a prisoner. Since the morning he had 
 been riding at the head of his troops armed with an enormous 
 pistol and a sword of prodigious length, which he drew from 
 time to time saying : " On at the King of France ! he is my 
 enemy ; you shall sec how I will fight him." While he was 
 uttering these vaunts, his horse shied at the cannonade and 
 threw him; he found himself surrounded by French horsemen 
 who would have carried him olT had not help arrived just in 
 time. This incident was maliciously revealed by the King of 
 Prussia, who took a wicked pleasure in making his uncle 
 ridiculous. 
 1 82
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 It must be admitted that the English army, and especially 
 the infantry, were capable of resisting " like a wall of brass " — 
 to quote Noailles. George dined on the battlefield, but 
 he retired immediately afterwards, even leaving behind the 
 wounded, whom Lord Stair commended to the generosity of 
 Marshal de Noailles. " The two generals," Voltaire records, 
 " wrote letters which allow us to see how far politeness and 
 humanity can be carried amid the horrors of war." The losses 
 had been equal ; more than two thousand men were killed or 
 wounded on either side. The result of the day of Dettingen 
 was absolutely negative. Lord Stair asserts that the French 
 committed one great fault and the English two : "Yours," he 
 said, " was in your not knowing how to wait ; our two were, 
 first, that we put ourselves in obvious danger of being destroyed, 
 and then, that we were not able to profit by our victory." 
 
 In short, as Pitt remarked, it was less a victory than a 
 " fortunate escape." 
 
 A few days later Noailles, in a spirit of courtesy and kindness, 
 went to meet Charles VII, who had left Augsburg and taken 
 Noailles visits refuge at Frankfort. He knew how precarious 
 the Emperor, was the situation of the errant Emperor. He 
 made him a generous allowance of forty thousand crowns, 
 that being the most that France could do at this unfortunate 
 time. Charles obtained a suspension of hostilities, promising 
 Austria the absolute neutrality of the Imperial troops. This 
 was the signal for the French armies to quit Germany. They 
 were only auxiliaries, and as their ally disarmed, they retired. 
 
 The blow was painful to the prince : " I am fully sensible," 
 he wrote to Noailles, " that the King is touched by the situation 
 I am in. My reply must be akin to that the Duchesse who 
 was loved and esteemed by Louis XIV (Marie de Mancini) 
 made to that Monarch when she found herself deserted : ' You 
 are the King ; you love me, and I have to go.' I in my turn 
 will say : * You are the King, you are touched by my fate, 
 you are the most powerful king among my allies, and you 
 desert me and I lose by your desertion all that I can lose. . . . 
 My situation is the most terrible ever known in history.' " 
 
 Louis replied in person and excused himself to the best of 
 his ability. He expressed "the deepest grief " at the thought 
 
 133
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of the Emperor's " consenting to an agreement with the Viennese 
 Court," but lie promised never to desert him in so sad an 
 extremity, to assist him with fresh subsidies, and to continue 
 the war until his Imperial Majesty was "re-established in full 
 possession of his States." The King was really sincere. He 
 used the same language to Noailles, though he added : " It is 
 perfectly true to say that we are no longer at war, since the 
 Emperor has declared his neutrality, and we only went to war 
 In cause of him. However, we are at war. I can hardly believe 
 that such a thing has happened, or could ever happen ; but we 
 are in a century of extraordinary things." 
 
 At this time Louis resolved to show himself to his army, 
 and he received the praises he merited from his immediate 
 Treaty of circle. They were pleased to see in him the 
 
 Worms. blood of Louis XIV and Henri IV. Under 
 
 cover of an armistice the Chancelleries were now very active. 
 The Treaty of Worms, on September 23, 17-13, brightened the 
 prospects of the Austro-English Coalition. Charles Emmanuel 
 joined George II and Maria Theresa. He deceived the French, 
 who, up to the last moment, had hoped to see the King of 
 Sardinia united with them ; but they forgot that that prince 
 was guided by the Italian proverb, and that he always wished 
 " to have his foot shod with two slippers at once." The Spanish 
 troops in Italy, supported by some French detachments, were 
 thus compelled to fight not only the Austrians but the Sardinians, 
 and to dispute with them the territories belonging to the Queen 
 of Hungary, the coveted Milanese province among them. 
 
 Louis replied with the secret treaty of Fontainebleau on 
 October 25. This treaty between France and Spain guaranteed 
 Treaty of Naples to Don Carlos, Lombardy to Don Philip, 
 
 Fontainebleau. Bavaria to the Emperor, and further indemnity s. 
 As Axgenson says " we engaged ourselves to make the greatest 
 and tin most impossible conquests in Italy/' Philip and Eliza- 
 beth profited by Louis 9 favourable disposition; to please them 
 In was to be engaged in tw<> different quarters, to declare war 
 George Hand Maria Theresa, and even to expose his own person. 
 These grandiose schemes were complicated by a conspiracy. 
 
 England was always threatened by the possibility of a 
 Stuart restoration. Among those who favoured t he re-i Btablish- 
 184
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 mcnt of the Catholic line on the throne of William of Normandy, 
 the French were at this time in the front rank. The entente 
 cordiale was merely an historic memory. Charles Edward, 
 eldest son of the Pretender, lived with his father at Rome, but 
 he hoped to distinguish himself by a great deed : " My head 
 must fall," said he, "or be crowned." He succeeded in evad- 
 ing the vigilance of the spies in the pay of Austria, who watched 
 his least movements. He reached Livorno in disguise and 
 landed at the port of Antibcs. He offered Louis' ministers to 
 Invasion of attempt a diversion in England against the 
 England House of Hanover, which was then fully occupied 
 
 planned. iV jth continental affairs. But the attempt failed, 
 
 though a plan was drawn up, and Maurice de Saxe was deputed 
 to command in England in the name of James III, should 
 occasion arise. At the beginning of 1744 the Comte de Saxe 
 went to Dunkirk to superintend the preparations for the expe- 
 dition. On his return to Versailles he was greeted with his 
 nomination as Marshal of France, a distinction afterwards most 
 brilliantly justified at Fontenoy. 
 
 Meanwhile, after the battle of Toulon in February 1744, in 
 which the English Captain Mathews was driven ofT the French 
 coasts by the combined fleets of France and Spain, war was 
 declared with Great Britain on March 15. The nominal object 
 was to stop the " piracy " and pillage which continued to be 
 committed in defiance of international law and the most solemn 
 treaties. 
 
 A similar message was sent to the Queen of Hungary on 
 April 26, when the Austrians tried to enter Alsace and preceded 
 their attempt " by declarations as bold as they were indecent." 
 Menzel, the daring chief of this army, insolently pledged himself 
 to reconquer Alsace and give Lorraine back to its former masters. 
 The King resolved to attack the Dutch possessions of Maria 
 Theresa, and proceeded to do so in spite of the protests of 
 Holland. 
 
 Thus, in the spring of 1744, there was a considerable display 
 of arms. The Prince de Conti went to the aid of Don Philip, 
 Louis sets out crossed the Var, and performed great feats on the 
 for Lille. other side of the Alps. Louis XV set out for Lille. 
 
 Altogether four French armies were in action. Besides the 
 
 135
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 army of Italy commanded by the Prince de Conti, there was the 
 
 defensive army in Alsace under the command of old Marshal 
 de Coign v. and the Royal Army, which was divided into two 
 distinct portions, one of which was preparing to enter Flanders 
 with Louis, while the other, as a reserve under Maurice dc Saxe, 
 was on its way to protect French territory on the left bank of 
 the Rhine. 
 
 The nation watched these movements with pride. Not a 
 single complaint was made when heavy taxes were raised to 
 meet the expenses of this war, in which three hundred thousand 
 men were engaged. The Court would have liked to form an 
 escort for the young monarch in accordance with the tradition of 
 Louis XIV. By the Court we mean the Queen, the Dauphin, 
 and above all the favourite of the day, Madame de la Tournelle, 
 who was now at her zenith and had lately been created Duchcssc 
 de Chateauroux (October 28, 1843); she received the actual 
 possession of that Duchy and all the prerogatives and revenues 
 attached thereto, amounting to eighty-five thousand livrcs per 
 annum. 
 
 The Queen attempted to get leave to go, though it caused 
 her no little embarrassment. The Due dc Luyncs says as 
 much, and shows us the stage at which the relations between 
 the King and Queen had arrived at this time. Not daring to 
 speak, the Queen wrote a letter. As the King was at Choisy 
 and she feared that a letter from her might seem strange, she 
 awaited his return and herself handed it to him as she left the 
 petit lever. The duke adds, " I have not seen the letter, but I 
 have heard it said that she offered to follow him to the frontier, 
 in any manner he pleased, and that she did not ask for a reply. 
 Probably this last suggestion will be all that will be accorded 
 her." However, the King did reply by a refusal on the grounds 
 of the expense of her journey. 
 
 The Dauphin, who was close on fifteen, said : " You must not 
 be annoyed, mother, that I am so sorry to stay behind with 
 you. I cannot understand why the King has left me. The 
 young de Montauban, who is small and weak, has gone, and I, 
 who am tall and strong, might well have gone too." 
 
 When the Dauphin pleaded for his first experience of war 
 the King made the proper reply : " I honour your desire, but 
 13G
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 your person is too valuable to the State until the succession to 
 the Crown is assured by your marriage." 
 
 The Duchesse de Chateauroux applied to Marshal de Noailles. 
 He also made the expense a pretext to bar the way. 
 
 Thus Louis left, without the Court, with a certain amount 
 of secrecy, during the night of May 4, 1744, after a banquet 
 at which a large number of people were present. He did not 
 bid farewell either to the Queen or to his daughters, but he 
 wrote to them. He told his daughters that he feared a 
 mutual emotion. The Dauphin alone had an interview with 
 his father, who spoke to him " in the presence of Monsieur de 
 Chatillon [his tutor] with considerable affection." 
 
 In company with Noailles, the King visited the fortresses of 
 Conde, Valenciennes, Maubeuge, and Douai, giving commands 
 Louis XV an d holding reviews. He was very popular : 
 
 at the " he speaks kindly, and in a way to turn all men's 
 
 frontier towns, heads in his favour." He was cheered every- 
 where and greeted with cries of, " Vive le Roi ! We have a 
 King at last ! " Besenval says : "he attracted the gaze 
 of all ; his face so fair and noble, his eyes so proud and yet 
 so mild — all these natural advantages, whatever the impression 
 they created at Versailles, were further heightened by the occa- 
 sion." At Lille, especially, the reception organized by Maurice 
 de Saxe was extraordinarily enthusiastic. #n May 17 the army 
 advanced on the Lys near Menin. The King joined it on 
 the 23rd ; he reconnoitred the place " within pistol shot," 
 and himself indicated the principal points of attack. He super- 
 vised the investment, and the town capitulated on June 4 after 
 seven days in the trenches. This first conquest was followed 
 by the capture of Ypres on June 24, and of Fumes on July 11, 
 for which the Comte de Clermont was responsible. 
 
 A former ally was greatly interested in this victorious march, 
 and decided to offer his support to Louis. This was the King 
 of Prussia, yielding to necessity and self-interest. The moment 
 was well chosen for an intervention on his part. He wished to 
 profit by the presence of the Austrian troops on the Rhine and 
 in Italy to attack Maria Theresa from the side of Bohemia. 
 The negotiations lasted several months, and out of the mass of 
 correspondence which passed it may be interesting to quote a 
 
 137
 
 T II E E I G II T E E N T II CENT U H Y 
 
 letter written by Frederick to .Madame de Chateauroux, which 
 clearly indicates the influence of the new duchess, and the part 
 she played in the most delicate matters. "I am flattered, 
 
 Madame." wrote the King of Prussia, " that it is partly to you 
 that I am indebted for the favourable disposition in which I 
 find the King of France, and his willingness to form the lasting 
 bonds of an eternal alliance between us. The esteem in which 
 I have always held you is now mingled with a sense of indebted- 
 ness. It is unfortunate that Prussia is compelled to ignore the 
 obligations she is under to you. However, the sentiment will re- 
 main deeply engraved on my heart, as I would have you believe ; 
 ever your affectionate friend, Frederick." 
 
 Although matters were far advanced there was still some 
 delay. It was only when he saw the martial attitude of Louis 
 Treaty with that Frederick finally decided to instruct his 
 Frederick plenipotentiary, Rottenburg, to sign a treaty in 
 
 the Great. Paris on June 5. Without having the least 
 
 suspicion of what was happening, Prince Charles of Lorraine 
 crossed the Rhine. He was driven back by Coigny, but he 
 returned in force, and threw his troops upon Alsace. France 
 was invaded. Thereupon Louis left Maurice dc Saxc to con- 
 tinue a defensive campaign in Flanders, and advanced to 
 Metz with twenty-six battalions and thirty squadrons, com- 
 manded by Marshal dc Noaillcs. The King intended to be in 
 the front rank in the defence of his kingdom. 
 
 Following the King, though a day behind him on the march, 
 were seen coaches of a very unmilitary appearance. They 
 The King at contained the Duehcsse de Chateauroux and her 
 Metz. sister, Madame de Lauraguais. These ladies w r ere 
 
 dull at Plaisance on an estate of Paris-Duverney and they 
 made (very cfTort to obtain permission to follow the operations. 
 The Princcsse de Conti, mother of the general who was acquitting 
 himself so well in Italy, was able by skilful intrigues to satisi'y 
 tlie favourite. The Duchesse de Chartrcs, the Princcsse de 
 Conti's daughter, who had but lately married, wished to go 
 and join her husband, Bince he was reported to have had a 
 fall from his horse and to be slightly injured "because of bis 
 weight." The two princesses left with the King's consent. 
 Such," says Barbicr, "was the beginning of the 1 Court of women 
 188
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 with the army.' " Presently others arrived at Lille — Mesdames 
 de Chateauroux and de Lauraguais, the Dowager Comtesse 
 d'Egmont, Mesdames de Roure and de Bellefond and the 
 Duchess of Modena, who was then in France owing to the 
 invasion of her own states. One after another these ladies 
 were obliged to ask the Queen's permission to leave Versailles, 
 as etiquette demanded. Marie was patient at first, but when 
 the Duchess of Modena presented herself, the Queen momen- 
 tarily lost patience, and said with some asperity : " She may 
 make her stupid journey if she likes ; it does not matter to me." 
 
 The favourite had gained her point. But she had to pay 
 dearly for this " stupid journey," and the pleasure of playing 
 The favourite the part of vivandiere. The disapproval was 
 with the Army, universal. Songs were written giving voice to 
 the most violent sarcasm at her expense, and during the progress 
 of herself and her sister, nothing but hoots and jeers were heard. 
 However, the favourite soared far above terrestrial incidents and 
 after the capture of Ypres she proudly wrote to her uncle, the 
 Due de Richelieu : " Assuredly, dear uncle, we have agreeable 
 news, which gives me the keenest pleasure. I am overwhelmed 
 with joy. Ypres captured in nine days ! Can you not see that 
 nothing could be more glorious or flattering to myself, and that 
 his great-grandfather in all his greatness, never did as much ? 
 But subsequent events must be kept at the same pitch ; they 
 must always maintain this appearance. We must hope ; and 
 I flatter myself that it will be so, for you know that it is my 
 nature to see everything in a rosy light, and that I believe my 
 star, which I value (for it is not a bad one), influences every- 
 thing." She posed as a martial Egeria with some dignity, it 
 must be admitted. But the star of which she was so proud 
 was soon to lose its lustre. 
 
 So Louis was at Metz preparing for great deeds and abandon- 
 ing easy conquests. We come now to August 4, 1744. On the 
 preceding day Schmettau, the envoy of Frederick II, had come, 
 bearing the congratulations of his master who admired, possibly 
 with sincerity, the haste with which Louis flew to the succour 
 of his people. On the 7th a magnificent supper was given in 
 honour of thePrussian officer, during which there were premature 
 celebrations of the exploits which were to end the conflict in 
 
 139
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Alsace and Bohemia. The excitement was the stronger since 
 the dispatches from Italy announced a Eresh victory, the capture 
 
 of Caste! Delphino by the Bailli dc Givry. 
 
 On August 8 the King woke up with a fever, owing to the 
 fatigue of the journey, the excessive heat, or the too generous 
 The King's libations of the night before. The malady grew 
 illness. worse and on the 11th he was given up for lost. 
 
 At his bedside were the Duchesses de Chateauroux and de 
 Lauraguais, who took it upon themselves to impose silence on 
 every one, and jealously guarded the entrance to the royal 
 chamber. However, they had to admit the Princes of the Blood 
 — the Due dc Chartres and the Comte dc Clermont — and 
 dignitaries like the Due de Bouillon, the Grand Chamberlain, 
 and the Bishop of Soissons, the King's chaplain. The King 
 himself understood the gravity of his condition, and Madame de 
 Chateauroux was compelled to leave him. He made his con- 
 fession to Pere Perusseau, and when it became a question of 
 administering the last sacrament, Fitz- James, the Bishop of 
 Soissons, insisted on the immediate departure of the favourite. 
 Louis did not hesitate, but ordered the duchess to leave Metz. 
 The rite of extreme unction was administered by the Grand 
 Almoner in the presence of the Princes of the Blood and the 
 great officers with extraordinary pomp. Fitz-Jaines made him- 
 self the spokesman of the dying king, and declared that he- 
 asked pardon from all for the bad example- he had given. 
 
 The road from Versailles to Metz was furrowed by the coaches 
 that bore Marie Leszczynska, the Dauphin, and Mesdamcs. 
 The Queen and At Saint-Mcnehould the corUgi met the- carriages 
 Court at Metz. of Madame- de Chateauroux travelling in the 
 opposite direction, pursued by the- invectives of the- populace. 
 
 The Queen went to the King's bedside and was alone with 
 him. He- embraced her, saying: "I have caused yon much sorrow 
 which you do not deserve ; J beg yon te> forgive me- for it." 
 
 ' Do you not know, Monsieur," she- replied, " that you never 
 Q( ed pardon from me ? God alone has been offended. Con- 
 cen) yourself with God alone, I beseech you." The- Queen hurst 
 
 int o tears, but she- wrote te> Madame ele- Maurepas that she was 
 ' the happiest of mortals." The King was better, and every thing 
 
 was to be hoped from so fervent a conversion. 
 
 The fears which threw all France into consternation were 
 1 Hi
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 changed into joy as soon as it was known that Louis was out of 
 danger, that he had repented, and was prepared to make amends. 
 The people of Paris embraced the horse of the messenger who 
 published the news of his convalescence. A poetaster named 
 Vade was able to say with truth : " he is Louis the Well-Beloved," 
 an expression which echoed the sentiments of the nation. 
 The enthusiasm was such that the King exclaimed : " What have 
 I done to make them love me so much ? " 
 
 For all too short a time he was a king after the heart of his 
 devout Christian subjects. The people rejoiced to see that 
 Louis merited their affection, and they trusted him and were 
 ready to follow him in his new path. 
 
 He began to talk of rejoining his troops. Meanwhile, accord- 
 ing to Voltaire, he sent to remind Noailles that when Louis XIII 
 was being carried to the tomb, the Prince of Conde was winning 
 the battle of Rocroi. Unfortunately the Marshal had nothing 
 of the great captain about him. Too much was expected of 
 this timid time-server ; he could do nothing except when he had 
 a pen in his hand. 
 
 Noailles was in Alsace in pursuit of Charles of Lorraine, who 
 had received orders to retire and come to the support of Bohemia 
 against the King of Prussia. The prince abandoned his posi- 
 tions, Saverne and Haguenau, taking care not to risk a battle 
 and so diminish his army. It was most important to prevent 
 him from crossing the Rhine. But owing to the slackness of the 
 pursuit he succeeded in effecting his object ; he burnt the bridges 
 behind him to obstruct his enemies, though they made no 
 attempt to strike at him. Public opinion about the Marshal 
 was unequivocal. It was rumoured that he had a wholesome 
 fear of cannon balls, that he had given as many as thirty-five 
 different orders in a day, that he never knew what course to 
 take. One night a wooden sword was fastened to the door of 
 his house in Paris, where insulting songs were current about him : 
 
 Amis, d£baptisons Noailles : 
 
 Tout autre nom mieux lui convient. 
 
 Comment, le sien rime a batailles ! 
 
 Eh ! morbleu ! c'est rimer trop bien ! * 
 
 * Friends, let us rechristen Noailles, any other name would better suit 
 him. Why his name rhymes with batailles ! Eh ! morbleu ! The rhyme 
 is too good. 
 
 141
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CJE N T U R Y 
 
 He returned to Metz to find a cold reception. His influence 
 
 was at an end. Louis no longer asked him for his advice, and 
 for the future used him only in purely ornamental services. 
 He sent him, for instance, to Spain in the following year as 
 ambassador extraordinary to Philip. Close relations ceased 
 between the King and his Nestor. 
 
 At this time — on August 23 — Frederick invaded Bohemia 
 with eighty thousand men, and there he heard what had been 
 Frederick done. He wrote Louis a letter in which his 
 
 invades ill-humour was apparent, and he said quite 
 
 Bohemia. plainly to Schmettau : "I do not know what 
 
 to think of Marshal de Noaillcs' behaviour (he had almost 
 accused him of treason). ... I desire you to make strong 
 complaints to the King of France." 
 
 He would have had the French troops join him in Bohemia. 
 But only half measures were adopted. The Comte dc 
 Clermont, with a small detachment, endeavoured to join 
 Charles VII s army for an advance into Germany. He took 
 Constance in September an«4 Munich in the following menth. 
 The main body of the French forces was directed to the further 
 side of the Rhine, above Strasburg ; thence they invaded the 
 nearest territories of Austria and besieged Freiburg, the capital 
 of Brcisgau. The King was still weak and convalesce at, but he 
 arrived at the town, and it was captured in his presence on 
 November 8. Frederick had taken Prague on September 15, 
 but had been driven out again two months later by Charles of 
 Lorraine. Then came winter to suspend operations. 
 
 Louis returned to Paris on November 13. In spite of a cold 
 and rainy evening and of a wind which was strong enougb 
 Louis' entry to extinguish the illuminations, a large crowd 
 into Paris. assembled to greet him. The enthusiasm was 
 
 enhanced when they saw how thin he was and how much he 
 had changed. Frederick, and with him all France, was anxious 
 to know whether the convert of Metz would keep the promises 
 he had made so solemnly, and whether he would continue faithful 
 to the Queen. France feared and hoped, but Frederick prayed 
 that the favourite would regain her influence and be useful 
 to him. Hitherto, Louis had listened to the Duehesse de 
 Chateaurouz alone, and the King of Prussia relied OD her to 
 I t'J
 
 LOUIS THE WELL-BELOVED 
 
 make his ally act, to urge him to strong measures, and in par- 
 ticular to persuade him to appoint a minister of foreign affairs, 
 who would be ready to accept advice in furtherance of Prussian 
 policy. This post had been vacant since the dismissal of Amelot, 
 Chauvelin's successor, on March 27, 1744. Two important 
 events took place at this time — the disgrace of the Dauphin's 
 tutor, the Due de Chatillon, who had openly expressed his ap- 
 proval of the dismissal of the favourite and had delivered a 
 moral lecture thereon for the edification of his pupil ; and the 
 disgrace of Monsieur de Balleroy, private secretary of the Due de 
 Chartres, and related to the family of Fitz-James. His fault was 
 that he belonged to the religious party. These two had been 
 singled out because the striker had not dared to aim higher. 
 During the five days fete in Paris the prevailing topics of con- 
 versation were Madame de Chateauroux and her victims, and 
 her probable reinstatement. But, as Barbier says, no one dared 
 speak openly. 
 
 As seen as the King returned to Versailles these rumours 
 were confirmed. It was reported that Madame de Chateauroux 
 had been received privately by Louis, and that she had reason 
 to be contented with the results of the interview. Everything 
 was to be forgotten, the insults of Metz were retracted and the 
 forfeited rank of lady-in-waiting was restored to her. Paris 
 was stupefied, and public opinion was voiced by the women of 
 the Halles when they cried : " As he has taken back his favourite 
 we shall no longer say a Pater for him." 
 
 Two days after her visit to the King the duchess in her turn 
 caught a fever and was almost immediately in a critical condi- 
 Death of tion. During the fortnight that her illness lasted 
 
 Madame de the public followed its progress and phases with 
 Chateauroux. more curiosity than emotion, without attempting 
 to disguise the fact that they considered that this mysterious 
 illness was opportune. In the Rue du Bac where the Duchess 
 was staying with Madame de Lauraguais there was a constant 
 stream of messengers from the King, the Queen, and the Court, 
 inquiring for her. The dying favourite made her confession to 
 the Jesuit Pere Segaud and received the last sacraments. She 
 died on December 8. 
 
 She was buried three days later, at seven o'clock in the 
 
 143
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 morning, in the chapel of Saint Michel in Saint-Sulpice. A 
 
 time when the struts would be little frequented was pur- 
 posely selected for fear of popular demonstrations like those 
 that had occurred at the funeral of Madame de Vintimille. 
 
 The King's grief was very great, and the people had to re- 
 st rain their joy for fear of injuring his health. But, in the peace 
 which preceded new campaigns, preparations were made for 
 the marriage of the Dauphin to the daughter of Philip V, and 
 these occupied every one's attention. During the fetes which 
 celebrated this event Louis forgot his grief, as at Christmas he 
 forgot his contrition of August ; he did not approach the Holy 
 Table, as was the custom of the Court. 
 
 144
 
 CHAPTER XI 
 
 " AS STUPID AS THE PEACE " 
 1745-1749 
 
 The marriage of the Dauphin. Madame Lenormand d'Etiolles at 
 the masked ball at Versailles. Madame de Pompadour's role. 
 Death of the Emperor. The Marquis d'Argenson, Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs. The defection of the Elector of Bavaria. 
 The Battle of Fontenoy. Louis' advice to his son. A letter 
 from Voltaire to Argenson. New victories. Military events in 
 Italy (1745-1746). Conditions of peace. Louis XV and Maria 
 Theresa duped. Discontent of the people. The announcement 
 
 of the peace. 
 
 IN 1745 the Dauphin was slender and graceful, as he is 
 represented in the pastel by La Tour in the Louvre. He 
 was like his mother, and the good Queen's subtle and 
 resigned smile was to be seen again on the face of this boy 
 Marriage of of sixteen. The Dauphine, the Infanta Maria- 
 the Dauphin. Teresa-Raphaella was four years older than her 
 husband. She was ugly, red-haired, and austere, but she 
 inspired the Dauphin with a deep love. The Dauphin was 
 married for reasons of State to assure the succession, and for 
 family reasons to cement the reconciliation of the two crowns. 
 At the same time he was made happy, a rare event in diplo- 
 matic marriages. His happiness only lasted two years, for 
 Maria-Teresa-Raphaella died in July 1764, after giving birth 
 to a daughter who died in infancy. 
 
 The marriage celebrations at Versailles and Paris were 
 magnificent ; memoir-writers and draughtsmen have preserved 
 them for us, and help us to picture the rejoicings of the time. 
 There is an engraving by Cochin of the masked ball given at 
 Versailles on February 25, 1745, at which Louis noticed for the 
 first time Antoinette Poisson, an elegant, graceful, and very 
 pretty young lady of the Court, who had already appeared 
 
 K 145
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 frequently at the royal hunts, in the forest of Senart. She was the 
 wife of Lenormant d'Etiolles, nephew of Tournehem, the Directoi 
 
 Madame °' Public \Vorks. SIic became by the King's favour 
 
 Lenormant Marquise de Pompadour and even a duchess. She 
 
 d'Etiolles. uas then radiant in all the charm of her twenty- 
 
 four years. Madame de ChateaUTOUX was already forgotten 
 by Louis, and the little bourgcoise was about to enter upon 
 twenty years of absolute power. 
 
 Madame de Pompadour appears to posterity surrounded by 
 the writers and artists whom she patronized with so gracious 
 an appreciation. She had the head and the heart of a true 
 patriot, and yet history is obliged to admit that the influence 
 she exercised for a quarter of a century over political matters 
 was harmful. On the surface her reign was nothing but laughter 
 and pleasure ; the atmosphere in which she lived seemed to be 
 tinted with rose and blue ; we see her through the pictures of 
 Boucher with which she loved to surround herself. Around tin- 
 Marquise were to be heard the murmur of light conversation 
 and the applause which hailed her as a sovereign when she 
 trilled ariettas from an opera in the theatre of the " Petits 
 Appartemcnts," a worthy pupil of Jelyotte ; the air -was 
 filled with madrigals. Such are the futilities we connect with 
 the Pompadour. 
 
 But this fairy Eldorado vanished before the eyes of those who 
 understood, and the hour of disaster was at hand. There was 
 no one capable of steering the tempest-tossed vessel to anchor- 
 age — least of all Louis. No statesman, not even Choiseul, was 
 strong or disinterested enough to dethrone the favourite and to 
 give a lesson to this King, so eager to avoid the responsibilities 
 of his throne. 
 
 However, before the final reckoning, then- was one more 
 bright incident to record in the annals of the eighteenth century. 
 On May 11, 1745, the gallant descendants of the heroes of 
 ancient France were gathered round the King and his son. All 
 the chivalry of the Trench nobis was concentrated at Font ( m 
 and if Louis earned a halo by his presence at this triumph of 
 French arms, what should he t h< crown of the real victor 
 
 Some months previously it was almost decided to make peace. 
 Important tidings received in their winter quarters took tin 
 1 u;
 
 41 
 
 AS STUPID AS THE PEACE" 
 
 belligerents by surprise. On January 20 the phantom Emperor, 
 Charles VII, died of aggravated gout, leaving a son who was too 
 Death of young to undertake the government of the Elec- 
 
 the Emperor torate of Bavaria and still less able to claim the 
 Charles VII. Imperial throne. The real cause of the war 
 thus disappeared ; it was left to the Chancelleries to decide 
 what should be done. 
 
 The new Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Marquis d'Argenson, 
 found at the outset that his task was difficult. He was of a 
 speculative turn of mind, and had long interested himself in 
 international politics in the seclusion of his retreat. He thought 
 himself ready for action. But he had little knowledge of men. 
 He was an intimate friend of Voltaire and trusting in him, 
 he believed in the good faith of Frederick. He had not sufficient 
 foresight to arrange a peace with Maria Theresa at the price 
 of consenting to the election of Francis, Grand Duke of Tuscany, 
 to the Imperial crown ; nor had he the courage to secure a 
 concentration of forces in the heart of Germany, and so bar 
 the way to Austria and annihilate her claims. His policy 
 was one of uncertainty and hesitation. Two years were 
 wasted in attaining a result which might have been realized 
 in 1745. 
 
 The King of Prussia might have assisted with his advice, 
 but he was scheming. Appearing all along to consult France, 
 Defection of ne made overtures for an alliance with England 
 the Elector of and Holland, and while he was engaged in these 
 Bavaria. futile attempts an event occurred which ended 
 
 the uncertainty of the French minister. The young Elector 
 of Bavaria yielded, placing himself at the discretion of Austria, 
 and acknowledging her supremacy over all Southern Germany. 
 He subscribed to an ultimatum dictated by Maria Theresa 
 and retained his Electorate by submitting to the following 
 terms : renunciation of the Empire and of the slightest claim 
 to any part of the Austrian succession ; complete adhesion to 
 the Pragmatic Sanction ; promise of the electoral vote of 
 Bavaria in favour of the Grand Duke, and immediate rupture 
 of all alliances with Louis and Frederick. These terms were 
 embodied in the Treaty of Fiissen on April 22. 
 
 At this juncture when Frederick asked for French support 
 
 147
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 1h- received very little encouragement. Tin French and 
 Prussians were allies in name only ; they acted separately and 
 
 each defended their own interests without any concerted plan. 
 Louis resolved to resume the Flanders campaign and to follow 
 up the conquests of 1744. All preparations had been made 
 during the winter by Marshal Saxe, and when the King and the 
 Dauphin arrived at headquarters on May 8, Maurice had 
 invested Tournai and was prepared to try conclusions with 
 the enemy composed of English, Dutch, Hanoverians and 
 Austrians to the number of sixty-five thousand, under the 
 command of the young Duke of Cumberland, the second son 
 of George II. 
 
 The engagement took place to the south-west of Tournai 
 in the direction of Antoing, near the village of Fontenoy. A 
 Battle of memorable day it was, and marked by many 
 
 Fontenoy. deeds of valour showing the spirit of both armies. 
 
 Some weeks before Fontenoy it was feared that Maurice de 
 Saxe would be unable to accompany the army, for he was 
 sulTering from dropsy. Voltaire meeting him in one of the 
 galleries at Versailles asked him if he would not endanger his 
 life if he went with the army. Maurice answered indifferently : 
 " It is not a question of living but of setting out." He was 
 tapped lor his complaint, and then directed and won the battle 
 from a wicker carriage which drew groans from him at every 
 jolt. The English were full of confidence and saw themselves 
 already in Paris. Cumberland had declared : ' I will get 
 there or I will eat my boots." ' Here is an Englishman who 
 is a bit of a Gascon," remarked Maurice, " but if he likes to 
 eat his boots we will make it our business to prepare them 
 for him." 
 
 The English officers were equally sure. At the first en- 
 counter with the French, they greeted them as they would 
 have greeted acquaintances on a public promenade. Then there 
 was a halt, while Lord Charles I lay. Captain of the Guards, 
 came forward to say to the Comte d'Auteroche, Lieutenant of 
 the (iri oadiers : "Monsieur, let your men fire." 
 
 " No, Monsieur, this honour shall be yours ! " 
 
 There is another version of this dialogue, which has been 
 popularly accepted, in which Auteroche is supposed to have said : 
 1 18
 
 "AS STUPID AS THE PEACE" 
 
 " Messieurs the English, fire first ! ' Be that as it may, it is 
 probable that under the veil of courtesy the French were 
 obeying Maurice's orders. His tactics were not to make too 
 much use of his muskets. He held that " troops should never 
 be in a hurry to fire first, as if they fire in the presence of an 
 enemy who reserves his reply, they are bound to be defeated." 
 The English fought valiantly. Their impenetrable column of 
 infantry made success doubtful for several hours. For a moment 
 every one thought of Dettingen, but the last charge was terrible, 
 and the " French vivacity " was irresistible. The Dauphin 
 " with a natural impulse took his sword in hand with perfect 
 grace," wishing to join the charge, and was only restrained with 
 difficulty. The young Duke de Gramont, who had been re- 
 sponsible for the defeat of Dettingen, died at Fontenoy. A bullet 
 struck his horse : 
 
 " Take care, sir, your horse is killed," some one cried to 
 him. 
 
 " And so am I, sir," he answered. 
 
 His thigh was shattered and he died an hour later. 
 
 The slaughter was terrible. At the end of the day Louis left 
 the hill of Notre -Dame -aux-Bois with his son, and passed before 
 his victorious regiments who greeted him with wild cheers, 
 and threw themselves on the ground to kiss his feet. Then he 
 pointed to the heaps of corpses and said : " See, my son, what 
 a victory costs. Learn to be chary of the blood of your 
 subjects." Developing the King's idea the Marquis d'Argenson 
 wrote to Voltaire : " Triumph is the most beautiful thing in the 
 world : cheers for the King, hats in air and on bayonet ends, 
 the master complimenting his warriors, joy, glory, affection ; 
 but the groundwork all this is human blood, and shreds of 
 human flesh. ..." 
 
 " I think that this check will take down the English pride a 
 little," wrote Maurice de Saxe. " The action lasted for nine 
 hours, and although I am dying I stood the fatigue as well as 
 if I were in full health. The King and his only son insisted on 
 being present on the other side of the river, and practically 
 without means of retreat. ... I cannot say enough of the 
 King's firmness of mind and calmness. He did not disturb our 
 operations by giving orders counter to mine, which is often to 
 
 149
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 be feared when a monarch is present with his Court, and cannot 
 Bi e things as they arc/' 
 
 Some amends were due from Voltaire to make the people 
 forget his untimely affection for the King of Prussia. He 
 Voltaire's made them, not in his poem Fontenoy, which is 
 
 Letter to lacking in spontaneity, but in the following short 
 
 Argenson. no t c addressed to his friend, Argenson : " What 
 
 a splendid occupation for a historian ! ' (He had just been 
 made Royal Historian.) " The kings of France have not per- 
 formed so glorious a deed for three hundred years. I am wild 
 with joy. Bon soir, Monseigneur" 
 
 A generous impulse of the Marquis dWrgcnson made him 
 wish to follow up this glorious battle with proposals of peace. 
 He ordered the Abb6 de La Ville, the plenipotentiary at The 
 Hague, to make overtures to the States-General of Holland. 
 "On the occasion of so complete a victory," he said, "when 
 the Netherlands lie unprotected and our victory is prac- 
 tically assured, an oiler of peace made in all sincerity would 
 be the act of a hero and a statesman." He spoke in Louis' 
 name. 
 
 But it was not to be, and peace had to be sought sword in 
 hand. Frederick, to quote his own expression, met the bill 
 which Louis had drawn on hi in at Fontenoy by his victories of 
 Friedberg in Silesia and Kesseldorf in Saxony. He then signed 
 with Austria, on December 25, 1745, the Treaty of Dresden, by 
 which his rights in Silesia and the province of GlatZ were 
 acknowledged. In Italy the Infante Don Philip won the battle 
 of Bassignano, but lost that of Plaeentia. On the death of 
 Philip V, in July 1746, his successor, Ferdinand VI, terminated 
 the active intervention of the Spanish troops and kept them on 
 the defensive. 
 
 France was thus left to fight alone — in Flanders against the 
 allies defeated at Fontenoy, in Italy and the South of France 
 New against the Austrians, who were now free from 
 
 Victories. the pressure of the Prussians. She bravely stood 
 
 her ground. Raucoux, in 1740, and Lawfcld, in 1747. were 
 brilliant sequels of Fontenoy ; once again the ability of Maurice 
 dc Saxc was manifested: Mention may be made also of the 
 capture of Berg-op-Zoom by Lowendal, and the siegt of 
 150
 
 a 
 
 AS STUPID AS THE PEACE" 
 
 Maestricht. Flanders became French once more and Holland 
 had to witness the invasion of her territories. 
 
 In Provence, Maillebois, with the assistance of Chevert, 
 repulsed the Austrians and Sardinians who had occupied Cannes 
 and Antibes, and were preparing, with the encouragement of 
 the English, to besiege Toulon. In consequence of these achieve- 
 ments the Republic of Genoa revolted, and succeeded in throw- 
 ing off the foreign yoke. Its success was due to the Due de 
 Boufflcrs and the Due de Richelieu, and to Belle-Isle's unsuc- 
 cessful diversion at Col d'Assietta which induced the King 
 of Sardinia to withdraw all his troops from the coast. 
 
 After this the preliminaries of peace were mooted at Breda, 
 Peace of Aix- and a treaty was drafted which was signed sub- 
 la-Chapelle. sequently at Aix-la-Chapelle on October 30, 1748. 
 
 What had France gained ? She had heroically defended 
 the Emperor, but on the death of Charles VII she had lost interest 
 in the Imperial election, and as a result the crown went to 
 Francis of Lorraine, husband of Maria Theresa, and the aspira- 
 tions of France's enemy were assured. Frederick at least ac- 
 quired Silesia. But Louis kept none of his conquests in Flanders, 
 because, as he said, he wished to " act like a king and not like 
 a tradesman." He was content that the Duchies of Parma, 
 Placentia, and Guastalla should go to his eldest daughter's 
 husband, the Infante Don Philip, who had become the pretext 
 for the war after the death of Charles VII. In America France 
 recovered Louisburg and Cape Breton — a meagre return for her 
 expenditure of lives and money. 
 
 The King of Sardinia, like Frederick, gained territory. The 
 Republic of Genoa won its independence. The Duke of Modena, 
 the Regent's son-in-law, recovered his duchy, which he had 
 lost in supporting France. 
 
 In spite of her defeats, the real triumph was with England. 
 From the commercial point of view, which with her was the most 
 important, she obtained the right of importing negroes (Asiento) 
 and of trading with the Spanish colonies for four years. Politi- 
 cally, she obtained a renewal of the stipulation made at Utrecht 
 for the demolition of the fortifications of Dunkirk, and secured 
 the banishment of the Stuarts from France. 
 
 Charles Edward, called also the Chevalier de St. Georges, 
 
 151
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 who had been under French protection, and was the nation's 
 must in Paris, was arrested at the Opera, conducted to 
 Charles Edward Vincennes, and thence over the frontier. This 
 banished outrage aroused severe comments ; the King did 
 
 from France, not escape satires and libels, and he was told : 
 
 M Ik- is B king in chains. What are you on the throne ? " 
 
 Maria Theresa also was deceived. Intelligent observers saw 
 in the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapellc a Protestant victory over the 
 two most ancient Catholic monarchies in Europe. After this 
 appeared the first signs of a rapprochement between Hapsburg 
 and Bourbon, and of that reversal of alliances which has been 
 so warmly defended by many modern historians. 
 
 The people were greatly discontented with the results of 
 the war, although on the cessation of hostilities the burden of 
 Popular the taxes was lightened. The women of the 
 
 Discontent. Halles expressed the general feeling when they 
 abused one another for being " as stupid as the Peace " — which 
 passed into a catch-phrase. Their ignorance of the under- 
 currents of diplomacy excused their downright judgment, and 
 in truth the popular conception was not far wrong. The treat- 
 ment of the Stuart Pretender displeased the people and drove 
 them to express their resentment. 
 
 They also wanted to know why all the towns of Flanders, 
 in which the fleurs-de-lis had waved, had been taken for 
 nothing. Again, it was suggested that the King of France's 
 eldest daughter deserved more than three insignificant Italian 
 duchies ; it had been hoped that she would become a queen 
 and wear a real crown. 
 
 Peace, none the less, was proclaimed on February 12, 1749, 
 with all the customary pomp. 
 
 A procession was formed numbering more than eight 
 hundred people. Among them was Bernage, the Provost of 
 Proclamation the Merchants, clothed in his magnificent dress, 
 of Peace. " a robe of crimson and tan velvet," enriched with 
 
 golden embroidery. The first municipal magistrate was ac- 
 COmpanied by the sherifi's, the Public Prosecutor and the 
 Attorney-General, the Protonotaries and the Receiver-General, 
 1 52
 
 16 
 
 AS STUPID AS THE PEACE" 
 
 the King-at-Arms, six heralds, a Master of the Ceremonies, 
 Gentlemen of the Chatelet, and the Lieutenant-General of the 
 Police. A fanfare of trumpets, drums, hautboys, and cremonas 
 lent its aid to the ceremony. All these imposing officials 
 started from the Place de Greve where a large crowd had been 
 waiting since the morning to sec " this magnificent spectacle." 
 The King-at-Arms especially attracted attention ; he was 
 mounted on a white horse and rode by himself preceded by his 
 heralds. In his left hand he held the King's ordinance which 
 he was to proclaim, in his right a sceptre ; his heralds-at-arms 
 carried wands. 
 
 After three flourishes of trumpets, accompanied by solemn 
 ringing of bells, the procession started on its long itinerary. 
 It stopped thirteen times at the principal open spaces of Paris, 
 amongst others at the Place du Carrousel, the Grand Chatelet, 
 the Halles, opposite the Pillory, the Place des Victoires, the 
 equestrian statue of Henri IV on the Pont Neuf , the Place Saint 
 Michel, and the Place Maubert. At each halt the King-at-Arms 
 uncovered and said in a loud and clear voice : " By the King's 
 command ! " Then he put his Majesty's proclamation into the 
 hands of one of the heralds, saying : " You, Herald- at- Arms of 
 France, do your duty." The Proclamation of Peace was read. 
 It was preceded by three flourishes of trumpets and cries of 
 " Vive le Roi ! " from the Archers, but the spectators did not 
 take up the cry. The crowd was curious, but not in the least 
 enthusiastic. Louis' unpopularity was just beginning. 
 
 Principal Sources. The same as for the preceding chapter. The 
 description of the Publication of Peace is taken from the unpublished 
 official report in the Registres du Bureau de la Ville (Archives Nationales, 
 H., 1863, fols. 59-85). 
 
 153
 
 CHAPTER XII 
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 1749-1757 
 
 Pamphlets and libels. Madame de Pompadour's position. Her 
 character. Licence of the great nobles. Discontent of the 
 clergy. Parlementaires and courtiers. Seditious books. The 
 risings of 1750. The Ecole Mililairc and the nobility of the 
 sword. Death of Maurice de Saxe. Birth of the Due de 
 Bourgogne. High price of bread in Paris. Death of Madame 
 Henriette. Illness of the Dauphin. The tabouret granted to 
 Madame de Pompadour. Quarrels between the ( lergy and the 
 Parlement. The conversion of the Marquise. Damiens 1 attempt. 
 The Court in 1757. The favourite's omnipotence. Dismissal 
 of Machault and the Comic d'Argenson. 
 
 THE nation hoped that the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle 
 would cause an appreciable reduction of taxation, 
 but the actual reduction was insignificant. Conse- 
 quently (lure were loud complaints when it was known that 
 Pamphlets and the Royal expenditure had not diminished, and 
 Lampoons. that the fetes at Versailles and the building opera- 
 tions at Choisy, Bellevue, and Fontainebleau had deputed the 
 Treasury. Songs, verses, and satires were published against 
 the King. One of these pamphlets said: " Louis. [£ you were 
 once the object of our love, it is because all your vices w< re 
 not yet known to us. In this kingdom depopulated by you and 
 given over to the mountebanks who are reigning with you, all 
 Frenchmen have come to hate you." The King found on the 
 floor of Versailles missives containing the following words : " Vou 
 are going to Choisy : ti7/// dun't you go to Saint-Denis f " On the 
 Louvre and the Pont Neuf the following warning was posted : 
 
 ( rains ootxt desespoir : la noblesse a des Guises, 
 Paris rits Ravaillae. le clerge* di a ( lenient.* 
 
 * Bewareof our despair; the nobility has its Guises, Paris its Ravaiilacs, 
 and the di rgj their ( lenients. 
 L54
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 There also appeared a brochure called " The Five Wounds 
 of France "—an attack on the whole reign — the Constitution, 
 the Convulsions (one of its disastrous effects), Law's System, 
 Cardinal Fleury's Ministry and the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 There were murmurs also against the reduction of the army. 
 Twelve regiments had been suppressed and there had been a 
 general retrenchment of the military establishment. 
 
 But Louis' greatest unpopularity arose from the new 
 favourite. It began to be known that all responsible positions 
 Madame and places under government were at the disposal 
 
 de Pompadour, of Madame de Pompadour. When the Naval 
 Minister, the Comte de Maurepas, was dismissed, there were 
 grounds for the belief that his disgrace was due to the favourite, 
 who was said to be thus avenging herself on him for some 
 satirical remarks. The Queen, however, had to be gracious to 
 the favourite, for she knew that she had her rival to thank when 
 her husband treated her kindly. 
 
 It must be confessed that Madame de Pompadour was 
 extremely attractive. She was anxious to please or at least to 
 appear amiable. Her skill was great ; never has actress played 
 her part so well. She had more charm than real beauty ; 
 her round face, regular features, magnificent complexion, superb 
 hands and arms, and intelligent eyes would have been of little 
 value but for her talent for putting people at their ease. Her 
 conversation was gay and witty, and gave evidence of a taste 
 and a fund of information much above the average. None knew 
 better than she how to treat every one suitably. Her tact was 
 remarkable and she gave evidence of it by holding receptions 
 at her toilet, so as to avoid difficulties of etiquette. She under- 
 stood Louis perfectly and possessed the valuable art of being 
 able to amuse the most unamusable man in the kingdom. She 
 realised that this Bourbon was meant for a private rather than 
 a public life, so she transformed the Court to suit his caprice, 
 arranging a large number of supper parties, journeys, and 
 select gatherings to which only intimate friends were invited. 
 
 While life went on in this way at Versailles, the Clergy and 
 Parlementaires were meditating revolt. The former wished 
 to escape their burdens of State and the payment of the regular 
 taxes ; the latter objected to the curtailment of their pre- 
 
 155
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 rogativcs unci privileges. Even the courtiers who surrounded 
 Madame de Pompadour complained bitterly as soon as they left 
 her presence. Everywhere, in the salons, in the cafes, and on the 
 
 promenades, men complained against the Government without 
 caring if they were heard. The police contented themselves 
 with espionage and arrested nobody, as they would have been 
 obliged to arrest everyone. A breath of revolution was passing 
 over the nation and spreading " like gangrene." Montesquieu's 
 Esprit des Lois, by its comparison of the monarchic with the 
 republican system, furnished arguments to the enemies of the 
 Government. 
 
 Hitherto religious quarrels had merely divided the Jesuits 
 and Jansenists, but about 1749 the war between scepticism 
 Sceptical and faith was initiated and daring publications 
 
 Books appear, began to appear. Diderot was sent to Vinccnnes 
 1 1 >r his Letter on blindness for the use of those who sec. Toussaint's 
 book Lcs Mceurs was ordered to be burnt for its impiety. The 
 Parlement accused the author " of establishing natural religion 
 on the ruins of all outward faith," and of objecting to " the 
 punishments with which human justice corrects theft and 
 murder.' 1 Toussaint was the forerunner of Jean-Jacques 
 Rousseau and Bcccaria. The Abb6 de Prades delivered a 
 lecture in the Sorbonne in which he compared the miracles of 
 Jesus Christ to the cures of uEsculapius, and under the influence 
 of the Jesuits the Sorbonne denounced him in spite of having 
 prcviemsly received him. He retired into exile at Berlin, but 
 was recalled to retract his essay publicly. 
 
 In 1750 there were risings in Paris caused by the kielnapping 
 
 of girls and boys. R was said that they were destined te> be 
 
 . . shipped to America where they were to be cm- 
 
 Riots in 1750. , j ,, n ■ r n «. 
 
 ployed in the proposed new Canadian silkworm 
 
 farms. Some too zealous constables, actuated by greed of 
 gain, instead of taking foundlings for this purpose, seized 
 workmen's children, " who were wandering in the vicinity of 
 their homes, or who had beeD sent to church or to fetch some- 
 thing," and the tumult among the people was great in the 
 Faubourg Saint -Marcel and the- Faubourg Saint- Antoine. On 
 M.iv 22 tin- house of a commissary in the Rue de Clichy was 
 wrecked with stones because a constable had taken refuge 
 166
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 there. The same thing happened to a restaurant-keeper in 
 the Croix-Rouge who had given shelter to an archer. The 
 next day the rising became more serious ; at Saint-Roch 
 shots were fired, a spy called Parisien was murdered and his 
 corpse was dragged to the house of Berryer, the Lieutenant- 
 General of Police, against whom fierce threats were uttered. 
 The culprits were placed on their trial, but it was realized that 
 the whole populace was implicated. In June of the same year, 
 when the King went from Versailles to Compiegne, he travelled 
 to Saint-Denis without crossing Paris, dreading seditious cries, 
 and afterwards a road was made which still bears the name of 
 the Route de la Revoke. 
 
 Thus Clergy, Parlementaires, courtiers, writers, men of letters, 
 and men of the people were all discontented and believed them- 
 selves to be victims of injustice, under the influence of the spirit 
 of revolt which was driving France towards revolution. The 
 Marquis d'Argenson wrote these prophetic words in September 
 1751 : " Every class is discontented. Everything is in a highly 
 inflammable state, a rising may grow into a revolt and a revolt 
 into a national revolution which would result in the election of 
 tribunes of the people and electoral assemblies of the communes. 
 Thereby the King and his ministers would be deprived of their 
 excessive power to do harm." It is true that when d'Argenson 
 himself was in power he did not find his authority excessive. 
 
 To create a diversion some popular schemes were set afloat. 
 On January 1, 1751, under the auspices of Madame de Pompa- 
 Ec^le Militaire dour, the ficole Militaire was founded, in which 
 founded. five hundred sons of gentlemen were to be edu- 
 
 cated free, the preference being given to those whose fathers 
 had been killed on active service. The building in which 
 they were established still exists and is a fine specimen of 
 eighteenth-century architecture ; it is situated near the In- 
 valides at the end of the Champ de Mars. The public took 
 much interest in it. " We shall see," said Barbier, " two 
 neighbouring houses, one the cradle and the other the tomb 
 of soldiers." 
 
 Some months earlier an edict was passed establishing a new 
 nobility, to which not only those who reached the rank of 
 general, but those also who had become captains and whose 
 
 157
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 fathers and grandfathers had served in the same capacity — 
 
 patrc et avo inilitibits — acquired a prescriptive right. The nobility 
 thus created did not owe its immunities to the power of money, 
 like the court officials, but to personal service, often of a 
 distinguished nature. These just favours were some conso- 
 lation to the soldiers now in mourning for the victor of Fontcnoy, 
 who had just died, to the deep regret of his companions in arms. 
 They felt that one century could not produce two such heroes, 
 lie died at the Chateau of Chambord, which Louis had given him 
 for life as a reward for his services. He led a sumptuous life 
 there and had made it a second Versailles. 
 
 Maurice de Saxe died bravely. He said to Sdnac, the court 
 physician, sent to him by the King : " My friend, you come too 
 Death of late. This is the end of a beautiful dream ! ' 
 
 Maurice He was a Protestant. The Queen said of him : 
 
 de Saxe. " It is a pity we cannot say a Do Pro fund is for a 
 
 man who was the cause of so many Tc Deums I ' His body was 
 taken to a Lutheran chapel at Strasburg, and later Pigalle 
 erected a monument to the great captain whose glory was not 
 surpassed even by that of Turenne. His face was bright and 
 intelligent. La Tour has immortalized him in a wonderful 
 pastel at the Louvre, of which there is a beautiful replica in the 
 Dresden Museum. Maurice honoured the House of Saxony as 
 the natural son of the Elector, Augustus II, King of Poland, 
 and he honoured France also by his brilliant services to her. 
 
 A gloom was cast over the Court in 1751 by this sad 
 event and by the censures passed upon the monarch from the 
 vantage-ground of the pulpit. Pere GriiTet, who preached 
 the Lent sermons at Versailles, alluded to the King's conduct, 
 and inveighed against worldliness even in the presence of 
 Louis himself an attentive listener. The Jesuits, and with 
 them the Queen and the Dauphin, hoped that the universal 
 jubilee festival would bring Louis back lo religion. Hut Louis 
 I' rfbrmed his Lenten devotions very carelessly. All the while, 
 ballets and comedies were being rehearsed behind the scenes at 
 the Marquise's theatre, in preparation for private performances. 
 At th sermons Louis was merely amused, treating them as 
 though the words of truth could not apply to him and weiv 
 addn wed only to his Court. 
 1 58
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 On September 12 the Dauphin's first son, the Due de 
 Bourgogne was born, but there were no manifestations of public 
 Birth of the rejoicing. The official celebrations aroused no 
 Due enthusiasm ; bread stood at twopence a pound ; 
 
 de Bourgogne. j^e high prices and the poverty increased ; 
 taxation became heavier ; the complaints of the clergy and 
 the Parlement troubled the country ; and honest folk had no 
 heart for merrymaking. The prevailing listlessness was so 
 great that when the Due de Gesvres, Governor of Paris, caused 
 money to be thrown to the people, there were not ten persons 
 present to pick it up. Artisans and merchants had some cause 
 to be discontented. The Dauphin and Dauphine on November 
 26 went to a Te Deum at Notre Dame and their reception was 
 unfavourable. More than two thousand women assembled 
 near the Pont de la Tournelle and cried to them : " Give us 
 bread ! We are dying of hunger ! " The Dauphin ordered the 
 distribution of some small coins, but the women only cried the 
 louder : " Monseigneur, we do not want your money ! We 
 want bread. We love you ; send away this Pompadour who 
 is governing and ruining the kingdom. If we only had her 
 here there would soon be nothing left of her to serve as relics." 
 On their return Louis asked the Dauphine if she had not received 
 many benedictions. 
 
 " Benedictions ! " she answered, sobbing, "they asked me for 
 bread ! " 
 
 On the death of Madame Henriette on February 10, 1752, 
 a terrible blow for Louis, the people cried out again : " See 
 Death of what happens when you offend God and make 
 
 Madame your subjects unhappy ! God takes away your 
 
 Henriette. beloved daughter." Louis was tortured with grief 
 
 and remorse ; the Queen's party hoped to be victorious this 
 time. But, after two days, it was apparent that there was to 
 be no change, and the Marquise was more powerful than ever. 
 
 Some months later the Court was again alarmed ; the 
 Dauphin had small-pox and seemed to be in danger. Louis 
 Illness of did not enter the sick-room. The Queen was less 
 
 the Dauphin, timid and went to see her son. The Dauphine 
 took her place at her husband's bedside and ordered those who 
 assisted her to forgo all ceremony and not to consider her. " I 
 
 159
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 am do Longer Dauphine," said Marie-Josephe, " I am only a 
 
 nurse." Pousse, a doctor who had been summoned from Paris, 
 knew nothing of the Court or its etiquette. He saw the princess 
 simply dressed, attending to the various requirements of the 
 
 sick-room, and said one day : " Do exactly what this little 
 woman tells you, for she understands wonderfully whal is 
 wanted." And turning to Marie-Josephe lie added, " What is 
 your name, my child ? " 
 
 When the Dauphin began to mend the King was compelk d 
 by custom to show himself to the Parisians and to go with his 
 family to Notre Dame for a thanksgiving service. The price of 
 bread had been lowered so that his Majesty should be better 
 received. Nevertheless, a poor wretch climbed on to the 
 Queen's carriage, near the Point-du-Jour, to show her some 
 black bread, crying : " There, Madame, that is what we have 
 to pay three halfpence a pound for." 
 
 Louis changed horses at the Petit Cours, where he was 
 cheered, by some bystanders, but in Paris nobody cried Vive 
 le Roi I 
 
 In spite of these sentiments Louis chose this very time to 
 complete Madame dc Pompadour's satisfaction by according 
 Madame de ner the tabouret and the privileges of a duchess. 
 Pompadour's The favourite was presented, with great ceremony 
 Honours. by the Dowager Princess dc Conti, and thus fresh 
 
 jealousy was aroused, since for the future she would be entitled 
 to the privileges of the wives of dukes anil peers. The tabouret 
 was the right to sit down at the Grand Convert and in all Court 
 assemblies, and was the highest honour at Court. It was a 
 dignity to which no bourgcoisc had ever yet attained. The 
 Dauphin greatly resented this inopportune favour and the 
 event caused what was then called a "ruffling of feathers," 
 at Court. Sharp words passed between father and son. The 
 Dauphin asked permission to dine with the Archbishop of Paris, 
 and received the following answer from the King: " My son, 
 you ought to wish me to live long, for you art' not yet able to 
 govern yourself." The Dauphin, who was deeply sensible of 
 his duty, could not complete l\ ignore the Marquise, but towards 
 his lather he behaved for the future with only an outward 
 show of respect. 
 
 1G0
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 The antagonism between the Clergy and the Parliament in- 
 creased. Bouettin, Cure of Saint-Etienne-du-Mont, refused the 
 Friction ^ as * sacraments to a Jansenist priest named Le 
 
 between Mere, because he had not a confessional certificate 
 
 Clergy and signed by an ecclesiastic who had submitted to 
 Parlement. t j ie g u jj JJnigenitus. There was a general 
 disturbance in Paris ; ten thousand people followed Le Mere 
 to the grave. The Parliament did not dare to attack the Arch- 
 bishop of Paris, Christophe de Beaumont, who was responsible 
 for the scandal, ' ' but they issued a warrant of arrest against 
 the Cure of Saint-Etienne." The King interfered and quashed 
 the warrant as derogating from his authority. 
 
 The trouble spread to the provinces and almost brought 
 about a revival of the League. The Parliament addressed a re- 
 monstrance to the King like " the harangues which the Romans 
 made from the tribune." The magistrates pointed out the dis- 
 orders which the Constitution had caused in Church and State, 
 and they reminded the King that Louis XIV had only allowed 
 the Bull to be registered with the addition of certain amend- 
 ments safeguarding Gallican liberties. " The impious," they 
 said, " have made use of the dissensions which have arisen 
 between ministers of religion to attack religion itself. The 
 proud philosopher, madly jealous of the Divinity Himself, 
 and seeing with regret the homage which is rendered to Him, 
 thinks this a favourable moment to introduce a monstrous 
 system of unbelief." This was an allusion to the first volumes 
 of the Encyclopedia. " It has been reserved for our generation, " 
 they continued, " to hear without comment in the first Uni- 
 versity of Christendom a public lecture (that of the Abbe de 
 Prades), in which all the false principles of unbelief were sys- 
 tematically expounded." 
 
 The Chief President, in a private interview, said to Louis, 
 " Sire, you are being deceived ; it is time you realized it. 
 Schism needs small forces to dethrone kings, whereas it takes 
 great armies to defend them." A commission of prelates and 
 Parlementaires was appointed to discuss the question, but it 
 never sat. The troubles increased, the Ultramontanes continued 
 to refuse the sacraments, and the Jansenists to protest. They 
 disputed over opinions and doctrines. Contradictory decrees 
 
 L 161
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 u. re issued at the same moment by the Parliament on one side 
 and the King's Council on the other, and thus " two practically 
 equal powers crossed one another in their operations." The 
 anarchy was complete. kk Everything is falling in turn," wrote 
 d'Argenson. ' Meanwhile opinion gains ground, rises and 
 spreads until it may cause a national revolution." 
 
 The Parliament sent in remonstrances in quick succession, 
 but the King persisted in his refusal to listen. Matters were at 
 Struggle their worst in May 1753, and in the night of May 8 
 
 between musketeers went from door to door to present 
 
 King and the presidents and councillors with lettrcs de 
 
 Parliament. cachet ordering them to go to the residences which 
 had been assigned to them. The Grand Chambre was excepted 
 from this punishment, but it desired to share the fate of the 
 rest, and so was sent to Pontoise as in 1720. The Grandes 
 Remontrances, which had fired the powder, were published on 
 May 23, although they had not been officially read. These 
 Grandes Remontrances were a political and religious manifesto 
 of the utmost significance, for they revealed the temper of the 
 Parlementaires and already foreshadowed the revolution to 
 come. They censured the clergy, showing how the Church 
 had encroached on the temporal authorities. The following 
 was among the phrases used : ' The authority of the successors 
 of the Apostles is a ministry, not an empire." The Throne was 
 censured : " If subjects," said the Parliament, "owe obedience 
 to kings, kings on their side owe obedience to law." The 
 conclusion was particularly stirring : " No, Sire, we will not 
 allow the triumph of a schism fatal to religion and capable of 
 striking a deadly blow at your Sovereignty and the State. Tn 
 vain do they try to compel us to become powerless spectators 
 of the misfortunes of our country and thus incur responsi- 
 bility for its woes. If those who wrongfully use your name 
 are trying to reduce us to the cruel altern.it ives of i it her suffering 
 disgrace from your Majesty, or betraying those duties that an 
 inviolable zeal for your service imposes upon us, let them 
 know that that zeal is boundless, and that we are resolved to 
 remain faithful to you, even though we become the victims of 
 our own fidelity." 
 
 All the provincial parliaments joined with the Parliament 
 1G2
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 of Paris ; there were even suggestions of a Convocation of the 
 States-General. 
 
 There were numerous attempts at repression, but they only 
 inflamed the resistance. The one dominant idea was that the 
 nation is above the monarch, as the Church is above the Pope.* 
 The Ultramontane Party seized upon this as a weapon. The 
 Bishop of Montauban published a charge in which he recalled 
 the fate of Charles I, and insinuated that the Parliament of Paris, 
 like that of London, was capable of condemning the Sovereign to 
 the scaffold. 
 
 We have here an example of courageous championship of 
 the liberties of ancient France, when the highest institution of 
 Unrest in the kingdom, an institution which was independent 
 
 Paris. of the State both in its origin and in its functions, 
 
 addressed such reprimands to the Government. But it must 
 be admitted that the effect was small. Under the name of the 
 Chambre Royale a sham Parliament was created, a weak antici- 
 pation of the Maupeou Parliament. But the Chatelet, the last 
 remnant of the judicature, a court of first instance, refused to 
 recognize it. Whereupon the Government wished to suppress 
 the Chatelet. " I learn," writes d'Argenson on this subject 
 in December 1753, " from one of the chief magistrates of Paris, 
 that the Parisians are in a state of subdued excitement. Mili- 
 tary precautions are being taken, the watch is doubled each day, 
 and patrols of Swiss and French guards are to be seen in the 
 streets. The same magistrate tells me that he believes, if the 
 Chatelet is suppressed, the shops will be shut, barricades will 
 be constructed, and thus the revolution will begin." 
 
 The Ultramontane reaction became very violent in 1754. 
 Christophe de Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris, deprived of 
 their authority all confessors who did not show sufficient zeal 
 for the Constitution. Pere Laugier, a Jesuit, preached before 
 the King against the Parliament, and concluded " in the style 
 of an Attorney-General," urging the abolition of this institution 
 as impious and destructive of religion. The Protestants of the 
 Cevennes were threatened with new dragonnades. In March 
 1754, five thousand Huguenots of Nimes left the Kingdom. 
 
 This quarrel between the Jansenists and Ultramontanes 
 
 * d'Argenson. 
 
 163
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 was the preface of the Cahicrs of the States-General of 1789. 
 The fever of opposition in 1754 is a forecast of the Revolution. 
 And if the storm cloud did not burst, it was not, as Rousseau 
 says, because of the publication of his Lcttre BUT (or rather 
 against) /'/ musique Jran^aise. . . . " When you read," he says, 
 tv that this pamphlet perhaps prevented a revolution in the 
 State, you will think you are dreaming!" It was still less, 
 as the Due dc Luynes would have us believe, because of the 
 arrival in Paris of a troop of Opera Bujfa, and of the actor 
 Manelli, which set the partisans of French and Italian music at 
 loggerheads. The real reason was that the Court realized the 
 danger and changed its policy. In June it caused a report to be 
 spread of the recall of the exiled Parlementaires and the expul- 
 sion of the Jesuits. Only the first was true. On August .'50 
 the Chambre Roy air was suppressed by letters patent, and on 
 September 4 the Parliament returned to favour almost at the 
 Birth of very time that the Due de Berry, the future 
 
 Louis XVI. Louis XVI, was born on August 23. It was said 
 that these measures were the work of the Marquise ; they were 
 designed to calm the hatred which pursued her and the insults 
 with which she was loaded. 
 
 Magistrates were muzzled by the law of silence. Louis XV 
 ordered them not to revive religious quarrels and to maintain 
 public peace. This law hardly pleased the clergy, and especially 
 the bishops, who asserted that they had received their mission 
 from Our Lord " to preach His Name on the housetops," and to 
 be in subjection to God and not to men. There were fresh 
 refusals of the sacraments at Boulogne and at Paris. The 
 magistrates asked for explanations from the Archbishop, but 
 he did not listen to them, so they complained to the King. Louis, 
 Archbishop of intent upon keeping the peace, exiled Monseigneur 
 Paris exiled. dc Beaumont to C'onllans on December .'3. The 
 reconciliation between the King and Parliament was complete, 
 but the Archbishop of Paris resisted and continued the war. 
 lb- was next ordered to go to Lagny, a little further from his 
 faithful followers. Then the Parliament declared, in March 
 17.55, that the Bull was not a rule of faith and forbade all clergy 
 to at 1 ribute t his character to it. The law of sil< tier was scarcely 
 
 observed at all, and the Constitution was w nationally annihi- 
 
 it;i
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 latcd." * At this pass the King, foreseeing war, annulled the 
 decree so as to persuade the Assembly of the Clergy to vote him 
 several millions. There was a tacit agreement between the 
 magistrates and the Monarch, and as soon as he had secured the 
 freewill offering {don gratuit), as the ecclesiastical tax was called, 
 Louis met all the requests of the bishops with a refusal. This was 
 followed by a general relaxation of stringency. The Encyclo- 
 pcedia was allowed to reappear ; tolerance was shown to the 
 Protestants and they were allowed to build places of worship. 
 But the Archbishop of Paris, supported by the Jesuits, would 
 not own defeat and, finally, at the lit de justice held on December 
 13, 1756, they persuaded the King to order the Constitution to 
 be respected as a decision of the Church. The Archbishop's 
 exile was made less strict and he returned in October 1757. 
 Once more the omnipotent favourite was the cause of this 
 abrupt change of policy ; she had special reasons for supposing 
 that her reign would one day end, for Louis was now interested 
 in her merely from force of habit, and because no superior 
 attraction had yet arisen. Her enemies lost no chance of 
 intriguing against her and of putting temptation in the King's 
 way, and she, playing a dangerous game, was prepared to use 
 any means to serve her ends. 
 
 The memory of Madame de Maintenon haunted her, so she 
 made preparations to secure her retreat with feminine adroitness, 
 Madame de combining the trickery of a Tartuffe with the 
 Pompadour's craft of a Dorimene. She thought of becoming 
 Conversion. converted, and did not hesitate to apply to a Jesuit, 
 Pere de Sacy, an innocent accomplice and a very saintly man, 
 to unravel the tangled skein of her position. This took place 
 at the end of 1755. The Marquise at that time gave evidence 
 of the most fervent piety ; she went every day to Mass, fasted 
 on Friday, and held receptions no longer at her toilet, but at 
 her embroidery frame. It was even thought that she would 
 cease to use rouge. Suddenly, on February 8, 1756, to the sur- 
 prise of everyone, she was appointed Lady of the Palace to the 
 Queen. A letter from the King informed Marie Leszczynska 
 of the appointment and she answered : " Sire, I have a King in 
 Heaven Who gives me the strength to endure my troubles, and 
 
 * d'Argenson. 
 
 165
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 B ITing on earth whom I shall always obey." The next day 
 Madame de Pompadour performed her new duties " with an easy 
 air, as t hough she had never done anything else." 
 
 Such was the reward of her return to the faith— her " quarter 
 conversion." " Extremists said already," writes the Due de 
 Croy, l * that after the death of the Duchcssc de Luynes, tin 
 post of Superintendent of the Queen would be revived in favour 
 of Madame de Pompadour; that her great influence would 
 continue and even increase, if it were possible, and that she would 
 < <[ual or surpass Madame de Maintenon, whom for some time 
 she had been carefully imitating." 
 
 The Marquise certainly owed some return to the Jesuits. 
 She had made Pere de Sacy believe that her example would bring 
 back the King to his religious practices ; she conjured up a 
 vision of a devout Court firmly supporting the Church, and she 
 persuaded Louis to insist upon the acceptance of the Constitu- 
 tion. Later, when she returned to her old life, she helped to 
 complete the ruin of the clergy who had procured her the posi- 
 tion of Lady of the Palace : 
 
 La maison est a moi ; e'est a vous d'en sortir.* 
 
 Once more the course of justice was suspended ; many 
 parlementaircs sent in their resignations, and there were general 
 Damiens' signs of discontent. On January 5, 1757, a 
 
 attempt. fanatic named Damiens tried to assassinate the 
 
 King as he was leaving Versailles for the Trianon. Immediately 
 nil was forgotten in anxiety for the King's health. The suspense, 
 however, was not long, as the wound was not serious, and in 
 spite of fears of a fresh attempt, it was soon ascertained that 
 Damiens had no accomplice. 
 
 The citizens of l'aris had hem as rnueh distressed as everyone 
 else when the King was ill at Metz in 1744, but now they 
 remained indifferent, and nursed their resentment at the exile 
 of the Parliament. 
 
 The attitude of the Court at this critical moment is interesting. 
 
 The King behaved well, and when the surgeons told him of his 
 
 safety, he showed no more pleasure at being out of danger than he 
 
 had showed f. ar when he thought he was lost. He said to one 
 
 * The house is mine ; it is for you to go. 
 
 160
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 of his courtiers : " The wound was not very deep, yet it went 
 to the heart." His conduct to the Dauphin was moving ; he 
 spoke long and affectionately to him, expressed his regret at the 
 scandal he had caused, and recommended his son to study the 
 happiness of his people. He wanted to confess. His titular 
 confessor, Pere Desmarest, who certainly had not a very heavy 
 duty to perform, was at Paris ; but the Abbe Soldini was brought 
 to him and remained " three-quarters of an hour with the King, 
 behind his curtains." 
 
 All eyes were turned on the Dauphin as the rising sun ; 
 on the 5th he was treated as King, and that evening he presided 
 at the Council of Ministers. Argenson says he showed intelli- 
 gence, dignity, and eloquence beyond all expectation. Men 
 must be put to the test before they can show their true value. 
 
 The Queen and Mesdames thought only of the King's con- 
 version " which would have given them more authority " * and 
 would have dismissed the Marquise for ever. The Comtesse 
 de Toulouse, on behalf of the King's children, approached 
 Bernis. She asked him to advise the Marquise to retire, adding 
 that this retreat would not diminish the confidence and friend- 
 ship of the King, and would assure her of Monsieur le Dauphin's 
 protection for the rest of her life, besides covering her with glory 
 in the eyes of all Europe. 
 
 Madame de Pompadour's future was the topic of all con- 
 versation and, if Bernis is to be trusted, people were more 
 Position of interested in what was likely to become of the 
 Madame de favourite than in the accident to the King. All 
 Pompadour. means of access were closed to her ; the royal 
 family were sufficient to fill the Chamber. The friends of the 
 Marquise were no longer numerous. " At Court, disgrace 
 causes courtiers to fly away, like pigeons from a cot at the entry 
 of a sparrow-hawk." * Most of the people who went to see her 
 went " to see what appearance she was presenting, under pre- 
 tence of interest." f However, some were faithful to her. 
 Bernis and the Prince de Soubise managed to overcome the 
 intrigues of the Comte d' Argenson, Minister of War, and the 
 indecision of Machault, Minister of Marine, and saw that Madame 
 de Pompadour was allowed to wait at Versailles in safety. 
 * Chevemy. t Du Hausset. 
 
 167
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 For eleven days she was left in uncertainty as to her position, 
 as she had no message from the King " who was under the eyes 
 of all his Court and all his family."' At last, on January 1G, 
 the eourtiers noticed a change in Louis. Instead of looking 
 sad and severe he now appeared calm and bright. A smile 
 passed over his lips and happiness brightened his handsome 
 face. Thus his intimates knew that he had visited Madame de 
 Pompadour. " They had tried indirectly," says Chcvrrny, " to 
 prove to him thai people were ill disposed towards him and that 
 this was probably a conspiracy. . . . Madame de Pompadour 
 took a different view ; she told him that Damicns was only a 
 dangerous madman, and that it was not a conspiracy. She spoke 
 of the general alarm which had spread through the kingdom, 
 how all the Parliaments had been horrified at the deed. She 
 said that this accident would protect him from anything of the 
 kind happening again. . . . Thus she poured so much balm 
 on his wounds that that evening he dressed, and the next day 
 he reappeared at the hunt and at the suppers in he Pctits 
 . tppartements. The pious cabal was defeated and the Marquise 
 became more powerful than ever. 
 
 She took advantage of this omnipotence to secure the dis- 
 grace of Machault and the Comtc d'Argcnson, against whom she 
 The favourite naf l a personal grievance; she also resented their 
 restored to attitude in the Damiens affair. These two 
 
 power. ministers, and especially Machault, were men of 
 
 considerable experience, and their disgrace took place at a 
 time when war was imminent and their services would have 
 been inestimable. They were sacrificed in spite of the King 
 and in spite of public opinion. Chcvcrny, in his M&moires, 
 says of them : " Monsieur le Comte d'Argcnson was Minister for 
 War. Naturally gifted, with a handsome appearance, a pro- 
 digious memory, and the refined eloquence of a courtier, and 
 believing his position secure, he originated vast intrigues 
 in the hope of persuading Louis to make him Prime Minister] 
 Monsieur dc Machault's plans were deeper and better carried 
 out." 
 
 Louis, on this occasion, showed his habitual dissimulation, 
 lie treated tin two victims "equally well both publicly and 
 
 privately." Pcrnis remembers that two days before his disgrace 
 168
 
 LOUIS XV BECOMES UNPOPULAR 
 
 d'Argcnson said to him : " You arc reticent, but you know quite 
 well that Machault is packing up ; the Marquise wishes to sec 
 no more of him. It is a question of a week at most." 
 
 Machault and d'Argenson were exiled together on February 1, 
 1757. Neither of them had suspected his own disgrace. The 
 Dismissal of wording of the letters that the King had sent to 
 Machault and them was very different. It is evident that 
 d'Argenson. Louis was distressed at having to obey the 
 Marquise when he wrote to Machault : " Although I am per- 
 suaded of the probity and uprightness of your intentions, 
 present circumstances force me to ask you to return my Seals 
 and to resign the office of Secretary of State for the Navy. Be 
 always assured of my protection and my friendship." A pension 
 of 20,000 livres was granted to Machault. The note which 
 d'Argenson received was cold and imperative : " Monsieur 
 d'Argenson, as your service is no longer necessary to me, I order 
 you to send in your resignation of the office of Secretary of State 
 for War, and your other duties, and to withdraw to your estate 
 of Ormes." 
 
 Bernis, who was devoted to Madame de Pompadour, owns 
 that this was a fatal error. The Marquis de Paulmy, who 
 succeeded his uncle d'Argenson, and Moras, who replaced 
 Machault, brought " confusion and disorder into their respective 
 departments." The Marquise, " with her childlike confidence," 
 thought that with her help all would be well. . . . Neither 
 Bernis nor the new allies had any illusions on that subject. 
 Disasters were hanging over France which would increase the 
 already considerable unpopularity of Louis and his favourite. 
 Execution of As for Damiens, he was condemned to be drawn 
 Damiens. and quartered. We will not here give the details 
 
 of this terrible execution. It will suffice to say that, according 
 to Barbier, the criminal remained " more than half an hour 
 seated in front of the scaffold looking on calmly whilst every- 
 thing was prepared for his punishment." They took an hour 
 and a quarter to kill him. " Many people," says Madame du 
 Hausset, " and even women, had the barbarous curiosity to 
 
 watch this execution, among other Madame P , a very 
 
 beautiful woman, wife of a farmer-general of taxes. Some one 
 told the King of this and he put his two hands over his eyes, 
 
 169
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Baying : ' Oh ! the horrible woman ! ' They say thai she and 
 others had intended t<> (latter the King by their action. 
 
 Principal Soi rgbs. Mimofres <>r Journaust of the Marquis d'Argn n- 
 Bon, Barbier, the Due de Luynes, Duforl de Cheverny, Pr&idenl He*nault, 
 
 Madame du Ilaussct. Bemis : Corres/>ondanee of Madame de Pompadour 
 
 (Malagas) ; Journal kiatoriqut on Feutea du rigne de Louis XV, itc>6; 
 lie privie de Louis XV (Moufle d'Angerville) ; Glasson, Hiatoire du 
 Parlement de Paris, 2 vols., looi ; Rocquain, UispriA revoluthmnalre 
 aoani la Revolution, 1878; Aubertin, Ueaprit public etu XVIIIe tiicle, 
 
 :ird edition. 1889; E. ft J. de Goncourt. Madame de PompadoUT, m\v 
 
 edition, 1899 ; P. de Nolhae, Louis XV and Madame dr Pompadour, 1904 ; 
 C. Stryienski, La Mere des Irois derniers Uuurbons, 1902. 
 
 170
 
 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR S 
 1756-1763 
 
 Rivalry between France and England. Dupleix in India. 
 Events in America. Capture of Port Mahon. War breaks out. 
 The proposals of Maria Theresa. Frederick's attitude. Invasion 
 of Saxony. Marshal d'Estrees. Richelieu. Madame de Pom- 
 padour obtains the command of the French forces for the Prince 
 de Soubise. The Comte de Clermont. The English plunder the 
 coasts of France. Bernis. Choiseul. Elizabeth of Russia. 
 Contades. Broglie. Saint-Germain. The Chevalier d'Assas. 
 Death of Elizabeth. The defection of Russia. The Family 
 Compact. Preliminaries of peace. The treaties of Paris and 
 Hubertsburg. Bouchardon's Statue of Louis XV. 
 
 •■»• 
 
 CARDINAL FLEURY had continued the Regent's 
 English policy and had allowed himself to be duped 
 by his pretended friend, Walpole. The British Govern- 
 ment had been continually waiting for a propitious moment 
 French and *° dispute with France the possession of her 
 English in colonies in India and America and to destroy 
 India. h er fleet. In Asia, the settlements which were 
 
 originated by Colbert, founded by Lenoir and Dumas, and 
 developed by Dupleix, were compromised by the rivalry 
 between the latter and de La Bourdonnais. At the Peace of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, France had to give up Madras to England 
 and only kept Pondicherry, Mahe, Chandernagore, and Karikal. 
 Nevertheless, Dupleix continued to conquer the Mogul Empire 
 with the intention of establishing European supremacy, and 
 being both an able statesman and a man of action, he under- 
 stood that in order to exercise a victorious authority in India 
 he would have to gain influence over one or other of the puppets 
 dignified by the title of Nizam or Nabob, whose motions he 
 would govern and who would be the mouthpiece for his orders. 
 
 171
 
 T II B E I G II T E E N T II C E N TIT R Y 
 
 The English historian, Macaulay, says: "The arts both of 
 war and policy, which a few years later were employed with 
 such signal success by the English, were first understood and 
 practised by this ingenious and aspiring Frenchman." It 
 was Louis' government which stopped the progress of this 
 greal pioneer of French colonization. Dupleix was master of a 
 territory which stretched from the River Narbada to Cape 
 . Comorin, comprising a tract of land as large as 
 
 France. But he had to contend with Clive, a 
 young English adventurer, endowed with the military talents 
 in which his adversary was lacking. Clive was supported by a 
 regular army, whilst the Frenchman had nothing but the sweep- 
 ings of the galleys. The King would not make the sacrifices 
 which might, in spite of all, have assured success. Like a 
 faithful disciple of Fleury, he gave in to the demands of the 
 English Cabinet and recalled Dupleix in 175k Dupleix has 
 been much misunderstood. Some days before his death in 
 17G3, he published his Mtinoirc.s, which are pitiful reading : 
 ' I have sacrificed," he says, " my youth, my fortune, and my 
 life in loading my nation with honour and riches in Asia. . . . 
 I am in the most abject poverty. The little that remained to 
 me has been seized. I have been obliged to obtain suspension 
 decrees to prevent myself from being dragged to prison. . . ." 
 
 Colonel Malleson has said of Dupleix : " The rivals who 
 profited by his disgrace place him on a pedestal (his bust is at 
 Calcutta amongst those of other great Europeans) hardly less 
 elevated than those which bear (live. Warren Hastings, and 
 Wellesley." * 
 
 In America matters were going no better for France. The 
 Peace of Aix-la-Chapellc had not determined the boundaries 
 Events in of the English and French colonies there. The 
 
 America. Canadians were defending their territory by forti- 
 
 fying the Valley of the Ohio and protecting the St. Lawrence 
 and the Mississippi, so as to keep the English between the 
 
 Alleghanies and the sea. Some of the islands of the Antilles 
 were still in dispute. Nevertheless, French commerce was 
 
 * Colonel Mallcson's actual ffordfl an- ! " Not the less will even the 
 
 descendant! <>f his rivals place him on the pedestal of Clive, Warren 
 
 Hastings, and Weilesiev/'- Hiatory of the French in India. 
 
 172
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 expanding ; a new impulse had been given to shipping by two 
 great ministers, Rouille and Maehault. England, jealous of 
 the French maritime power, had determined on her destruction. 
 In June 1755, without any declaration of war, Admiral 
 Boscawen, then in Newfoundland, seized two French frigates, 
 the Alcide and the Lys. The English thus commenced hostili- 
 ties with a scandalous surprise attack. The chase continued, 
 and more than three hundred vessels fell into the English 
 nets. The Due de Mirepoix, French Ambassador in London, 
 and Bussy, the Minister at Hanover, were ordered to return 
 immediately without taking leave of the Courts to which they 
 were accredited. 
 
 A reprisal was necessary and it was complete. A French 
 fleet, commanded by the Marquis de la Galissonniere, trans- 
 Capture of ported troops to Minorca under the command of 
 Port Mahon. Marshal de Richelieu. After a brilliant assault 
 the fortress of Port Mahon was taken on May 20, 1756. The 
 French were thus masters of the Mediterranean. It was an 
 eloquent reply to Boscawen. The rejoicing was great in Paris. 
 England made Admiral Byng responsible for his defeat, and he 
 was shot on board his own vessel. 
 
 During these operations war was declared by England on 
 May 17, and by France on June 16. Unhappily, Louis could 
 not fight England without securing peace on the Continent. 
 
 He had to take into account that his ally Frederick had 
 deserted him, and by the Treaty of Whitehall on January 16, 
 1756, had agreed to support British interests, and to defend 
 the Electorate of Hanover which still belonged to George II, and 
 was later menaced by the French Army. At this point Maria 
 Theresa interfered. The obvious desire of the Empress-Queen 
 was to get back Silesia from Prussia. Ever since 1750, through 
 her ministers, Kaunitz and Starhemberg, she had been making 
 Maria Theresa's overtures for an alliance with Louis, and now, in 
 overtures. 1755, the moment seemed favourable. Kaunitz 
 
 had a complete insight into the ways of the Court of France, 
 having spent two years there with the object of obtaining this 
 knowledge, and he knew to whom he should apply at this 
 serious juncture. From Vienna, where he was continuing his 
 brilliant career under Maria Theresa, he wrote to Madame de 
 
 173
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Pompadour : ' Monsieur lc Comtc dc Starhemberg has matters 
 of great importance to propose to the King, which are of such 
 a nature that they can only be communicated through some one 
 whom his most Christian Majesty honours with his complete 
 confidence, and whom he will indicate to the Comtc de Starhem- 
 berg." The man honoured with Complete confidence was 
 Bcrnis, who had just returned from Venice, where he had been 
 ambassador, and was expecting to be made minister. Louis 
 discussed the matter with him and with the Marquise. It was 
 decided at the meeting of Babiolc, in September 1755, that the 
 Austrian proposals should be considered. Starhemberg then 
 revealed to Louis the King of Prussia's negotiations with 
 England through his representative, the Duke of Brunswick. 
 Nothing was known of these negotiations at Versailles, because 
 the French Ambassador had been withdrawn from London. 
 The news was an important trump in the Austrian Minister's 
 game. Frederick, who was allied to France by a treaty which 
 held good until July 5, 1756, signed in January of the same year 
 a treaty with George II against France. Faced with this 
 outrageous action Louis did not hesitate. He decided to reverse 
 his alliance. On May 1 France signed with Austria the first 
 First Treaty Treaty of Versailles; the two Powers promised 
 of Versailles. mutual guarantees and the help of twenty- four 
 thousand men against any aggressor. At the end of the year 
 the Czarina Elizabeth subscribed to this Treaty, rejecting an 
 alliance with England which her advisers had urged her to 
 conclude. 
 
 The outlook was gloomy ; France had to contend with the 
 rivalry of England on the seas and in the colonics and also fight 
 on the Continent. Louis was, perhaps, supported by the idea 
 that his adversaries belonged to a different religion, but he had 
 embarked on a double enterprise, which was the most disastrous 
 of the eighteenth century. Frederick followed England's 
 example, and without declaring war invaded Saxony, in August 
 1756, with the evident intention of marching to the borders of 
 Bohemia and so threatening Maria Theresa. This caused con- 
 sternation at Versailles, (specially to the Dauphine and her 
 friends. The first victims of the hostilities were Augustus III, 
 her father, who fled to Warsaw, and her mother, who remained 
 174
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 at Dresden to receive the insults of the King of Prussia's repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Thus both family interests, and the engagements she had 
 made, prompted France to support Austria. In face of the 
 Prussian aggression she could not be content with the stipula- 
 tions of the Treaty of May 1. Since war had been declared it 
 was best to do all that was possible to terminate it quickly and 
 successfully. Louis was ready to make any sacrifice ; he said 
 of his intimate connection with Vienna : " It is my work, I 
 consider it good, and I mean to maintain it." He sent the Comte 
 d'Estrees to Maria Theresa to arrange the plans of the military 
 operations. Over a hundred thousand Frenchmen were placed 
 at the disposal of the Empress to form the armies of the Rhine 
 Second Treaty and of the Main ; one was to invade Hanover and 
 of Versailles, the other to support the armies of Maria Theresa. 
 This new Convention was signed at Vienna on February 28, 1757, 
 and ratified by the second treaty of Versailles on May 1, 1757. 
 
 The Comte d'Estrees was made a Marshal on his return, and, 
 in spite of the competition for the post, obtained the command 
 of the great army of the Lower Rhine. Madame de Pompadour 
 had wanted this post for her friend, the Prince de Soubise. 
 
 Meanwhile Frederick advanced on Prague, which he captured 
 on May 6. But he sustained a sanguinary defeat at Kollin, 
 on June 18, inflicted by Marshal Daun. " Fortune," wrote the 
 King of Prussia, " is turning her back on me. She is a woman 
 and I am not gallant. I ought to have expected it ; she has 
 joined the ladies who are making war against me." These ladies 
 were Maria Theresa, the Czarina Elizabeth (whose armies were 
 watching the Pomeranian frontiers) and Madame de Pompadour. 
 Frederick evacuated Bohemia. 
 
 D'Estrees entered the lists and chased the Anglo-Hanoverian 
 forces across Westphalia to the Weser, which he crossed at Hameln. 
 Victory of On July 26, aided by Chevert and three Princes of 
 
 d'Estrees at the Blood Royal, the Due d' Orleans, grandson of 
 Hastembeck. the Regent, the Prince de Conde, and the Comte 
 de la Marche, he defeated the Duke of Cumberland at Hastem- 
 beck. The news of the victory of Hastembeck did not reach 
 Paris before the departure of a courier sent with a letter from 
 the King to d'Estrees telling him : " You are replaced by the 
 
 175
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 MartVhal de Richelieu." A friend of d'EstnVs, who knew what 
 WBS going to happen, had warned him, and urged him to offer 
 battle, hoping thus to save him, as he thought none would dart" to 
 recall a general who had just won a victory. . . . Thepublicwas 
 furious. An engraving was published in which Marshal d*Estrees 
 was shown thrashing the Duke of Cumberland with a branch of 
 laurel, and as the leaves fell the Marshal de Richelieu was pick; 
 ing them up. D'Estrees had supporters even at the Court. 
 The (unite de Maillebois, a son of the old Marshal, who had 
 taken part in intrigues, and whose conduct at Hastembcck had 
 been open to question, was imprisoned at Doullcns. 
 
 The intrigues at Versailles compromised the success with 
 which the campaign had begun. Richelieu committed fault 
 Marechal de after fault. On his own responsibility he signed 
 Richelieu. the fruitless Convention of Closter-Zcven on 
 
 September 8, 17.*i7, an action which met with strong disapproval 
 at Versailles. The other army was commanded by the Prince 
 de Sonbise. In face of the enemy there was personal animosity 
 between the two generals. Richelieu made a pretence of going 
 to the assistance of Madame de Pompadour's protege, but his 
 only real object was to secure the defeat of his rival. He wore 
 his troops out with forced marches, disheartened his soldiers, 
 and encouraged pillage while reserving the greater part of 
 the booty for himself. The Pavilion de Hanovre, which 
 still exists on the Boulevards of Paris, was built on his return 
 from the campaign with the proceeds of his robberies, and 
 testifies to their extent. "The disorder," wrote Marshal de 
 Belle-Isle, w " tin insubordination, and the brigandage of Monsieur 
 de Richelieu's army, have passed all bounds. I have never 
 seen anything which comes anywhere near it in all my fifty- 
 years' experience of war. It is certainly the General's fault, 
 for he ought to be master, or he is not worthy to command. It 
 is true that to this end he must begin by being himself irreproach- 
 able, and by giving an example of perfect disinterestedness." 
 
 Each day new officers were sent from Versailles and thrust into 
 
 the conflict by means of influence. They arrived wit h numerous 
 
 n tainers who were so many useless months to \'vc(\, to the 
 .I. trim, nt of the weary hall'-starv. <1 soldiers. At (Jot ha, when 
 
 the Franco-Imperial camp commanded by Sonbise and Bildburg- 
 176
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 hausen fell into the hands of the enemy, they found a crowd of 
 secretaries, cooks, and valets, valuable plate, toilet articles, 
 scents, parasols, and even monkeys and parrots ! 
 
 These carpet knights soon got tired of the camps, and 
 then there were new appeals made at Court. "If an army is 
 being formed," wrote General de Fontenay, Ambassador to 
 Saxony, " the women clamour until those in whom they are 
 interested receive appointments. After three months of the 
 campaign, they go through the same performance to obtain 
 permission for their friends to return." 
 
 There was current at his time a verse in which Marie-Josephe 
 of Saxony speaks to the Marquise — the Dauphine both as a 
 Frenchwoman and a Saxon was suffering doubly from the 
 misfortunes which were accumulating : 
 
 Delphine a Pompadour a tenu ce propos : 
 Madame, desormais, si vous voulez m'en croire, 
 Vous vous contenterez pour votre propre gloire 
 De faire des fermiers et non des generaux.* 
 
 The King of Prussia was in the heart of the Electorate of 
 Saxony ; he had only twenty thousand men left. Soubise was 
 Frederick in opposing him, in command of part of the Imperial 
 Saxony. army. Richelieu at Halberstadt could have 
 
 attacked Frederick's flank, having sixty thousand men at his 
 disposal. The Austrian General, Marschall, was holding Lusatia 
 with fourteen thousand men. But each hesitated. Marschall 
 considered himself too weak and had no orders to advance ; 
 Soubise was awaiting reinforcements and lacked supplies. 
 Richelieu said that the season was too severe to undertake any- 
 thing with such an exhausted army as his. The King of Prussia 
 retreated, but very slowly, having no need to hurry from so 
 indolent an enemy ; but he was not very confident. Besenval 
 tells a characteristic anecdote of him. One evening in October 
 1757, the King had gone to bed and was sleeping on straw ; 
 one of his grenadiers awoke him, saying : " Frederick, here is 
 one of your men who had deserted and whom they are bringing 
 back to you." 
 
 * The Dauphine said this to Pompadour : Madame, for the future, 
 take my advice and content yourself, for the sake of your fame, with 
 making farmers, and not generals. 
 
 M 177
 
 T II E E I G II T E E N T H C E N T II R Y 
 
 " Bring him forward." 
 
 The King asked him why he had deserted. 
 
 " Your affairs," answered the deserter, " are in such a state 
 that I left you to seek my fortune elsewhere/' 
 
 " You are right," said the King, " but I pray you to remain 
 with me during this campaign, and if things go no better, / 
 promise to desert with you." 
 
 Rossbach was fought on November 5. Frederick's twenty 
 thousand men took the sixty thousand Franco-Germans by 
 Battle of surprise. The Prince of Hildburghauscn retired 
 
 Rossbach. at the first cannonade and Soubise lost his head. 
 
 The King of Prussia wrote : " The army of France seemed 
 about to attack mc on the 5th of this month. But it did not 
 do me this honour and fled at the first discharge of our guns, 
 without my being able to come up with it." The army of 
 France ! Frederick forgot that France had allies ; so did the 
 pamphleteers. They preferred to make songs against the French 
 general and to revenge themselves on Madame de Pompadour. 
 Soubise wrote to the King : ' I write to your Majesty in my 
 great despair. The rout of your army is complete." Was the 
 Prince of Hildburghauscn equally frank ? 
 
 In Silesia the Austrian armies took Liegnitz and Schweidnitz 
 from Marshal Bevern and shut him up in Breslau. Frederick 
 Battle of hastened to the spot, retook Breslau, and won the 
 
 Leuthen. battle of Leuthen (Lissa). Daun, the Austrian 
 
 General, brought back in December only thirty thousand men 
 out of the eighty thousand he had once had. The King of 
 Prussia had reconquered the lost ground, and his iron grip held 
 Silesia, never again to be loosened. The victory of Leuthen, 
 Napoleon said, " was one of the most complete which have ever 
 been gained. By itself it would be sufficient to immortalize 
 Frederick II." These compliments are permitted from genera] 
 to general ; but what must be said of Voltaire, who crowned the 
 brow of his Potsdam friend with laurels ? 
 
 The songs which were Levelled at the generals and Mad;r.ii<' 
 de Pompadour amused the public and did no more. The 
 The Comte Marquise retained all her prestige. The ministers 
 
 de Clermont, submitted the most important questions to her 
 before they were discussed in council. She interfered with the 
 178
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 military operations, traced plans of campaign, marked maps 
 with patches on the places she thought advisable to attack or 
 defend. The appointments of generals were at her disposal 
 and always caused the same complaints. Louis de Bourbon, 
 Comte de Clermont, took Richelieu's place. He was the great- 
 grandson of the great Conde ; and was then fifty years old. 
 Although Abb6 of Saint-Germain-des-Pres, he had served in 
 1737 and had distinguished himself in many campaigns, par- 
 ticularly at Lawfeld under Maurice de Saxe. He did not wish to 
 marry, although he was only a tonsured clerk, because he would 
 have had to abandon his numerous benefices, and he preferred 
 to lead an independent life. He was an Academician, but he 
 had not delivered the customary discourse. The command, 
 which he had solicited with much persistency from the beginning 
 of the war, was not really suited to him, for there is a great 
 difference between the officer who obeys orders and can execute 
 them, and the general-in-chief who must show initiative. They 
 laughed at him and called him moitiS plumet, moittt rabat 
 (which may be rendered half -sword, half- gown), and wrote this 
 celebrated verse against him : 
 
 Est-ce un Abbe" ? L'Eglise le renie. 
 
 Un general ? On l'a bien maltraite ; 
 
 Mais il lui reste au moins l'Academie ; 
 
 N'y fut-il pas muet par dignite ? 
 
 Qu'est-il enfin ? Que son merite est mince ? 
 
 Helas ! j'ai beau lui chercher un talent ; 
 
 Un titre auguste eclaire son neant, 
 
 Pour son malheur, le pauvre homrae est un prince.* 
 
 The Comte de Gisors wrote a letter about Clermont to his 
 father, the Marechal de Belle-Isle. It was a serious criticism 
 from a young soldier whose superior qualities were appreciated 
 even by his adversaries. The tone of the letter proves that 
 Gisors had no particular intention of disparaging his general ; 
 it suggests that it pained him to have to make such damaging 
 
 * Is he an Abbe ? The Church repudiates him. A general ? He has 
 been very badly treated. But at least the Academy remains to him ; 
 even there did he not preserve a dignified silence ? What is he then ? 
 How small is his merit ? Alas ! I search him in vain for a talent ; an 
 august title advertises his nullity; unfortunately the poor man is a 
 prince. 
 
 179
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 admissions: "Until now I have not been able to speak openly 
 to yon. . . . M. le Comte de Clermont has do knowledge of 
 
 the country and is incapable of forming any plan by himself; 
 yet he will not allow himself to be governed consistently by 
 
 any one person, but always follows the last advice. He has no 
 foresight and is little troubled by the dangers at hand, is amused 
 at trifles and wastes, his time in useless exercise. Such is our 
 
 general." 
 
 In 1758 Frederick's enemies each took independent action. 
 The French, Austrians and Russians tried to resist the King of 
 Battle of Prussia on the Rhine, in Moravia, and in East 
 
 Crefeld. Prussia. Clermont was beaten at Crefeld by 
 
 Ferdinand of Brunswick on June 23. It was a repetition of 
 Rossbach. Clermont wrote like Soubise : " We have only the 
 shadow of an army left." At Crefeld the Comte dc Gisors was 
 mortally wounded and died at the age of twenty-six, a true 
 Mareellus of the eighteenth century. The day after the death 
 of this young hero one of his friends (M. de Vignoles) wrote: 
 " We have just lost the best subject and the best man in the 
 kingdom ; he was endowed with too many virtues to live in so 
 corrupt an age. . . . My poor friend kepi his consciousness till 
 the last and prepared his own soul for death. He w;is mourned 
 by the enemy as well as by ourselves." 
 
 Great hopes were placed in Marshal Daun and in the Musco- 
 vites who were advancing to threaten Frederick both in the 
 south and the north. But the battle of Zorndorf on August 25 
 was indecisive. The Muscovites and the Prussians lay down 
 to rest where they were, after terrible carnage lasting eleven 
 hours, and the next day, Fermov, the Russian general, with- 
 drew to the Vistula. On the Rhine, Che vert won the battle of 
 Liitternberg on October 7 in the name of Soubise. Chevert had 
 the glory and Soubise was given the Marshal's baton. Frederick, 
 freed on the Russian side, attacked the Austrians. Daun de- 
 feated him at Hochkircheo on October 14, but he failed to 
 follow up liis advantage, and was driven back into Bohemia. 
 Frederick was once more triumphant in tin most critical situa- 
 tion, although he had the mortification of seeing pari of liis 
 states in tin hands ol Elizabeth's armies. England profited 
 by the French disasters, and attacked the gallant garrisons 
 180
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 and squadrons on the French coasts and in the colonies, all 
 doomed to perish for want of aid. The Continental war exhausted 
 The English France. Commodore Howe made a descent on 
 raid the Cherbourg on August 16, levied contributions, 
 
 French coasts, burnt twenty-seven ships, blew up with a mine the 
 embankments which defended the port, and then retired, taking 
 with him cannon and flags. The English tried to do the same at 
 Saint-Cast, near Saint-Malo, on October 11, but were repulsed 
 this time by some Breton volunteers commanded by the Due 
 d'Aisuillon. In Canada Montcalm did marvels with a handful 
 of men. He wrote to the minister who had abandoned him : 
 " We shall fight and we shall bury ourselves, if it be necessary, 
 under the ruins of the colony." When Louisburg was taken on 
 July 20 Montcalm tried to bar the way. But he was left alone, 
 at the head of his little troop, augmented, it is true, by some 
 valiant Canadians, and he died, a hero, at Quebec on September 13, 
 1759. He left the command to the Marquis de Vaudreuil, 
 They take who could do nothing against the numbers of his 
 
 Montreal. enemies and was obliged to surrender Montreal. 
 
 ... It was a fatal blow to France's colonial enterprise and 
 her maritime commerce. 
 
 At Versailles, Bernis, who was appointed Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs in June 1757, sued for peace or at least an armistice. 
 He had " a beautiful dream," he wished to in- 
 Bernis. terrupt the war and only begin it again when they 
 
 had " better actors and better concerted military plans." He 
 found himself confronted with Madame de Pompadour who 
 wanted war and intended to have it ; everything gave way before 
 her. He had against him also Maria Theresa, who was more 
 anxious than ever to avenge her defeats. Thereupon Bernis 
 resigned ; the Comte de Stainville, recently created Due de 
 Choiseul, replaced him. This diplomatist had just served his 
 apprenticeship as Ambassador at Rome and Vienna. He 
 justified both the confidence and favour of the King. 
 
 Choiseul was an ugly man, but the defects of his face were 
 forgotten in the brilliancy of his wit. He came of an eminent 
 Due de family of Lorraine, and had married a daughter 
 
 Choiseul. of Crozat the financier. With her he received an 
 
 immense fortune which enabled him to live as a great noble. 
 
 181
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 His wife, a charming, gentle, and charitable woman, assisted 
 his rise not only by her wealth, but by her grace and her qualities 
 of heart and head. Choiseul's retinue had never been surpassed 
 by any minister. All courtiers and all foreigners who had been 
 presented were admitted to his house. lie held his receptions 
 at one o'clock and dined at two ; no matter how many visitors 
 were present, all were invited to dinner. There was always one 
 great table with thirty-five covers, and a second was prepared 
 in case of need. A servant counted the guests as they arrived, 
 and as soon as the number exceeded thirty-five the second table 
 was made ready. 
 
 President Ildnault has left a portrait of this splendid and 
 intelligent minister, who " among the pygmies of the reign 
 was something of a great man." After enumerating his virtues 
 — frankness, vivacity, tact, and courage — he asks : " But had 
 he then no faults ? Oh, yes ! Love of pleasure — he docs not 
 deny himself. He gives much time to it, as well as to making 
 his court to the King, whether at supper or the gaming table. 
 Obviously, this is so much time lost to business. But his 
 friends reply that M. de Choiseul is able to use for these distrac- 
 tions the time which other ministers are compelled to devote to 
 understanding a subject or to making up their minds. His \\\{ 
 and talents enable him to economize the hours which less active 
 and less penetrating minds find all too short." 
 
 Choiseul's first diplomatic achievement was the third Treaty 
 of Vienna, signed on December 30, 1758. It gave complete 
 satisfaction to Maria Theresa, who was assured of the assistance 
 of a hundred thousand Frenchmen. Besides this, her subsidy 
 was doubled and she was promised that peace should not be 
 signed until Frederick had restored Silesia. Choiseul forgot 
 to demand a return for these assurances, or assistance of any 
 kind in the struggle with England; In this he was at one 
 with Louis, whose attitude was absurdly disinterested. The 
 Czarina Elizabeth subscribed to this treaty and pledged her- 
 self, at Choiseul's instigation, to bring the enemies of 
 France and Austria " to the terms of a just and reasonable 
 arrangement." 
 
 In course of time Choiseul secured an unique position: he 
 
 was in charge of three departments, Foreign Allaijs, War and 
 182
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 the Navy. He presided over each in turn, but on resigning 
 he chose as his successors nonentities who would allow him to 
 retain complete control, though it must be admitted he did not 
 wait until he occupied any particular ministry before inter- 
 fering with it. He was responsible for the new project of an 
 invasion of England in 1759. The scheme was rather bold than 
 French Navy practical, considering the condition of the French 
 destroyed. fleet and the vigilance of the English. The Havre 
 
 squadron was bombarded and burnt. The Toulon fleet suc- 
 ceeded in passing the Straits of Gibraltar, but was checked on 
 reaching Lagos. Part of the Brest fleet, commanded by the 
 Marquis de Conflans, was wrecked on the sand-banks of Belle- 
 Isle-en-Mer, and what was left was annihilated by Admiral 
 Hawke. Thus the last French ships were gone, and Berryer, 
 the Minister of Marine, put up all the munitions of war remain- 
 ing in the arsenals to auction. Thereupon Choiseul thought 
 of opening negotiations with England through the mediation 
 of Russia. He met with a certain amount of opposition from 
 Louis, and his efforts were checked by an event of considerable 
 importance, by which all calculations were upset. Frederick 
 was defeated by the Russian army under Soltykoff at Kiiners- 
 dorff, some leagues from Frankfort on the Oder, on August 13, 
 1759. The King of Prussia fled from the field of battle and 
 wrote some days later : " What a calamity ! I will not survive 
 it. The consequences of the battle will be worse than the 
 battle itself. I can see no way out, and in truth I believe that 
 all is lost." Of an army of forty-eight thousand he had scarcely 
 three thousand left, and he thought of committing suicide. It 
 was the right moment to dictate peace ; the Russians wished it, 
 but the Austrians were set on the re-conquest of Silesia. Solty- 
 koff waited for Daun for five weeks and finally retired on East 
 Prussia. Frederick recovered his spirits : "I thought they 
 would march on the Rhine," he wrote, " but they take the 
 opposite course. ... I am announcing to you the miracle of 
 the House of Brandenburg." This miracle was due to the 
 procrastination of Daun, who revenged himself by capturing 
 Dresden and driving the Prussians out of Saxon territory ; it 
 was the greatest success of the campaign. 
 
 The French armies of the Rhine and Main did nothing of 
 
 183
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 note in this war. The Farmer was commanded by the Marquis 
 
 de Contades, nominated by the Pompadour in place of theComte 
 
 de Clermont, the latter by the Due de Broglie, 
 Contades . . 
 
 who managed to check Ferdinand of Brunswick 
 
 at Bergen on April 18, and took Casscl and Minden. Contades 
 
 joined Broglie and disputed the command with him. As a 
 result there were bickerings and rivalry between the generals, 
 and the early success was neutralised. Brunswick took ad- 
 vantage of this and recaptured Minden on August 1. The only 
 benefit derived was the recall of Contades, whose disgrace was 
 accentuated when Broglie was raised to the rank of Marshal : 
 " the latter passed over the heads of more than a hundred of 
 his seniors." The Amsterdam Gazette announced the news in 
 the following words : " This dignity has in his case preceded 
 years of service and seniority. If it had been the immediate 
 reward of the brilliant victory of Bergen, the enemy would 
 certainly have not been able to inflict the fatal day of Minden 
 on us." Maria Theresa gave Broglie the title of Prince of the 
 Holy Roman Empire. 
 
 Misfortune followed misfortune. In 1760 another rivalry 
 arose between the Marechal de Broglie and the Comte de Saint - 
 Broglie and Germain, causing them to separate. Saint-Ger- 
 Saint-Germain. main returned to Paris after his victory at Korbach 
 on July 10, leaving sincere regrets behind him. lie was replaced 
 by the Chevalier du Muy. The latter was defeated at Warburg. 
 He lost many men in conducting his retreat, and people said 
 'the retreat of Monsieur de Saint-Germain caused many tears, 
 and that of Monsieur de Muy much blood to flow." The 
 Marquis de Castries was charged by Broglie with the defi ace of 
 Wesrl ; he checked Ferdinand of Brunswick's son at the Abbey 
 of Klostcrkampen on October 15 and 16. The battle is ecle- 
 brated for the heroic deal hof t he Chevalier d'Assas 
 and Sergeant Dubois. These two officers were on 
 the extreme left of their regiment, which was gradually being 
 driven back though maintaining its lire. A comrade said thai 
 they were making a mistake and wen- firing on Frenchmen. 
 
 D'Assas and Dubois went forward to find out if this were 
 true. Immediately the English surrounded them and threatened 
 them with their bayonets, promising them their lives if they 
 
 184
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 would be silent. They cried out, " Shoot, it is the enemy," 
 and fell, victims to their lofty courage. 
 
 The Russians and Austrians had important successes at 
 Landshut and Glatz. The troops of Tottleben, Tchernychef and 
 Lacy entered Berlin and remained there as masters of the capital 
 for three days. But Frederick had his revenge at Torgau on 
 November 3, and held his own in Saxony. 
 
 The next year similar vicissitudes continued until the 
 defection of France's allies hastened the end. Soubise managed 
 to overcome the intrigues against him and was made General-in- 
 Chief, an appointment which caused widespread discontent. 
 The Comte de Broglie distinguished himself at Cassel, but his 
 father, the Marshal, was defeated at Villinghausen on July 16, 
 owing to his haste to fight before the arrival of Soubise, of whom 
 he was jealous. Then followed skirmishes round Cassel, where 
 Ferdinand of Brunswick was trying to separate the two French 
 armies, and so to prevent them doing anything. In Silesia the 
 Austrian General, Laudon, took Schweidnitz and the Russians 
 seized Kolberg and all Pomerania as far as Stettin. Frederick 
 
 Death of was > as ne sa id, " a * n ^ s wrts ' en ds " when suddenly 
 
 the Czarina the Czarina Elizabeth died on January 5, 1762. 
 Elizabeth. This catastrophe caused the immediate cessation 
 
 of hostilities on the part of the Muscovites. The new Czar, 
 Peter III, Elizabeth's nephew, was a Prince of Holstein and 
 therefore more German than Russian. His first act was to 
 ofTer to ally himself with Frederick, and he signed first a truce 
 and then a peace. Tchernychef's army, which was occupying 
 Silesia, now fired on its former allies the Austrians : " Russia's 
 defection was in fact a desertion." These new friends, so 
 quickly gained, saved Frederick and his kingdom ; "it was 
 restored to him by the death of a woman and supported by 
 the power which had been most anxious for its destruction. . . . 
 On what do human things depend ? " adds the King of Prussia ; 
 " the smallest events affect and change the destiny of empires." 
 As early as 1759 Choiseul undertook secret negotiations to 
 bring about peace with England, but he had to deal with Pitt, 
 The Family who was determined on war to the knife. The 
 Compact. English minister, however, lost the support of 
 
 his own compatriots and was overthrown. With the help of 
 
 185
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 C'haiks III of Spain, Choiseul's negotiations were successful 
 and resulted in the celebrated alliance known as the Family 
 Compact, signed by all the reigning princes of the Bourbon 
 dynasty in France, Spain, the Two Sicilies and Parma, 
 on August 15, 17G1. For some time, in spite of temporary 
 quarrels, the interests of the two crowns, according to a time- 
 honoured expression, had been effective. The Treaties of Madrid 
 and Fontaineblcau had sealed friendly understandings ; but 
 since 1748 and the accession of Charles, King of the Two Sicilies, 
 to the throne of Spain (1759), the Bourbon power had extended. 
 Choiseul had the credit of giving definite form to the alliance 
 for which preceding generations had laboured, and more (speci- 
 ally Louis' eldest daughter, Louise-Elisabeth, Duchess of Parma, 
 who had died at her father's court in December 1759. The 
 Family Compact ail'ected Austria, for the policy of Maria Theresa 
 was bound up with the policy of Louis XV. France, Spain, and 
 Italy on the one side and Austria on the other now formed the 
 great Catholic league conceived by Louis XIV. But the 
 Jesuits, who would have been all-powerful in the seventeenth 
 century, had nothing to do with this ; they were, on the con- 
 trary, almost simultaneously driven out of the diiTercnt allied 
 monarchies and their order was even dissolved by Clement XIV 
 in 1773. 
 
 The time had come for negotiations, and Choiseul considered 
 that the Family Compact would serve to strengthen his hand 
 p eace in treating for peace. lit' was about to take up 
 
 Negotiations. the Ministry of the Navy, intending to bring new 
 life into it, to repair the losses of the squadrons, and to show 
 England that France was not abandoning her maritime power. 
 Unfortunately, the efTect was only moral. 
 
 The campaign of 17G2, carried on during the progress of 
 diplomatic negotiations, need not detain us, since the belligerents 
 Treaty of were awaiting events. The preliminaries of peace 
 
 Paris. were signed at Fontainebleau on November 3, 
 
 1762, and were followed by the- Treaty of Paris on February 10, 
 1768, which put an end to the colonial war between France and 
 England. France retained nothing in North America except 
 the town of New Orleans. In the Antilles she ceded three of 
 the contested islands and only recovered St. Lucia. In Senegal 
 186
 
 THE SEVEN YEARS WAR 
 
 she only kept the Island of Gorea, and in Hindustan the five 
 factories she still possesses. She gave up Minorca. 
 
 Amongst the most important losses was the entire empire 
 of Canada and its dependencies. The only trace of French 
 supremacy left in that beautiful country is the soft speech of 
 the early settlers of the seventeenth century. 
 
 The Treaty of Hubertsburg on February 13, 1763, settled 
 continental affairs and conceded Silesia to Frederick ; there 
 Treaty of was no other change in the map of Europe ; the 
 
 Hubertsburg. King of Prussia alone had what he desired. In 
 return he promised his vote at the Diet of the Empire to the 
 Archduke Joseph, Maria Theresa's eldest son, thus giving up 
 the idea of obtaining the Imperial throne for a Protestant 
 dynasty. 
 
 Austria found consolation in arranging the affairs of the East 
 with Prussia and Russia ; she was to have a share in the parti- 
 tion of Poland, and no longer needed to consult her ally of the 
 Seven Years War. 
 
 France remained alone and impoverished, to contemplate 
 the loss of her army, her navy and her colonial empire ; she 
 had fought not for herself but first for the King of Prussia, and 
 then for the Queen of Hungary and Empress of Germany. 
 
 Shortly after the conclusion of peace Louis' statue was placed 
 on a pedestal in front of the swing bridge of the Tuileries. The 
 Statue of fSte was dull, spoilt by the bad weather and by 
 
 Louis XV. the gibes which were levelled at the monarch 
 
 himself, who, indeed, was little worthy of apotheosis at such a 
 time. 
 
 Principal Sources. Memoires of Duclos, Bernis, Rochambeau ; 
 Frederick II., Memoires de non temps and Correspondance ; Correspondence 
 du Gdneral-Major de Martange, published by Charles Breard, Paris, 1878 ; 
 C ^ milleR ousset, Le Comte jdejQisors^ from the papers of Clermont and the 
 Military Archives, Paris, 1888 ; Correspondance secrete de Louis XV, pub- 
 lished by M. E. Boutaric. 2 vols.. Paris. 1866, : Macaulay, Essay on Clive ; 
 Rambaud, Histoire de Russie, Paris, 1879 ; Albert Vandal, Elisabeth de 
 Russie et Louis XV, Paris, 1882 ; Soulange-Bodin, Le Facte defamille, 1894. 
 
 187
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 1764-1770 
 
 Death of .Madame de Pompadour. The parties. Expulsion of 
 the Jesuits. The affair of Pere La Yallette. The Dauphin and 
 Choiseul. Death of the Dauphin. His character. Tin- influence 
 of Marie-Josephe of Saxony. Death of the Dauphine. Sadness 
 of the Queen's last years. Madame du Parry. The affairs of 
 Brittany. Trial of the Due <T Aiguillon. Resistance and exfle of 
 the Parliament. The Maupeou Parliament. Choiseul and Madame 
 du Barry. The cabal. Spain and the Falkland Isles (Ilea 
 Mdluitines). The letlre de cachet. Choiseul exiled to Chantcloup. 
 
 A HEAVY task was awaiting the successor to this careless 
 and indolent monarch, who, though not lacking in intel- 
 ligence, interested himself only in what was foolish 
 and futile. A diplomat, the Baron Le Chambrier. for many 
 years Frederick's charge" -d'affaires at the Court of Versailles, 
 has left a remarkable description of Louis XV. He shows us 
 the King not daring to trust himself in the affairs of government, 
 " persuaded that he knows nothing about them, and that his 
 ministers, if they are to do their duty properly, must not be 
 hampered by his opinions, nor contradicted in any of their reso- 
 lutions." This was written in 1751 and what was true then was 
 much more so twenty years later, when a woman with complete 
 confidence in herself, governed France and had the satisfaction 
 i.l B( eing foreign courts apply to her for support and protection. 
 It was supposed that if .Madame de Pompadour disappeared 
 the ever-dependent Louis would submit to some nobler yoke. 
 
 In March 170 t. business was suspended, ministers and 
 courtiers wen agitated, and nothing was thought of but the 
 Death of illness of the Marquise. Which was to win-— the 
 
 Madame do Queen's party or the King's? Would the 
 Pompadour. Dauphin, aided by his mother, gain some in- 
 fluence 7 Would the King return to his family? 
 
 INS
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 On April 15 Madame de Pompadour died, fully conscious, 
 and with admirable courage. General de Fontenay, the King 
 of Poland's ambassador, has given a very graphic account of 
 her last day : " This lady never made the slightest movement 
 of anger or impatience during her illness. Two hours before her 
 death her waiting- women wished to change her clothes. She 
 said to them : ' I know that you are very skilful, but I am so 
 weak that you could not help making me suffer, and it is not 
 worth while for the short time I have to live.' The same day 
 she dictated to Collin, her steward, a document four pages 
 long, which is said to be very well composed. Seeing that he 
 was much affected as he wrote she begged him not to grieve. . . . 
 Many people whose fortune she made naturally mourned her 
 death, but she was above all respected by all the poor of Paris, 
 Versailles, and her own domains, and generally in every place 
 where she has dwelt." 
 
 The King was greatly distressed. It was believed that he 
 was quite unmoved, while all the time he restrained himself 
 before the world and hid his grief under a mask. He pretended 
 to be callous, said the Due de Croy. Did Louis say the often- 
 quoted words : " The Marquise will have very bad weather," 
 when he was watching from his windows the coach that bore 
 the remains of Madame de Pompadour from Versailles to Paris ? 
 If the story be true, it does not prove the King's indifference ; 
 it shows him still concealing his grief under this frivolous remark, 
 while following with his eyes to the last her who had for nearly 
 twenty years monopolized his existence. 
 
 The religious party hoped that the Marquise's death would 
 Expulsion of help them to gain ground. But a blow, long 
 the Jesuits. foreseen, was struck at them when the Jesuits were 
 definitely expelled in November 1764. 
 
 For some time past the Order had been attacked by the Jan- 
 senists. Under Louis XIV they had detractors in Pascal, Saint- 
 Simon and Noailles. They were accused of ruling the majority 
 of the Catholic countries behind the scenes ; the education of 
 the young was almost entirely in their hands, since the numerous 
 colleges they had founded were superior to all others ; they 
 had made their way into the Courts as confessors to the Royal 
 families, and they had had a great influence in important diplo- 
 
 189
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 mafic negotiations. Their power extended even to America 
 and the Far East, where they made their religious, political and 
 commercial conquests with as much zeal as ability. 
 
 They laid themselves open to legal attacks. Pere La Vallette, 
 the Superior of the Martinique Jesuits, had been a victim of 
 Pere La English piracy, in 1755, before the declaration of 
 
 Vallette. ^ar. His ships were captured and the industrial 
 
 settlement that he directed was ruined. He failed for three 
 million francs. Some merchants of Marseilles were among his 
 creditors. The missionary was tried and condemned; he ap- 
 pealed to his colleagues, but they refused to assist him, and re- 
 proved his proceedings on the grounds that they were forbidden 
 l»\ t 1m statutes of the Order. The Parliament of Paris interfered, 
 and ordered the General of the Jesuits, Pere de Sacy, to pay 
 what was owing to the Marseilles creditors, amounting to over 
 a million livrcs. Not satisfied with this victory, the magistrates, 
 who had Janscnist leanings, took action against the Society 
 itself, and after an examination of its rules, decided that these 
 contained principles which were inconsistent with monarchical 
 la \vs and even with Christian morality. By a preliminary decree 
 of 1761, Loyola's doctrines were condemned and the Colleges of 
 the Fathers were ordered to be closed. The next year, in spite 
 of the efforts of powerful champions, all the personal property 
 of the Jesuits was sequestrated, and by 1701- the suppression 
 was complete. Louis was for a long time undecided, but at last 
 he gave way to Choiscul. According to the Bachaumont report 
 the joy of the bourgeoisie and people at this suppression was 
 "excessive and almost indecent." The Jesuits themselves 
 confessed that the people were stoning them with the stones of 
 Port-Royal, the destruction of which had been their work. 
 
 The Queen, the Dauphinc, the Dauphin and the Royal 
 princesses were dismayed ; they now had to choose the directors 
 of their consciences from among the secular clergy; As for the 
 King, he tried to make a joke of it and speaking of his confessor 
 he said, laughing : " I shall not be sorry to see Pere Desmarets an 
 Abbe." This frivolity was one of the most remarkable features 
 of Louis" character, apparent even on the gravest occasions. 
 
 The Dauphin took an active part in tin- defence of the 
 
 Jesuits, but he could do nothing against a minister whom he 
 190
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 irritated by his importunity. Choiscul once said to him in 
 the heat of argument : " Perhaps, Monseigneur, I shall one day 
 The Dauphin be unfortunate enough to be your subject. But 
 and Choiseul. certainly I shall never serve you." This was re- 
 ported to Louis, who said to the Dauphin : " My son, you have 
 so offended Monsieur de Choiseul that you must forgive him 
 everything." From this conversation it is easy to gather what 
 an abyss separated the King from the son he was to lose so 
 prematurely. The last years of the reign were to be saddened 
 by a succession of deaths. 
 
 First, the Dauphin died at Fontainebleau on December 20, 
 1765, in the thirty-seventh year of his age. He lingered six 
 Death of the months with pulmonary tuberculosis, and during 
 Dauphin. that time his faithful companion, Marie-Josephe 
 
 of Saxony, mother of the three last Bourbons, nursed him con- 
 tinually. The Dauphin was little known, but after a life of 
 retirement he was obliged " to be ill in public." * Every 
 evening he received the first gentlemen of the chamber, the 
 great officers and the young noblemen attached to his person. 
 He conversed with them and seemed quite cheerful. In the 
 morning, after mass, he allowed every one to see him, even the 
 ambassadors ; he asked their pardon for the inconvenience he 
 was causing them by obliging them to remain at Fontainebleau. 
 His words, actions, and sentiments all proved how solid were 
 the qualities of his heart and mind. He was extremely con- 
 siderate of all who tended him. To the Queen's first physician, 
 who sat up with him one night, he said : " Ah ! my poor 
 Lassone, I am distressed at the bad night I have given you. 
 Go and lie down ; you must be very tired." 
 
 He excused himself in amusing ways. To the Due d 'Orleans 
 he declared : "I must be tiresome, as from time to time I enter- 
 tain you with a little agony." It was necessary 
 for the Dauphin to die to be appreciated, and the 
 public without exception expressed sincere regret. Philosophers 
 enlarged on his liberal ideas and summed up his policy in his 
 favourite phrase : " We must not persecute.'''' They loved to re- 
 peat this maxim, forgetting that they never acted up to it, but 
 only replied on it for themselves. Diderot delighted in recalling 
 
 * Proyart. 
 
 191
 
 T II E E I G II T E E N T II C E NTURY 
 
 the fact that the Dauphin had disapproved of the expulsion of 
 Rousseau, saying that the author of Entile was a man to be 
 pitied, not to be persecuted. Voltaire liked to think that tin- 
 Dauphin read Locke during his last illness, and knew tin- 
 tragedy of Mahomet by heart. " If this age," he concluded, " is 
 not that of great talents, at least it is that of cultivated 
 minds." 
 
 It is well known that the prince used to say in speaking of 
 what he intended to do later : " /// ever have the misfortune to 
 ascend the throne.'" He would say also that the people would 
 be his family and himself their head. 
 
 Nine days after the death of her husband, the Dauphine 
 wrote to her brother Xavier : " September '29, 1765. God has 
 The Dauphine willed that I should survive him for whom I would 
 Marie- have given a thousand lives. I hope that He 
 
 Josephe. frill grant me the grace to spend the rest of my 
 
 pilgrimage in preparing myself, by sincere penitence, to rejoin 
 his soul in Heaven, where I do not doubt he is asking thai 
 same grace for me." 
 
 The poor wife only lived a year after her husband : she was 
 the victim of her devotion and succumbed to the same malady. 
 She left three sons who were all destined to reign, and two 
 daughters, Clotilde, who became Queen of Sardinia, and Elisa- 
 beth, the unfortunate sister of Louis XVI. During her widow- 
 hood, she took charge of the education of these children and 
 wrote instructions for the Dauphin. Her chief preoccupation was 
 to prepare him for his future, and she told him to meditate on this 
 phrase from t lie Memoires of Louis XIV : " Nothing is so danger- 
 ous as weakness, of whatever kind it be.' 1 Did Marie-.Iosephc 
 foresee how much need her son would have of such advice ? 
 
 The Dauphinc's constancy gained the affection of her 
 father-in-law; Louis admired in others' the virtues he did not 
 possess himself. In the year 170(1 he was under the beneficent 
 influence ol the Dauphine. The Princess could have had the 
 power of the Marquise, and have brought back the King to his 
 family, had she consented to a reconciliation with Choiseul. 
 Bui on this point she was inflexible ; she would sacrifii ry- 
 
 thing rather than insult the memory <>f her husband. She was 
 able, however, to obtain sonic favours: amongsl other thin 
 192
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 her confessor Nicolay, Bishop of Verdun, was promised the 
 succession to Cardinal de Luynes, Archbishop of Sens, though 
 his attitude to Choiscul's policy was definitely hostile. Little 
 by little the Dauphine would have gained more power ; she 
 would have won the heart of the King ; he would have 
 allowed himself to be ruled by this new Egeria. But Marie- 
 Josephe died on May 13, 1767, and Choiseul immediately 
 regained all the favour he had lost. Louis no longer had 
 anyone in his family capable of guiding him. His daughters 
 were not clever enough to take up Marie-Josephe's part, and 
 the Queen, who had never counted for much, was now rele- 
 gated to her oratory, preparing to die as virtuously as she had 
 lived. 
 
 To the great grief of Marie Leszczynska her father died in 
 February 1766. Stanislas was really the only being in the world 
 Death of King who truly loved the Queen ; his letters to his 
 Stanislas. dear daughter are almost masterpieces of paternal 
 
 affection. To quote one of these short notes would be to quote 
 them all, for the subject is always the same, though the expres- 
 sions differ a little. They come straight from the heart and 
 sing the praises of the imcomparable Maryneczka. The same 
 refrain recurs all through in phrases such as the following : 
 " You are my alter ego and my thoughts are as near yours as 
 my heart, since I live only for you. In the name of God, keep 
 your dear health, it is all I care for in the world. I am not 
 young, yet I would fain be three months older to make myself 
 younger by the pleasure of seeing you. I kiss the tears that 
 you are shedding, those little pearls which are jewels of infinite 
 value tome." It is thus that poetry is unconsciously created. 
 Stanislas would have been very much astonished if he had been 
 told that these pages, yellowed with age, were the most sincere 
 and harmonious things in his life. 
 
 The death of her father on February 23, 1766, following on 
 that of her son, was a cruel grief to the Queen. "As for me," 
 Death of the wrote Marie, " I am sad, and shall be so all my 
 Queen. life. My only consolation is the thought that 
 
 those I mourn would not wish to return to this vale of tears, 
 as the Salve calls it." 
 
 Soon after this the Queen began to languish ; she was ill 
 
 N 193
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 for months, and fell into a pitiable decline. Like a forsaken 
 flower, she died on June 24, 1768. " This estimable princess," 
 said the Due de Croy, k ' had harmed no creature and deserved 
 the regrets of the nation. The goodness of her character could 
 be seen in her most gracious countenance." Here we recognize 
 the model of La Tour, whose delightful portrait in the Louvre 
 perpetuates her calm smile and reveals the resignation she 
 showed both as woman and as wife. 
 
 At this time the King encouraged his daughters to believe 
 that he would for the future submit to no new yoke. For 
 1 wo years he gave proofs of a certain consideration for the queen 
 and showed some signs of remorse. When Lassone came to tell 
 him that Marie was no more, he went to the death-chamber, 
 approached the bed, and kissed the forehead of his hapless 
 and forsaken wife. But he soon forgot the lesson he had learnt 
 in the advent of Madame du Barry. 
 
 Blind to the seriousness of the revolts which were threaten- 
 ing the royal power, he entrenched himself in his divine right, 
 and never realized how that right was discredited. 
 
 As an example of his folly, he allowed the Due d'Aiguillon, 
 the Governor of Brittany, to receive incoherent orders and to 
 The La Cha- get himself into the most difficult position. He 
 lotais affair. annoyed the magistrates of Rcnnes by the un- 
 justifiable arrest of La Chalotais, the Attorney-General, who 
 was famous for his struggle against the Jesuits, and for his oppo- 
 sition to the vacillating policy adopted with reference to Breton 
 affairs. From province to province, the various States claimed 
 their prerogatives and clamoured for the liberty of the people. 
 The Parliament of Paris unanimously declared itself in favour of 
 the Breton cause. With a sudden assumption of authority 
 Louis commanded the Parliament to be silent, saying that he 
 could not tolerate the formation " of an imaginary body " 
 which believed itself the mouthpiece of the country and the 
 guardian of principles. But the Due d'Aiguillon was obliged to 
 retire when the Parlemcntaires of Brittany refused to deliberate 
 and the judges refused to try La Chalotais. He came to Court 
 in April 1770 to vindicate himself and to solicit the judgment 
 of his peers. Louis ordered his trial. There was considerable 
 curiosity to see whether the evidence given would justify the 
 1M
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 accused and show the contradictory nature of the instructions 
 he had received. The Parliament sat in the King's presence, at 
 Versailles itself. But there were only two sittings, after which 
 Louis stopped the proceedings, removed and destroyed the 
 documents, and declared the Due d'Aiguillon immune from all 
 further charges. The Parliament returned to Paris and declared 
 the Due " deprived of his rights and privileges as a peer until 
 he should be purged of the suspicions which stained his honour." 
 The King quashed this decree, and at the instigation of Chan- 
 cellor Maupeou he issued an edict fulminating against the Parlia- 
 ments, their insolence and their illegal claims. He asserted 
 that he held his crown " from God alone " ; that the legislative 
 power belonged only to him, supreme and undivided ; that 
 there were limits to the right of remonstrance, and that the 
 magistrates could set no limits to his authority." This edict 
 The Parliament was issued on September 7, 1770. It was duly 
 in exile. registered, but the Parliament refused to reassume 
 
 its functions. Consequently, it was sent into exile. The 
 provinces made common cause with Paris and everywhere 
 the agitation was extreme. " All heads were turned," wrote 
 Besenval, "and even in the streets one heard cries about 
 injustice and tyranny." The Counsellors of State and the 
 Masters of Requests replaced the former magistrates and repre- 
 sented the former Parliament. 
 
 Maupeou, the author of the edict, was little concerned at 
 the public excitement, the animosity aroused by this coup d'etat 
 and the opposition of the princes of the blood — Orleans, Chartres, 
 and Conti. Elated by his victory, he took no heed of the fact 
 that he was the object of public contumely and that the King, 
 his accomplice, had become extremely unpopular. In them- 
 selves his ideas are defensible. But they owed their existence 
 rather to a hatred of the Parlementaires than to a true love of 
 justice, and this is a sufficient justification for the strictures of 
 history. 
 
 Such was the origin of the new Parliament, which was 
 supported by the celebrated triumvirate : Maupeou, Abbe 
 Terray, Controller-General, and the Due d'Aiguillon, who soon 
 replaced Choiseul. All three were staunch supporters of 
 Madame du Barry. 
 
 195
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Choiseul had succeeded Bernis owing to his BUpporl of 
 Madame d<' Pompadour, lie was overthrown because he did 
 Choiseul no * seriously take into account the favourite who 
 
 and Madame replaced her. lie could not believe that a woman 
 du Barry. f such humble origin would succeed in having 
 
 herself presented at the Court, and would establish herself both 
 in the Court and in the Council. Madame du Barry, aware of 
 the contempt with which Choiseul and his friends treated her, 
 resolved to overthrow him with the assistance of Aiguillon. 
 The cabal easily found grievances against the Minister. The 
 ground of the accusations was an unsuccessful attempt he had 
 made to found a settlement in Guiana. He had spent thirty 
 million livrrs in sending out twelve thousand people from 
 Alsace and Lorraine ; but practically all of them had died 
 of fever. He had taken the loss of the French colonics to 
 heart and had hoped to retrieve it ; for the result he was only 
 partially to blame. 
 
 Choiseul was responsible for the successful conquest of 
 Corsica, which became French in 1769, though it must be ad- 
 mitted that the undertaking was costly and was naturally 
 resented at a time when there were loud erics of poverty. I lis 
 f nemies did not lose the opportunity of making this a grievance 
 against him, hiding the fact that but for Choiseul's prompt 
 action, England would have deprived France of that valuable 
 Mediterranean island. They also disregarded the twelve years 
 in which the minister had successfully maintained the new 
 Austro-French policy, his attempts to strengthen the army and 
 navy, his defence of Poland against the menace of a Russian 
 invasion, and his schemes to avenge the Seven Years War. At 
 least he had commanded the respect of the neighbours across the 
 Channel. 
 
 With this object — always an important one to him- he 
 had decided in June 1770, on his own initiative, to encouragt 
 Spain and the Spain to provoke England in a dispute which had 
 Falkland arisen between the English Governor of the Falk- 
 
 Islands. \and Isles and the commander of two Spanish 
 
 frigates, who had come to protest against the illegal occupation 
 of the Archipelago. A war of such importance would have 
 
 created B diversion. Choiseul would have been indispensable 
 L96
 
 CHOISEUL 
 
 and would have escaped his enemies. But Spain hesitated to 
 support him, and he was obliged to reveal part of his secret and 
 come to the Council with a request for credits. Terray granted 
 what he required, wishing to drive him into a corner and force 
 him to throw oil all concealment. Choiseul declared that while 
 he hoped that peace would be maintained, he was prepared 
 for all eventualities. Terray had no intention of paying the 
 promised eight millions ; and in consequence the embarrass- 
 ment of Choiseul was assured. The cabal was triumphant and 
 accused the minister of being responsible not only for the war 
 which was then imminent, but for the inexcusable resistance of 
 the Parliament. He defended himself against these accusations ; 
 less easily in the case of the first than in that of the second, 
 and this made Louis waver. The King did not know whether 
 to support Choiseul, who asserted that the exile of Maupeou 
 and Terray would make the Parlementaires quite amenable, or 
 Maupeou, who assured him that he would deliver the kingdom 
 for ever from their remonstrances. But the complaints of the 
 favourite, supported by her partisans, became louder at the 
 critical moment. Louis yielded to the solicitations of the 
 " dame," as she was called in diplomatic dispatches, but he 
 hesitated for a considerable time. He kept the lettre de cachet 
 intended for Choiseul on his person for three days, fearing it 
 should be prematurely delivered. He knew of what his circle 
 was capable. 
 
 On Christmas Eve, December 24, 1770, in the morning, the 
 Due de la Vrilliere, who under the title of the Comte de Saint - 
 Choiseul Florentin had frequently discharged similar mis- 
 
 dismissed, sions during the past forty years, entered the Due 
 
 de ChoiseuPs apartments and handed him the King's note : "I 
 order my cousin the Due de Choiseul to place his resignation of 
 his office of Secretary of State and Superintendent of Posts in 
 the hands of the Due de la Vrilliere and to retire to Chanteloup * 
 until the receipt of further orders from me." The instructions 
 given to La Vrilliere included the following : " But for Madame 
 de Choiseul, I would have sent her husband to some other place, 
 because his estate is in his own Governorship. But he will 
 behave as though he were not there, and will only see his family 
 
 * Chanteloup is close to Paris. 
 
 197
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 and any others I permit to visit him." This was a delicate 
 concession. 
 
 The event caused a sensation in Paris and abroad. The Duke 
 accepted his disgrace with courage and without affectation. 
 
 His numerous friends hastened to his side, and there was soon 
 a large number of coaches at the door of his house in the Rue de 
 Richelieu. Many people came to write their names as a last 
 proof of their esteem and affection tk for the great minister 
 whom France was losing." Never did disgrace do more honour 
 to the victim. 
 
 1 1 is fall decided Charles HI of Spain to make the sacrifices 
 demanded by England to secure the maintenance of peace ; but 
 the Parliament was sacrificed. Maupcou was master of the 
 situation. 
 
 Principal Sources. Correspondanccs des agents diplomat'iipies en 
 France ovarii la Revolution, published by Jules Flammermont, Paris, 1896 ; 
 
 Mt'muires of Madame du Ilausset ; Journal inedit of the Due de Croy 
 (1718-1781), published by the Vicomte de Grouchy and Paul Cottin, 
 4 vols., Paris, 1906-1007 ; Memoires of Baehaumont ; Lcttrcs inedites du 
 rui Stanislas a Marie Leszezynska (17JM—17G6), published by Pierre Boy£, 
 Paris, 1901 ; Corrcsjtowlancc secrete entre Marie-Tin r< \se tt le ('mule de 
 Mcrcy-Argenteuu aiee les h tires de Mara i-Thireee et de Marie-Antoinette, 
 published by the Chevalier d'Arneth and M. A. Geoffrey, !5 vols., Paris, 
 1875; Correspondance. secrete inedile de Louis AT sur la politique 
 
 itrangere, published by M. E. Boutaric, 2 vols., 1866 ; Memoire* of Besen- 
 val, Georgel, Dumouriez, and Hardy ; Memoire* sur la mart de Louis XV 
 
 by the Due de Lianeourt (in Sainte-Beuve, Portraits Liltcruircs, III) ; 
 Son I. La Question d'Orient au AT///' sieele, Paris, 1878; A. GeofffOy, 
 Outtaoe III et la Com de. France, 2 vols., Paris, 1S(17 ; Due de Broglie, 
 Secret de Roi, 2 vols.. Paris, 1888 ; Plaminerinont, Le Chancclicr Maupcou 
 it lis Parlements, Paris, 1883; P. de Nolhac, Marie- Antoinette Dauptdne, 
 Paris, 1878; Maurice Boutry, AnUair de Marie Antoinette. Paris. 1900; 
 tide Saint-Andre, Madame du Barry, Paris, 1908. 
 
 198
 
 CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING * 
 1770-1774 
 
 Marie-Antoinette Dauphine. The Dauphin. Marie-Antoinette's 
 strength of mind. Madame du Barry. The Princess de Lamballe. 
 The "King's Secret." The Partition of Poland. Choiseul's 
 intervention. How Maria Theresa yielded to political necessity. 
 Louis' indifference. Maupeou's reforms. Goezmann and Beau- 
 marchais. Louis' conversation with Maupeou. The King falls 
 sick. The intrigues of Madame du Barry's faction. The fourteen 
 representatives of the Faculty. Louis criticized by the Due de 
 Liancourt. The Archbishop of Paris' intervention. Dismissal 
 of the favourite. The last sacraments. The two processions. 
 
 IN the last year of his ministry Choiseul had witnessed the 
 consummation of a marriage, for which he was chiefly re- 
 sponsible. On May 16, 1770, the Dauphin married Marie- 
 Antoinette, Archduchess of Austria, the former being sixteen, 
 the latter fourteen and a half years old. 
 
 An English prose writer, Edmund Burke, in his Reflections 
 on the Revolution in France, perhaps best conveys to us the 
 Marie- poetic impression produced on the Court by this 
 
 Antoinette. charming princess : " It is now sixteen or seven- 
 teen years since I saw the Queen of France, then the Dauphiness, 
 at Versailles ; and surely never lighted on this orb, which she 
 hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful vision. I saw her 
 just above the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated 
 sphere she had just begun to move in." 
 
 Burke only saw the surface. A courtier, the Due de Croy, 
 who was extremely well informed as to all that happened at 
 Versailles, describes the clouds which came to disturb the 
 brightness of the heavens. " Madame la Dauphine," he wrote 
 in his Journal, " is more and more of a success. Her face was 
 the fairer for her graciousness ; she had charming words for 
 
 199
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 ( very one, and her curtsies were so delightful that in a short 
 time all were pleased. All said thai she must be counselled 
 
 to remain as she was and listen to nothing which would change 
 her. But it was feared that it might be said that she over-did it, 
 and that if she changed it would be the fault of those around 
 her." These fears, so awkwardly expressed by de Croy, who 
 was not so good a stylist as he was a psychologist, were only 
 too well-founded. 
 
 It would have been natural that the Dauphin, in spite of 
 his youth, should act as Mentor. But he received Marie - 
 Antoinette coldly, he was heavy and ungainly, 
 morally and physically awkward. Caraccioli, the 
 Neapolitan ambassador, wrote to his Court where Marie- 
 Caroline, the Dauphine's sister, was reigning, that the prince 
 was not handsome, nor had he any of the fine deportment 
 of his grandfather, and that he showed himself " boorish and 
 rustic to such a degree, that he seemed to have been born and 
 educated in a wood, selvaggio e rozzo a segno chc scmbra nalo id 
 educato en un hosco." His judgment is echoed by well-informed 
 contemporaries. However, Caraccioli did not fail to do justice 
 to the Dauphin's moral qualities. He described him as simple 
 and natural in his conversation, hating lying and flattery, 
 without vanity or pride, austere from principle both as regards 
 himself and as regards others, the friend of justice, and with an 
 excellent heart in spite of his rough and harsh exterior. In 
 this also the diplomat was not deceived. All that remained 
 was to know if there were in Louis the makings of a king and of 
 a statesman. Marie-Antoinette did not find the support she 
 required, and she complained that her husband had only one 
 ruling taste — hunting — and to this he sacrificed both his private 
 and his public life. He was not a lovable husband, and he did 
 not prepare himself to reign. 
 
 Louis received his granddaughter graciously. Marie- 
 
 Antoinette replied to his affectionate sentiments with a formal 
 
 A „ ,. respect. She did not love her grandfather. She 
 Court Parties. ■; , . . ,. . " . «, 
 
 was hurt to see a Du Barry occupying the hM 
 
 place at the Court and exacting its prerogatives. Mesdames 
 
 her aunts naturally persuaded flu young Dauphinc to humiliate 
 the King's friend by not condescending to speak to her. Maria 
 200
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING 
 
 Theresa, according to Mercy-Argcnteau, the Austrian ambassa- 
 dor at Paris, entreated the Dauphine to be less uncompromising, 
 and to make some concessions ; this was politically expedient 
 at this time, when the fate of Poland was about to be decided 
 with the utmost secrecy, and Maria Theresa was about to betray 
 her friend and ally, the King of France. But this queen of un- 
 assailable virtue could not have grasped the extent of the 
 scandal at Versailles. It might also be questioned whether 
 she really understood her daughter. 
 
 Marie- Antoinette did not hesitate between the two counsels, 
 but she followed neither to the letter. Both from pride and 
 The Dauphine modesty she adopted a line of conduct which 
 and Madame could satisfy no one but herself. On one or two 
 du Barry. occasions she made some trivial remark in the 
 
 favourite's presence, but she did not directly address her, and she 
 did not encourage a reply. The Dauphine had plenty of charac- 
 ter, and she showed it in these delicate circumstances. Her atti- 
 tude towards Madame du Barry proves her virtue and candour ; 
 she did what was demanded of her by her mother and Louis, 
 but no mud stained her ermine robe, no defilement polluted it. 
 
 Marie- Antoinette became more or less isolated, sorely though 
 her warm heart needed affection. Unhappily she could find 
 The Princesse no consolation in her mother's letters. The stern 
 de Lamballe. and imperious Maria Theresa estranged her 
 daughter with her unreasonable demands and ceaseless scold- 
 ings, admonishing her to read and engage in intellectual studies 
 little suited to the life at a Court where balls, plays, excursions, 
 the chase, and riding, were indispensable distractions to the 
 young princess in her isolation. Marie-Antoinette soon con- 
 ceived a warm attachment for Madame de Lamballe, widow of 
 the son of the Due de Penthievre. In the society of this charm- 
 ing woman she forgot the tyranny of etiquette and the already 
 growing cares of politics for which she had little taste. There 
 were many complaints that she would not abandon herself with 
 more complaisance to the parties who fought over her. At this 
 time her aunts gave her the name of " the Austrian." That 
 campaign of calumny which pursued her to the foot of the 
 scaffold soon began. The first attacks came from her family 
 circle. 
 
 201
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Maria Theresa was obliged to resign herself to her daughter's 
 wilfulness in refusing to allow herself to be led. The Empress 
 found consolation in congratulating herself that the incompe- 
 tence of the new minister, the Due d'Aiguillon, who was incapable 
 of grasping or deciding matters of business, would allow the 
 Court of Vienna to pursue secret negotiations with Russia and 
 Prussia without fear of interruption. Louis had always been 
 interested in Poland, and it was thought that now her fate was 
 to be decided he would defend her. But he remained indifferent. 
 
 For a long time the King had had his Secret ; he had been 
 carrying on a private correspondence with the object of check- 
 The King's ing the encroachments of the Czars. These pro- 
 " Secret." cccdings, which were unknown to all, even the 
 
 favourites, had captivated and amused him, but he eventually 
 gSjVe up the pastime, like a wearied gambler. He had pursued 
 this policy for nearly twenty years, taking pleasure in counter- 
 manding the official instructions of his ministers. He sent 
 money to his Polish dependents, often considerable amounts, 
 with the object of influencing the royal elections, originally 
 in favour of the Prince de Conti, and then, when the latter 
 quarrelled with Madame dc Pompadour, in favour of the Saxon 
 succession. Ultimately he came to wish simply for the freedom 
 of the Poles and a return to national kings. But he did not 
 allow himself to be disturbed by the schemes which were 
 nullifying all his monetary sacrifices, and his often skilful 
 manoeuvres. As one of those who were in his confidence wrote : 
 " We cannot but admit that the partition of Poland could not 
 have taken place but for our negligence in preventing its 
 inception, and the insufficiency of the means we adopted to 
 arrest its course." 
 
 The original idea of this spoliation came from Frederick. 
 At the instigation of France the Turks had declared war on 
 The Partition Russia in 17G0. Hereupon, Frederick, who was 
 of Poland. disturbed by the progress of Russia, made pro- 
 
 posals for an alliance with Joseph II to maintain the neutrality 
 "I Germany. Austria, on her side, was alarmed when the 
 Russian armies invaded Moldavia and Wallachia, and she pre- 
 
 pared at once to assist the Turks. This would have meant a 
 genera] war in the north, for the Prussian King, who was tacitly
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING 
 
 bound to the Czarina, asserted that he could not abandon his ally. 
 A conference was held between Frederick and Joseph at Neustadt 
 on September 3, 1770, where it was decided that it was time for 
 mediation, and that the intermediaries between Russia and the 
 Porte should be themselves. France was entirely disregarded. 
 Maria Theresa at first disapproved of her son's policy, but in 
 the end she gave way in spite of the treaties which bound her 
 to Louis XV. 
 
 In the meantime France was sending Poland money, and 
 even some adventurous officers like Dumouriez and Viomenil. 
 The latter were handicapped by the undisciplined troops placed 
 under their command. With such support it was difficult 
 to resist the Russians, for under pretext of protecting the 
 members of the Orthodox Church, Catherine had invaded 
 Polish territory, and was already treating it as a conquered 
 country. At this juncture Choiseul, who was favourable to 
 the Polish cause, was dismissed, and his successor, the Due 
 d'Aiguillon, made a point of not following his predecessor's line 
 of policy. Aiguillon essayed a reconciliation with Prussia, 
 and Prussia made pretence of listening in order to put him 
 off the scent. He became the laughing-stock of European 
 diplomatists, and was considered to be " blundering along in 
 the dark." 
 
 The negotiations between the three Powers progressed, 
 though Maria Theresa still hesitated. Seeing this, Frederick 
 Maria Theresa sent one of his confidants to Vienna to win over 
 and Poland. the Empress' confessor. She allowed herself to 
 be persuaded that she ought to yield " for the good of her soul." 
 1 Thereupon," wrote the King of Prussia, " she began to weep 
 terribly. Meanwhile the troops of the three Powers entered 
 Poland and took possession of their shares, the Empress weep- 
 ing all the while. But of a sudden we discovered, to our great 
 surprise, that she had taken far more than the portion allotted to 
 her, for she wept and took the while, and we had much difficulty 
 in persuading her to be contented with her share of the cake. 
 That is what she is." The French ambassador at Vienna, 
 Prince Louis de Rohan, who was later to play a part so fatal to 
 Marie-Antoinette in the affair of the necklace, confirms this 
 description of the Empress' attitude. " I have seen," he said, 
 
 203
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 ' Maria Theresa weep OVCT the mis fortunes of oppressed Poland. 
 
 Hut this princess, who is an adept at the art of not allowing her 
 
 real feelings to be known, seems to have her tears under control ; 
 with one hand she holds her kerehief to wipe them away ; With 
 the other she seizes the sword with which to carve her third 
 share." This letter was confided by Aiguillon to Madame du 
 Barry, who had it read to her during a supper, as though it 
 were addressed to herself. Marie- Antoinette could never forgive 
 Rohan for having ridiculed her mother and for having chosen 
 the favourite, as she thought, for such a confidence. 
 
 The actual Partition Treaty was signed on August 5, 1772, 
 when each of the spoilers had already taken possession of the 
 Polish provinces allotted to them. The event was received 
 at the Court at Versailles with indifference. Its significance 
 was not understood, in spite of the remonstrances of the Comte 
 de Broglie, head of the secret diplomatic service, who said : 
 
 'The position of Poland as regards France and all the other 
 Powers of Europe is that of a member cut off from society, 
 a citizen deprived of his natural rights, reduced to slavery, 
 civilly dead, and in consequence no longer possessing either 
 property or personality in the social older. Such in the political 
 order is the fate of a nation once called illustrious, which has 
 had the son of its king proclaimed Czar at Moscow, received 
 the- hejmage of Prussia at Warsaw, and delivered a proud and 
 humbled Austria under the walls of Vienna." 
 
 Louis replied : ' From the distance of live hundred leagues 
 it is difficult to aid Poland. I could have preferred that it 
 shoulel remain intact, but I can give it little more' than my 
 good wishes." Through all he adhered to the- Austrian alliance, 
 and did not want war. 
 
 ' I must not speak of Polish affairs before you," he' said to 
 I lie Dauphine, " for your relatives are not of the- same' opinion 
 as ourselves." With this astonishing levity the King allowed 
 French influence to be destroyed by this unjust dismemberment 
 where the strong triumphed in defiance of the- law of nations. 
 The decadence- ejf Turkey ami the anarchy of Poland had excited 
 the covetonsiK ss of the Powers; but they preferred to agree 
 rather than fight with one another. "Their rivalry," says 
 Son I. 'was the cause of their alliance, but tin alliance did 
 204
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING 
 
 not make the causes of their rivalry disappear. On the con- 
 trary, it gave them a new stimulus, and the only effect of the 
 treaties of St. Petersburg and Warsaw was to add to the Eastern 
 question another which was more urgent, more serious and 
 more menacing still — the question of Poland. If it had been 
 possible to stop at the treaties of 1772, the Partition would 
 have ranked not only as a lucrative, but as a skilful and politic 
 stroke. But history does not stop. Facts once established 
 bring their inevitable consequences, and as a lasting revenge 
 of right against might, wrongful deeds and immoral treaties 
 find their echo in the inextricable embarrassment which results 
 from them." 
 
 The dismemberment of Poland mattered little to Louis. 
 The internal affairs which troubled the end of his reign left 
 Louis' him equally unmoved. The Maupeou Parliament 
 
 indifference. excited contempt and ridicule and alienated 
 many who were faithful to the ancient liberties of the Parlia- 
 ments. " The King in the midst of his own Court," said a 
 diplomat (the Chevalier d'Eon) with some justice, " had less 
 power than an advocate at the Chatelet." The great evil was 
 that the ministers of the time, such as the Abbe Terray, the Due 
 d'Aiguillon and the Due de la Vrilliere, found the heavy task 
 laid on them beyond their powers. 
 
 Maupeou established superior councils, or purely judicial 
 tribunals, in Paris and certain provincial towns. Litigants were 
 Maupeou's able in this way to find judges in other places 
 Reforms. besides the capital and to save a great deal of 
 
 expense. The Chancellor also decreed the abolition of the sale 
 of offices, and the gifts to the judges, but these reforms produced 
 fresh abuses. If offices could no longer be bought, they were 
 too often obtained by arrangement. Meanwhile Maupeou was 
 overwhelmed with satires. But nothing did so much damage 
 to his authority as the attacks of Beaumarchais in his famous 
 quarrels with Goezmann, a counsellor of the new Parliament. 
 The latter was accused of having yielded to offers of bribes in 
 a suit brought by the future author of the Barbier de Seville 
 against the Comte de la Blache, heir of Paris-Duverney. 
 Madame Goezmann had accepted a sum of money, and when 
 the action was lost, had refused to return it in full. In four 
 
 205
 
 I II K E I G II T E E N T II ( E N T U R Y 
 
 brilliant documents full of wit and spirit hut also, unfortunately, 
 of bad taste, Beaumarchais brought his cause before the bar 
 
 of public opinion. He secured the condemnation of Goezmann 
 and his wife, but he himself was censured by the court, and on 
 the day on which judgment was delivered, February 2G, 1771, 
 princes, gentlemen, and ladies of quality came to write their 
 names at the house of the brilliant controversialist. The affair 
 caused general indignation. A play upon words found popu- 
 larity and was passed round Paris: "Louis Fifteen has 
 established the new Parliament, fifteen louis (the sum in question 
 in the suit) will destroy it." The King himself in the end was 
 amused by the incident ; according to his custom he spoke of 
 this scandal as though some one else were governing, and he 
 were an enlightened dilettante. The conversation he had with 
 the Chancellor was reported everywhere. 
 
 ' Well, well, your Parliament is getting itself talked about ; 
 it seems that this Goezmann is a bad character who must be 
 got rid of." 
 
 " Sire, that must not be attributed to me, he came from 
 M. lc Due d'Aiguillon." 
 
 " Yes, but they say there arc others." 
 1 That may be so, Sire ; it must be so even : the new Parlia- 
 ment is a youth sowing his wild oats. It will behave wonder- 
 fully later." 
 
 "They said that this Parliament would not take. It is 
 taking well; it is taking with both hands." 
 
 Louis was trying to remedy the harm by making job 
 he retained Man pcou who showed himself so skilful in frustra- 
 ting attacks. But a very serious thing occurred to decide the 
 Chancellor's fate. 
 
 Towards the end of April the King who was taking a 
 holiday at Trianon "felt himself troubled with pains in tin- 
 Illness of the head, shivering, and lumbago. Either his fear of 
 •^* declaring himself ill, or the hope that exercise 
 
 might do him good led him to refrain from altering the arrange- 
 ments that he had made the (veiling before."* He went t<» the 
 hunt, returned in the evening to the Trianon, and placed him- 
 self in the hands of Madame du Baity and Laborde. his body- 
 servant. He had a bail night. Lcmoinc, the first physician in 
 200
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING 
 
 ordinary, thought that Louis, who was always inclined to fear 
 death, was exaggerating his sufferings. The first surgeon, La 
 Martiniere, abruptly ordered the King to return to Versailles, 
 and had the royal family warned. They were at last permitted to 
 see the invalid for a short time. Suddenly he became worse. 
 He was bled twice ; a third bleeding was proposed, and it was 
 certain that Madame du Barry would be sent away. The young 
 woman tried to postpone the evil moment and was supported 
 by her ministers. The palace was full of intrigues ; those 
 in power tried to keep their places by hiding the truth. Louis 
 now thought only of himself and the fourteen representatives 
 of the Faculty. "He would have liked," said the Due de 
 Liancourt, " to augment their number. He made all fourteen 
 feel his pulse six times every hour. And when any of this 
 numerous Faculty were not in the room he called for them so 
 as always to be surrounded by them, as though he hoped that 
 with such satellites, illness would not dare attack His Majesty." 
 
 On April 29 the doctors noticed red marks on the King's 
 face and diagnosed small-pox. The Dauphin and his brothers 
 Small-pox were forbidden to come near the King. The 
 
 diagnosed. King's daughters refused to leave their father, 
 thus defeating the intriguers by their filial piety, though their 
 devotion was foolishly ridiculed. The Due de Liancourt as 
 Grand Master of the Wardrobe witnessed the King's last days, 
 and has left an uncompromising account of them. He gives a 
 grim reason for the little effect " the conduct of Mesdames, which 
 was so worthy of respect," had on the Court and Paris. He 
 said in very plain words, " that the object of their sacrifice did 
 not deserve such abnegation," forgetting that he was speaking 
 of a father. " The King was so debased and so despised, especi- 
 ally the latter, that nothing that could be done for him could 
 possibly interest the public. What a lesson for Kings ! They 
 must know that though we are obliged to give them marks of out- 
 ward respect and submission, if we are forced to judge their 
 actions we avenge ourselves for their power over us by despising 
 them profoundly when the object of their conduct is not our 
 welfare, and does not deserve our admiration. Indeed, we 
 did but judge the King as he was judged by all his kingdom." 
 
 The next day there was a crowd at Versailles. On May 1, 
 
 207
 
 T II K E I Ci II T E E NTH CENTURY 
 
 tin- Archbishop of Paris, himself very ill, wenl to the King 
 
 and found there Madame du Barry, who immediately retired. 
 Louis, who did not know from what he was suffering, told the 
 Tit late to withdraw. For the next few days there was con- 
 siderable' difficulty in preventing the Archbishop, who had 
 taken up his abode in Versailles, from entering the Palace. 
 The King seemed better. He was in full possession of his 
 Si OSes, and spoke "in his ordinary tone of voice." He was so 
 well "that it seemed very much as though he would have 
 a wonderful recovery, and that there would be no change, to 
 the great dismay of Paris." Madame du Barry's circle was 
 triumphant. But they were soon to lose all hope. Besenval 
 tells us that "the crowd of rogues, intriguers, and spies," with 
 which the King's courtiers had peopled Versailles, began to be 
 filled " with great alarm." It was impossible to hide from 
 Louis any longer that he had small-pox. He had to realize 
 that this was serious for a man of sixty-four. At last he spoke 
 to his favourite: "Now that I know my condition, I must 
 not have a repetition of the Metz scandal. If I had known 
 what I know now, you would never have entered. I owe my- 
 Madame du self to God and my people. Therefore you must 
 
 Barry dismissed, go away to-morrow. Tell d'Aiguillon to come and 
 speak to me to-morrow at ten.*' The King arranged with the 
 minister for her departure, and in the afternoon of May 4, 
 Madame du Barry went to Rueil, accompanied by the Duchessc 
 d'Aiguillon, who had offered her hospitality in her country 
 house. About six o'clock the following conversation took place 
 between Louis and Laborde. 
 
 " Go and find Madame du Barry." 
 
 " She has gone.'' 
 
 " Where has she gone ? " 
 
 "To Rueil, Sin.' 
 
 "Ah. already 1" 
 
 In lucid moments he thought only of this woman. Ib- 
 had meant, said the Due (!<■ Croy, " to put her in safety some- 
 where where he could find In r again if he wanted her, to spare her 
 the insults which had been offend to Madame de Chabauroux 
 
 at Metz, and if it should come to the Last sacrament, to have 
 
 no obstacle." He forgot to summon his confessor, who was 
 •208
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KING 
 
 waiting in an adjoining room and waited there for two days 
 more. The Archbishop of Paris and the Cardinal de la Roche- 
 Aymon, the Grand Almoner, were also watching. On May 6, 
 they were able to say a few words to the King who answered : 
 ' I cannot at present ; I am unable to put two ideas together." 
 Mesdames were in a cruel position ; they were afraid of alarm- 
 ing their father, and did not dare to interfere. 
 
 At last, in the night between the 7th and 8th, Louis asked 
 for his confessor, the Abbe Maudoux, and had several conversa- 
 Last tions with him. Then he summoned his grand- 
 
 Sacraments children and made all arrangements for the 
 administered, eucharistic ceremony. Mesdames were to re- 
 main at the door of the room, the Dauphine and her sisters-in- 
 law in the Council Chamber, the Dauphin and his brothers 
 at the bottom of the staircase ; the servants alone were to 
 approach the dying man with the clergy. The Cardinal de- 
 livered an exhortation, and the King communicated. Then, 
 going to the door of the room, the Grand Almoner addressed 
 the Court which was assembled in the various apartments : 
 '' Messieurs, His Majesty charges me to tell you that he asks 
 God to pardon him his offences and the scandal he has caused 
 his people. If God gives him back his health, he will spend 
 his time in penitence, in supporting religion, and in relieving 
 his people." On which Louis said : "I should have liked to 
 have had the strength to speak myself." 
 
 There was a slight rally, and immediately Madame du Barry's 
 proUges hastened to Rueil to give her the news and to assure 
 themselves of her favour. 
 
 But suddenly the King's sufferings came on again with re- 
 newed force, and he had difficulty in breathing. Abbe 
 Maudoux now never left his side and exhorted him to be patient : 
 Offer your sufferings to God as expiation," he said, and Louis 
 answered : " Ah, if that were enough it would be very little ! 
 I would suffer more than that." 
 
 How totally he had forgotten such sentiments ! They re- 
 turned to his dying lips like an echo of the words he had spoken 
 at the beginning of his reign. Between these two periods 
 Louis had stifled conscience in pleasure, trying to escape the 
 boredom which enveloped him like the shirt of Nessus, and 
 
 o 209
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 neglecting all his duties, especially those expected of the most 
 Christian King. 
 
 Extreme Unction was administered on Monday, May 9, with 
 great pomp. The room and the little camp-bed, with its 
 curtains drawn back, were lighted by candles held by surpliced 
 priests. The King was heard to say Amen in a firm voice. 
 In the midst of these bright lights Louis, exhausted with pain, 
 looked as though he had an enormous copper mask on his face. 
 It was like a " death's head." 
 
 Some of those present affected "more self-possession than 
 was necessary," practically no one wept, and in general there 
 The two was " more etiquette than sentiment." In the 
 
 Processions. marble court which led to the royal chamber 
 people passed the night waiting for " the proclamation." The 
 weather was fine. On the next day the park was filled with 
 people walking about " as usual " and the cabarets were busy. 
 In Paris there was, if possible, even greater indifference. Louis 
 was st ill able to'speak on the 10th. Then at three in the afternoon 
 the death-agony began. Sixteen large state coaches harnessed 
 with eight horses immediately took the royal family to Choisy in 
 accordance with the protocol. In the Avenue de Paris there 
 was a large crowd acclaiming the new King. This formed a 
 contrast which made those who had watched the sad spectacle 
 "understand the vanity of greatness." It was impossible to 
 expose the body at Versailles or in the Louvre as was the custom. 
 In the night between the 12th and 13th another procession, 
 composed of three hunting coaches accompanied by guards 
 and pages with torches, set out for Saint Denis. One of these 
 funeral carriages bore the mortal remains of Louis XV, sur- 
 rounded with quicklime and encased in three coffins, so great 
 was the fear of infection. This funeral procession, said Besenval, 
 was more like " the transport of a burden of which men were 
 anxious to be rid, than the last duties rendered to a monarch." 
 On the way drunkards sang and made indecent remarks. 
 
 Louis was his own judge ; he said in his will : " I have 
 governed and administered badly, because I have little talent 
 and I have been badly advised." 
 
 What could be added to so- frank an admission ? 
 
 |Ti" ;iiik Bourcei :i i i"i Hi'- preceding chapb r.] 
 *J 10
 
 FOURTH PART 
 LOUIS XVI
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 THE CORONATION 
 177 4-June 11, 1775 
 
 Louis XVTs reception. The King and Queen's bounty. 
 Maurepas returns to power. Dismissal of the Due d'Aiguillon. 
 Activity of the Choiseul party. Vergennes. Dismissal of 
 Maupeou and his Parliament. Complaints of the Viennese 
 Court. Beaumarchais' opinions. Turgot, Controller- General of 
 Finance. His first interview with the King. The Corn War. 
 The rising at Versailles. The Coronation. Enthronement 
 
 ceremony. 
 
 LOUIS XVI was received as a saviour. Everything 
 seemed to smile on this twenty-year-old monarch, 
 whose honesty was well known. He was simple and 
 charitable, ready to reform abuses, to look into the finances, 
 Accession of and reduce the sinecures. Up to this time he 
 Louis XVI. had had no part in the government, and his tastes 
 had not lain that way. The announcement of his grandfather's 
 death caused him to utter a cry of despair ; for he feared for his 
 youth and inexperience : "It seems that the universe is falling 
 on me," he said, " I am the most unfortunate of men ! God ! 
 what a burden is mine, at my age, and they have taught me 
 nothing ! " However, though he was unknown, much was said 
 in his favour, even outside his own kingdom. ' You have a 
 very good King, my dear D'Alembert," wrote Frederick II, 
 " and I congratulate you with all my heart. A king who is 
 wise and virtuous is more to be feared by his rivals than a 
 prince who has only courage." The philosopher replied : " He 
 loves goodness, justice, economy, and peace. . . . He is just 
 what we ought to desire as our king, if a propitious fate had 
 not given him to us." 
 
 It became known that on May 20 he had received one of the 
 most important dignitaries of the old Court unfavourably. 
 
 213
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 " Who arc you ? "' he said to this individual. 
 
 " Sire, I am called La FerteV' 
 
 " What do you want ? " 
 
 " Sire, I came to receive your orders." 
 
 " Why ? " 
 
 ' It is because . . . because I am Steward of the Minus." 
 
 "What arc the Menus ? " 
 
 " Sire, they are your Majesty's Menus Plaisirs (amuse- 
 ments)." 
 
 ' My Menus Plaisirs are a walk in the park. I have no 
 need of you." Whereupon Louis turned his back. 
 
 The new king sent two hundred thousand livrcs to the 
 poor of Paris, and renounced the Joyeux avenetnent* which had 
 cost twenty million francs under Louis XV. He 
 ' thought only of the public welfare, and nothing 
 of his private interest. In the preamble to the first ordinance 
 of his reign, he said : " There arc necessary expenses which may 
 be consistent with the safety of our States : There are others 
 connected with the Royal Bounty, which may be susceptible of 
 moderation, but which from long usage have become the sub- 
 jects of prescriptive right, and therefore can only be subjected 
 to a gradual retrenchment. Finally, there arc expenses 
 which concern our person and the ostentation of our Court ; 
 in this case we can more promptly follow the dictates of our 
 heart." 
 
 The Queen also renounced the Droit dc Ceinture (The Bight 
 of the Girdle, i.e. purse) f though this, it is true, was much less 
 important than the Joyeux avinement. This due was levied 
 in Paris every third year, and originally consisted of three 
 (l< nil TS on each hogshead of wine. It was afterwards increased 
 and extended to other commodities, such as coal. 
 
 Louis and Marie-Antoinette were cheered as soon as they 
 were seen. They took up their residence at the Meute (LaMuette) 
 and walked daily in the Bois de Boulogne, whither all Paris 
 came in crowds to sec them. One day the Queen, ''fair as 
 tin day and full of grace." went there on horseback. She met 
 the King on foot, in the midst of his people, without escort. 
 
 * Joyful Accfssion. a fjrant given the kin«,' at his accession. 
 t At this period women wore the purse at the girdle. 
 211
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 She dismounted, and Louis ran up to her and kissed her on the 
 forehead. The crowd clapped their hands, and the King thus 
 encouraged gave her " two sound kisses." The applause was re- 
 doubled. "They assure me," said the Due de Croy, "that it 
 was one of the most touching episodes that has ever been seen, 
 the more so since it is long since the nation has been able to 
 give vent to its tender feelings." 
 
 The enthusiasm was loyal and sincere. Louis XVI tried to 
 deserve it in all good faith. He " barricaded himself with 
 honest folk," and surrounded himself with men who would have 
 the courage to remind him of his duties. The same idea guided 
 him when he came to choose his ministers. He thought of 
 Machault, whom Louis XV had always regretted, after sacri- 
 ficing him to Madame de Pompadour. But he was not free, 
 and others thought for him. Irreproachable as his intentions 
 were, they had little stability. At this first serious trial he 
 was caught in a trap ; the Comte de Maurepas returned to 
 power. 
 
 Maurepas had been disgraced in 1749 for having written 
 some insolent verses about the Marquise. He was born in 1701, 
 Recall of and had occupied the position of Secretary of the 
 
 Maurepas. King's Household since 1718, so was said to have 
 
 been a minister " since childhood ! " He did not lack wit — in 
 fact he had too much of it — nor did he lack intelligence. But 
 he used these gifts to settle even the most serious questions with 
 bons mots and epigrams. His chief pleasure was to ridicule 
 others. He had considerable experience of Court life, but that 
 was not enough to fit him to direct the affairs of the monarchy. 
 He was deceptive. Louis thought he had found the honest man 
 he sought, when in reality he had laid his hand on one 
 destined to be disastrous to the State. 
 
 There was, perhaps, no reason why this old man should 
 have been appointed save, indeed, the persistence of the Due de 
 Richelieu and the Due d'Aiguillon, to whom he was related. 
 These latter, with the assistance of the Abbe de Radonvilliers, 
 a former Jesuit and under-tutor to the Dauphin, secured 
 Madame de Narbonne, lady-in-waiting to Madame Adelaide 
 for their cause. Madame Adelaide, as " favourite daughter of 
 the late King and aunt of the new monarch, was in a position 
 
 215
 
 THE KIGIITEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of influence in the early stages." She joyfully undertook the 
 intrigue and probably dictated the following letter which her 
 ncpluw wrote to Maurepas : "In the just grief which over- 
 whelms me, with all the nation, I have great duties to fulfil. 
 I am the King. The name imposes many obligations, but I 
 am only twenty years old, and I have not the experience I need. 
 The certainty I have of your probity and of your profound 
 experience of atTairs induces me to beg you to assist me' with 
 your counsel. Come then as soon as possible." 
 
 The existing Ministers, who had assisted at the last moments 
 e>f Louis X\\ were as a matter e>f precaution in quarantine, 
 and the intrigues were thus made all the- easier. Maurepas 
 returned from exile at Pontchartrain, anel was received at 
 Choisy on May 13. He was content te> have the title of 
 Minister e>f State without a portfolio, and to play the part of 
 Mentor. 
 
 The Due d'Orleans, and with him Monsieur (the Comte de 
 Provence) the Comte d'Artois, and all the princes of the blood 
 thought they would be admitted te> the Council, but they were 
 disappointed. This ostracism annoyed the King's brothers, 
 and for a while- it was feared that the Due d'Aiguillon would 
 remain in power. Butthe Queen desired the fall of the Minister, 
 and, in spite of Maurepas, he was compelled to send in his resig- 
 Dismissal of nation on June 2. Marie-Antoinette was begged 
 D'Aiguillon. by Mercy to overcome her antipathy, but she 
 refused. The Austrian ambassador would have liked to see 
 d'Aiguillon in charge of Foreign Affairs until the definite conclu- 
 sion of the Turkish hostilities. Fears were also expressed at 
 Vienna as to the possibility of Choiseul's re-call, for his supporters 
 were active about the Queen. lie would, it was thought, have 
 interfered with the new Austrian policy! his "restless and 
 turbulent head," saiel Joseph II, "might have- thrown the 
 kingdom into the utmosl difficulties." Marie Antoinette failed 
 to secure his reinstatement, but consoled herself by receiving 
 (hois, id at Court with all the- grace and charm of which con- 
 temporaries speak. 
 
 '.Monsieur de ( hoisi ul." she saiel, "I am charmed to see 
 you here, you made my happin< . and it is right thai you 
 should witness it." 
 210
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 The King who was somewhat embarrassed, found nothing 
 Choiseul to say but : " You have got fatter ; you have 
 
 received. lost your hair ; you have become bald." 
 
 He could not pardon the Minister for having intrigued 
 against his father, the Dauphin. 
 
 Choiseul understood that he was not likely to regain favour. 
 He soon returned to Chanteloup, after having experienced 
 indications of his continued popularity ; he received thousands 
 of visits during the three days he spent at Versailles and Paris. 
 
 With reference to these two events in which the Queen had 
 played a part, Maria Theresa said : "I have noticed that in 
 spite of the deference that she * seems to show to your counsels, 
 she goes her own way in matters on which she is prejudiced. 
 I was struck by her attitude in the D'Aiguillon and Choiseul 
 affairs, and especially by the revengeful spirit she displayed 
 to the former." 
 
 The Due d'Aiguillon was replaced in the control of Foreign 
 Affairs by the Comte de Vergennes, who had distinguished 
 
 himself as ambassador at Constantinople and was 
 Verf ennes . 
 
 then at Stockholm. It seemed a good appoint- 
 ment, since Vergennes was prudent and safe, and had a respect 
 for sound traditions. He was known to be slow in making up 
 his mind, but full of zeal and devotion. " The Comte de 
 Vergennes," said Choiseul some years previously, " always finds 
 arguments against anything which anyone proposes to him, 
 but never has any difficulty in carrying it out. If we asked him 
 for the Grand Vizier's head to-morrow, he would write that it 
 would be a dangerous business, but he would send it to us." 
 
 Maurepas congratulated himself on this choice which was 
 inspired by Maupeou ; every change in the Ministry was 
 anxiously watched by the latter in his own interest. The 
 appointment of the Comte de Muyto take D'Aiguillon's place 
 at the head of the War Department was also satisfactory to 
 the Chancellor. The Comte de Muy had been a friend of Louis' 
 father and was one of the heads of the religious party who 
 supported the new Parliament. Maupeou also had the satis- 
 faction of knowing that Turgot, the new Naval Minister, had 
 always been opposed to the old Parlementaires. It now only 
 
 * Marie -Antoinette. 
 
 217
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 remained to replace La Vrilliere and Bertin, who had no in- 
 fluence, and Terray, although the latter was ready enough to 
 support any party. But Maupeou had to fight the Palais 
 
 1 1 oval party, the Due d"()rk'ans, and his son. the Due de Chart its 
 (later Philippe Egalite) who offered him a strenuous opposition. 
 These princes had refused to be present at the ceremony of the 
 "Catafalque 1 at Saint Denis, and to listen to the funeral 
 oration of Louis XV. giving as their reason that they did not 
 wish to meet the new Parliament. Consequently they wer< 
 exiled from Court. The news of their disgrace excited much 
 feeling among Parisians, with whom the old magistrates had 
 always been popular. 
 
 On the evening of July 2G, the King and Queen, accompanied 
 by Monsieur, Madame, and the Comtesse d'Artois, passed 
 through Paris on their way back from Saint Denis, where' they 
 had been to visit their aunt, Madame Louise. They were very 
 coldly received, a fact which they felt deeply. 
 
 M;iui( pas was vigilant; and on this occasion, he gave 
 ( vidence of his powers of intrigue. Although Louis believed in 
 Maupeou Maupeou, Maurepas succeeded in persuading the 
 
 dismissed. King that to retain the- Chancellor and his tribunals 
 
 would cost him the love of his subjects. The- Queen, at Maurepas' 
 instigation, put in her word. He fold her that Maupeou was 
 the principal author of the calumnies which had been spread 
 about her with the object of causing a quarrel between her and 
 the King. She used all her penver, which was already consider- 
 able, and Maupeou was exileel on August 24, 17^4. The 
 Chancellor said when he left : " The King wishes to lose his 
 crown. Well, it is his to lose." Terray was dismissed on the same 
 day. Every where it was saiel : " It is the Saint Bartholomew of 
 Ministers," and the Spanish ambassador is reported to have- 
 answered : " Yes, but it is not the Massacre' e>f the Innocents^ 
 
 The next day Was the Festival of Saint Louis, and 1 Inn v, 
 
 great rejoicing in Paris. Maurepas was aide te> tedl his master 
 that the people hael never celebrated August 'J."> so loyally. 
 The manifestations were continued on the- 26th. The n 
 Pari' in' Dtaires were hooted when they 1- ft the Royal audience, 
 and in the- evening effigies of Maupeou and Terray were hung 
 at the gallows of Sainte-Genevieve. 
 218
 
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 Hue dc Miromesnil, Chief President of the Rouen Parliament, 
 was made Keeper of the Seals ; Turgot was transferred to the 
 Controller-Generalship, resigning his former office to Sartine ; 
 Lenoir accepted the post of Lieutenant of Police. In spite of 
 the opposition of the clergy and nearly all the ministry except 
 Maurepas and Miromesnil, the recall of the old magistrates 
 was decided. On October 21 the King signed the letters of 
 The Parliament recall, and the old Parliament was summoned for 
 recalled. November 9. Three days after, Louis held a lit 
 
 de justice in Paris : " Gentlemen," he said, " the King, my 
 most honoured lord and grandfather, forced by your resistance 
 to his repeated orders, did what his wisdom dictated in order to 
 maintain his authority, and to fulfil his duty of giving justice to 
 his subjects. To-day I am recalling you to those functions that 
 you ought never to have abandoned. Realize the value of my 
 kindness and never forget it. ... I wish to bury all that has 
 passed in oblivion, and I shall be much displeased if I see internal 
 dissensions trouble the order and tranquillity of my Parlia- 
 ment. ..." At this sitting the Advocate-General pronounced 
 the words States-General. The King gave him an angry look. 
 The Parliament treated the grace they were supposed to have re- 
 ceived with arrogance and disdain. They retained the right 
 of remonstrance, but lost some of their other privileges. As 
 the King and Queen left the Assembly, however, they were 
 frantically applauded by the crowd, which was bitter against 
 Maupeou. The young sovereigns had need of popular applause, 
 and they took it as a proof of gratitude, not foreseeing that 
 gratitude would be short-lived, and that by making concession 
 after concession they would lose their kingdom. The recall 
 of the Parliament was an act of weakness, but the King was 
 persuaded to it by interested advisers, and by the supplications 
 of the Queen, who wished to regain the goodwill of Paris. The 
 whole policy of Louis' reign was to " please " either one party 
 or another. Louis had some of the ideas of a statesman, but 
 could never carry them out. He always gave way to Marie- 
 Antoinette, and by degrees regular coteries formed around her, 
 eager to take advantage of the inexperience of the young 
 princess and the weak character of her husband. 
 
 Contemporaries, and amongst them even Royalists, deplored 
 
 219
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 (In situation. "The worst," said C'n.y, '"is that it was seen 
 that with a thousand things in his favour, with much good 
 sense and a just mind, the King would allow himself to be led, 
 and would not learn to govern or act on his own responsibility, 
 and that in many respects things would be exactly as they 
 were in the times of the late King." 
 
 From Vienna, where these events were followed with much 
 anxiety and interest, Maria Theresa wrote that "it is in- 
 Remonstrances comprehensible that the King and his ministers 
 from Vienna, should destroy Maupcou's work," and an Austrian 
 diplomat added : " Certainly nothing is more desirable than to 
 re-establish order in the administration of Justice. But the 
 Empress seems persuaded that the King of France could have 
 arrived at this salutary end without re-establishing the old 
 authority of the Parliaments, which has so often shaken that of 
 the most Christian Kings." 
 
 From the monarchic point of view Louis' error was great : 
 " if the King had taken the firm resolution of maintaining th< 
 work of his grandfather," says the Due de Levis, " that resolu- 
 tion alone would have been sufficient to consolidate it." The 
 tribunals would have been purified, and would have shone with 
 their old lustre. The nation would in time have given them its 
 complete confidence, and the Government would have freed 
 itself finally from a recurring cause of trouble that, in fact, 
 increased instead of diminishing, and ended by dragging down 
 the Government in its own overthrow. 
 
 When Louis recalled the old magistrates he created tin 
 Dew force which made the Revolution and by degrees gained 
 Beaumarchais' control of France. Beaumarehais foresaw it ; he 
 Comment. wrote to Sartine on November 14, 1774 : " It is 
 
 scarcely credible that a king, twenty years of age, who might be 
 supposed in have c great Jove for his new authority, should he 
 loved his people to such an extent that lie should give titan satisfac- 
 tion on so essentiat <i point" The brilliant controversialist 
 realized the double consequence of this recall of the Parlemen- 
 taires the loss of Royal power, and the birt h of a new supreme 
 authority. Turgot, " honest Turgot," disapproved of the back- 
 ward step, fearing the opposil ion of t he Parliament to the useful 
 .-trul healthy reforms he intended to propose. 
 220
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 " Fear nothing," said Louis to him, " I shall always support 
 you." 
 
 The King was sincere, and he thought he was master. He 
 had the greatest confidence in Turgot. In vain people tried to 
 warn him against the ex-Intendant of Limoges, and his dealings 
 with the philosophers and economists. Louis took his in- 
 spiration from his father, the Dauphin, who said : " Duties of 
 State and religious duties should not be mixed." He also 
 remembered his father's reflection on Madame de Maintenon's 
 animosity towards Catinat : "If Monsieur de Catinat did not 
 know God, he was to be pitied, but as he knew his own business, 
 an army should have been entrusted to him." 
 
 "Turgot is an honest man," Louis had said in the same 
 Turgot spirit ; " that is enough." And he made him 
 
 Controller- Controller of the Finances in the place of Abbe 
 General. Terray. 
 
 A letter from Mile, de Lespinasse to Guibert, written on 
 
 August 29, 1774, tells of the King's first meeting with Turgot : 
 
 " Then you do not wish to be Controller- General ? " 
 
 ' Sire, I confess I would rather have remained Naval 
 
 Minister . . . but it is not to the King that I give my services ; 
 
 it is to the honest man." 
 
 " You shall not be deceived," replied the King taking him 
 by both hands. 
 
 ' Sire, I must impress upon your Majesty the necessity for 
 economy, and that you must be the first to give the example. 
 Monsieur l'Abbe Terray has no doubt already told your Majesty 
 the same." 
 
 " Yes, he has told me, but he has not told me as you have 
 done." 
 
 Turgot represented the moral energy that Louis lacked, but 
 his energy was not supplemented by power of action or any 
 sense of moderation. Like all his contemporaries, Turgot 
 voluntarily withdrew himself into the desert of generous ideas 
 without taking any human contingencies into account. He was 
 thought to be contemptuous of public opinion ; he had no 
 knowledge of men, and reckoned neither with their passions 
 nor with their vanities. He wished to do good, but he seemed 
 determined to see it in his own system alone. His friends who 
 
 221
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURjY 
 
 defended him, made certain statements which justify some of 
 the criticisms : ''* He was thought to be susceptible to prejudice," 
 
 said Condorcet, "because he formed all his judgments by 
 himself, and public opinion had no influence over Aim." Dupont 
 de Nemours also shows the weak side of Turgot's character. 
 He asserts that he was at his case only with his intimate friends, 
 and seemed cold and reserved to all other men. Between 
 these and Turgot there was always a feeling of " mutual dis- 
 comfort," which did him harm on more than one occasion. 
 Turgot felt that the task he had undertaken was a heavy one. 
 In the celebrated letter he wrote on leaving the King's cabinet at 
 Compiegne, he declared that he wished to avoid bankruptcy, 
 increase of taxation, and loans. This first official document 
 of the Controller is the key-note of the new administration. 
 The problem that the Minister set himself to solve was to find 
 a remedy for the poverty of the people : " Sire," he said, " you 
 must arm yourself against your own kindness with that kind- 
 ness itself. Consider from whence comes this money that you 
 are able to distribute to your courtiers, and compare the misery 
 of those from whom this money must be extorted, sometimes 
 by the harshest of means, with the position of those persons 
 who have the greatest claims on your liberality." Turgot 
 seems to have had more knowledge of men than he was given 
 credit for, when he said : " I shall have to struggle against 
 the generosity of your Majesty and those who are dearest to 
 you. I shall be feared and even hated by the greater part 
 of the Court, by all who look for favours. . . . The people, 
 for whom I am going to sacrifice myself, are so easily deceived 
 that perhaps I shall incur their hatred. . . . I shall be slandered, 
 and perhaps with enough appearance of truth to deprive me 
 of your Majesty's confidence." 
 
 It was the " league against abuses " which was to cause his 
 downfall. Vet he was confident, for he was a staunch Royalist 
 Policy of and trusted to Louis' intentions. lie threw hini- 
 
 Turgot. self into his work with great energy. Among the 
 
 <\<nts which give the best insight into the new Controller's 
 methods are the Corn War. which reveals him as an economist, 
 
 and tin KiiiL r "> Coronation, which shows his political side. 
 
 < >n September 18 the Council signed a decree ordaining 
 222
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 the removal of internal restrictions on the sale of corn. A law 
 to this effect had existed since Machault's administration in 
 1749, but it had not been put into force. Up to this time a 
 peasant had had to sell his corn at a market ; he was not 
 allowed to deal directly with his neighbour or his landlord, 
 and was forced to go to the needless expense of transport, 
 market-dues, and warehousing. These exactions offended the 
 people's sense of justice ; it was only profitable to the middlemen 
 and monopolists, and made the Government the arbiters of 
 poverty or wealth. The grievance was not to be remedied 
 without difficulty ; abuses still persisted ; but gratitude is due 
 to the monarchy which showed the way to reform. The decree 
 was immensely popular ; the examples of Sully and Colbert 
 were recalled, and it was said of Turgot : 
 
 Ton nom vole avec eux vers l'immortalit^.* 
 
 The words property and liberty lent particular eloquence to 
 this edict. However, there were critics. Turgot was made a 
 subject for ridicule to the ironic refrain of chansons, chansons. 
 
 Le Grand Ministre de notre France, 
 Dou6 d'esprit, d'intelligence 
 
 Et de raison, 
 En reformant notre finance, 
 Repandra pourtant l'abondance. 
 
 Chansons, chansons .t 
 
 The Controller needed support ; but which amongst the 
 different Estates could come to his aid ? He could not ask 
 such a sacrifice from nobility, clergy, Parliament, or financiers. 
 He only had the people and the King on his side. 
 
 Soon, even the people were deceived by the Minister's 
 
 enemies, and they abandoned him. In April and May 1775, 
 
 the dearness of corn provoked riots which were 
 
 known as the Corn War. Turgot was the victim 
 
 of the monopolists, who reduced the agricultural interest to 
 
 poverty, and then excited it to revolt. The first disturbances 
 
 * Your name takes flight with them to immortality. 
 
 t The great Minister of our France, endowed with wit, intelligence and 
 reason, whilst reforming our finances will spread plenty around. Songs ! 
 Songs ! 
 
 223
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 took place at Dijon. Immediately the Controller re moved 
 oilier restrictions on the sale of corn, and increased the facilities 
 for importation in spite of his economic principles. This to a 
 certain I xtent relieved the public distress. However, riots con- 
 tinued to be organized, and spread from Pontoise to Versailles. 
 It was obvious that some one was behind them, and the Keeper 
 of the Seals had reason to say in the Parliament : " The march of 
 the brigands seems to have been organized; their approach is 
 announced ; public rumours state the day, time, and place 
 where their acts of violence will be committed. It would seem 
 that a plan has been formed to devastate the country, to inter- 
 cept navigation, and to prevent the transport of corn on the 
 high roads, in order to reduce the great towns, and especially 
 Paris, to a state of famine." The rioters sacked the granaries 
 and threw the corn into the streets and rivers, but on their way 
 from place to place they behaved quietly, as if they were under 
 orders. Many of them had gold and silver in their pockets. 
 According to a contemporary account, they were evidently 
 creating a fictitious misery in the midst of plenty. 
 
 On May 2, the army of " John Harleycorn " * was at the gates 
 and even in the court of the Chateau of Versailles. The King. 
 Riots in protected by his military Household, ordered that 
 
 Versailles and there was to be no firing and no violent measures. 
 Paris. The Captain of the Guard suggested thai he should 
 
 retreat to Choisy or Fontaincbleau, but Louis wished to 
 remain. From his windows he watched a hostile crowd for the 
 first time ; he appeared on the balcony and tried vainly to 
 speak ; then he went indoors in extreme dejection, shedding 
 tears. Yielding to the cries of the populace, he proclaimed that 
 bread should be two sous the pound. Thus he disowned Turgoi 
 and his reforms. " Seeing the King's grief, the courtiers seemed 
 also to be affected, but beneath the surface it was obvious that 
 many of them were not displeased at the event." The next day 
 Louis intimated to Turgot " that he was afraid he had mad< 
 political mistake and he wished to remedy it." A police order 
 forbade the sale of bread above the market price. 
 
 On the following day tin organizers came to Paris, and 
 similar scenes were renewed tin re. Some of the squares might 
 
 • " Jeun-Iuirinc." 
 224
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 have been those of a town taken by assault. About eleven 
 o'clock in the morning all was calm again. There was a revival 
 of confidence in Turgot's efforts, and in his co-operation with 
 the King. But it was said that both of them were "unskilled 
 in the wiles of courts," and it was feared that Louis " had not 
 the courage of his virtues." 
 
 It was necessary to make an example. The judges of the 
 Chatelet examined the persons arrested on the morning of 
 Trial of the May 3, and condemned a " gauze worker " and 
 Scapegoats. a master-hairdresser to be hanged in the Place de 
 Greve for having taken part in the sedition. The blow would 
 have fallen with more justice in higher quarters, if the organizers 
 of the Corn War had been handed over to the tribunal. But the 
 King refused to disclose their names, and the affair was hushed 
 up by order. Perhaps the most violent of these organizers was 
 the Prince de Conti, a personal enemy of Turgot. According 
 to Marmontel, he would have been well pleased " to ruin this 
 troublesome Minister, from whom he expected nothing, in the 
 King's opinion." The name of Terray was also mentioned, and 
 with him the Jesuits, the clergy, the financiers, and the English, 
 but the immediate cause of the revolt is still doubtful. One 
 thing was well known, namely, that Turgot was accused by 
 powerful adversaries of wishing to cut down their prerogatives. 
 However, the King was victorious, understanding and support- 
 ing his Minister. 
 
 Strong in this support, Turgot tried to make some altera- 
 tions in the costly coronation ceremony which was to take place 
 Attempted at Reims on June 11, 1775. He was frightened at 
 Economies. the expense, and made some suggestions, as, for 
 instance, that the coronation should take place in Paris, since 
 Henri IV had been crowned at Chartres ; but it was decided 
 that Reims should not be deprived of its traditional fetes. 
 Turgot wished to modify the following phrase in the Royal 
 Oath : ' I swear ... to exterminate entirely in my States 
 all heretics expressly condemned by the Church." Louis XIII 
 and even Louis XIV had eluded this formula by declaring that 
 they did not include Calvinists among the heretics. The Revo- 
 cation of the Edict of Nantes, it is true, still existed in 
 the national archives, but it was very much impaired by the 
 
 P 225
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 difference of the Regent and Louis XV, in spite of having been en- 
 forced on rare occasions. For a time Louis XVI seemed att ract cd 
 by this spirit of toleration, but eventually he gave way to 
 Maurepas and the clergy. At Reims, nevertheless, he mumbled 
 some inaudible -words when he came to this part of the oath. 
 
 Some of the formula?, however, were abolished, but from 
 motives very different from those of Turgot. " The patriots 
 Xhe were annoyed at the suppression of that part of 
 
 Coronation. the ceremony in which the Monarch seems to ask 
 the consent of the people. However vain this ridiculous formula 
 may appear, it was considered a mistake, a very great mistake on 
 the part of the clergy, for whom this pious spectacle seems to be 
 made, to cut the other part entirely out of the ceremony and 
 retain only that which primarily concerned themselves." Here, 
 again, the eternal struggle between the political and the clerical 
 power came into play. In his Essai sur la Tolerance, Turgot 
 insists that these two powers should not be confused, and should 
 each remain in its own sphere. He deplored the fact that the 
 same doctrine could have produced the Saint Bartholomew and 
 the League, "alternately putting the dagger into the King's 
 hands to kill the people, and into the people's hand to assassinate 
 the king." 
 
 These details arc necessary to a correct understanding of 
 the philosophic movement and the forcrnnuc rs of I he Revolution. 
 The Enthrone- Rut it must not be supposed that the nation had 
 ment. forgotten its loyalty to the monarchy, for that 
 
 loyalty was still strong and vigorous except in the case of cer- 
 iain reformers, such as Voltaire and D'Alembert. All the love 
 which the people felt for their King was shown at the coronation. 
 It had lately become the custom to greet the King whether in the 
 theatre or in the street with cheers and applause ; and now at 
 the time of the enthronement, near the end of the long ceremony, 
 when the great door was thrown open, and even the people 
 without were able to see the King ascend a throne placid in the 
 
 itr< of the screen, loud cheers were heard in the close outside, 
 and even in the interior of the cathedral its<lf. The people 
 thronged in; birds were Bet free, singing as they soared, 
 harmonies which were soon drowned by the trumpets, the firing 
 of muskets, and the joyful peals of the bells in the town. 
 22G
 
 THE CORONATION 
 
 Louis had been wearied by the interminable ceremony, 
 and had found his crown heavy and uncomfortable, but when 
 he heard the shouts and the noise he began to share the general 
 emotion. He was now robed in all his royal splendour ; he 
 wore the great violet mantle, ornamented with fleurs-de-lys 
 and lined with ermine, and he held the sceptre and hand of 
 justice. The cathedral glittered with gold and jewels beneath 
 the light of countless candles. Majesty was present both in 
 symbol and in reality at the moment when its representative 
 was thus acclaimed. 
 
 " I know," said the Due de Croy, "that I have never felt 
 such enthusiasm ; I was astonished to find tears in my eyes. . . . 
 Emotion of The Queen was so overcome with pleasure that 
 the Queen. her tears flowed in torrents. . . ." Marie-An- 
 toinette tells of this day in a letter to her mother, in which she 
 speaks of her emotion and of the enthusiasm of their subjects 
 both " great and small " at the sublime moment when Louis XVI 
 ascended the throne of his ancestors. 
 
 Principal Sources. Besides most of the works cited in Chapter 
 XIV, the Memoir es or Correspondances of Voltaire, Marmontel, Mile, de 
 Lespinasse, Jacob-Nicolas Moreau, Augeard, Weber, Dupont de Nemours 
 and Madame Campan. — Correspondence attributed to Metra ; Abbe 
 Baudeau, Chronique secrete de Paris sous Louis XVI, in Revue retro- 
 spective, III ; Souvenirs et Portraits of the Due de Levis ; Abbe Proyart, 
 Louis XVI, juge par ses vertus ; Droz, Histoire du regne de Louis XVI, 
 1859 ; Condorcet, Vie de Turgot ; Foncin, Essai sur le ministire de Turgot, 
 1877 ; P. de Nolhac, La Heine Marie- Antoinette. 
 
 227
 
 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 1775-1776 
 
 Maric-Antoincttc and Choiscul. The affair of the Comte de 
 Guincs. The Princess de Lamballe, Superintendent of the 
 Queen's Household. Joseph II reprimands his sister. The 
 Sovereign's family life. The King's brothers. Their wives. 
 The royal aunts. The Queen's friends. Madame de Lamballe. 
 Madame de Polignac. Besenval, Adhemar, and Vaudrcuil. 
 Favours granted to the Polignacs. Songs and satires. Portraits 
 of the Queen by Walpole and Tilly. Intrigues against Turgot. 
 The Edicts. Retirement of the Controller-General. Resigna- 
 tion of Malesherbes. The Comte de Saint-Germain and his 
 decrees. Maurcpas' manoeuvres. A monarchic crisis. 
 
 THE Queen tried to bring Choiseul back into power at 
 the time of the coronation. She congratulated her- 
 self on having obtained permission from the King to 
 interview the ex-minister, as she confided to the Comte de 
 The Queen and Rosenberg : " You will perhaps have heard of 
 Choiseul. the audience I granted Choiscul at Reims. It was 
 
 so much talked about that I do not doubt that old Maurcpas 
 was afraid to go home and rest. You will, of course, guess that 
 I did not see him without speaking to the King about it, but 
 you cannot imagine what skill I employed so as not to appear 
 to be asking permission. I told him that I wished to sec 
 Monsieur de Choiseul, and that I could not think which day would 
 be most convenient. I was so successful that the poor man 
 himself arranged the most convenient time for the interview. 
 I think I used a woman's power at that moment." This cel< 
 brated letter came into the hands of Maria Theresa, who sent 
 a copy of it to Mercy with this comment : " What a style ! 
 What an attitude of mind ! This only confirms my anxiety. 
 She | my daughter] is running straight to ruin, and she will be 
 228
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 lucky if in her downfall she is able to keep the virtues proper to 
 her rank. If Choiseul becomes Minister, she is lost. He will take 
 less heed of her than of the Pompadour, to whom he owed every- 
 thing." Marie-Antoinette's brother, the Emperor Joseph JI, 
 sent her so violent a rebuke on this subject that Maria Theresa 
 had it stopped, but the document has been preserved. His 
 bitter reproaches refer to facts which must be noted. 
 
 It was decided that the Due de la Vrilliere was to retire. 
 This Minister, an object of general contempt, was only supported 
 by his sister, the Comtesse de Maurepas. He was the last repre- 
 sentative of the Court of Louis XV, and had been in office for 
 fifty-five years. The Queen had pressed Louis to send him 
 away, since she wished to put Sartine in his place, but much 
 to her displeasure Malesherbes, a friend of Turgot, was made 
 Governor of the King's Household. The Queen, however, was 
 satisfied on other points. At her instigation the Due d'Aiguillon 
 was definitely exiled to Gascony. " This departure was entirely 
 my work," she wrote to Rosenberg; "the measure was full 
 to overflowing ; this dreadful man indulged in all sorts of 
 espionage and evil talk." She extricated the Comte de Guines, 
 The De Guines a protigS of Choiseul, who was French Ambassador 
 Affair. in London, from a grave scandal. Guines was 
 
 accused of using State secrets in order to gamble on the Stock 
 Exchange, and of disowning his creditors to avoid paying his 
 debts. To clear himself, he asked to be allowed to insert in his 
 defence certain passages from his official correspondence. 
 Vergennes and all the Ministers opposed this demand, saying 
 that if they were to allow it no foreign Minister would ever dare 
 make confidential communications to the Government. But 
 the Queen supported Guines against D'Aiguillon who desired his 
 ruin. In spite of the vote of the Council the King yielded to 
 repeated requests and gave the ambassador the permission he 
 desired. Here, as on more serious occasions, Louis allowed him- 
 self to be led. He was sometimes obstinate, but never strong- 
 willed. Guines won his case, which was tried by the Parlia- 
 The Princesse ment in June 1775. The Queen gained another 
 de Lamballe. victory by reviving the extravagant post of Super- 
 intendent of her Household in favour of the Princesse de 
 Lamballe, just when Turgot was finding extreme difficulty 
 
 229
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 in restoring order to the finances. The public grumbled ; 
 all these intrigues, exaggerated and wilfully misconstrued, 
 greatly alarmed the Emperor. Consequently Joseph resorted 
 to threats : " Why do you interfere, my dear sister," he wrote, 
 " dismissing ministers, sending one back to his estates, giving 
 office to this or that one. helping another to win his ease, and 
 creating a new expensive post at your Court ? Have you ever 
 asked yourself by what right you thus intervene in the affairs 
 of the French Government and Monarchy ? You, a charming 
 young girl, thinking only of frivolity, your toilet, and your 
 amusements all the day long, who do not read or listen to sense 
 for one quarter of an hour in a month, who, I am sure, neither 
 reflect nor meditate nor try to weigh the consequences of whal 
 you do or say ! The impulse of the moment is the only reason 
 for your actions. The statements and arguments of your 
 favourites win your credence and are your only guides." The 
 Emperor, in this respect, touched the true source of the evil ; 
 people took advantage of the Queen, her inexperience, her 
 kindness, and her desire to please. 
 
 The question of persons was the primary consideration in 
 all the intrigues in which Maric-Antionette imprudently took 
 part. She thus established a party at Courl which used her as 
 its tool, a secret ministry whose only principle was to secure 
 places, sinecures, and reversions to the detriment of those who 
 might have been of use to the State. Marie-Antoinette should 
 never have allowed herself to play so dangerous a part. 
 
 Marie-Antoinette's position as Queen was. until 1778, as 
 difficult as it had been as Dauphiness, and for the same reasons. 
 The Queen's The King, as always, was shy and undemon- 
 youthful strative ; Mercy complains that Marie-Antoim ' 
 
 Frivolity. " formed too poor an idea of I he character and moral 
 
 powers of her husband " ; but she was really an excellent jud 
 Tired of his coldness, she t ried to spend her youth agr< 'ably and 
 to seek distractions. The husband and wife really only i 
 on the subject of ceremony ; they both did their best to avoid 
 it. Except for this single affinity, their tastes wire opposite. 
 
 The Queen loved dress, and social pleasures which she could 
 
 enjoy with her intimates, cards, and amusements which were 
 
 not spoilt by careful preparation ; she spent happy days far 
 280
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 from the Court ; at the Trianon, which had been a gift to her 
 on the accession, she imagined herself a private individual whose 
 mission it was to receive her friends, to do the honours to them, 
 and to prepare charming and rustic surprises for their entertain- 
 ment. She forgot that she had royal duties also, an error^ 
 which her husband encouraged. She was pleasant and gracious 
 with all the dignity of a queen. Louis was brusque and awk- 
 ward ; his natural clumsiness had caused his grandfather con- 
 siderable disappointment. Marie-Antoinette sat up far into 
 the night and got up late. The King worked with his ministers, 
 but the pastimes which appealed to him were hunting and 
 manual labour. Tired out by violent exercise, he became silent 
 and taciturn and by no means an "evening man." They both 
 tried to hide their little weaknesses ; Louis was rather ashamed 
 of his locksmith's work, and Marie- Antoinette of her passion for 
 gambling. Sometimes she would put the clock forward so as 
 to hasten the time when the sleepy King would go to bed, and 
 the faro table could be brought out. She secretly bought 
 diamonds, not satisfied with the jewels with which she was 
 already loaded ; her mother reproved her for it and told her her 
 freshness was her chief ornament, but her taste for jewels was 
 irresistible, and later it will be seen that her adversaries turned 
 it into a deadly weapon against her. Such was their daily life. 
 Nevertheless, Louis was captivated by his wife ; he loved her 
 as much as he was capable of loving anyone, but according to 
 Mercy he feared as much as he loved her. Maria Theresa deeply 
 regretted the situation at Versailles : " The King's kindness to 
 her [the Queen] on every occasion, ought to make her respond 
 with a perfect return, by giving up her dissipated life, which 
 is so opposed to the King's character and tastes ; I see with 
 regret that although your remonstrances and those of Abbe" 
 Vermond [the Queen's reader] make some impression on my 
 daughter, they are soon effaced by the suggestions of those 
 around her and her own thoughtlessness." Louis, as King, 
 had no more influence than he had had as Dauphin. Nor were 
 his brothers in better case. The Comte de Provence was 
 The King's gracious, learned, and clever, but he was also 
 Brothers. conceited and crafty, and the Queen had been 
 
 warned against this Court " Tartufe." In the depths of his 
 
 231
 
 I 
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 heart he congratulated himself that there was no heir to the 
 crown, and he built his hopes for the future on this circumstance. 
 lie was no more innocent than were his aunts of the scandal 
 which was talked about the Queen. The Comte d'Artois was 
 leather-brained and brilliant, and thus agreed better with his 
 sister-in-law, whose tastes partook of the frivolity natural to her 
 age. The future Charles X, at this time but lately married, was fi i r 
 from serious, and only thought of amusing himself in a princely 
 fashion, throwing money away, and satisfying his most extrava- 
 gant whims, while scarcely attempting to pay his creditors. He 
 was the enfant terrible of the family. Sure of herself, Marie- 
 Antoinette had an instinctive hatred for vice, as she had proved 
 on her first arrival while Louis XV was still living, but she 
 thoughtlessly allowed herself to be led by her brother-in-law 
 into unfortunate amusements, the balls at the opera and the 
 little theatres, and although all that could be said against this 
 was that the King took no part in it, even that was too much. 
 The wives of the two princes were of the House of Savoy, 
 and were very jealous of their sister-in-law's charm ; they held 
 
 _ . themselves aloof. Their Italian character was not 
 
 TliGir Wives 
 
 trusted. The Queen who longed to assure the dynas- 
 tic succession, was naturally envious of the Comtesse d'Artois, 
 happy in the possession of sons, and she suffered a good deal in 
 consequence. Mesdames, the royal aunts, had " little heads," 
 and it was impossible " to put anything reasonable into them."* 
 They did not love Marie-Antoinette, because her marriage was 
 ChoiseuFs work. They had wanted a Princess of Saxony for the 
 Dauphin. Their advice met with no attention, and tired of use- 
 less intrigue, Mesdames went into a retreat whence they only 
 appeared on rare occasions to make disagreeable remarks which 
 were of no effect. The real intimates of Marie- Antoinette were 
 found elsewhere. The Queen had made certain ladies her friends 
 and confidantes, sometimes with little consideration, as mighl 
 be expected from a girl only twenty years old. Her chief desire 
 was to escape the moral solitude which overcame her even in 
 the midst of pleasures and fetes. Her graciousness, which was 
 even more marked than her beauty, made her seek and evoke 
 the .sympathy whieh she could not find in her family circle. 
 
 * Due de Croy. 
 232
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 She chose her friends because they were charming, and attached 
 them to her because they were unhappy. She wished to make 
 them happy, but unfortunately in so doing she worked her own 
 ruin. 
 
 The Princesse de Lamballe, her first friend, was a Carignan 
 and cousin to Madame and the Comtesse d'Artois. She married, 
 Promotion of m 1767, the Prince de Lamballe, son of the Due 
 Madame de Penthievre and a princess of Modena, but she 
 
 de Lamballe. was abandoned by her husband after five months 
 and became a widow in May 1768. She had a position at Court 
 when the Dauphine came to France. Marie-Antoinette made 
 friends with this lovable creature with the melancholy, delicate 
 face, and the childlike air. A poet represents her as embodying 
 the three Graces, and adds : 
 
 II n'est qu'un point oil vous et vos modeles, 
 Douce beaute, ne vous ressemblez pas ; 
 La volupte marche tou jours pres d'elles, 
 C'est la vertu qui conduit vos pas.* 
 
 When she became Queen, Marie Antoinette wanted to create 
 a post for Madame de Lamballe. She soon excited the jealousy 
 of her ladies-in-waiting when they heard that the young 
 widow was to be made Superintendent of her household. Her 
 father-in-law, aided by Maurepas, who wished to gain the 
 Queen's favour, carried this affair through and obtained for the 
 lady a salary of 50,000 crowns, although originally it had only 
 been intended to make it a third of that amount, 50,000 livres. 
 The Due de Penthievres, who was a champion of etiquette, and 
 had an eye to the main chance, insisted that the privileges of 
 the post should be the same as they were for Mile, de Clermont, 
 Superintendent to Marie Leszczynska and last holder of the posi- 
 tion, which had been suppressed in 1740. Louis and Turgot 
 yielded, in October 1775, to the Queen's great joy. She had 
 confided her hopes to Rosenberg : " The Marechale de 
 Mouchy is going to leave, so they say. I do not know whom 
 I shall have in her place. But I shall ask the King to take 
 advantage of the changes to make Madame de Lamballe 
 
 * There is only one point, in which you and your models, gentle beauty, 
 are unlike ; voluptuousness walks alway near them ; it is virtue that 
 guides your steps. 
 
 233
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Superintendent. Judge of my happiness ! I shall make my great 
 friend happy and I shall have even more pleasure from this than 
 will she.'''' 
 
 When we remember the sums expended by Marie de' Medici 
 on the Marcchal d'Ancre, the astounding liberality of Louis XIV 
 to Madame de Montcspan and her descendants and to Madame 
 de Fontanges, who had a stipend of .300,000 livres a month, 
 Marie Antoinette seems moderate in the exercise of her power. 
 The revenues of France amounted to 200,000,000 livres. It does 
 not seem unpardonable to have revived the post of Superin- 
 tendent, especially as the motive was goodness of heart and not 
 vanity ; but the Court never made the slightest allowances 
 for any of the Queen's actions. There were, however, other 
 instances of the Queen's liberality w r hich laid themselves more 
 open to the bitter attacks made against them. It was surely 
 unnecessary to expend 000 louis in paying the debts of the 
 Co lute d'Esterhazy, an Austrian by birth, who was domiciled in 
 Paris. It was equally unnecessary to grant a widow's pension 
 to the Comtesse de la Marche when that lady was only separated 
 from her husband, and to give the Prince Eugene de Carignan, 
 Madame de Lamballe's brother, a yearly salary of .30,000 livres 
 and the command of an infantry regiment, especially since it 
 caused complaints among the French officers. 
 
 Not content with the favour which had been conferred on 
 her, the Princesse de Lamballe continued to make requests, 
 and finally tired even the Queen. She aroused protests from 
 all quartern, and was soon the centre of quarrels and dissensions. 
 She complained to the Queen, who was irritated, and said she 
 was badly served. " The Princesse de Lamballe, who is nearly 
 always wrong," wrote Mercy, " is gradually losing ground with 
 the Queen and I see the moment coming when Her Majesty will 
 be filled with regret and find herself embarrassed at having 
 re-established a useless post in her household." 
 
 Even before the appointment of the Princesse de Lamballe 
 had been signed, Marie-Antoinette had found a new friend for 
 Madame whom she conceived a great affection, an event 
 
 de Polienac. which brought jealousy into the field. This friend 
 w;i^ Gabrielle Yolande de Polastron, Comtesse Jules de Polignac 
 The family to which she had allied herself was much im- 
 234
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 poverished, but had counted among its representatives a 
 celebrated Cardinal who had been a faithful servant of the House 
 of France and the Catholic cause. The Comtesse, of whom 
 there is a pleasing portrait by Madame Vigee-Lebrun, was a 
 charming woman. " She had," said the Due de Levis, " the 
 kind of head in which Raphael could combine intelligent ex- 
 pression with infinite gentleness. Others might excite more 
 surprise or admiration, but one could never tire of looking at 
 her." In our modern eyes Raphael's heads, though they are 
 full of sweetness, perhaps lack intelligence of expression. The 
 Comte de la Marck says practically the same as the Due de 
 Levis and adds : " Never did anyone's demeanour express 
 more modesty, reserve, and propriety than did hers." 
 
 The Queen had noticed Madame de Polignac at one of the 
 summer balls about June 1775, and a close intimacy had sprung 
 up between the two young women. " When I am with her," 
 said Marie- Antoinette, " I am no longer a Queen ; I am my- 
 self." Henri IV had said practically the same thing. This 
 intimacy, which lasted more than fifteen years, had greater 
 influence than anything else on the Queen's future. Madame 
 de Polignac had neither the wit, judgment, nor character to 
 justify the speed with which she won the position of confidante, 
 to the exclusion of all others at the Court. Yet she was the 
 " depositary of all the thoughts " of Marie- Antoinette. The 
 Austrian Ambassador was alarmed and foresaw the worst 
 consequences from this " boundless confidence," Political 
 aspirants did not neglect this open door ; the Queen was at 
 the mercy of innumerable intriguers. 
 
 The Superintendent had the support of the Comte d'Artois, 
 the Due de Chartres (the future Philippe-Egalite) and all those 
 Besenval wno composed the disaffected society of the Palais 
 
 Adh&nar, and Royal. Madame de Polignac' s partisans were the 
 Vaudreuil. Baron de Besenval, an indiscreet friend of the 
 Queen, a man of wit, who loved " intrigue for intrigue's sake, 
 even though it brought him nothing," and with him ambitious 
 members of the jeunesse doree, the Comte d'Adhemar, a pleasant 
 singer, an excellent actor, a composer of elegant couplets, and 
 Vaudreuil, the most important man of the group, behind whom 
 Choiseul was concealed. This brilliant society met together at 
 
 235
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 the house of the Princesse de Guemenee. The latter was a 
 daughter of the Mardchal de Soubise, and was later to become the 
 Madame de governess of the Children of France until her hus- 
 Guemenee. band's failure caused her downfall. Outwardly, 
 these evenings were easy social functions, but those present did 
 not hesitate to interfere in affairs of State, to give the Queen in- 
 terested advice, and in short to exploit her. They spoke with 
 absolute freedom of all that was happening at Court ; they 
 ridiculed those they wished to injure, laid traps for them, and 
 practised every form of intrigue both small and great. It was 
 at one of these evenings that Maurepas introduced himself to 
 Madame de Polignac and told her of his desire to become Prime 
 Minister, hoping that she would repeat his remarks to the 
 Queen. Maurepas, who was always seeking his own advance- 
 ment, was ready to sacrifice everything, even his most trust- 
 worthy colleagues, to his own ambition. 
 
 The three leaders of this party, Besenval, Adhemar and 
 Vaudreuil, have been severely criticized by La Marck. None 
 of them, he said, had any depth of judgment or exalted views, 
 they were "people who were skilled in the artifices of 
 the Court and nothing more." They did not possess " that 
 power of observation which enables its possessor to grasp 
 the events that are likely to have an important bearing on the 
 future." This Polignac society w r as harmful not only to Marie- 
 Antoinette but to the interests of the Monarchy itself. The wit, 
 gaiety, distinction, and cleverness of the trio were deceptive, 
 and cleverer people than the Queen might have been misled by 
 them. Vaudreuil, in particular, gained a complete ascendency 
 over Madame de Polignac, and found opportunity to satisfy his 
 greed for favours. 
 
 The fair Comtesse was very susceptible to the handsome face 
 and agreeable manners of Vaudreuil. To find an excuse for 
 the scandal that began to be whispered, she declared that she 
 was above prejudices. Her attitude towards religion was as 
 doubtful as her moral standard. Lassone, the doctor, said on< 
 day to the Abbe de Vermond that he feared this intimacy might 
 in the end affect the piety of the Queen. At first Madame de 
 Polignac asked nothing for herself, though later she had her re- 
 ward and became a duchess ; but her relatives, one after another, 
 286
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 were benefited by reversions and offices, to the great disgust of 
 those whose rank led them to count on reaping some of the 
 harvest. The Rohans, Tessas, Noailles, Montmorencys and 
 Civracs felt themselves aggrieved. In a few years the Polignacs 
 had an income of nearly 500,000 livres. Two examples will 
 suffice. Comte Jules de Polignac's father was well known for 
 his stupidity, yet he was given the Swiss Embassy, because it 
 was lucrative and got him away from Court, where his presence 
 embarrassed his children. The Comtesse Diane de Polignac, 
 sister of Comte Jules, was made lady-in-waiting to Madame 
 Elisabeth, although the freedom of her conduct was likely to 
 cause scandals. 
 
 The Queen's intimacy with her friend had the effect of in- 
 creasing her aversion from ceremony, and this caused new sub- 
 jects for complaint. It was said that the Court 
 only existed for a small and exclusive circle, that 
 it was like a private house, where sympathy alone assured a 
 favourable reception. A Queen of France owes herself to her 
 subjects ; she is bound to keep up the traditions, said the most 
 indulgent?of Marie- Antoinette's enemies. The most audacious 
 songs, calumnies, and satires fell like rain on Paris, the pro- 
 vinces, and foreign countries. That the Queen did not spare her 
 husband as a subject for her wit was well known. Some of the 
 satires touch on this : 
 
 La Reine dit imprudemment 
 A Besenval son confident : 
 " Mon mari est un pauvre sire." 
 L'autre repond d'un ton leger : 
 " Chacun le pense, sans le dire, 
 Vous le dites sans y penser." * 
 
 La Marck, who knew the Court intimately and always spoke 
 of the Queen with respect, deplored this tendency, though he 
 tried to palliate it. " It was," he said, " a mistake for a person 
 in her position, since those around her knew her weakness, and 
 sought to amuse her at the expense of others." 
 
 There came a time when she knew how she had been deceived, 
 
 and at last gave up Madame de Polignac. When people ex- 
 
 * The Queen said imprudently to her confidante Besenval, "My husband 
 is a poor fellow." The other answered lightly, " Every one thinks so 
 without saying it, you say it without thinking." 
 
 237
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 pressed astonishment at seeing her seek refuge amongst foreigners, 
 she ^aid : 
 
 11 You are right, but at least they do not ask me for anything." 
 She lived as in a dream with absolute unconsciousness and 
 refused to believe the warnings of her mother or her fears for 
 Joseph ITs * nc future. Yet in the midst of her life of diver- 
 estimate of the sions she must have found little amusement. In 
 Queen. ncr f car f ennui she made continual efforts to 
 
 avert it, but with small success. Her brother, Joseph II, in 
 other respects too hard a critic, at least understood the psycho- 
 logy of Marie-Antoinette on this point ; he wrote to Mercy 
 with reference to her mania for gambling, which caused Fon- 
 tainebleau to be compared to Spa : " Her craving for pleasure 
 and her anxiety to find those who can procure it for her, happy, 
 contented people, is the only cause of these disorders, for at 
 heart my sister does not like gambling." All Marie-Antoinette 
 received from her circle was the basest ingratitude. The King, 
 the only person who was really faithful to her, by his indulgence 
 and loving weakness encouraged her tastes and extravagance. 
 Louis by degrees awoke from his torpor and fell a victim to her 
 charm. But he did not rightly understand his duties ; he ad- 
 mired the Queen in passive silence. The niceties of this situa- 
 tion formed the main problem of the Royal Household, as 
 Marie-Antoinette shows in a confidential Utter : " If I needed 
 a vindication," she wrote to the Comtc dc Rosenberg, " I could 
 safely rely on you. As a matter of fact, I am ready to admit 
 more than you would allow. For instance, my pursuits are not 
 the same as the King's, for his are only hunting and mechanical 
 pursuits. You will agree that I should scarcely look my best 
 at a forge ; I could not be Vulcan, and the part of Venus would 
 displease him far more than my present tastes, of which he does 
 not disapprove." 
 
 Marii -Antoinette need* d firm guidance. All she found was 
 
 a husband anxious to please In r and abashed before the attrae- 
 Walpole's tions of her triumphant youth. Another foreigner, 
 
 Portrait of Horace Walpole, gives us an idea of her irresistible 
 
 the Queen. charm. His words are well known and are the more 
 
 valuable in tli.it they an- disinterested: " It was impossible to 
 see anything but the Queen! Ilebes and Floras and Helens 
 238
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 and Graces are street-walkers to her. She is a statue of beauty, 
 when standing or sitting ; grace itself when she moves. . . . 
 They say she does not dance in time, but if so it is certainly the 
 time which is at fault." * This is how Marie-Antoinette ap- 
 peared at a ball given on August 22, 1775, on the occasion of 
 the marriage of her sister-in-law, Madame Clotilde, to the 
 Prince of Piedmont. 
 
 A second portrait, by a Frenchman this time, the Comte de 
 Tilly, is less enthusiastic, yet it gives an impression of the same 
 De Tilly's charm : " The Queen was then (about 1777) at 
 
 Portrait of her best. I have often heard her beauty spoken 
 the Queen. f 9 an( j j confess I have never absolutely shared 
 that opinion. But she had that which is more valuable than 
 perfect beauty on the throne, the look of a Queen of France, 
 even at the moments when she tried most to seem nothing but 
 a pretty woman. . . . She had two kinds of walk, the one firm, 
 slightly hurried, but always noble, the other softer and more 
 rhythmical, almost languorous, yet never encouraging people 
 to forget their respect. Never have curtsies been made with 
 such grace ; at a single inclination she greeted ten people, yet 
 with head and glance she gave to each his due. In short, if I 
 am not deceived, just as one offers a chair to other women, so 
 one would almost always have wished to bring her a throne." 
 It is a pleasure to quote so delightful an account, more especially 
 since it bears the stamp of truth. In going on to speak of the 
 Queen's character, Tilly brings us back to our subject and illus- 
 trates it in convincing terms. He laments the disgust Marie 
 Antoinette showed : "for the forms surrounding royalty, which 
 are more necessary in France than in any place I know," and " her 
 incurable prejudice (though in general her nature was uncertain 
 and hesitating) for or against those who were pointed out for 
 her favours or her hatred, or whom she had herself classified, as 
 she often did without any reflection." 
 
 The critic especially refers to the dismissal of Turgot, the 
 gravest fault of the early days of the reign, and the work of the 
 Intrigues Queen's intimates. Turgot was marked out as a 
 
 against Turgot. victim to be sacrificed to the extravagance and 
 intrigues of the Court. A combination formed of the Polignacs, 
 * Letter to the Countess of Upper Ossory. 
 
 239
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 the Duohcsse de Gramont, Choiscul's sister, and the Due de 
 Doigny, had no difficulty in persuading Marie-Antoinette and 
 even the King, that the Minister had become the most un- 
 popular of all Controllers-General. 
 
 Turgot was a man of the strictest integrity, but he was too 
 abrupt and unbending. He imposed his principles without 
 a trace of compromise, and it has been said of him in contrast 
 to Terray : "He did the right thing in the wrong way, while 
 the Abb6 did the wrong thing in the right way." Senac de 
 Meilhan exaggerates, in his effort to make himself clear, but there 
 is a certain amount of truth in the following judgment : ' He 
 did not know how to make allowances for the weaknesses of men, 
 still less for their vices. Monsieur Turgot acted like a surgeon 
 operating on a corpse, and forgot that he was operating on 
 living beings." 
 
 Turgot was a convinced Royalist, and he was perhaps the 
 only minister who could have saved the monarchy, as is proved 
 by the consequences of his retirement. Some of those who 
 followed him, men devoid both of talent and probity, showed i he 
 extent of the loss that France had suffered. A month before 
 the Controller's disgrace, Louis had said : " Only Monsieur 
 Turgot and I love the people." Turgot's schemes were soon 
 abandoned, but among them were some of the reforms which 
 the Revolution claimed as its own. For instance, he pro- 
 posed the abolition of the corvies, to be replaced by a tax- 
 paid by all proprietors whether privileged or not, the sup- 
 pression of Wardens, Freedoms, and Guilds which superficial 
 observers at that time saw only as hindrances to commerce 
 and industry, without understanding the profound reasons for 
 which centuries of experience had imposed them an Western 
 Europe. 
 
 These proposals increased the number of Turgot's enemies. 
 Courtiers, financiers, Parliamentarians, and high dignitaries 
 of the Church were all jealous of their prerogative s, and there 
 Was now also a bourgcoisr aristocracy which swelled the ranks 
 of those who were interested in preserving the traditional 
 forms of society. A great lady summed up the whole quesl ion, 
 saving : " Why make innovations ? Is not all well with us ?' 
 Was this remark malice or naivete ? 
 240
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 The opinion of the Parliament was similar and it wished to 
 suppress Turgot's edicts. Louis disregarded it, and the edicts 
 Imprudent were registered by order on March 13, 1776. But 
 Interference of the Controller's isolation became more pro- 
 the Queen. nounced. His enemies were uniting, and they even 
 went so far as to forge letters purporting to come from Turgot, 
 and containing sarcasms against the Queen and jests and offen- 
 sive words about the King. " All this correspondence," said 
 Dupont of Nemours, " was brought to Louis XVI. He com- 
 municated it to Maurepas, who, one may well suppose, failed to 
 express any strong doubts as to its authenticity. Other letters 
 were also intercepted, whether genuine or not, in which the most 
 violent accusations were made against the Controller-General." 
 His dismissal was decided. Tormented by her intimates, who 
 used as their weapon Turgot's recall of the Comte de Guines 
 from his embassy, the Queen yielded and obtained the desired 
 order from the King. Louis, compromised by his contradictions, 
 in the end listened to his wife. Mercy, who saw more clearly, 
 declared that her influence would one day draw upon the Queen 
 " the just reproaches of the King, her husband, and even of all 
 the nation" These prophetic words alarmed Maria Theresa, but 
 the Empress understated her terror in writing to her daughter, 
 for fear of revealing the confidences of Mercy : " The public," 
 she wrote, " no longer speaks of you with the same enthusiasm ; 
 it thinks you occupied with small conspiracies unworthy of your 
 position." Marie- Antoinette replied : " My conduct and my in- 
 tentions are well known, and they are far removed from con- 
 spiracy and intrigue. There may be people who are disturbed 
 about what is said between the King and myself ; but I will not 
 renounce the confidence which rightly exists between my 
 husband and myself to satisfy them. Moreover, I trust that the 
 general opinion is not so opposed to me as some one has informed 
 my dear mother." Marie- Antoinette denied having had any 
 share in Turgot's dismissal. She dissimulated, blindly following 
 the advice of her intimates. She was beginning " to use sub- 
 terfuges in order to give a false colour to her actions," as Maria 
 Theresa wrote to Mercy* 
 
 Turgot quitted his ministry with dignity. In a letter to the 
 King he said, " My greatest hope is that you may come to 
 
 Q 241
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 know that I am wrong and that I have warned you of chimerical 
 
 dangers. I trust that time may not justify me." 
 Fall of Turgot Maleshcrbes, who supported Turgot's prin- 
 
 and ciples and wished with him to reform the 
 
 Malesherbes. extravagance of the Court, was obliged to send 
 in his resignation. The same combination overt lire w both 
 the reforming ministers, who had come before their time. 
 As Walpole said : " Since their plans tend to serve the public 
 you may be sure they do not please interested individuals. . . . 
 Designing persons who have no weapon but ridicule to use 
 against good men, already employ it to make a trifling nation 
 laugh at its benefactors ; and if it is the fashion to laugh, the 
 laws of fashion will be executed preferably to those of common 
 sense." * 
 
 According to the President de Bachaumont, Louis said to 
 Malesherbes on the day of his departure, May 12, 177G : " How 
 fortunate you are ! Would that / could retire ! " 
 
 The Comte de Muy died on October 10, 1775, and the Depart- 
 ment of War was entrusted to the Comte de Saint-Germain, a 
 The Comte de gifted officer, though of an advanced age, who had 
 Saint-Germain, performed most of his service abroad, in Austria, 
 Bavaria, and Denmark. His appointment astonished every 
 one, since he was little known. Maurepas had brought him 
 from retirement in Alsace. As minister he was allowed to issue 
 decree after decree ; he suppressed a part of the King's Military 
 Household, and increased the army by 40,000 men without extra 
 cost to the Treasury ; he prohibited luxury and gaming, 
 attacked the sale of offices, and made the famous strokes with 
 the flat of the sword a substitute for imprisonment for light 
 ofYences. This last innovation was considered an insult, and a 
 soldier said : " Strike with the point ; it hurts less." Saint-Ger- 
 main remained in power after Turgot's fall until September 1777 ; 
 then he became very unpopular and yielded his post to his 
 assistant, Monsieur de Montbarrey. 
 
 Amelot succeeded Malesherbes. Maurepas, who made light 
 of everything, prepared the way for the new arrival by saying : 
 " They must be tired of men of genius. Let us see if they will 
 like a fool better." Amelot was faithful to his reputation. 
 
 * Letter to Sir Horace Mann. 
 242
 
 THE QUEEN'S SURROUNDINGS 
 
 Clugny, who became Controller-General, died a few months 
 later, but he had time to re-establish the corvees and the Wardens 
 and to institute a public lottery. His successor was one of the 
 conspicuous personalities of the reign — Necker. 
 
 The country was in the throes of a crisis brought about by 
 shallow intrigues. The Queen's youth, the King's lack of 
 The Decline of energy, Maurepas' levity, were so many play- 
 the Monarchy, things for the courtiers, who were anxious for 
 change and eager to clear the way for their own advancement. 
 The Due de Croy said : " The young King, who did not shine 
 in bearing or manner, was always good-natured, well intentioned, 
 and clear-sighted, but he feared the embarrassment of making 
 a choice or a decision, always a difficult thing, so that he avoided 
 inquiry or discussion with anyone, except on rare occasions with 
 Monsieur de Maurepas, whose good-nature did not incline him 
 towards argument. The Queen was always pleasure-seeking ; 
 she did nothing but run about to the shows in Paris, the 
 balls at the Opera and at Versailles, and was always in a flutter, 
 hoping to escape boredom by perpetual motion." At this time 
 the Comtesse de la Marck wrote to Gustavus III, King of 
 Sweden : ' Everything here is as God wills ; good sense, sound 
 judgment, a regard whether for public or private interests are 
 unknown. ... A King who wishes to do good, but has neither 
 the power nor the ability to compass it ... a Minister [Maurepas], 
 who was unstable and weak at forty, and is further enervated 
 by age, who does the strangest things, and makes light of public 
 opinion. . . . The Queen goes continually to Paris . . . incurs 
 debts, invites lawsuits, decks herself in feathers and fripperies, 
 and laughs at everything." 
 
 The monarchy was waning ; it sought assistance from 
 Necker, a foreigner. The Queen needed advice and the Emperor 
 came to give it her. But it was already too late. 
 
 Principal Sources. Me'moires sur la vie et le caractere de la 
 Duchesse de Polignac, by the Comtesse Diane de Polignac, 1 vol., 1796 ; 
 Me'moires of the Comte de Paroy, of Marmontel, of the Baronne d'Ober- 
 kich, of Tilly ; Reports said to be by Bachaumont ; Letters of Horace 
 Walpole ; Correspondance entre le Comte de Mirabeau et le Comte de la 
 Marck, 2 vols., 1851 ; Thevenot, Correspondance du prince Xavier de 
 Saxe ; Senac de Meilhan, Du gouvernement et des moeurs, 1795. 
 
 243
 
 CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE EMPERORS VISIT 
 1777 
 
 Necker. Madame Necker and her Salon. Elogc de Colbert. Sur 
 la legislation ct le commerce des BUs. Necker in power. The 
 Emperor approves of Necker. Joseph IFs visit. He repairs the 
 blunders of the Archduke Maximilian. Proposals of marriage. 
 A Mentor. The lnvalidcs. Coolness between the Queen and 
 her brother. The Emperor's opinions on the French Court: 
 Louis XVI, the Comte d'Artois, the Comte de Provence. He 
 severely criticizes the Queen's intimates. Portrait of Joseph II 
 by the Comte de Provence. Discontent of the Choiseul party. 
 Madame du Barry. Portrait of the Queen by Joseph II. 
 Instructions left for Marie- Antoinette. 
 
 NECKER was the real successor of Turgot. He cam. 
 from Geneva, from a school of skilful and honest 
 bankers. He commenced his career in Paris in the 
 house of a compatriot, bringing with him the solemn, formal 
 Necker and spirit which flourishes on the banks of Lake 
 his Wife. Leman, though it was modified and softened 
 
 by his desire to attain a high position. He was greatly assisted 
 by his wife, Suzanne Curchod, a Protestant minister's daughter, 
 whom Gibbon had wanted to marry. Since 1765, Madame 
 Necker had had a salon at which men of letters, aspiring to the 
 Academy, appeared side by side with great nobles and most of 
 the foreign diplomats. She shone more by her intelligence 
 than by her grace. The Baronne d'Oberkieh said of her that, 
 " God when creating her dipped her in a bucket of starch." 
 She remained a Vaudoise in the heart of Paris, and always had 
 a trace of the provincial. Madame de Stael, to whom sh< 
 bequeathed her wit though not her beauty, similarly failed to 
 become absolutely French. Rut Madame Necker at least com- 
 manded respect by her virtue. One mighl say of her what 
 Madame du Deiland said of the Duehesse de Choiseul, another 
 24 l
 
 THE EMPEROR'S VISIT 
 
 virtuous woman : " She wished to be perfect ; it was her only- 
 fault and the only one she could have." If Madame Necker 
 was not the woman she hoped to be, she at least set a fine 
 example of philanthropy by the foundation of her hospital, 
 with which she occupied ten years of her life. One of the inno- 
 vations introduced in this hospital was that they nursed " the 
 sick in single beds with every attention of tenderness and 
 humanity, and without exceeding a fixed fee." The foregoing 
 extract from a contemporary report testifies to the greatness of 
 the service rendered by this worthy deaconess. 
 
 Necker at first mixed unobtrusively with the society with 
 which his wife liked to surround herself ; he adopted the atti- 
 Necker's social tude of a spectator. On occasions, however, he 
 aloofness. jested, and called attention to some eccentricity 
 
 or humorous incident. He lacked an essentially French charac- 
 teristic, as Madame du Deffand observed to Walpole, which con- 
 sists in " a certain ability to bring out the intelligence of those 
 with whom one speaks. [He gives no assistance to the develop- 
 ment of one's thoughts, and one is consequently more stupid 
 with him than when by oneself or with others.^ 5 ] According to 
 Marmontel, except for a few subtle phrases dropped here and 
 there, he left his wife to maintain and enliven the conversation. 
 When Necker married Mile. Curchod the following remark was 
 made : " They will be so bored with one another that it will 
 give them an occupation." However, they did not bore one 
 another, rather did they bore others by their adoration, and the 
 incense they burnt to one another. Although Necker was not 
 anxious to speak, he could write. As soon as his fortune was 
 made he left the bank, and in 1773 published an Bloge de Colbert, 
 which was crowned by the French Academy. He then got him- 
 self appointed representative of the Genevan Republic at the 
 Court of Versailles, and thus received congratulations for two 
 honours at once. 
 
 In his Eloge he made use of Colbert to paint a portrait of 
 an ideal Finance Minister, " such as Colbert perhaps was, and 
 such especially as Monsieur Necker aspired to 
 is n 1 become," as Sainte-Beuve maliciously observes. 
 
 Two years later appeared his work Sur la Legislation et le Com- 
 merce des Bles (on Legislation and the Corn Trade), an attack 
 
 245
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 on the theories and even the character of Turgot. In Necker's 
 opinion, an administrator ought to have "a suave and pliant 
 mind, an ardent soul, and a calm judgment." He was obvi- 
 ously thinking of himself. Neckcr delighted in compliments, 
 "he used to fish for compliments," to use the picturesque 
 English expression. He was vain-glorious, and in his effort to 
 excite flattering comparisons his public acts were tainted with 
 charlatanism. Thus at the time of his first loan, as it was fully 
 subscribed in advance, he need not have made the public come 
 to the Royal Treasury only to see an imposing guard. But it is 
 only fair to say, with Droz, that his pride made him glory above 
 all in services rendered to the State. If Turgot thought too 
 much of theory, Neckcr was purely practical, and had no abstract 
 ideas. His work on the Corn Trade proves this. The future 
 minister did not pronounce for or against freedom in this trade. 
 but he said enough to injure his predecessor's reputation. He 
 came to no conclusions, and his policy was rather destructive 
 than constructive. His style was pompous, verbose, and not 
 easy to understand. Society called his work a tk break-neck " 
 (cassc-cou) treatise, and Voltaire with some malice said " ureal 
 application " was necessary to understand Neckcr " and deep 
 knowledge to answer him." Turgot might have taken the able 
 financier's advice with advantage, but a great gulf separated the 
 two men, in spite of their ardent desire for the public welfare. 
 The quarrels of their friends never ceased to embitter them and 
 make them antagonistic to one another. At Clugny's death 
 in October 177G, the King applied to Necker, believing thai 
 he had found a saviour. 
 
 There was a difficulty to overcome in the fact thai Necki r 
 was ;i Protestant. Louis — to his honour be it said was iu- 
 Necker in spired by that spirit of toleration which his father 
 
 Power. the Dauphin and Turgot had shown ; he made 
 
 Taboureau des Ream Controller of Finance, and gave the 
 direction of this department to the " Genevan Banker," though 
 without a voice in the Council of Ministers. A bishop called 
 attention to the fact that the laws of the kingdom excluded 
 Protestants from all official positions. 
 
 ' We will give him up for your sake," said MaurepaS, "ill he 
 clergy will pay the national debts." 
 246
 
 THE EMPEROR'S VISIT 
 
 When Necker demanded the suppression of six Intendants 
 of Finance, Taboureau sent in his resignation, his objection being 
 that he did not wish to injure men whom he esteemed. Necker 
 became Director-General on June 29, 1777, and remained in 
 power for five years, until May 19, 1781. As he was rich he 
 refused the salary attached to his office, a self-denial which 
 made him very popular. But the flattery which was lavished 
 upon him turned his head, and prevented him from seeing how 
 serious were the times ; he was no statesman. One of his 
 colleagues, the Comte de Vergennes, a man of considerable 
 ability, showed he had more grasp of the situation than Necker 
 when he said in a confidential communication to Louis : " There 
 is no longer Clergy, Nobility, or Third Estate in France. The 
 distinction is fictitious, purely representative, and without any 
 real significance. The monarch speaks, all the rest are the 
 people, and all obey." 
 
 One of the Director's first actions was to have recourse to a 
 loan, which was justified by rumours of an approaching war 
 with England, then at war with her American Colonies. This 
 financial coup was a triumph for Necker. Nevertheless, he was 
 criticized for not having given any guarantee to the lenders, 
 nor introduced taxes to consolidate the loans. He answered 
 that he was procuring the money at a lower rate of interest 
 than ever before, and that this economic difference allowed 
 him to ensure the satisfaction of all the liabilities he had con- 
 tracted. Such a guarantee from an embarrassed treasury 
 was somewhat illusory. In 1777 the successive loans amounted 
 to 148,000,000 livres, and in the same year Necker resolved to 
 reduce the number of posts in the Department of Finance, 
 in spite of the opposition of the holders of those offices, who 
 defended themselves " like devils." He established a com- 
 mission with the object of reforming the hospitals, created 
 Government pawn-shops (monts-de-piete) to compete with the 
 moneylenders and pawnbrokers, who were very numerous 
 among the office-holders. An opposition was formed against 
 him. " It is because he interferes with the interests of the rich 
 and powerful that he meets with continual obstacles," it was 
 said ; " if he had attacked the poor only, all would go as he 
 wishes." None the less he had more supporters than adversaries. 
 
 247
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 When the Emperor Joseph II came to France at this period, 
 he had an interview with the celebrated Director and formed 
 'the most favourable idea of his intellect* 1 and "of his 
 character, about which there is only one opinion." 
 
 This visit of the Queen's brother takes an important place 
 in the history of 1777. Joseph II travelled incognito under 
 Visit of the name of the Count of Falkenstein. He took 
 
 Joseph II. care to keep strictly to his role, and whether he was 
 
 in Paris or Versailles would only stay at an hotel. He endeavoured 
 to escape the ovations inevitably showered on a prince whose 
 liberal ideas and horror of prejudice were well known. 
 
 Another brother of Marie- Antoinette, the Archduke Maxi- 
 milian, had visited Versailles in 1775, but had not been a success. 
 When Buffon offered him his works he said : 
 
 ' Sir, I should be very sorry to deprive you of them." He 
 was very young. 
 
 This foolish speech was duly retailed by the Queen's em mies. 
 There were other grounds of complaint against Maximilian 
 because, under the assumed name of the Count of Burgau, he 
 had insisted that the Dues d'Orleans and de Chartrcs and the 
 Princes de Cond6 and de Conti should visit him first. The 
 princes of the blood refused, and retired to their estates during 
 the Archduke's visit. 
 
 But the visit of Joseph II, who was very popular, caused 
 these unfortunate impressions to be forgotten. He saw BufTon 
 and asked him for the books which his young brother had 
 " forgotten," thus redeeming his brother's folly by his wit. 
 
 The Emperor was a grandson by marriage of Louis XV ; 
 he had lost his wife, the Infanta Isabella, daughter of Don 
 Matrimonial Philip, Duke of Parma, and of Louise-Elisabeth of 
 Plans. France. It was thought that he had come to 
 
 marry his wife's first cousin, Madame Elisabeth, sister of 
 Louis XVI, but he did not succumb to the charms of the Prince 
 who later paid so dearly for her devotion to the King, Mari.- 
 Antoinette, and their children. For seme time Joseph had 
 renounced marriage, as much from an affected austerity as from 
 natural coldness. In 1772 he wrote to his brother Leopold : 
 " As for me, I am becoming rapidly less gallant and once more 
 I am moping like an owl. The company of women becomes 
 248
 
 THE EMPEROR'S VISIT 
 
 insupportable to a reasonable man after a time, and I may say 
 that often the smartest and wittiest remarks turn my stomach." 
 We have already seen something of this contempt for women 
 in the famous intercepted letter, and we shall find it again in his 
 conversations with the Queen. 
 
 Marie-Antoinette had reason to be disturbed by the Imperial 
 visit. It was said that Joseph had a political object, that he 
 had come to ask Vergennes to abandon Turkey and to consent 
 to divide that kingdom between France, Russia, and Austria ; 
 but the Emperor's real object was to introduce harmony in the 
 Royal Household. The choice of the Mentor was not a happy 
 one. 
 
 The Queen refused to be governed, and showed herself 
 stubborn when anyone tried to treat her with severity. Maria 
 Friction Theresa, as Marie-Antoinette herself once owned 
 
 between the to Mercy, might say anything to her : " From my 
 Queen and mother," she said, " I will take everything with 
 her Brother. reS pect, but as for my brother, I shall know how 
 to answer him." The Queen's intimates had much to do with 
 these declarations of revolt. The Austrian ambassador told 
 Maria Theresa that Marie- Antoinette had been prejudiced against 
 her brother ; " people had contrived," he said, " to fill her mind 
 with fears and suspicions, and to prevent her from having any 
 confidence in His Majesty the Emperor." Joseph caused some 
 offence by his rather caustic remarks. He thought it ex- 
 traordinary that the King and Queen did not know Paris better. 
 The following conversation took place between Louis and his 
 guest : 
 
 ' You possess the most beautiful building in Europe." 
 
 " What is that ? " 
 
 " Les Invalides." 
 
 " So they say." 
 
 " What ! have you never visited the building ? " 
 
 "Mafoi, no." 
 
 " Nor have I," said the Queen. 
 
 ' Ah ! " said Joseph smiling, " I am not surprised in your 
 case, sister ; you are so busy." 
 
 Another time Marie-Antoinette asked her brother to admire 
 one of the enormous structures of hair, feathers, ribbons, and 
 
 249
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 flowers which were then in fashion and were called poufs 
 au sentiment. 
 
 " Is not mv hair charmingly arranged ? " she asked. 
 
 " Yes." 
 
 " But that yes is very curt. Docs not the style suit 
 me?" 
 
 " Ma foi,\i you wish me to speak frankly, Madame, I think 
 it is very light to bear a crown." 
 
 Thus far his criticisms were just and had been made with 
 some wit. 
 
 But he exceeded all bounds when he advised the King to 
 make a visit to some part of his kingdom, and told the Queen 
 not to accompany her husband, because she would be useless. 
 This insult was followed by others even more violent. Joseph 
 objected to " the Queen's free and easy manner with her hus- 
 band," to " her disrespectful language " and her " want of 
 submission." * There were continual misunderstandings and 
 serious quarrels between brother and sister. Marie-Antoinette 
 displeased Joseph by defending Choiseul ; for she remained 
 constant to the ex-minister, readily listening to her friends, the 
 Due dc Coigny and the Comtc Esterhazy, both devoted to the 
 exile of Chanteloup. 
 
 Mercy records another scene between the Queen and the 
 Emperor : " They went together to the Theatre of Versailles. 
 When they were returning the Queen spoke of going to the 
 Italian Theatre in Paris the next day. The Emperor observed 
 that it was a fast-day, that the King did not dine, and that it 
 would be WTong to make him wait too long for his supper. 
 The Emperor also added other reasons which displeased the 
 Queen, because they were given in the presence of two of the 
 ladies of the Palace. On their return to the Chateau, the Queen 
 quarrelled with the Emperor in the pres< nee of the Comtesse de 
 Polignac. . . ." Mercy took it upon himself to ask Joseph 
 to be less harsh, and after that the quarrels came to an end. 
 
 But the impression remained. Neither the King nor the 
 Queen was pleased. Louis was jealous of the popularity of 
 Joseph, his affability, education, and his desire to Bee and 
 understand new things. Marie-Antoinette retained some ill- 
 
 * Mercy to Maria Theresa. 
 250
 
 THE EMPEROR'S VISIT 
 
 feeling against her harsh Mentor. The Empress had foreseen 
 the result of this visit, and before it took place she said to 
 Mercy, " I am hardly counting upon the good effect of this 
 journey. If I am not mistaken, one of two things will result 
 from it : either my daughter will win the Emperor by her 
 affection and charm, or he will irritate her by trying continu- 
 ally to teach her. ... In either case we cannot hope for a 
 happy result from the presence of the Emperor." Maria 
 Theresa had expressed strong hopes that her son would not go 
 to France. 
 
 Joseph's criticisms of the Court are interesting. According 
 to the Chancelleries he declared : "I have three miserable 
 The Emperor's brothers-in-law. The one at Versailles is an 
 Criticisms. imbecile, the one at Naples a madman, and the 
 one at Parma an idiot." All the same the Emperor wrote on 
 July 9, 1777, to his brother Leopold : " This man (Louis XVI) 
 is a little weak, but not an imbecile. He has ideas and a sound 
 judgment, but his body and mind are apathetic. He converses 
 reasonably, but he has no wish to learn and no curiosity ; in 
 fact the fiat lux has not yet come ; the matter is still without 
 form." 
 
 The Emperor liked gaiety and animation in others, and had 
 a favourable opinion of the Comte d'Artois. Mercy was afraid 
 that this might encourage the Queen to submit to the influence 
 of her young brother-in-law. Joseph was well aware that 
 Monsieur d'Artois was " a coxcomb in every sense of the word," 
 but he was amused by him. He could not, on the other hand, 
 get used to the extreme coldness of the Comte de Provence, 
 and spoke of the two Piedmontese princesses in brief but un- 
 flattering terms. 
 
 He was also very harsh in his criticisms when he went to a 
 party given by the Princesse de Gueminee, and was shocked 
 " at the ill-breeding " of the guests and " the air of licence 
 in this lady's house." He said plainly to the Queen, 
 " that it was like a house of ill-fame." As for the Comtesse 
 de Polignac, Joseph considered her too young and not suffi- 
 ciently intelligent to be a useful adviser to the Queen, but he 
 treated her indulgently, realizing that it would be inadvisable 
 to cross his sister on this point. 
 
 251
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The Emperor, in his turn, found a not too gentle critic in 
 
 Monsieur, "who wrote to Gustavus III : "He is very insidious 
 Monsieur anc ^ makes many protestations and vows of friend- 
 
 criticizes the ship; his mind is adorned by the knowledge of 
 Emperor. many useful subjects. . . . That is what one sees 
 
 at the first glance. On closer examination, his protestations 
 and his open appearance hide his intent to do what is called iircr 
 Irs vers du ncz (extract information) and to conceal his own senti- 
 ments. But he is maladroit, for by means of a little flattery, 
 to which he is very susceptible, far from his being able to see 
 through anyone, it is very easy to see through him, and he then 
 throws all caution to the winds. . . . He talks a great deal, and 
 not in an attractive manner, but it amuses him and he repeats 
 his stories mercilessly." This description receives some con- 
 firmation from Maria Theresa's criticism of her son: 'He 
 likes to please and to shine," and from the judgment pro- 
 nounced by Frederick II : " The Emperor, though anxious for 
 knowledge, had not the patience to learn. His importance 
 made him superficial." 
 
 Joseph made enemies ; particularly the Choiseuls and their 
 faction. The Duke still had some hope of returning to office, 
 Joseph II an d he thought that there could be no better 
 
 offends the occasion to make an attempt than the visit of 
 Choiseuls. Maria Theresa's son, whom he had known at 
 
 Vienna. Choiseul counted on the services he had formerly 
 rendered to the Imperial Court. Everything was prepared 
 magnificently at Chantcloup to receive the Emperor, who was 
 to cross Touraine on his way to visit the ports on the west of 
 France. From the first days after his arrival Joseph was ex- 
 pected there. He met the Duchcsse de Gramont, Choiseul's 
 sister, at Madame de Brionne's, and asked her which was the 
 most fertile province of France. 
 
 " It is Touraine," she said, " my brother has a cottage tin 
 he would be the happiest of men if he might receive Your 
 Majesty." 
 
 The Emperor did not answer and changed the conversation. 
 Maria Theresa was mortified at her son's attitude ; she regretted 
 that he had disdained Choiseul, who was not the "man to 
 provoke beyond endurance," as it was uncertain 'whether 
 252
 
 THE EMPEROR'S VISIT 
 
 sooner or later he would not return to power." The Empress 
 was no better pleased with her son's want of tact on another 
 occasion : he went to Luciennes and asked to see Madame du 
 Barry ; he was charmed with her. He met her in the garden, 
 offered her his arm, and chatted with her very agreeably for a 
 quarter of an hour. Maria Theresa found consolation in the 
 fact that on his return the Emperor had passed without stopping 
 at Ferney, where, as may be imagined, he was awaited with 
 much impatience. 
 
 Such are some of the incidents of Joseph's visit, but it would 
 not be fair to omit his final expression of opinion on the subject 
 Joseph IPs °f hi s sister, which to some extent atones for the 
 Portrait of the severity of the criticisms mentioned above. He 
 Queen. wrote to his brother Leopold from Brest on June 9 : 
 
 " She is a good and lovable woman, a little young and thought- 
 less, but she has a depth of goodness and virtue which, consider- 
 ing her position, is worthy of the utmost respect. With it all 
 she unites an intelligence and a soundness of perception which 
 have often surprised me. Her first impulse is always correct. 
 If she would follow it up, think a little more, and listen a little 
 less to the hosts of people of all sorts who advise her, she would 
 be perfect. Her desire for pleasure is very strong, and as her 
 taste is known, people take advantage of this weakness, and 
 those who provide her with the most amusement find both 
 hearing and favour." His French style is very Germanic, but 
 it was a true portrait, and we recognize in all respects Marie- 
 Antoinette as she is described by the most trustworthy accounts 
 and as, it may be hoped, she has appeared in the preceding 
 pages. 
 
 Joseph left very minute written instructions to his sister. 
 One passage from them will show the Emperor's foresight : 
 His Advice to " You are made to be happy, virtuous, and perfect, 
 his Sister. But it is time, and more than time to reflect, 
 
 to set up a rule of life and to act upon it. You are getting older 
 and have no longer the excuse of extreme youth. What will you 
 become if you wait longer ? An unhappy woman and a still 
 more unhappy princess. . . . Acquire a reputation worthy of 
 your virtues, your charms, and your character, but be true and 
 firm ! Yes ! it is necessary to be inflexibly stubborn in the 
 
 253
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 cause of right, and to oppose all seducers with courage and 
 strength." 
 
 This was excellent and wise advice, but it was difficult to 
 follow, like all advice, and as usual, was given too late ; 
 it dealt with evils that were ineradicable and a character already 
 formed and no longer susceptible of modification from without. 
 But a change was about to occur in the Queen's life, which for 
 the time being was to have more influence than all the moral 
 lectures in the world. 
 
 [Principal Sources. Same as for preceding chapter.] 
 
 251
 
 CHAPTER XIX 
 
 BIRTH OF MADAME ROYALE 
 
 Independence of the United States. Franklin in Paris. His pre- 
 sentation to Louis. War with England. The battle of Ouessant. 
 The Bavarian succession. The policy of Louis and Vergennes. 
 Birth of Marie-Therese-Charlotte. The crowd invade the 
 Queen's chamber. Public disappointment. The education of 
 the Princess. Marie-Antoinette's confessions to her mother. 
 Family life. Marie-Antoinette and her children. 
 
 ON July 4, 1776, the English flag floating in the ocean 
 breezes of America was replaced by the flag with the 
 thirteen stars and thirteen stripes, which symbolized the 
 independence of the thirteen United States. The " insurgents," 
 American as they were called, found in Jefferson an able 
 
 Independence, orator, in Franklin a wise counsellor, and in 
 Washington an incomparable administrator and general. They 
 won France to their cause, for the latter had the courage to ally 
 herself to them in the hope of avenging the disasters of the 
 Seven Years War. The resulting operations were one of the 
 brighter pages in the reign of Louis XVI. The King was ably 
 assisted by Vergennes, who took charge of the more important 
 diplomatic negotiations, among others, those with Charles III 
 of Spain, who interfered by right of the Family Compact, and 
 by the Marquis de La Fayette and a large staff of French officers, 
 who crossed over to the New World and fought bravely side by 
 side with the American colonists. 
 
 The Congress of Philadelphia sent ambassadors over to 
 Europe to plead the American cause, and to bring about a 
 Franklin in reaction against England, who refused to allow 
 Paris. herself to be beaten. Franklin was sent to France. 
 
 His pleasant manners and dignity helped to conciliate the 
 scientists, the men of letters, the philosophers, the great nobles 
 the Court, and the King. In February 1778, he secured the 
 
 255
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 signature of a treaty with the United States, a treaty which was 
 to become an alliance in case England should declare war on 
 France. Each party pledged itself to conclude neither peace 
 nor truce without the consent of the other. The Independence 
 was thus officially recognized, though even before, help had 
 been secretly dispatched by Louis' order, under the auspices of 
 Beaumarchais, a clever man of business as well as a brilliant 
 author. 
 
 Franklin was presented at Versailles on March 20. The 
 handsome old man made a picturesque figure, with his spectacles, 
 his bald head, and his patriarchal appearance. People pressed 
 about his path as though he were some strange novelty. It 
 was not usual at the courtly ceremonies to see the homely 
 honesty, the simple dress, and the absence of luxury charac- 
 teristic of Franklin. The worthy American wore a brown coat 
 and carried a stick in place of a sword. He was accompanied 
 by two deputies, Silas Deane and Arthur Lee. The King was 
 the first to speak, and he spoke with " more graciousness ' 
 than usual. 
 
 " Assure the Congress of my friendship," he said. ' I hope 
 that this will benefit both nations." 
 
 "Your Majesty," replied Franklin, "may count on the 
 gratitude of the Congress, and on its fidelity to its engagements." 
 
 " It is certain," added Vcrgennes, "that nothing could be 
 wiser or more circumspect than the conduct of these gentlemen 
 when they were here." 
 
 The Due de Croy, who records these remarks, makes the 
 following commentary : " It was a treaty between nation and 
 War with nation, the Congress was formally recognized, and 
 
 England. with it the Independence by France before all 
 
 others. To what thoughts docs this great event give rise ! 
 First, if successful, it was a cruel blow struck at England, and 
 highly advantageous to French commerce. Secondly, it meant 
 an implacable war, and perhaps the creation of a country 
 vaster than France, which might one day subdue Europe." 
 
 It was, in fact, a declaration of war. Lord Stormont, His 
 Britannic Majesty's ambassador, was recalled. The year 177-S 
 was marked by French successes on the sea, such as the exploits 
 of the Bette-Poule against the English frigate Arethusa off Brest, 
 
 250
 
 BIRTH OF MADAME ROYALE 
 
 and the engagement of Ouessant on July 27, where the Comte 
 d'Orvilliers, and with him Du Chaffault, Guichen, and La Motte- 
 Piquet, distinguished themselves by their victory over Admiral 
 Keppel. D'Estaing, however, was beaten on the sea off Rhode 
 Island and off St. Lucia in August, and the English took Pondi- 
 cherry in October. 
 
 At the same time another war seemed imminent in Germany 
 over the succession to Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, who had 
 The Bavarian died on December 30, 1777. Joseph II, in his 
 Succession. anxiety to establish ancient though shadowy 
 claims and to increase his territories, aroused the susceptibilities 
 of Frederick by occupying all Lower Bavaria and treating it as 
 a fief of the Empire. The King of Prussia replied by putting 
 two armies into the field and threatening to enter Bohemia. 
 Maria Theresa, who did not approve of her son's warlike humour, 
 believed the unhappy days of 1741 were about to recur, and that 
 she would lose Bohemia as she had lost her dear Silesia. But all 
 that happened was a few skirmishes ; there were no sieges or 
 pitched battles. However, Austria demanded of France the 
 24,000 troops stipulated by the treaty of 1756, or in default, 
 15,000,000 livres. The French ministers were fully occupied 
 with the events in America and turned a deaf ear to this appeal. 
 Marie-Antoinette received message after message from Vienna ; 
 at first she resisted, fearing that her brother might be playing 
 his own game. But the Empress declared that the rupture of 
 the Franco- Austrian alliance would " be her death." The 
 Queen, in great distress, took the interests of her family in hand, 
 saying that she was serving both her countries, but she did not 
 understand the exigencies of the new French policy. She failed 
 in her efforts. 
 
 The policy of Louis and Vergennes remained constant and 
 wise, and was extremely creditable to them. " The ambition 
 Policy of OI> your relations," said the King to Marie- 
 
 Louis XVI and Antoinette, " will ruin all. They have begun 
 Vergennes. w jth Poland ; and now Bavaria is to be the 
 second chapter. I am sorry for your sake. We are going to 
 order the French ministers to inform all the Courts that this 
 dismemberment of Bavaria is being done against our wishes, 
 and that we disapprove of it." Neither the King nor his 
 
 k 257
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Minister wavered from this line of conduct, and the Queen's 
 tears had no elTect on their resolution. Both did the right 
 thing when at the time of the Peace of Teschen, May 18, 1779, 
 which put an end to the Emperor's ambitions they acted as 
 mediators between Prussia and Austria. The latter only 
 secured some insignificant portions of Bavarian territory. 
 
 Tims a continental war was avoided. Vergennes honourably 
 
 refused the advantageous offers of Joseph, who suggested that 
 
 France should provoke Prussia and Holland by occupying the 
 
 Netherlands. He thus guaranteed peace on land and was able 
 
 to concentrate his attention on national and profitable schemes 
 
 which he conceived and carried out in a statesmanlike manner. 
 
 At this crisis — on December 20, 1778 — the Queen gave birth 
 
 to a daughter, Maria-Therese-Charlotte, Madame Royale, 
 
 Birth of afterwards Duchesse d'Angoulemc, and the only 
 
 Madame one of Louis XVI's family who survived the 
 
 Royale. Revolution.* The crowd which invaded the 
 
 young mother's chamber on the announcement of the event 
 
 was so great that Marie-Antoinette was almost suffocated by 
 
 the human flood. The Queen suddenly grew pale, her mouth 
 
 was convulsed, and they thought her dead. The King himself 
 
 opened the windows and ordered warm water for the bleeding, 
 
 but in the press and confusion he could not get it. The surgeon 
 
 lanced her foot " dry " ; the blood spurted out and the Queen 
 
 opened her eyes. Fresh disturbance was caused when they 
 
 sent the people out ; the Princcsse de Lamballe was carried 
 
 away fainting. The men-servants and the ushers took the 
 
 indiscreet sightseers by the collars and pushed them out ; in 
 
 the future this cruel etiquette was abolished and only the 
 
 Princes, the Chancellor, and the Ministers were admitted in 
 
 like circumstances. 
 
 When the young Princess was presented to the Queen she 
 pressed her to her heart and said to her : " Poor little one, you 
 were not wanted, but you will be none the less dear to me. A 
 son would have belonged to the State. You will be mine ; you 
 will be all my own, you will share my happiness, and soften 
 my sorrows." 
 
 The Court and the town were in fact extremely disappointed. 
 
 * She lived until 1851. 
 258
 
 BIRTH OF MADAME ROYALE 
 
 They had hoped for a Dauphin. The projected fetes did not 
 take place ; the King placed at the Queen's disposal 100,000 
 Disappointment Uvres, which she used to provide dowries for poor 
 of the Nation, girls, to free some that were in prison for debt, 
 and to distribute alms to the hospitals. The Town Council 
 ordered the customary popular rejoicings : illuminations, fire- 
 works, fountains of wine, distributions of bread and saveloys, 
 and free spectacles at the theatres, but the joy was only half- 
 hearted. When the King and Queen went to Paris on February 
 8, 1779, there were few cheers, and it was remarked that the 
 main instinct of the populace was one of curiosity. 
 
 An innovation was made at the birth of Madame Royale 
 due to the fact that the " return to nature " and " simplicity 
 The Education °f manners," as preached by Rousseau, were the 
 of the fashion. All signs of pomp were kept from the 
 
 Princess. Princess' sight at the request of Marie- Antoinette 
 
 herself. Maria Theresa when she heard of this " reform " con- 
 demned it. She already saw her granddaughter transformed 
 into a peasant girl, and she clung to the claims of rank even in 
 the cradle. "It is an essential point," she wrote to Mercy, 
 " especially with the French nation, as ardent as it is fickle." 
 The Empress thought that the Sovereign and his family should 
 differentiate themselves " from private persons by means of 
 ceremony." However, the infant's household, though reduced, 
 still numbered eighty persons entirely devoted to her service. 
 
 The Queen occupied herself with her daughter, her life 
 became more serious and a new era commenced. The truth 
 of this was shown by a confession she made to Maria Theresa, six 
 months after the birth : " If I have done wrong, it was through 
 childishness and lightness, but now my head is more steady, 
 and she [the Empress] may rest assured that I fully realize my 
 duties on this point. Besides, I owe it to the King for his 
 tenderness, and, I may be permitted to say, his trust in me, on 
 which I can only congratulate myself more and more." She 
 spoke much of the little Princess ; to quote one charming 
 instance, she wrote in March 1780 : " They are soon going to 
 take her out of bed ; she is big and strong ; one would think 
 her a child of two years old. She walks alone, stoops and 
 straightens herself again without being held, but she hardly 
 
 259
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 speaks at all. I am going to confide to my dear mother's 
 tender heart a happiness that I had four days ago. I was with 
 several other people in my daughter's room, so I told some one 
 to ask her where her mother was. The little one, without any- 
 one saying a word to her, smiled at me and came and held out 
 her arms to me. It is the first time that she has deigned to 
 recognize me. I confess that it gave me great pleasure, and I 
 think I have loved her much more ever since." 
 
 If Marie-Antoinette had known earlier the happiness of 
 being a mother, she would not have sought distraction from 
 her want of occupation and ennui in futile amusements. She 
 would not have had time to listen to flatterers and selfish ad- 
 visers, nor to take part in intrigues and cabals. Calumny would 
 have been disarmed, rendered powerless over an existence in 
 which the smiles and the tears of her children are the mother's 
 only joys and sorrows. 
 
 Marie-Antoinette loved her daughter and her sons tenderly, 
 one might almost say intelligently, as is shown in her letters 
 The Queen's *° Madame de Tourzel, General Jarjayes, and 
 Love for her especially in her beautiful letter to Madame 
 Children. Elisabeth, which one cannot read but through 
 
 a mist of tears. It is dated October 16, 1793, at half-past 
 four in the morning : "I am writing to you, my sister, for the 
 last time. I have just been condemned, not to a shameful 
 death, for it is only shameful for criminals, but to rejoin your 
 brother. ... I am deeply grieved at having to leave my poor 
 children.* You know that I exist for them and you alone, my 
 kind and loving sister, . . . may my daughter realize that at 
 her age she should always help her brother with the advice with 
 which her wider experience and her love may inspire her ! 
 May my son never forget his father's last words, which I repeat 
 to this end : Let him never seek to avenge our death. 
 Adieu, my kind and loving sister ! I hope this letter will reach 
 you ! Think of me always ! I embrace you with all my heart, 
 you and my poor dear children. Ah, God ! how heartrending 
 it is to leave them for ever. . . ." 
 
 * Madame Royalc and the Due de Norniandie, who was horn in 1785 
 and became Dauphin at the death of his elder brother in 17S'J ; he was 
 
 the Child of the Temple. 
 260
 
 CHAPTER XX 
 
 END OF THE AMERICAN WAR 
 
 1779-1783 
 
 Necker's economies. Abolition of rights of serfdom. Royal 
 concessions. Projected invasion of England. Segur and Castries. 
 Maria Theresa's pupil. Capitulation of Yorktown. Fall of 
 Necker. Joly de Fleury. Birth of the Dauphin. Festivities in 
 Paris and Versailles. Death of Maurepas. Bankruptcy of the 
 Prince de Guemen^e. Overtures for peace. Siege of Gibraltar. 
 Suffren in India. Treaties of Paris and Versailles. 
 
 WHILE the war lasted there was a complete renewal 
 of confidence in the French armies and the policy of 
 Louis and Vergennes. Economy was strictly im- 
 posed. The journeys of the Court were abandoned to purchase 
 Necker's ships. Private individuals made public subscrip- 
 
 Economies. tions to assist the Treasury to defray the enormous 
 expenses which burdened the State. Necker taxed his ingenuity 
 and effected numerous retrenchments in the budget ; he 
 abolished 406 posts in the King's Household, and reduced the 
 number of Farmers of Taxes and Receivers-General. His 
 economies extended over the royal candle-sellers and in 
 allusion to this the Minister was accused of wishing " to burn 
 the short ends " ; he was overwhelmed with pamphlets. 
 
 The financial relief caused by these reforms enabled the 
 King to forgo the rights of serfdom and mainmorte.* Louis 
 Royal had desired to go still further and abolish these 
 
 Concessions. harsh relics of feudalism altogether, but the re- 
 sources of the State were not yet sufficient to enable him to 
 buy the rights of the nobles. He at least hoped to see his 
 example followed and be in time " a witness of the complete 
 enfranchisement of his subjects," who, as he asserted in his 
 
 * Mainmorte : a feudal custom by which serfs were not allowed to 
 make a will, and if they died without heirs the lord succeeded. 
 
 261
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 edict of August 1779, whatever the stair in which Providence has 
 
 ordained their birth, have equal rights to his protection and favour. 
 Neckcr in dictating these words to the King, remembered 
 Turgot, and Lonis in signing them won the just admiration of 
 all the friends of philosophy. But these measures, though they 
 gave an example to certain of the nobility, were not approved 
 by either the higher Clergy or the Parliament. 
 
 Private interests superseded everything in this assembly 
 composed of the owners of estates. In consequence the edict 
 was only registered with the addition of express restrictions. 
 The King's brothers, the Due d'Orleans and the Prince de 
 Conde were among the malcontents ; they asserted that the 
 innovations " injured their privileges," and that they " debased 
 the Crown by depriving it of its prestige." 
 
 The liberal movement had commenced. Neckcr, profiting 
 by this favourable tendency, prepared the way for other 
 reforms which affected him more nearly. He demanded that 
 Protestants should be allowed a civil status, and later that they 
 should be eligible for public offices. However, this reform was 
 not realized until 1788. But the new ideas took definite shape 
 in acts of a humanitarian nature. The preliminary torture 
 (question preparatoire) which was applied to the accused person 
 to extort a confession of the crime imputed to him, was sup- 
 pressed at this time, though judicial torture was not altogether 
 abolished until 1788. 
 
 Thus royalty foreshadowed the reforms of the Revolution. 
 The patriotic fervour of the nation was upheld by the conduct 
 La Fayette in of La Fayette, who returned from the New World 
 America. in February 1779, to urge the dispatch of troops 
 
 to help the insurgents. He secured 4000 soldiers under the 
 command of Rochambcau, and personally formed the project 
 of an invasion of England. This expedition was to be supported 
 by Spain. The preparations were extremely slow; Fraix 
 allies made her wait for them at the rendezvous and so the 
 project failed. The Comtc d'Orvilliers. who had greatly dis- 
 tinguished himself in the engagement at Oucssant, returned to 
 Bn -I in October 1779, having lost 50,000 men by disease. He 
 wis forced to send iii his resignation. It was reported that 
 d'Estaing had captured Grenada in the Antilles on July 16 and 
 202
 
 END OF THE AMERICAN WAR 
 
 that Saint Louis in Senegal, Gorea, and Saint-Vincent, had been 
 taken, a small consolation, for d'Estaing himself was defeated 
 at Savannah in Georgia and returned like d'Orvillicrs, the 
 object of general condemnation. 
 
 Hostilities were continued outside France by Spain on her 
 own account. The sailors of Charles III thought only of them- 
 Siege of selves. Spain had not been mistress of Gibraltar 
 
 Gibraltar. since 1704, and she believed the moment had 
 
 arrived to retake the fortress from the English. Vergennes 
 promised the Spanish not to sign a peace until the desired 
 capture had been effected ; but the enterprise could not con- 
 tend against the hardihood of Rodney. In spite of the valour 
 of Don Juan de Langara, it failed in January, 1780. 
 
 The Spaniards and French found themselves confronted by 
 the same Rodney off the Antilles in June, but the engagements 
 were negative, and there was no revenge as yet. 
 
 At the time of these events Necker was occupied with the 
 
 delicate task of appointing two new Ministers — for the Navy 
 
 and War. Sartine had occupied the former post 
 
 De Castries. gince 1776 . on his access i n to power he had 
 
 said " that he knew nothing of a ship " and that he had " very 
 vague notions as to the four quarters of the world." But 
 practice makes perfect, and it was recognized that " never had 
 Minister built so many vessels or supplied the ports better." 
 Necker, however, had to complain of the finances of his depart- 
 ment, and secured Sartine's disgrace. He was succeeded by 
 the Marquis de Castries, father-in-law of the Comte (now Due) 
 de Guines. The appointment was made by favour, but was 
 justified by the services rendered by this able officer, the victor 
 of Klosterkampen. He was devoted to his new task. His 
 intervention in the Anglo-American conflict was successful, and 
 he published certain salutary ordinances. In 1787 he gave up 
 his place with honour to Montmorin. 
 
 Montbarrey, Sartine's colleague at the War Department, was 
 notoriously incapable. The Marquis de Segur took the office in 
 hand and he also distinguished himself by excellent 
 De Segur. reforms. Owing to him the monarchy bequeathed 
 
 an army to the Revolution, an army which, by its discipline 
 and devotion to duty, was to serve the Republican cause. In 
 
 263
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 justice it must be remembered that it is to him that the soldiers 
 of Valmy and Jemmapes owed their prowess. It is true that 
 Segur lias been reproached for his support of caste and his un- 
 compromising decision of May 22, 1781, to exclude the bourgeoisie 
 and many of the Lesser nobility from military command. Thence- 
 forward no one was eligible for the rank of officer unless he could 
 prove his nubility for four generations. Nevertheless, with the 
 assistance of Montalcmbert, who introduced a new system of 
 fortification, and Gribeauval, who improved the efficiency of the 
 artillery, Segur organized great technical improvements. His 
 successor, the Comte de Brienne, the Cardinal's brother, con- 
 tinued his work, and provided for the mobilization of the army 
 in 1788 by dividing all the forces into twenty-one divisions and 
 the divisions into brigades. 
 
 The Queen, still under the influence of the Polignacs, had a 
 direct share in the appointments of Castries and S6gur, with 
 which no fault could be found. Marie-Antoinette began to 
 interest herself in affairs of State, but it was her intimates who 
 reaped the advantage. There is little doubt that Mercy was 
 right when he wrote to Kaunitz in June 1783 : " the Queen's 
 influence, so widespread and beneficent in all other matters, is 
 much less so in those which touch on politics, for the Queen 
 has given her august husband only too much reason to presume 
 that she knows little of affairs of State, and is unable to estimate 
 I li< ir importance." 
 
 Mercy was now free, and dared to say here what he would 
 not have said while Maria Theresa was living. The Empress 
 Death of had died on November 29, 1780. Since 1774, she 
 
 Maria Theresa, had urged her daughter to take part in the govern- 
 ment, though on the whole her pupil responded badly to her 
 lessons. Marie-Antoinette acted only by caprice and without 
 reflection. She remained too much of a woman for it to be safe 
 to entrust her with any serious undertaking. She had heart 
 and feeling, but in politics these are not enough. The Queen's 
 ascendency had always to be reckoned with after 1780, and 
 everything tended to increase it. Louis' affection could refuse 
 nothing to Marie-Antoinette^ and his hopes of the birth of a 
 Dauphin increased his tenderness for her. 
 
 There seemed to be the happiest auspices for this event. 
 264
 
 END OF THE AMERICAN WAR 
 
 France was cheered by the news of brilliant victories in America. 
 La Fayette, Rochambeau, Guichcn, and the Marquis de 
 Successes in Saint-Simon served with success in Washington's 
 America. cause during the year 1780, which culminated in 
 
 the defence of Chesapeake Bay and the capitulation of York- 
 town on October 19. Here 7000 men, forming the flower of 
 the English troops in America, surrendered. The independence 
 of the United States was assured, but to save her pride England 
 would not own herself defeated. French arms and diplomacy 
 triumphed. 
 
 In face of these great events the cabals which overthrew 
 Necker seem paltry. It was commonly said that a battle lost 
 would have been better for France than the Minister's resigna- 
 tion, but it was not seriously meant. However, his fall was 
 a disaster. 
 
 In January 1781, Necker made a great innovation which 
 was his ruin. He issued his famous Compte rendu which for 
 Necker's the first time enabled the public to read in black 
 
 Compte rendu, and white the situation of the finances. Copies of 
 it were greedily devoured and it was said that this " admirable " 
 document " would mark an ever glorious epoch in the annals 
 of the monarchy." But there were no lack of detractors ; 
 some declared that the Compte rendu was the work of a con- 
 ceited Minister infatuated with his own importance, others 
 that it was the work of " a charlatan." The sudden light 
 thrown on abuses alarmed the numerous and avaricious birds of 
 prey who existed to the detriment of the Treasury, and Necker 
 had to be sacrificed. In 1778 he had presented to the King, 
 and to the King alone, a memorandum on provincial administra- 
 tion. Relying on strict secrecy he allowed himself to use 
 strong expressions against the Intendants, and still more against 
 the Parliaments, with the object of awakening Louis from his 
 apathy. But the document was divulged and copies came 
 before the notice of those concerned. A violent criticism ap- 
 peared, entitled Lettre d'un bon Frangais. Maurepas should 
 have saved Necker, but he in fact helped to injure 
 him with the King ; as usual, while outwardly 
 approving the Director's system, he was chiefly instrumental 
 in preventing its success. On May 20, Necker's resignation was 
 
 265
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 accepted, in spite of the Queen, who supported him to the end 
 as " a man who had become so useful to France." 
 
 Louis declared, however, that " though he had changed his 
 Minister lie had not changed his principles." Joly dc Fleury, 
 Neekcr's successor, reversed his reforms and brought about a 
 complete reaction. He re-established the Receivers-general, 
 Treasurers, Farmers of taxes, and Officers of the King's house- 
 hold. This retrograde step advertised the uncertainty and 
 contradictions of the Government. 
 
 But at this time the much-desired Dauphin was born, on 
 October 22, 1781. Ephemeral heir to a tottering throne, he 
 Birth of the only lived until 1789. The infant was greeted by 
 Dauphin. magnificent and costly festivities, in which the 
 
 people joined with sincere rejoicings, yet there were murmurings 
 of hostility in Paris, and the police were vigilant and took ex- 
 traordinary precautions for fear of trouble. Threatening 
 placards appeared on the walls of the capital, in one of which it 
 was said that the King and Queen " should be conducted to 
 the Place dc Greve under a strong escort, that they should go 
 to the Hdtel-de-Ville and confess their crimes, and that then 
 they should ascend a scaffold and be burnt alive." These grim 
 words were posted on January 21, 1782, the day fixed for the 
 festivities, and exactly eleven years before Louis' death. 
 
 At Versailles the Arts and Crafts of Paris came in a body 
 to dt. file in picturesque procession before the Chateau with bands 
 at their head. The sweeps, bedecked like players, had a 
 chimney at the top of which was perched one of the smallest of 
 their companions. The chairmen brought a nurse and a dolphin 
 (dauphin), and the butchers a fat ox. The locksmiths beat an 
 anvil. The shoemakers were making a pair of boots for the 
 royal child and the tailors the uniform of his regiment. Finally 
 came the gravediggers with the implements of their era ft —a 
 pleasantry which might almost have been inspired by the authors 
 of the threatening placards. This element was quickly suppressed. 
 
 The Queen's influence increased, as has been already noted, 
 but on occasion this influence was controlled. Thus when 
 Death of Maun 'pas. old and broken in health, though 
 
 Maurepas. witty still, died on November 21, 1781, Marie* 
 
 Antoinette's circle in vain made an assault on the vacant 
 266
 
 END OF THE AMERICAN WAR 
 
 ministry. Louis XVI, as the Due de Croy informs us, remained 
 impenetrable, and would not allow any notion to get about as 
 to the probable successor to this important post. " It was," 
 he says, " one of the great crises of the reign and every one 
 waited for him. Since there was not, on his part, the slightest 
 suggestion or sign which could show what he intended to do, it 
 was amusing for a philosophical spectator to see the astonish- 
 ment of the intriguers, and their stupefaction." The Court 
 was transformed. Vergennes, as became a skilled diplomat, 
 gave evasive answers to the importunate place-hunters, who, 
 not knowing to whom they should apply, found the door shut 
 in their faces ; their overtures, smiles, and bows were wasted 
 on air. " To understand the general paralysis at Versailles," 
 says de Croy with some subtlety, " it must be remembered that 
 courtiers seem to find it absolutely incumbent on them to know 
 on whom they should fawn, whether it be the Chief Minister, 
 his confessor, his body-servant, or his friends ... it is essential 
 to fawn on some one. Judge then of their astonishment ; they 
 knew no longer whither to turn" 
 
 Maurepas was not replaced. Louis was stronger than people 
 thought. He managed to be firm on this occasion and he had 
 The De an argument in his favour — the war, and a perfect 
 
 GuemenGe's adviser, Vergennes. It must be mentioned that 
 Bankruptcy. the Court had just received a severe and most dis- 
 concerting lesson ; the Prince de Rohan Guemenee was declared 
 bankrupt with liabilities of 33,000,000 livres. The extravagant 
 living and undisciplined luxury of this family, whose head was 
 the unfortunate Marechal de Soubise of the Seven Years War, 
 had excited too much envy for their failure to awaken much 
 sympathy. The Prince de Guemenee's fall left open the re- \ 
 
 versions of the offices of Grand Chamberlain and Captain of the 
 Gendarmes of the Guard. His wife, who was Governess to the 
 Children of France, was obliged to resign her functions, which 
 
 were then offered to the Duchesse de Polignac. The scandal 
 
 was immense ; there was a general outcry among the people. 
 The men of the Revolution bore in mind this fall of one of the 
 most important of the princely houses. 
 
 In the meantime progress was being made towards peace. 
 England had defeated the French and Spanish fleets off the 
 
 267
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Leeward Isles in February 1782 ; and being thus able to 
 treat with honour, the British Cabinet was ready to open 
 Blockade of negotiations. But Charles III wished to have the 
 Gibraltar. last word at Gibraltar, and tired of the siege, he 
 
 tried to blockade the impregnable rock. The allied forces were 
 unable to cut olT the food-supply of the English, so the result 
 of their action was negative. Colonel d'Arcon's floating batteries 
 were used during this campaign, but without success. The 
 Comtc d'Artois went as a volunteer to the army encamped at 
 San Roquc. He made a triumphal progress from Paris to the 
 court of the King of Spain at San Ildefonso ; then he joined in the 
 military manoeuvres, without undue haste. But he had the good 
 taste to be modest on his return. A flatterer, says the Baronnc 
 d'Obcrkich, spoke to him of the dangers he had incurred. 
 
 " There was no glory there," he answered, " and I hold it very 
 cheap. Of all my batteries, the one that did most harm during 
 the siege was my batterie de cuisine. For the Spaniards, who are 
 used to living on raw onions, a crayfish jelly was deadly poison." 
 
 Happily, Suffren performed marvels in India. lie won 
 three splendid victories and assured some Asiatic possessions to 
 Peace with France, thus putting her in a good position on 
 England. the eve of the peace, which was signed on Sep- 
 
 tember 9, 1783. The treaties of Paris and Versailles were the 
 first treaties which had been profitable to France since 1738. The 
 Chancelleries, and particularly that of Vienna, praised Vergcnne's 
 wisdom in stopping in time and showing himself satisfied with 
 modest advantages. Dunkirk was freed from the presence of 
 the English commissioner who was there to inspect the French 
 ships. France gained Senegal, St. Pierre and Miquelon, St. 
 Lucia, Tobago and five factories in India. These possessions, 
 limited as they were in 1783, none the less paved the way for 
 fresh conquests, and later it was seen that they were valuable 
 open doors to new enterprises. 
 
 Piun< i p\i. Sources. Correspondence snn'tr du Comte rfc Mercy- 
 Argcntcau aoec Vempereur Joseph 11 ct le prince de Katmitz, published l>y 
 M. le Chevalier Alfred d'Arneth and M. Jules Flammermont, 2 vols., 
 Paris, 1889; Emfle Bourgeois, Manuel Historique de politique etranghe, 
 
 1 vol., Paris, 181)7 j Francois Rousseau, Eigne dc Chinks III d'Espagnc, 
 
 2 vols., Paris, 1907. 
 2G8
 
 CHAPTER XXI 
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 1785 
 
 The Manage de Figaro. Mirabeau's book. Remarkable inven- 
 tions. The Controllers of Finance. Calonne. Coldness of the 
 Parisians towards Marie -Antoinette. Cagliostro and the Cardinal 
 de Rohan. Intervention of Jeanne de Valois, Comtesse de la 
 Motte. Oliva. Boehmer. The incident in the grove. The 
 necklace. Arrest of the Cardinal. Rohan acquitted. The 
 opening of the Scheldt. Vergennes' victory. 
 
 AFTER the American war there was a short period of 
 calm marked by numerous manifestations of social 
 activity. The peace seemed to give a new life to 
 France. It was at this time that Beaumarchais succeeded in 
 " Mariage de getting his Mariage de Figaro produced. The 
 Figaro." Court and the town were amused and attracted 
 
 by his wit, without suspecting the profound lesson concealed 
 in the history of the Comtesse Almaviva and the lively Suzanne. 
 They did not realize that the boastful barber is the mouthpiece 
 of the small and weak, and that his words are formulae which a 
 few years later were to become proverbial and serve the cause 
 of the malcontents — those malcontents who were ready to rise 
 from their place behind the scenes where they were fostering 
 the revolt against the aristocracy of birth. 
 
 The success of the piece was extraordinary. Applause 
 marked each hit and sally. Noblemen laughed at their own 
 expense, and made others in the audience laugh with them. 
 Beaumarchais showed the nobility a caricature of themselves 
 and they replied : " Yes, indeed, it's very like us." Strange 
 unconsciousness ! The significance of the work became evident 
 as time went on, but it practically escaped its first audience. 
 Beaumarchais had no idea of causing a revolution, he amused 
 himself as much as his hearers. However, the King had fore- 
 
 269
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 seen the danger and said : " It is detestable, it must never be 
 performed ; the Bastille will have to be destroyed if we are 
 to save ourselves from inconsisteney in allowing this play 
 to be acted. . . . This man makes a jest of everything which 
 should be respected in a government." But Louis had to 
 yield to the Polignac group. To obtain their end, these latter 
 had said with Figaro : " It is only little minds that fear little 
 writings." After delay the piece was performed at the Comedie 
 Franeaise sixty-eight times in succession, a rare event in the 
 eighteenth century. 
 
 Thus it became more and more general for people to say 
 what they thought. President dc Baehaumont's chroniclers 
 record an interesting conversation between Louis and Richelieu. 
 The Marshal had just been ill and the King congratulated him 
 on regaining his health : 
 
 " For you are not young, you have seen three centuries." 
 
 " Not quite, Sire, but three reigns." 
 
 " Yes. And what do you think of it all ? " 
 
 " Sire, under Louis XIV no one dared to say anything ; 
 under Louis XV they spoke in whispers ; under your Majesty 
 they speak out loud." 
 
 His toleration was one of his good characteristics. It was 
 not in vain that Mirabcau published his Lettres de Cachet, an 
 Mirabeau's eloquent attack on the system of arbitrary im- 
 " Lettres de prisonment without trial. The prison of Vin- 
 Cachet." cennes was evacuated, and all Paris went to see 
 
 in this fortress the relics " of ancient barbarism." A few yean 
 before the executioner would have publicly burned a book in 
 which the author dared to show that despotism in a State docs 
 not depend on the individual character of the sovereign, but on 
 the insufliciency of the laws, " that there is no mean between 
 the absolute reign of despotism and the absolute reign of law." 
 
 Minds, said Segur, are, as it were, "drunk with philan- 
 thropy." The institutions of the Abbe de l'Epee and Valentine 
 Ilaiiy were patronized; the severe winter of 1784 aroused 
 charitable feelings in every one ; the King gave 3,000,000 Mores 
 for the relief of the distressed ; the Queen caused 200,000 livres 
 to be distributed. Their example was generally followed. 
 Public rewards, gold medals, and sums of money were instituted 
 270
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 to encourage work. " Prizes are given for all virtues," we read 
 in the records of Bachaumont. 
 
 Remarkable inventions were recorded. Did not they think 
 in 1784 that they had conquered the air by means of balloons ? 
 Remarkable Blanchard crossed the Channel in a balloon and 
 Inventions. enabled the French flag to wave over England. 
 This was enough to make people talk of flying to America. 
 Attempts were also made to walk on the water ; the word " im- 
 possible " was not allowed. Speaking animals, flying birds, and 
 feeding ducks were constructed. Finally, Mesmer bewildered 
 every one with his marvellous tubs, and it was generally believed 
 that the times of Paris, the deacon, were come again, and that 
 magnetism was a miracle which would cure all ills. " Truly," 
 writes Segur, " when I think of that period of illusive visions 
 and learned madness, I compare the state we were in to a person 
 on the top of a tower who is made giddy by the sight of an 
 immense horizon and in a few minutes will have a terrible fall." 
 
 In the meantime daring increased with freedom ; if those 
 in power made a mistake, they were recalled to their senses by 
 Controllers of unusually forcible reminders. This time the blow 
 Finance. fell on Calonne, the most baneful Minister of the 
 
 reign, and through him on the Queen. After the conclusion of 
 Peace the office of Controller of Finance had become of the first 
 importance. Joly de Fleury failed to retain the post ; Ormesson, 
 who succeeded him, was a young Counsellor of State without 
 any great ability. He only remained in office for seven months, 
 from April 1 to November 2, 1783. He was the seventh financial 
 administrator since 1774. The Minister on whom at that 
 moment the stability of the Government depended should 
 have been chosen with the greatest care, but the King allowed 
 himself to be seduced by the intrigues of Madame de Polignac. 
 The Queen who, according to Augeard, was " very recalcitrant," 
 was won over first. Marie- Antoinette since the fall of Joly de 
 Fleury had desired the recall of Necker, but she allowed herself 
 to be persuaded by Madame de Polignac and Baron de Breteuil, 
 Minister of the King's Household, who " after much argument, 
 persuaded their Majesties to make an appointment which 
 was one day to result in the total destruction of their kingdom, 
 and their own end on the scaffold." These are the exact words 
 
 271
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of Augeard. one of the Queen's two private secretaries, 
 Spoken in all sincerity ; he gave his sovereigns many proofs 
 of devotion at the beginning of the Revolution. The history 
 of Calonne's ministry shows how right this faithful servant was, 
 although his expression was perhaps exaggerated. 
 
 Calonne was as unscrupulous as he was attractive. In his 
 
 first interview with Louis, he played the saint ; he confessed 
 
 that his debts amounted to 220,000 livres, that 
 
 f fil on tip 
 
 a Controller-General could always find means of 
 paying them off, but that he preferred to owe everything to 
 the King's kindness. Louis took out the sum from a desk and 
 gave it to Calonne. The new Minister had been Intendant of 
 Flanders and Artois, and had distinguished himself there by his 
 love of display. " No one," writes the Due de Levis, " under- 
 stood better than he how a room should be decorated, or how a 
 fete should be organized." He was very skilful in deceiving the 
 public ; his speech to the magistrates of the Chamber of Ac- 
 counts before whom custom obliged him to take his oath, was 
 considered " a model of well-chosen and manly eloquence," 
 breathing " patriotism " and revealing " the statesman." Like 
 Necker, he had recourse to loans in the form of lotteries ; he 
 borrowed 100,000,000 livres to begin and he could have obtained 
 a still larger sum, since every one was ready to subscribe. He 
 used part of this money to begin some important constructive 
 works in Paris and the large towns. He established a sinking- 
 fund, by means of which, in twenty-five years, the debt was to 
 be paid off. This last was only a snare, for the scheme was 
 never put into operation. But boundless confidence was felt 
 in a man who developed his plans with such conviction and who 
 seemed to have reorganized the whole financial system. Louis 
 called his minister "his dear Controller-General," and when it 
 was known what use Calonne made of the State's money, people 
 were not wanting who said that the Controller-General was in- 
 deed dear to France. For three years he cleverly concealed 
 his methods, and his credit seemed inexhaustible ; he gave and 
 give unceasingly; and assumed the role of public benefactor 
 without any scruple. Maurepas had once said of Calonne, 
 who had long coveted the post of Controller : "Why! he is 
 a fool, a spendthrift. If you put the finances into his hands 
 272
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 the Royal Treasury would soon be as empty as his purse." 
 This prophecy was fulfilled. In 1785 the loans amounted 
 to 487,000,000 livres, the debt was 101,000,000, and the deficit 
 100,000,000 livres, but the secret had been well kept. Every one 
 took advantage of this mad prodigality ; no Minister had ever 
 so completely satisfied the increasing rapacity of the " privi- 
 leged." One noble said : " When I saw every one holding out 
 their hands, I held out my hat." At this time Rambouillet was 
 bought for the King and Saint- Cloud for the Queen. The Prince 
 de Guemenee sold Lorient to the Crown for 11,000,000 livres. 
 The debts of Monsieur and the Comte d'Artois were paid, but 
 Calonne's personal expenses surpassed all. The public funds 
 were squandered in the most extravagant fashion. The Con- 
 troller's answer to a request for money was : " If it is possible 
 it is done. It if is not possible it will be done." The Pactolus 
 flowed on and no one enquired how. Calonne's principles were : 
 " A man who wants to borrow must appear to be rich ; but to 
 appear rich, he must dazzle people with his expenditure." This 
 sophism had succeeded in his private life and now the new Con- 
 troller applied it to his public career. 
 
 Pamphlets fell thick upon Calonne, but nothing was more 
 influential than Necker's book on the Administration des 
 Finances. It was a new Compte rendu, in which definite figures 
 proved the existing financial disorders. Twelve thousand copies 
 of this book were sold in one month. Calonne defended himself 
 and showed a bold front ; it took more to shake his courage. 
 
 He appealed to the clergy, who made him a " freewill 
 offering " of 18,000,000 livres in return for the suppression of the 
 Calonne's edition of Voltaire's Works published under the 
 
 dubious auspices of Beaumarchais. The repeated loans 
 
 Devices. tired the speculators ; Calonne resorted to the expe- 
 
 dient of reminting the gold coins, a disguised fraud which brought 
 in more than 50,000,000 livres. Murmurs grew louder and were 
 addressed particularly to the Queen, who was held responsible 
 for the Controller's prodigality. Marie-Antoinette realized this 
 to the full in May 1785, when she went in great pomp to Notre 
 Dame de Paris to thank God for the birth of the Due de 
 Normandie,* which took place on March 27, 1785. She was 
 * The future martyr of the Temple, the so-called Louis XVII. 
 
 s 273
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 received in icy silence and said tearfully : " What have I done to 
 them ? ' Times had changed and the minds of men seemed in 
 
 revolt. Owing to skilful calumnies and odious insinuations the 
 Unpopularity popular hatred had been turned against a woman 
 of the Queen, full of youth and innocence, whose fault had been 
 to inspire those around her, her brothers-in-law and aunts, with 
 a fierce jealousy, which found expression in libels not only in 
 Versailles, but among the people. Gradually the pin-priek 
 became a bludgeon-blow, destined to culminate in the knife of 
 the guillotine. 
 
 Marie- Antoinette was to undergo her first Calvary this 
 year. 
 
 For some time past the occult sciences had attracted great 
 attention. Both Mcsmcr and Cagliostro found eager dupes ; the 
 latter pretended to cure all maladies. " As he did not take 
 money," said the Baronnc d'Obcrkieh, " and on the contrary, 
 gave much away to the poor, he always attracted a large crowd, 
 notwithstanding the failure of his panacea. He only cured 
 those who were well, or at least those whose imagination was 
 strong enough to assist the remedy." Cagliostro unveiled the 
 past and revealed the future. Among his celebrated clients 
 -was the Cardinal de Rohan, who was entirely captivated and 
 proclaimed everywhere the ' miracles ' of the magician. 
 Showing a great solitaire on which were engraved the arms 
 of the House of Rohan, he said : " He (Cagliostro) did it, do 
 you understand ? He made it out of nothing. I saw it ; I was 
 there with my eyes fixed on the crucible ; I watched the whole 
 operation. . . . That was not all; he made gold. There in 
 the roof of the palace he made about 5000 or G000 livrcs'' worth 
 before me. lie will make me the richest prince in Europe. 
 Cagliostro and These are not dreams, Madame : they are proofs. 
 De Rohan. His prophecies are realized, and the cures he has 
 effected arc wonderful ! 1 tell you he is the most extraordinary 
 and the most sublime man. and his wisdom is only equalled by 
 his goodness. What alms he gives ! \\'l Kit good he docs ! It. 
 passes all imagination." 
 
 His clevcrjnterlocutrix, the Baronne d'Obcrkieh, answered: 
 "Ah ! Mbnseigneur, this man must expect to secure some very 
 274
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 dangerous sacrifices from you if he has bought such boundless 
 confidence. In your place, I should take care : he will lead 
 you far. . . ." 
 
 But Cagliostro alone could not have played enough upon 
 de Rohan's credulity, or led his Eminence sufficiently far. 
 The magician was introduced by his admirer to Jeanne 
 de Valois, Comtesse de la Motte, a clever adventuress, well 
 able to turn the situation to account. She made use of 
 Cagliostro' s ascendency over the Cardinal and saw where to 
 strike. 
 
 The Cardinal de Rohan, before becoming Grand Almoner of 
 France, had been ambassador at Vienna when Marie- Antoinette 
 was the Dauphine. His mad expenditure, his inexperience, 
 his tactlessness, his foolishness, and even his conduct, which 
 scarcely conformed to his ecclesiastical status, had greatly 
 displeased Maria Theresa, who with some difficulty managed 
 to get rid of this strange representative of the Court of Versailles. 
 Marie-Antoinette shared her mother's antipathy, and in spite 
 of numerous attempts, the Cardinal never gained access to her. 
 Rohan was chagrined at this and his friends knew how ardently 
 he desired to regain her favour. The Comtesse de la Motte knew 
 this better than anyone, and saying that she was an intimate 
 friend of Marie- Antoinette, she offered to obtain an interview 
 for him which should bring about a reconciliation. The adven- 
 turess had infinite resources, she took in hand the threads of the 
 intrigue and surrounded herself with the necessary confederates ; 
 she was a wonderful stage manager. 
 
 She wanted some one who resembled Marie- Antoinette and 
 she found her. This was Marie-Nicole Leguay, the so-called 
 Baronne d'Oliva. The Comtesse was aware that Boehmer, 
 the jeweller, had put all his capital into a single piece of jewellery 
 worth 1,600,000 livres ; it was a necklace of incomparable 
 diamonds which could only be bought by a princess. She knew 
 also, like every one else, that Marie-Antoinette could not resist 
 the attraction of jewellery, and that her jewel cases were never 
 numerous enough for her. 
 
 Such were the seemingly incongruous elements with which 
 Madame de la Motte, relying on the credulity of Rohan and 
 the prestige of Cagliostro, formed the scaffolding of a romance 
 
 275
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 ii< vcr equalled by Anne Radcliffe, Walter Scott, or Alexandre 
 Dumas. 
 
 She it was -\vho conceived the scene in the grove. One 
 I veiling the Cardinal was conducted to the Park of Versailles ; 
 The Affair of suddenly in the twilight a woman appeared, who 
 the Necklace, had the form and bearing of the Queen. It was 
 d'Oliva, the " street-walker "* whom the Comte dc. la Motte had 
 met in the gardens of the Palais Royal. Oliva murmured some 
 unintelligible words and let fall a rose as she passed. Rohan 
 thought he heard : " You may hope that the past will be forgotten ! " 
 He was convinced that the Queen had pardoned him. Then 
 Madame dc la Motte told him that Marie-Antoinette wanted to 
 buy Bochmcr's necklace and that she had chosen him to nego- 
 tiate the alTair secretly. The Comtcsse next forged instructions 
 for the purchase, using the Queen's name. No one can think of 
 everything, and she signed the orders " Marie-Antoinette dc 
 France,'''' though the Queen never signed documents or letters in 
 that way. A more intelligent man would have seen through the 
 trick, but Rohan was an easy prey. Advised by Cagliostro, 
 he bought the necklace on credit, and gave it to an accomplice , 
 whom he thought to be a domestic of the Palace, on February 1, 
 1785. The Comtcsse kept the necklace, sold the separate 
 stones, and squandered the proceeds, amounting to hundreds 
 of thousands of litres. The jeweller, who was paid nothing, 
 sent in a claim to the Queen. Marie-Antoinette was convinced 
 that Rohan had made use of her name to obtain the necklace 
 by fraud, and induced the King to order the Cardinal's arrest 
 on August 15, 1785. 
 
 The Queen was naturally annoyed, and in her desire for 
 n venge she did not stop to reason. She though! the Cardinal 
 Arrest of was to blame and must be punished. Her letters 
 
 Cardinal to her brother Joseph show how unguarded was 
 
 de Rohan. i ler anger: "All had been agreed to between the 
 
 King and myself. The Ministers knew nothing, the King had 
 the Cardinal summoned and questioned him in the presence of 
 the Keeper of t lie SeaK (Miromesnil) and the Baron de Breteuil. 
 I hope thai this affair will soon be ended. But I do not know if 
 it will be Bent to the Parliament, or if the culprit and his family 
 will trust themselves to the King's clemency." This a* as 
 27G
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 written on August 22, 1785. Then on September 19, 1785, she 
 wrote : " The Cardinal used my name like a vile and maladroit 
 coiner. It is possible that pressed by want of money, he thought 
 he could pay the jewellers by the date he had agreed on, without 
 anything being discovered." And on December 27, 1785 : 
 " The charlatan Cagliostro, La Motte, his wife, and a certain 
 Oliva, a street-walker, are accused with him (Rohan). He 
 must be confronted by them and answer their reproaches. 
 What associates for a Grand- Almoner and a Rohan Cardinal ! ' 
 
 There was a solemn festival at Versailles on August 15, the 
 day of the Assumption, when France commemorated the vow 
 of Louis XIII and the Queen's fete. The Cardinal de Rohan 
 was there, ready to say Mass, in a cassock of watered scarlet 
 silk and a rochet of English point lace, when he was brought 
 before the King. 
 
 " Cousin," said Louis, " what about this purchase of a 
 diamond necklace that you are said to have made for the 
 Queen ? " 
 
 " Sire, I sqe I have been deceived, but I have not deceived." 
 
 The prelate was given time to write his defence, but it was 
 impossible to unwind the tangled skein of this intrigue in a 
 few lines. Rohan's statement satisfied no one, and the proud 
 and angry Queen least of all. 
 
 There was a crowd in the apartments from the (Eil-de-bceuf 
 to the Cabinet of the Clock — an anxious crowd which did not 
 understand why Mass was not being said. The door of the 
 inner room where this tragic scene was being enacted then 
 opened ; Rohan, very pale, advanced, followed by Breteuil, 
 who cried to the Due de Villeroi, Captain of the bodyguard : 
 " Arrest Monsieur le Cardinal." 
 
 The next day the Grand- Almoner was in the Bastille. This 
 hasty decision was an irreparable mistake, but it was impossible 
 Acquittal of to check the nervous tenacity of the Queen, en- 
 De Rohan. couraged by the hatred that Breteuil bore towards 
 Rohan. One man, Vergennes, might have saved the situation, 
 but he was not at the Council when the question was decided. 
 The Queen was the first victim of this impulsive action. The 
 trial took place before the Parliament, the Cardinal was ac- 
 quitted, and it was judged that he had been the dupe of the 
 
 277
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Comtessc de la Motto, who alone was condemned on May 81, ' 
 1786. The Rohans triumphed and declared themselves 
 avenged for the failure of the Prince de Gu6m6nee, but they 
 complained loudly when they heard that the Cardinal was 
 exiled to his Abbey at La Chaisc-Dieu, and that he had been 
 forced to resign the office of Grand Almoner. The public 
 joined them in their indignation at this treatment of a man 
 whom justice had acquitted. The Rohans, to whom were allied 
 the Soubises, Marsans, Brionnes, and the Prince de Conde\ 
 who had married a Rohan, in their turn put Marie- Antoinette 
 on trial. The poor Queen, who was already unpopular, heard all 
 round her murmurs of blind hatred. The mass of the people 
 thought her guilty, seeing that the Cardinal was innocent, and 
 thus the reprisals of '93 began. When Madame de la Motte 
 underwent the degrading punishment of being branded in the 
 Cour du Mai before the Palais de Justice, public sympathy was 
 on her side and against the Queen. The Crown of France had 
 already begun to roll in the revolutionary gutter. As Goetln 
 says, Marie- Antoinette then lost in the minds of the people 
 that moral support which made her person inviolable. 
 
 In 1777 Maria Theresa wrote to Mercy: "I confess that 
 my fears are redoubled at the thought of how much harm 
 The Queen a man of this kind (Rohan) would be capable 
 discredited. of doing if ever he secured an established position 
 at Court." And the Empress had said to Marie-Antoinette : 
 " The post that Rohan is to occupy alarms me. He is a bad 
 man to have as an enemy, both on your account and on 
 account of his principles, which are quite perverted. Under 
 an affable, easy, and prepossessing exterior, he has done 
 much harm here. Yet I am to sec him at the King's side 
 and at yours ! lie will scarcely do honour to his office as 
 Bishop." We are forcibly reminded of these predictions 1\ 
 the story of the necklace. Maria Theresa was clear-sighted, 
 but she could hardly have imagined all the harm to be wrought 
 by Rohan's stupid credulity and hex daughter's regrettable 
 blindness. The Queen wept and watched the approach of dark 
 days ; joy and repose for her were things of the past. Meanwhile 
 complications started by her brother, the Emperor, nearly 
 provoked another Continental war. Urged by Joseph and his 
 278
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARY 
 
 Minister, Chancellor von Kaunitz, Marie- Antoinette championed 
 the Austrian cause, personally conducted her case with the 
 King and his Ministers, dictated dispatches, kept back couriers, 
 informed her brother of all resolutions and thus allowed him to 
 act with a strong hand. Too faithful to her mother's principles, 
 she forgot, or rather did not understand, that the alliance of the 
 Bourbons with her family was not the beginning and end of 
 French policy. 
 
 In 1784 Joseph, in spite of his treaties with Holland, de- 
 manded the opening of the Scheldt and the possession of 
 The Opening of Maestricht. The Emperor was rather energetic 
 the Scheldt. than clever, and he had a mania for territorial 
 aggrandizement. Poland had so easily become part of the 
 Hapsburg patrimony that everything seemed permissible, and 
 now Flemish succeeded to Bavarian dreams. To the first over- 
 tures of her brother Marie- Antoinette replied by a " confession ' 
 which she said was " not very flattering to her self-esteem." 
 " I do not deceive myself," wrote Marie-Antoinette on Sep- 
 tember 22, 1784, " as to my power, especially in politics. I 
 have not a great ascendency over the King's mind. Would it 
 be prudent for me to have quarrels with his Ministers on subjects 
 on which I am nearly certain the King would not support me ? 
 Without ostentation or falsehood, I allow the public to believe 
 that I have more influence than I really have, because if I w r ere 
 not believed to have some, I should have less still." This essen- 
 tially feminine way of thinking shows considerable insight. 
 Joseph in his reply thought it useless to lecture one who showed 
 such candour and dexterity. " You should avoid scenes with 
 any of the King's Ministers," was all he said. " To tell a pretty 
 woman who combines tact with wit and ability as you do, how 
 she ought to act when she knows all the people concerned and 
 is anxious to succeed in her purpose, would be waste of time, 
 and might make you laugh. Consistency, perseverance, grasp of 
 detail, patience, complaisance, and a little constraint are the 
 sex's true weapons and its most powerful and infallible method 
 of influencing our wills. But these means must be prepared 
 beforehand, for one does not always win the game just at one's 
 own time." This is a great change from the Joseph who repri- 
 manded his sister so brutally that Maria Theresa intercepted 
 
 279
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 his letter, but when the Emperor had Deed of the Queen of 
 France he knew how to flatter her successfully. In his heart he 
 
 did not believe that Marie-Antoinette was capable of helping 
 him. as his correspondence with Mercy proves. His judgment 
 of her in his confidential letters to the ambassador is always 
 severe. 
 
 Joseph wished to secure the King's support. The opening 
 of the Scheldt was only to be the prelude to the cession of Dutch 
 Flanders to Austria in exchange for a " rectification of frontiers 
 advantageous to the Republic." It was also possibly a step 
 towards the annexation of Bavaria, if Holland would agree to 
 this. It was all to the interest of France to favour these negotia- 
 tions, since they would give her two safe ports, instead of one, 
 in the Austrian Netherlands. She was reminded of the con- 
 siderable services which the port of Ostend had rendered her 
 commerce in the last war. This was the theme of Mercy's 
 Successful propositions to Vergennes. The French minister 
 
 Diplomacy of replied that he would refer the question to the 
 Vergennes. Dutch ambassadors, that he desired to be on 
 good terms with the Republic, and it was not his business to 
 dictate laws to them. The negotiations were interminable. 
 \'( rgenncs was firm ; he kept the King equally so, and pursued 
 the wise policy which had enabled him to re-establish France, 
 at least in her external relations. Marie- Antoinette's influence 
 remained negative, in spite of her unceasing eiTorts to pilot her 
 brother's ship as she wished, and to secure the dismissal of 
 Vergennes. The King would not sacrifice him to his conjugal 
 affection. Victory remained with the minister; he again 
 calmed the Emperor's exuberance, and on November 8, 1785, 
 he prepared the Treaty of Fontainebleau between Joseph and 
 the Batavian Republic, thus enabling France to intervene in 
 the honourable role of mediator. The Emperor demanded 
 payment of 10,000,000 limes from the States-General of Holland, 
 because his standard had been insulted, but the Dutch ob- 
 stinately refused to give more than half. Vergennes agreed to 
 5,000,000 Hvres, and signed a private treaty with the United 
 Provinces, which were- thus relieved of the English influence and 
 gave France L r re:it advantages in return. It was a small price 
 to paj for the peace of Europe, for these few millions saved the 
 280
 
 THE QUEEN'S FIRST CALVARJY 
 
 expenses of a war. But the public did not understand Vergennes' 
 political skill. It was everywhere proclaimed that French 
 money was being expended for the benefit of the Queen's 
 brother ! The idea still haunted the Republicans, who, on 
 the audit of the accounts by the Constituent Assembly, were 
 astonished to find no trace of the fabulous sums believed to have 
 been squandered for the Austrian cause. These same men when 
 they entered the Trianon, expected to find there the room 
 studded with diamonds and the twisted columns ornamented 
 with sapphires and rubies, invented by malignant imagination. 
 Vergennes made one mistake in allowing himself to be 
 deceived by Calonne and in believing with Louis XVI that the 
 Controller-General would find a solution for the financial diffi- 
 culties. Their blindness had lasted too long, but the veil was 
 at length to be torn aside. 
 
 Principal Sources. Grimm's Correspondance ; Mdmoires of Bachau- 
 mont, Segur, Augeard, La Fayette, Bailly and Governeur Morris ; Cor- 
 respondance secrete du Comte de Mercy-Argenteau avec VEmpdreur Joseph 
 II et le Prince de Kaunitz, 2 vols., Paris, 1899 ; Funck Brentano, V Affaire 
 du Collier, Paris, 1901 ; Lacour-Gayet, Voyage de Louis XVI a Cherbourg, 
 Paris, 1906. 
 
 281
 
 CHAPTER XXII 
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 1786-1789 
 
 The King's journey to Cherbourg. Convocation of the Assembly 
 of Notables. Public sarcasms. Calonne's speech. He creates 
 an opposition in the Assembly. Lomenie de Brienne in power. 
 His portrait. The new Minister's concessions. Dismissal of the 
 Notables. Attitude of the Parliament. The Queen's conversation 
 with Besenval. Exile of the Parlementaires. Joseph's letter to 
 his sister. The Due d'Orleans in opposition to the Court. 
 Brienne's rapacity. The decree of May 3. Espremenil. Agita- 
 tion in Paris. The King decides to convene the States-General. 
 Fall of Brienne. Return of Neeker. 
 
 A FEW days after the termination of the necklace incident, 
 Louis, perhaps calling to mind the advice of Joseph II, 
 undertook a journey. He went to Cherbourg from 
 June 20 to 29, 1786, his object being to view the works then 
 The King's carried on in the harbour and the roadstead, 
 Visit to which had been commenced after the signing of 
 
 Cherbourg. the peace in 1783. Royal journeys, beyond the 
 annual visits to Compiegne and Fontaineblcau, were rare. It 
 was remembered that Louis XIV had only spent one day at 
 Dunkirk, and Louis XV only three at Havre. The navy had 
 been one of Louis XVI's chief concerns, and people were pleased 
 to sec the monarch interested in so glorious a work. " Two 
 things were particularly noticeable," we read in Baehaumont, 
 " one, that the King is perfectly well informed in all which 
 concerns the navy, and shows himself ignorant neither of the 
 construction, the equipment, nor the handling of ships . . . the 
 other, that the King questioned each officer who was presented 
 to him, mentioning to him the actions in which he had been 
 engaged during the war, and singularly flattered these gentlemen 
 by the excellence of his memory. . . ."" 
 282
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 To repeat Louis' own words, the day of his coronation and 
 that of his arrival at Cherbourg were " the two happiest days 
 of his life." His reception was enthusiastic. To the cries of 
 " Long live the King ! " Louis replied with " Long live my 
 people ! ' At Caen he ordered his carriage to proceed at a 
 walking pace, and allowed every one to approach him. He 
 delighted in saying repeatedly : " They are my children." The 
 rejoicings were sincere on both sides. 
 
 On his return to Versailles a second daughter was born to 
 Louis — on July 9, but this princess lived scarcely a year. Then 
 Birth of a he was swept away into the whirlpool of State 
 
 Princess. affairs ; again he had to bear the burden of 
 
 government, which seemed so heavy to him. His people, 
 whom he loved and whom he wished to see happy, fell a prey 
 to ministerial intrigues ; and Louis had not sufficient penetra- 
 tion to reject the bad counsels that were to ruin him. Following 
 Vergennes' advice he signed a commercial treaty with England 
 on September 26, 1786, which was advantageous from an 
 economic point of view, but he fell once more under the influence 
 of Calonne's artifices, subterfuges, and lies. 
 
 At the end of his resources and at enmity with the Parlia- 
 ment, Calonne was obliged to reveal the situation ; in spite of 
 The Notables loans to the extent of 487,000,000 livres, the debt 
 convoked. was 101,000,000, and the deficit 100,000,000 livres, 
 
 but he threw the blame on his predecessors, and as he feared 
 to alarm Louis, once more deceived him. He showed him a 
 plan, as a last resource, which, he asserted, would ensure un- 
 limited prosperity. He asked and received a promise of secrecy 
 from the King. An Assembly of Notables was to be summoned, 
 and proposals for the reform of abuses were to be placed before 
 it. This idea, reminiscent of Henri IV, caught Louis' fancy. 
 There were a hundred and forty-four Notables, among them 
 princes of the blood royal, archbishops, bishops, dukes and 
 peers, councillors of State, deputies from the provinces (four 
 from the clergy, six from the nobility, and only two from the 
 Third Estate), and municipal officials. The majority were natu- 
 ally upholders of the abuses which were to be remedied. Calonne, 
 from motives of vanity, affected to choose among these Notables 
 some of the most prominent of his enemies, such as the Arch- 
 
 283
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 bishop of Toulouse, Lomenie dc Briennc, a candidate for the 
 ministry, who was said to be an able administrator. Calonnc 
 did not wish his victory to be unattended by risk. Briennc 
 duly took care to discover difficulties and to create opposition. 
 
 On December 29, 178C, the King announced to the Conscil 
 des Depeches * that on the 29th of the following month he was 
 summoning an assembly composed of persons " of various 
 classes who were the best qualified in his kingdom, and that he 
 would communicate to them his plans for the relief of his l pco]>lc. 
 the restoration of order in finance, and the reformation of many 
 abuses."'' Louis was still under his Controller's influence and 
 he wrote to him the next day : "I did not sleep all night, but 
 it was from pleasure." 
 
 The public was much excited. At Court fears were expressed 
 as to the result of this new authority ; a young noble, the 
 Popular Vicomte de Segur, cried : " The King is resign - 
 
 Sarcasms. insr." In the town there was little confidence in 
 
 a minister like Calonnc, and a section of the population rejoiced 
 in the certainty that the Assembly would fail. Nothing was 
 known as to the subjects which were to be discussed in the 
 Assembly, but satirists were not far wrong when they distributed 
 pamphlets announcing the spectacle in these terms : " You are 
 informed that Monsieur lc Controlcur-General has formed a new 
 company of actors, who will begin to play before the Court on 
 Monday, the 29th of this month. Their principal production 
 will be False Confidence, and their second one Forced Consent. 
 These will be followed by an allegorical ballet-pantomime com- 
 posed by Monsieur de Calonnc, entitled The Cask of the 
 Duniiids." 
 
 At this time Theodore was played in the presence of the 
 Queen at Versailles. The principal character in the piece is 
 a King, who goes on a journey. At a certain place the King's 
 equerry says to his master that there is no more money ; they 
 are both troubled and ask each other what is to be done V At 
 this moment a voice cried from the pit: "Assemble the 
 Notablet" 
 
 The first sitting, which had been fixed for January 29, was 
 postponed owing to the illness of Calonne and the death of 
 
 * The Council tor Internal Affairs. 
 284
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 Vergennes on February 13, 1787. The latter's influence over 
 the King would have been very valuable at this time. At 
 length, however, the Assembly opened on February 22 at the 
 Hotel des Menus. On his way there the monarch received 
 neither cheers nor applause. 
 
 But the Controller was full of hope ; he had divided the 
 Assembly into seven boards, with the princes as presidents and 
 the Councillors of State as reporters. There was not one of these 
 princes that Calonne " had not obliged with several millions." 
 
 The reforms proposed by the Controller were inspired by 
 those of Turgot and Necker. They were drawn up in vague 
 Calonne 's terms and in a pompous style which made the worst 
 
 Speech. impression on the Notables and on the public, 
 
 among whom his speech at the opening was widely distributed. 
 
 Calonne had said that his plans, which were known and 
 approved by the King, had become his Majesty's own plans. 
 An altercation followed this, and Dillon, Archbishop of Nar- 
 bonne, said in angry tones : " Do you take us for sheep and 
 imbeciles that vou call us together simply to obtain our sanction 
 to plans whic 1 are already settled ? " 
 
 The mer oers of the Assembly all demanded to know the 
 exact amo mt of the deficit before voting the land taxation, 
 which was disapproved by the privileged classes. They in- 
 sisted on knowing the state of the finances. Calonne refused, 
 saying that it was their duty to decide on the form of the tax 
 and not on its basis. The Notables held firm, and some even 
 spoke of a Convocation of the States -General. The Controller 
 thought that audacity would once more save him, and he 
 distributed in Paris and instructed all the cures to read as a 
 sermon an appeal to the people, representing the Notables 
 as upholding opinions which were opposed to the monarch's 
 purpose and to the happiness of his subjects. In the Assembly 
 this caused a tempest of accusations and complaints against 
 this shameless minister. He was confronted with his embezzle- 
 ments and thefts. La Fayette, the hero of America, demanded 
 a " rigorous " examination of the minister's expenses, saying 
 that " the fruit of the sweat, tears and, perhaps, blood of the 
 people " should not be abandoned to cupidity. Calonne was 
 lost. He had prepared thirty-three lettres de cachet with which 
 
 285
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 to strike his adversaries ; he secured the dismissal of Hue dc 
 Miromesnil, Keeper of the Seals, and replaced him by Lamoig- 
 Exile of non, President of the Parliament ; he tried to over- 
 
 Calonne. throw Brcteuil, the Queen's prottgd, but it was 
 
 himself that was doomed. He was exiled to Lorraine, but he 
 did not feel safe there, as the people of Mctz had hanged his 
 effigy, so he was allowed to retire to Flanders, and thence to 
 England in April 1787. There was some talk of reinstating 
 Neckcr, but Louis refused to listen to the supporters of the 
 Genevan banker, and a Court intrigue brought a prelate into 
 power. This was Lom6nie de Brienne, Archbishop of Toulouse, 
 Lomenie de who had been since youth a great friend of the 
 Brienne. Queen's reader, the Abbe de Vermond. He had 
 
 given proofs of ability ; the construction of the Brienne Canal 
 was due to him, and he had won the approval of Turgot and 
 Malesherbes. Joseph II had met him during his visit in 1777, 
 and since then had not ceased to praise him. It seemed a 
 propitious moment to have recourse to the intelligence of a man 
 who was so highly esteemed. He had secured public opinion 
 in his favour as a victorious adversary of Calonne, whose fall 
 he had helped to encompass by his brilliancy in the Assembly 
 of Notables. Marie-Antoinette was, like many others, dazzled 
 by this so-called saviour, and secured his appointment as head 
 of the Financial Council, with a young Master of Requests, 
 Laurent de Villedeuil, Intendant of Rouen, as Controller-General 
 in subordination to him. The Queen was supported by the 
 Keeper of the Seals, Lamoignon, Vergcnnes' successor, the Comte 
 de Montmorin, and the Baron de Brcteuil. Brienne had tried 
 to satisfy his ambition on various occasions. It was common 
 knowledge that he had solicited the succession to Christophe 
 de Beaumont in 1781, when Louis XVI had said : " Wc must at 
 least have an Archbishop of Paris who believes in God." He was 
 known to be unscrupulous in the means he used to attain his 
 ends; he had secretly favoured the philosophers, but had 
 never compromised himself. lie laughed at miracles and relics 
 < \ < n though he sent an elbow-bone of Saint Thomas Aquinas, 
 to the Duke of Parma, first cousin to Louis and brother-in-law 
 of Marie- Antoinette. He was adroit, clever, competent to play 
 :i part, and could easily assume the absorbed appearance of a
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 man who is busy with great affairs. He offended no one and 
 flattered every one's particular vanity, and this was all that 
 was necessary to secure him a place beyond his deserts in the 
 public estimation. Louis XVI had been deluded by Calonne's 
 His Con- brilliant ease ; Marie- Antoinette in her turn was 
 
 cessions. deceived by Brienne's simulated intelligence. The 
 
 Archbishop-Minister consented to disclose the state of finances 
 to the Notables, thus with some skill granting what Calonne 
 had refused, and thereby gaining the favour of the Assembly. It 
 was discovered that the deficit had reached 140,000,000 livres ! 
 Brienne proposed to the Parliament a loan of 60,000,000 livres, 
 promising to economize in the King's Household to the extent 
 of 40,000,000 livres, instead of the 20,000,000 livres promised 
 by his predecessor. The edict was registered on May 10, 1787. 
 The Notables, however, did not wish to vote the necessary 
 taxation (a tax to be levied on all lands and a stamp tax ) ; on 
 this point they trusted to the " wisdom of His Majesty." They 
 formulated their wishes, which were that preventive measures 
 should be devised to meet the financial disorders, that a report 
 should be published annually, which should be audited by 
 capable men who did not form part of the Government, and that 
 the civil and criminal laws should be revised. This programme 
 seemed to be a preface to the demands which were said to be 
 imminent. La Fayette suggested that a National Assembly 
 should be convened for 1792. 
 
 " What ! Monsieur," cried the Comte d'Artois, " you desire 
 the convocation of the States-General ? " 
 
 " Yes, Monseigneur, and even more than that." 
 
 The Notables were dissolved on May 25. " As might have 
 been expected," said Bailly, " in the case of men who had only 
 Dismissal of the right to advise and no authority," they left 
 the Notables, things almost exactly as they found them. But 
 the popular excitement was increasing. Every one had been 
 interested in the discussions of the delegates. La Fayette 
 told Jay, an American friend of his : " The French have 
 acquired the habit of thinking about public affairs." 
 
 The struggle had begun, and at this juncture the Parliament 
 entered the lists to strike a fresh blow against the royal Acropolis, 
 already trembling from the first shock. 
 
 287
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Some administrative edicts, which were proposed by Brienne, 
 were passed without opposition. The provincial Assemblies, 
 which had been founded during Necker's term of office in Berry 
 and Ilaute-Guyenne, were definitely established. These Assem- 
 blies were a successful and liberal step towards decentralization. 
 They were composed of forty-eight members, twelve from the 
 clergy, twelve from the nobility, and twenty-four from the 
 Third Estate, of whom twelve were deputies from the towns and 
 twelve from the country proprietors. Their duties were to 
 assess and collect the taxes and to supervise public works. 
 Next the corvde was suppressed. But when the stamp tax 
 Attitude of was proposed, the Parlemcntaires were unusually 
 the Parliament, violent in their opposition and attacked the ex- 
 travagance of Calonne and the Court. They demanded state- 
 ments of receipts and expenditure to assist them in their decision. 
 Brienne refused, since he had shown them to the Notables. 
 The King supported his Minister. The only reply of the Parlia- 
 ment was to draw up a remonstrance, in which it petitioned the 
 King to withdraw the stamp edict and expressed the desire " to 
 see the nation assembled before there was any fresh taxation." 
 The remonstrance was at once printed. The public saw in it 
 the trial of the Government, and realized that all confidence had 
 been lost. The Parliament was considered justified and recovered 
 its former popularity. The agitation spread to the provinces, 
 and all the provincial Parliaments rallied round that of Paris. 
 Brienne had resort to a lit de justice, but this " instrument of 
 despotism " was ridiculed, and victory still lay with the magis- 
 trates. On August 14, 1787, Mercy gave a graphic description of 
 the situation in a dispatch to Joseph II. The turn which internal 
 affairs arc taking, he said, places the King, Queen, and Ministers 
 in the most embarrassing position. The obstinate resistance of 
 the Parliament to the designs of the Court has influenced men's 
 minds. By degrees all classes of society are joining intnestrugj le. 
 
 It is difficult to imagine the audacity with whicB people 
 even in public places spoke of the royal family, and especially 
 the Queen, against whom violent insults were directed. Mai 
 Antoinette became Madame Deficit, and the Licutcnant-General 
 warned her not to let herself be seen in Paris. The idea of 
 summoning the States-General found universal support, for 
 288
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 it was said the country no longer had a guide. The police 
 were powerless to repress the movement ; even if they had put 
 the people in prison by thousands it would have had no effect ; 
 insurrection would have broken out. The King's prestige was 
 deeply shaken. If the Court of Versailles at this time had had 
 the misfortune to be dragged into a war — and the negotia- 
 tions between Holland, Prussia, and Great Britain were full 
 of menace to France — any measures which might have been 
 taken for safety would have been useless, and a general bank- 
 ruptcy would have been unavoidable. 
 
 The country henceforward took the place of the Parliament 
 and itself made war on Royalty. 
 
 Meanwhile the Queen went to Trianon to seek a short rest 
 In the shade of the park, Besenval, one of her confidants, gave. 
 Besenval warns her advice, and in his own way revealed the 
 the Queen. dangers of this critical time. He advocated bold- 
 ness and wanted the King to show himself master and not to 
 fear to use his authority ; " otherwise,'''' he said, " his Majesty 
 will have to put down his crown, never again, perhaps, to replace 
 it on his head." 
 
 " Ah ! " cried the Queen, " what harm Monsieur de Calonne 
 has done the country with his Notables ! ' This was the cry 
 of the ardent Royalists, but were there many of them left ? 
 
 During the night between August 14 and 15 the Ministers 
 decided to banish the Parliament to Troyes, an antiquated 
 The Parliament stratagem of another age, and now only a display 
 banished. of impotence which increased the popularity of 
 
 the magistrates. In exile they received the support and en- 
 couragement of the various Courts of Paris and even of the 
 University. Reprimands, which almost amounted to orders, 
 were sent from the provinces to Versailles. The King was 
 irresolute, and Brienne profited thereby to get himself appointed 
 Prime Minister. His excuse was that he wished to concentrate 
 the executive power, and his vanity made him think he could 
 pacify the disorders. Lamoignon wished to imitate Maupeou 
 and dreamed of suppressing all the refractory Parliaments, which 
 were fixed in their desire for the Convocation of the States-General ; 
 such was the expression which was echoed from one end of 
 France to the other. It was heard at Rennes, Rouen, Bordeaux, 
 
 t 289
 
 TH : E EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Dijon, Besancon, Grenoble, Toulouse, and Pau. The Convoca- 
 tion was indeed to be, but the Parliament had no suspicion 
 that when it came it would mean the extinction of itself as 
 well as of the monarchy. 
 
 Brienne yielded and pardoned the Parliament, and by a 
 declaration dated September 20 brought the exiles back to 
 Paris. Four days later another declaration was published, 
 revoking the stamp duties and the territorial subvention. It 
 was a complete retraction. But the return of the Parliament 
 and these concessions had no calming effect. As before, insult- 
 ing notices disgraced the walls of Paris. Calonne was burnt 
 in effigy in the Place Dauphine ; an effigy of " the Polignac ' 
 was burnt also, and the Queen came near to suffering the same 
 indignity, according to Bachaumont and Hardy. But the un- 
 happy Marie-Antoinette found her severest critics in her own 
 family. On October 6, 1787, Joseph had no compunction in 
 writirg to Mercy : " I am extremely curious to learn how tin- 
 disorder which reigns in France will end. I am sorry for the 
 vexation which it causes the Queen. ... I speak of it in the 
 accompanying letter to her, and I touch in passing on the subject 
 of her intimates, whose cupidity brings all this unpleasantness 
 upon her. But I am aware that it will have no efl'ect, for when 
 one has no resources in oneself, the fear of ennui prevails over every 
 other consideration''' What a tone at such a moment ! He was 
 utterly heartless, and it was only to further his own and the 
 Austrian interest that he recommended the Archbishop of 
 Toulouse to the unfortunate Queen. 
 
 The financial measures had so far been illusory. So Brienne 
 formed the plan of issuing a loan of 420,000,000 livrcs, redeem- 
 Promise to a ble in five years, and of promising the States- 
 convoke the General for 1792. On November 19 the edict was 
 States-General. rca( j t t nc Parliament in the King's presence. 
 After a sitting of nine hours, Louis failed to obtain the support 
 he needed, but he none the less caused the registration of the 
 edict to be pronounced, following the formula used at the lits de 
 justice. This decision was received with many murmurs. The 
 Due d'Orleans declared that this form of registration was illegal, 
 that the Assembly was not a lit de justice, but an ordinary royal 
 session with right of free discussion. Two councillors, Fretcau 
 290
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 and the Abbe Sabattier, uttered words which were " indecent." 
 They were taken to prison, while the Due d'Orleans was exiled 
 to his Chateau of Villers-Cotterets. This Prince had at one 
 time been popular at the Court, but he became one of the 
 bitterest enemies of the King and Queen. He even voted for 
 Louis' death ; he himself was to perish on the scaffold. 
 
 Fretcau, Sabattier, and Orleans were championed by the 
 Parliament, which demanded their liberation. A quarrel ensued 
 and Louis persisted in his refusal. The loan failed, the taxes 
 were not voted, and the situation became more and more compli- 
 cated. Brienne had no governing idea, no initiative, and none 
 of the talents with which he had been credited ; his attitude 
 displayed nothing but feebleness and uncertainty. He con- 
 ceived the idea of summoning the Queen to the Committees 
 and of giving her a preponderating voice in their decisions. 
 Neither by her education nor by her tastes was Marie- Antoinette 
 fitted to give useful counsel. The Archbishop admonished her ; 
 though he may have thus increased his prestige, observes 
 Besenval, " such conduct could only have the effect of 
 compromising the Princess and of making her the object of 
 ridicule." 
 
 Brienne did not neglect his own interests. On one occasion 
 he thought he would be obliged to resign his ministry, owing 
 Rapacity of to a severe illness ; even while in bed he coveted 
 Brienne. the Archbishopric of Sens, rendered vacant by 
 
 the death of Cardinal de Luynes, and the Abbey of Corbie, and 
 he secured both. " Added to this," said Besenval, was " a 
 right to cut down trees to the value of 900,000 francs," which 
 was sufficient to pay his debts. " It was forgotten," said 
 the same writer, " that they were adding fuel to the popular 
 hatred by thus showering money on one who extracted it 
 from everybody and enriched himself whilst he preached 
 economy." Brienne already possessed an income of 700,000 
 livres from his ecclesiastical benefices alone, but he was in- 
 satiable and wished in addition to his wealth to have the 
 honour of the Cardinal's purple. 
 
 The Archbishop's youngest brother, the Comte de Brienne, 
 replaced De Segur as Minister for War. He was said to be 
 honest, but he was shallow and very ignorant He had the 
 
 291
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 lust intentions, but his efforts ended in his allowing himself 
 to be led without having any clear idea where he was going. 
 He attempted some reforms, wishing to make a complete 
 reconstruction of the army and its discipline, but his attempts 
 soon degenerated into mere personal questions and came to 
 
 nothing. 
 
 In April 1788 the fever spread over the whole country. 
 
 Governors of provinces were directed to return to their posts. 
 
 The Protest of and the army was ordered to support them. The 
 
 May 3, 1788. King said aloud that he was tired of being under 
 
 the " tutelage of citizens," and that he wished to " free himself 
 
 from them." A coup d'etat, in the shape of a dissolution of the 
 
 Parliament, was suggested. On May 3 the Parliament made a 
 
 violent protest against the proposed measure, and declared that 
 
 " if force reduced it to powerlessness," it would maintain the 
 
 constitutional principles of the monarchy and would resign 
 
 " the sacred trust to the King, the States-General, and to each 
 
 of the united or separate orders which formed the nation." 
 
 A comedy had been witnessed when the Notables were assembled, 
 
 but people began now to fear that it had been " the Just act 
 
 of a tragedy." The promoters of this protest of May 3 were 
 
 Espremenil and Goislard de Montsabert ; on the following 
 
 night an attempt was made to arrest them, but they took refuge 
 
 at the Palais. They were followed there by the Swiss and 
 
 French Guard. The captain of the latter did not know the 
 
 two councillors and asked where they were : " We are all 
 
 d'Espremenils and Goislards," was the answer of the entire 
 
 assembly. The captain retired and returned with a fresh 
 
 order; the two offenders gave themselves up and followed 
 
 the officer. The meeting had lasted thirty hours, anil the 
 
 magistrates separated with violent protests against the arresl 
 
 of two of their members, who had been "violently torn from 
 
 the sanctuary of law." 
 
 Louis continued his policy, and by the six edicts of May 8 
 reduced the Parliament to nullity, instituted new Courts of 
 Justice under the name of Grands BaiUiages, created the Plenary 
 Court, which alone was authorized to verify and register laws, 
 and reserved for himself the power of raising loans at will. The 
 Chief President bitterly opposed this "despotic authority," 
 292
 
 THE DAWN OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 which royalty claimed, but which the French nation would never 
 
 adopt. 
 
 In the provinces there were the same protests and a like 
 
 refusal to submit to the new edicts. Everywhere agitation 
 
 t, „ * „ • was a t its height. " A palace for sale, ministers 
 
 Fall of Bnenne. . , , , ° , r , . „ 
 
 to be hanged, and a crown to be given away, was 
 
 to be read on the walls of the Parliament which had been turned 
 into barracks. Pamphlets were dedicated " to the sovereigns 
 who are so pleased to see their kingdom become a republic." In 
 the theatre allusions of all sorts were made. The Court used the 
 same weapons and published libels and pamphlets against its 
 adversaries. The promoters of sedition were arrested, and the 
 police were active everywhere. An explosion was expected. 
 Brienne then said these celebrated words : " I foresaw every- 
 thing, even civil war ! " He tried to struggle against the clergy 
 who deserted him and only granted 180,000 livres out of the 
 8,000,000 he had expected, against the army who disobeyed 
 him, and against the Parliaments and all the supreme courts. 
 On August 8 the King convened the States-General for May 1, 
 1789, thus condemning the Archbishop's policy. The Prelate 
 declared the nation bankrupt. He hoped to secure Necker 
 as his saviour and colleague ; but the honest Genevan did not 
 wish to work with an unscrupulous minister who had even 
 had recourse to charity and hospital funds, and who with his 
 colleague Lamoignon, was now about to overdraw on the 
 Treasury * as a final impropriety, leaving there only 200,000 
 francs. At last, on August 25, Brienne sent in his resignation, 
 or rather he was forced to resign : "I think that this was 
 necessary," said Marie- Antoinette to Mercy on the same day ; 
 " I have just written three lines to Monsieur Necker to ask 
 him to come here to me at ten o'clock to-morrow. There is 
 no time for hesitation. If he can begin work to-morrow so 
 much the better. . . . I tremble — excuse my weakness — that 
 it is I who am recalling him. I am fated to bring misfortune ; 
 and if infernal machinations make him fail again, or if he lessens 
 the King's authority, I shall be still more detested. ..." For the 
 future the Queen never ceased to tremble. 
 
 The news of Brienne's departure, quickly followed by that 
 * By means of Treasury Bills. 
 
 293
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 of Lamoignon, caused immense joy to the Parisians and all 
 France, and the crowd wished to set fire to the houses of the 
 two ministers. Bescnval says that the Place Dauphinc was 
 like a field (»f battle, petards were thrown about, carriages were 
 stopped on the Pont Neuf, and men were obliged to kneel 
 down in front of the statue of Henri IV and cry, ' Vive 
 Henri IV ; to the devil with Bricnne and Lamoignon ! ' 
 
 Xecker returned to power and immediately restored con- 
 fidence. He undid all that Bricnne had done, repealed the 
 Return o! edicts, liberated the exiles, reconstituted the 
 
 Necker. Parliament and revoked the edict of bankruptcy, 
 
 promising his own fortune as a pledge for loans made to the State. 
 In a declaration on September 23 the King fixed the meeting 
 of the States-General for an earlier date, January 1, 1789. 
 But Necker thought it would be wise to call the Notables to- 
 gether again to decide questions relative to the three Orders, 
 and thus months passed away. 
 
 The new era began on May 5, 1780, with the assembly of 
 the representatives of the country. The Revolution was born 
 and was already lusty when the procession of deputies, the 
 funeral procession of the monarchy, passed through the 
 streets of Versailles. 
 
 " It is with the person of kings," said Rivarol, " as with 
 the statues of gods : the first blows strike the god himself, tin- 
 last fall only on the disfigured marble." 
 
 Principal Sources. Same as for the preceding chapter. 
 
 L'«J|
 
 FIFTH PART 
 
 THE ARTISTIC AND LITERARY 
 MOVEMENT
 
 CHAPTER XXIII 
 
 I 
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 Watteau, Quentin de La Tour, Chardin, Greuze, Coysevox, 
 
 Bouchardon, Pigalle. Caffleri, Falconnet, Lemoyne, Houdon, 
 
 Clodion, Gabriel, Rameau. 
 
 TWO great painters dominate the eighteenth century — 
 Watteau and La Tour. Watteau was a true creative 
 genius and owed everything to his own talent. Where 
 among those who went before him can we find his easy grace, 
 his delicate charm, or his delicious tones and 
 Watteau. design ? He had no doubt studied Rubens and 
 
 admired the Venetians in the Crozat Gallery, and perhaps he 
 owed to them something of his life, but not his colour, for a 
 sense of colour is innate. He had seen Terburgs, Teniers and 
 Van Ostades, and from them he may have borrowed the small - 
 ness of his canvases. But he owed nothing else to anyone. The 
 poetry which flutters through his scenes galantes, the essentially 
 French air which appears in the expressions on his faces, the 
 landscapes which harmonize so well with the character of the 
 actors — all these reveal an exquisite imagination and a finished 
 art ; all these are unique. 
 
 His influence, on the contrary, was great. All through the 
 century we see painter after painter more or less directly in- 
 spired by Watteau's work : Lancret, his friend, who was more 
 sober, more deliberate, and who lacked his light fancy and 
 picturesque feeling ; Pater, who came from Valenciennes as 
 did the poet of the Embarkation and was for a time his pupil ; 
 Van Loo, whose Halt of Sportsmen is in the Louvre, and Jean- 
 Francois de Troy, whose Oyster Feast is at Chantilly ; Natoire, 
 who painted the decorations in the Hotel de Soubise (Archives 
 
 297
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Rationales) which arc still so fresh, and a whole series of panels 
 now in the Museum of Troyes, but originally executed for 
 the castle of Prince Xavicr of Saxony ; * Boucher, who had time 
 in his long life sometimes to be a true artist, as for instance in 
 the ceiling of the Council Chamber at Fontaineblcau, but has 
 hft behind him too many insipid canvases without any real 
 beauty ; Lagrenee and Le Prince, who were only second-rate 
 painters ; and above all, Fragonard, the last to come, who was 
 borne at Grasse beneath the sun of Provence, and brought to life 
 again the brilliance, the warmth of colour and the consummate 
 art of the poet of the Regency. From one end of the century 
 to the other Watteau and Fragonard join hands, and enclose 
 the host of imitators who serve to emphasize their consummate 
 mastery. Both celebrated and transmitted the fetes galantes 
 of the eighteenth century ; they revive that time of splendid 
 carelessness, whose children smiled and frolicked, and inhaled 
 the perfume of roses without thinking of the catastrophes which 
 were to dispel their charming dreams, fugitive and illusory, like 
 all things human. . . . 
 
 Others also followed this school : Ollivicr, for instance, the 
 Prince de Conti's painter in ordinary — his pictures are rare, 
 but his The a Vanglaise in the Louvre is sufficient to show the 
 delicacy of his brush. Eiscn, Portail, Cochin, Gravclot, Bau- 
 doin, Saint-Aubin and Morcau have shown in engravings, 
 sketches, and vignettes their persistent anxiety to imitate 
 Watteau. 
 
 In the eighteenth century before La Tour there were portrait- 
 painters who arc not to be disregarded : Tourniercs, an excellent 
 Quentin de physiognomist ; Belle, to whom we owe the charm- 
 La Tour. ing portrait at Versailles of the Infanta betrothed 
 to Louis XV ; Kigaud and Largilliere, and an artist inferior to 
 them, Vivien; Nattier, who was popular with ladies; the. 
 beautiful as well as the ugly flocked to him knowing that, they 
 would be well treated; Tocqud, who painted the delicate por- 
 trait of Marie, wife of Louis XV, in the Louvre. But the 
 
 * Naloire said to Vicn : " What is the good of painting from X.itn 
 What difficulty is there En taking a model and copying it?" This 
 negligence is perceptible in Natoire'a work, although their decorative 
 
 effect is 10 (harming. 
 298 

 
 THE ARTS 
 
 pastellist of Saint-Quentin is incontestably the most marvellous 
 representative of the art of portrait-painting in France. Not 
 that he knew how to compose, but he had a better gift, for 
 he could give to a face something intangible, expressive life, 
 brilliance and truth. We must go to his native town and study 
 his sketches — simple heads drawn from models — to see how 
 beautifully a face may be reproduced, not only in its physical 
 but in its moral aspects. 
 
 La Tour said himself : " My models think that I catch only 
 the features of their faces, but I search into the depths of their 
 hearts without their knowing it, and I take the whole of them 
 away with me." These sketches, most of them anonymous, 
 which are kept in the silent provincial sanctuary, were used by 
 the artist to enable him to repaint at leisure an elaborate portrait, 
 which was not always equal to the first eager record, set down 
 in an hour or two. At Dijon there is to be seen a head of the 
 artist painted by himself, in which perhaps all the qualities of 
 his talent are displayed, and a very beautiful sketch of Joseph 
 Vernet. To obtain an insight into the art of the pastellist 
 these sketches should first be studied. It is then easier to 
 appreciate the finished works which are to be seen in the Louvre 
 and some of the museums of the large towns of France. Although 
 the portrait of Madame de Pompadour is not worthy of all the 
 praise that has been bestowed on it, the same cannot be said 
 of the portraits of Marie Lesczynska and Marie-Josephe of 
 Saxony, the Dauphiness, in the same room at the Louvre, which 
 so admirably suggest the resignation of the former and the good- 
 ness of the latter, and give us at the same time a complete 
 idea of La Tour's versatility and the perfection of his art. The 
 means by which the painter achieved his results are forgotten 
 in the impression of life that they produce ; the princesses seem 
 to smile at us as though they were about to entrust us with a 
 secret ! 
 
 La Tour's character was as individual as his art. He was 
 frank like his pastels. He sent a message to the Marquise de 
 His original Pompadour when she asked him to come to Ver- 
 Character. sailles, saying, " Tell Madame that I do not paint 
 
 in a town." However, he consented to go to her on condition 
 that no one should interrupt him. This he was promised. When 
 
 299
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 he arrived he unfastened his shoes, his garters and his collar, 
 took ofl his wig and hung it on a girandole, put a silk skull- 
 cap on his head, and in this picturesque (MshabilU began the 
 
 portrait. At the end of a quarter of an hour Louis XV came in. 
 'You promised. Madame. " said the painter, "that your 
 door should be closed." 
 
 The King laughed heartily and told the artist to continue. 
 1 It is impossible for me to obey Your Majesty, " answered 
 this original, " I will return when Madame is alone." 
 
 He got up, took his wig and garters, and went grumbling 
 into another room. He was heard to say several times : 
 
 " I don't like to be interrupted." 
 
 Louis took a very witty revenge. La Tour, who was a poli- 
 tician and a philosopher at times, took the liberty of saying 
 to the King : " Sire, we have no ships."' 
 
 1 You forget those of Vcrnet," replied the monarch. 
 
 There is no worse trial for a painter than to be discontented 
 with the model he is forced to paint. This was the ease when 
 La Tour undertook the portrait of the celebrated financier, Dc 
 La Rcynicre, who missed his appointment one day and sent his 
 servant to tell La Tour that he had not time to come. 
 
 " My friend," said the painter to the domestic, " your master 
 is an imbecile whom I ought never to have painted. . . . Your 
 face pleases me, sit down, your features arc intelligent, I am 
 going to paint your portrait. I tell you again, your master is 
 an idiot." 
 
 " But, sir, bethink you ! If I don't go back to the house I 
 shall lose my place." 
 
 " Never mind ! I will find a place for you . . . let us begin." 
 
 La Tour sat down to his easel. Monsieur dc La Reyniere 
 dismissed his valet the same evening. The servant's portrait 
 was exhibited in the Salon and the anecdote was told every- 
 where ; every one wished to know the hero of the affair, and SOOD 
 there was rivalry as to who should obtain him for a servant. 
 
 Amongst the portrait-painters contemporary with La Tour 
 was his friend Perronneau, whose colour is conventional but 
 whose drawing is attractive. lie is cold, and his coldness 
 gives him a style and dignity which are respectable. There 
 were also Aved and Duplessis, the latter of whom is brilliantly 
 :i00
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 represented in the Museum at Avignon and the Museum at 
 Carpentras, his native town. There are portraits of Louis XVI 
 and his brothers by him at Versailles, but they give less pleasure 
 than his portrait of his compatriot, the sculptor Peru, in the 
 Calvet Museum. Here Duplessis surpasses himself and is the 
 Madame Vigee- precursor of the romantic painters. Madame 
 Lebrun. Vigee-Lebrun, who has left several portraits of 
 
 Marie-Antoinette and the charming picture in the Louvre in 
 which she represents herself holding her daughter in her arms, 
 must not be forgotten, though her art is not perhaps very 
 original. She possesses charm but not sufficient fidelity, for her 
 portraits are not very like their originals, and this fault is not 
 redeemed by her method, which is uninteresting, nor by her 
 colouring, which is more a process than a reproduction of nature. 
 
 Another woman, Madame Guiard, had a virile and realistic 
 talent, and many of the qualities which Madame Vigee-Lebrun 
 lacked, but her chief excellence was a robust technique. 
 
 Side by side with the genre painters, the creators of a land of 
 poetry, and the protrait-painters, we find historical painters, the 
 successors of Le Brun and Le Sueur. The King encouraged 
 them from habit and a sense of veneration. State commissions 
 still went to such painters as Jouvenet, Coypel, Subleyras, 
 Historical Pierre, Doyen and Vien. How futile were 
 
 Painters. the efforts made under the vigilant eyes of an 
 
 official Maecenas, the Due d'Antin, Tournehem, Marigny, or 
 the Comte d'Angivilliers ! Louis XIV or Louis XV could not 
 have dispensed with an official painter. Mariette, in his 
 Abecedario, records a significant remark of Gersaint, Watteau's 
 master, who said : " It is to be regretted that Watteau's first 
 studies were not historical paintings. It is to be presumed that 
 he would have become one of the greatest painters of France." 
 To think that Watteau might not have been Watteau is to 
 imagine that a rose-bud might develop into a thistle. People 
 were blinded by the prestige gained by the daubers of enormous 
 canvases ; they did not think that one day Gersaint's regrets 
 would contribute to his pupil's apotheosis. 
 
 In this century of frills and furbelows, of the Pompadour, of 
 laughter and grace, of the return to nature, historical pictures 
 were an anachronism. The heroes of Athens and Rome were 
 
 301
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 too remote ; their cold appearance in the seventeenth century 
 had created nothing ; the arid soil could produce no more ; it 
 needed a redeemer ; David came in the epic time at the end 
 of the century and in the midst of the triumphs of Napoleon, 
 threw off the leading strings of his classical education and con- 
 stituted himself a bold and victorious innovator. But it is not 
 within the scope of the present work to recount that period of 
 France's glory ; we must be content to record the birth of a new 
 genre, cleverly grafted on traditional convention. 
 
 We must further note particularly the fathers of modern 
 landscape painting, and after them the painters of popular 
 Beginnings of scenes, before completing this brief study of our 
 Landscape debt to the eighteenth century. A tendency to 
 
 Painting. show the time of day in the open air, in a park, or 
 
 at the outskirts of a forest is already to be seen in the hunting- 
 scenes of Desportes and Oudry, though they are timid attempts 
 in which people and animals are still the most important points. 
 Joseph Vernet was the first to strike the right note ; he seemed 
 to prepare the way for Corot with his little views of Rome, the 
 Pontc Kotto enveloped in the morning mist, and the Castle of 
 Saint Angela with its delicate greys and its golden tints, the 
 treasures of one of the rooms of the French School at the Louvre. 
 When looking at these pictures we recall the naive criticism of 
 Marictte : " It is by studying from nature and by working with 
 the greatest application, that he (Vernet) has acquired so 
 beautiful a touch, and has learned to render so truthfully 
 the light and shade and the efi'ects produced on the air by the 
 vapours which rise from the earth or the water, drawn upwards 
 by the sun." It is in studying from nature ! This was tin- 
 great innovation of this period, in some ways so artificial. The 
 series of the Ports de France, which Vernet painted by command 
 of Louis XV, are still in the Louvre. In detail they are 
 very delicate, but as a whole they have an air of official 
 monotony. 
 
 Italy brought luck to Vernet, and it was there, also, in th< 
 shade of the Coliseum. 1 hat Hubert Robert Found his vocation. 
 He brought back from Rome, from the studio of Panini, a taste 
 for ruins and a talent for painting them. Robert km w how to 
 compose with intelligence and art, he put sun, a real sun, on 
 802
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 his ancient stones, he lightened his palette, gave depth to the 
 sky, and poetry to the silence of ruined temples. 
 
 France has her Canaletto in Pierre Antoine de Machy. He 
 was less brilliant and spontaneous than the Venetian master, 
 but his views of Paris, of which there are a great number in the 
 Carnavalet Museum, have a certain interest, although they are 
 perhaps cold. Comparing Hubert Robert and Machy, Diderot 
 in his Salon of 1761 made this very just remark : "I watch 
 Machy, ruler in hand, drawing the grooves of his columns. 
 Robert has thrown all such instruments out of the window and 
 has only kept his brushes." This was a good exposition of the 
 verve and warmth of the true painter, and the dry precision of 
 the architect. 
 
 The cottage also had its exponents. A shepherd, Simon 
 Mathurin Lantara, displayed his powers in some very interesting 
 works, landscapes of the neighbourhood of Beziers, Blois, and 
 even Trieste, which, save that they lack the perspective of fine 
 palaces and the outlines of large ships, might compete with those 
 of Claude Lorrain. With these happy creations, moonlight, 
 setting sun, and mist effects, may be classed the pictures of 
 Lazare Bruandet, Louis Gabriel Moreau's fresh landscapes 
 round Paris, and Jean Louis de Marne's beautiful perspectives ; 
 they have a historical significance. The origin of the French 
 School of 1830, the School of Rousseau, Troy on and Jules 
 Dupre, must be sought among these early landscape painters, 
 as well as in the famous Constable in the Louvre. 
 
 Two artists remain to be mentioned, not equally appreciated, 
 but both very popular, one beloved of connoisseurs, and the 
 other the favourite of the Sunday public at the 
 Louvre. Chardin and Greuze have still their 
 ardent admirers. Chardin has brought before us with splendid 
 power the poorer classes, their surroundings and atmo- 
 sphere. Without him we should know but little of the modest 
 existences he has so lovingly reproduced in pictures now hanging 
 in places of honour in the various museums. If we were to 
 judge the eighteenth century solely from the point of view of 
 its painters, we should get a very incomplete idea of it without 
 Chardin. It is a pleasure to see his picture of the good mother 
 setting her children down to table and asking a blessing 
 
 303
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 <>ii the food. Her clothing is graceful, but displays nothing 
 fanciful, no false elegance ; she is a true bourgeoisc. This 
 composition is exquisitely simple ; it is drawn with a broad 
 and able brush, without any harsh notes ; its sober harmony is 
 perfect. How much is due to Chardin for having painted with 
 such feeling and delicacy what he saw every day, instead of 
 wandering in some operatic Olympus, some dream country, 
 instead of bedizening his figures in the finery of past genera- 
 tions ! He was a true child of his century ; he gives us a clear 
 impression of the familiar people who lived around him ; and 
 as he had no imagination, he had sufficient wit not to force his 
 talent. It was incontcstably wise of Chardin, who was natur- 
 ally an unpoetical painter, to be content with prose. Besides 
 his interiors he has left pictures of still-life which are a feast 
 for the eyes. In them the light caresses the objects and puts 
 them into high relief; beautifully shaped fragile porcelain, 
 flowers, fruit, and articles of food, form so many pretexts for 
 giving us a lesson on art, for showing us that the most common- 
 place object is capable of expressing correctness of drawing 
 and the magic of colour. When Chardin had grown old and 
 rich in experience, he began to paint pastel portraits, amongst 
 others his own and that of his second wife, Marguerite Pouget, 
 now in the Louvre. They hang near the collection of LaTours, 
 and bear this proximity bravely. It must be admitted when 
 looking at the works of this faithful master that the eighteenth 
 century was not entirely the beribboncd reign of affected pom- 
 padour eries. Diderot has given an excellent definition of his 
 art. ' One stops before a Chardin," lie says, " almost in- 
 stinctively, as a traveller who is tired with a long journey sits 
 down, practically without realizing it, in a spot where there is 
 a green bank, silence, water, shade and freshness." 
 
 Chardin was content with scanty remuneration; lie was 
 accustomed to live on very little. One day he was painting a 
 hare when his friend, Le Bas the engraver, came in upon him. 
 Le Bas admired the hare and wanted to buy it. 
 
 ' It can be arranged. " said t he painter ; " you have a jacket 
 which pleases me very much.*' 
 
 Le Bas took off his coat and carried away the picture. 
 
 Diderot tells of a conversation of Chardin's in which he
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 appeals for indulgence and this is what he said : " Gentlemen, 
 gentlemen, be merciful ! Find the worst among all these 
 pictures here, and know that two thousand miserable painters 
 have broken their brushes between their teeth in despair of 
 doing even as much. . . . He who has not felt the difficulty of art 
 can do nothing of value . . . and be assured that the majority 
 of the high places in society would be empty if their occupants 
 were submitted to an examination as severe as that we undergo. 
 . . . Good-bye, gentlemen, be indulgent ! " These are the 
 moving words of an old man with a heart full of love and kind- 
 ness. How delightful an artist and good a man was Chardin ! 
 
 Greuze was the opposite of Chardin, a sentimental painter. 
 He has left too many affected pictures for us to take his melo- 
 dramatic scenes seriously, although they are much 
 praised by Diderot, who saw in them his own 
 ideas on canvas. Greuze was certainly made by the famous 
 critic, as Plutarch was made by Montaigne and Shakespeare. 
 His moral and moralizing art pleased Diderot, who wished 
 painting, like his own plays, to be a school of fine principles, 
 and thought that he had found in Greuze the apostle of his 
 dreams. Chardin taught honesty naturally, almost involun- 
 tarily ; he did not know how to teach anything else. Greuze's 
 peasant girls are artificial — these pretty flowersellers know 
 nothing of the country but the flowers which are brought to 
 Paris and sold by them to the passers-by. They know that they 
 are pretty, they have been told so by many, and this is apparent 
 in their enticing little faces. Yet Greuze thought he was follow- 
 ing the path of virtue. He set sail for Athens, intending to 
 offer a sacrifice to Minerva, but he missed his way, and put 
 into another port. 
 
 Diderot was not blind to Greuze's faults ; he has noted, 
 discreetly it is true, his principal deficiencies. He saw that his 
 figures lacked variety and that Teniers was " very superior to 
 him in colour." We must not be more severe than Diderot. 
 The Accordee de Village {Village Bride), which was exhibited in 
 the Salon in 1761, had a great success, and even now gets much 
 praise from the general public. But the bride does not look 
 as if she had come from a village, and it is difficult to understand 
 the part played by the twelve comic opera actors, who are 
 
 U 305
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 artificially posed as if to produce some effect at the finale of 
 
 an act. 
 
 The sculptors were faithful to the French traditions, 
 combining style with grace and suppleness. The exigencies of 
 
 their art were not the same as in the time of Louis XIV ; the 
 standard of architecture had lowered several degrees, as had the 
 royal prestige itself, and artists were no longer required to 
 decorate the vast perspectives of Versailles, or the large halls of 
 the palace. People of this age loved privacy; they invented 
 " little apartments " and in their gardens ail'ected pavilions, 
 and tiny temples shut in by thickets. 
 
 The school of Coysevox was continued by his nephews, Nicole 
 and Guillaume Coustou, the last of whom was the sculptor of the 
 The Coustous, Chcvaux dc Marly, now at the entrance to the 
 etc. Champs-Elys6es, a superb group in which Atalanta 
 
 and Hippomenes are seen curbing the fire of their rearing steeds. 
 The design is noble and the contours ingenious. In these we 
 are still very near to the great century, and the same may be 
 said of the unparalleled daring of Robert Lc Lorrain's bas-relief, 
 the Chcvaux du Soleil conduits a Vabrcuvoir (Watering the Horses 
 of the Sun), which adorns the stables of the Hotel de Rohan in 
 the Marais (Imprimerie Nationale). Bouchardon, Pigalle, 
 Caffieri, Le Moyne, Falconnet, Houdon, and Clodion are most 
 distinctly of the Louis XV and Louis XVI period. Bouchardon 
 combined the talents of architect and sculptor. He executed 
 unaided the fountain in the Rue de Grcnelle, ordered by the 
 Provost of Merchants in 1739 " for the convenience of the 
 inhabitants and the adornment of the town." Pigalle won 
 fame by the somewhat complicated tomb of Maurice dc Saxe in 
 the Protestant Church of Saint Thomas at Strasburg. Le 
 Moyne and Philippe Caffieri brought the art of carving portraits 
 to perfection — their busts of Rotrou, the two Corneillefi and 
 Clairon arc preserved in the Comexlie Franchise. Here again 
 Houdon is pre-eminent with his aesthetic statue of Voltaire. 
 Fakonnet with his Three Graces (which was exhibited in Pa 
 in 1900 and excited general admiration) produced the entirely 
 new genre of the artistic trifle. He Mas rivalled by Clodion 
 who was despised in his own times, but is now in high favour. 
 The factory of Sevres, founded in opposition to the Dresden 
 306
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 china factories, helped to stimulate the art of miniature 
 figures. 
 
 The architecture of the eighteenth century has suffered much 
 from devastation. The beautiful chateaux round Paris, so well 
 Architects : adapted to private life and small gatherings, such 
 Gabriel, etc. as Choisy-le-Roi, Bellevue, Luciennes and 
 Bagnolet, were an easy prey to the revolutionary hordes, but 
 prints still show us what they were. The Petit-Trianon, a 
 triumph of graceful proportions and elegant simplicity of line, 
 still remains ; it was built (1762-1768) by Gabriel, the best 
 architect of his time, and the one who had the most respect for 
 French taste. Brimborion, above Sevres, and Bagatelle, in 
 the midst of the Bois de Boulogne, are two other retreats which 
 awaken memories of gentle souls who loved the country, and 
 of great ladies who played at being shepherdesses. Under 
 Louis XV Saint-Sulpice was built by the Chevalier Servandoni, 
 an Italian settled in France, more skilled in arranging the 
 decorations of royal fetes or of the opera than in constructing 
 a really religious church. Sainte-Genevieve, later to become 
 the Pantheon, was also built during this reign. Here Soufflot 
 combined ancient and Renaissance architecture ; and sacrificed 
 to the fashionable sham Greek and Roman style of the day, 
 which menaced the splendid Gothic cathedrals, for there 
 were those who would have liked to have reconstructed them 
 and " adorned " them with colonnades and pediments. Among 
 the civil buildings must be mentioned the ficole Militaire and 
 the Garde-Meuble, now the Ministry of Marine, both by Gabriel, 
 and the Place Louis XV, now the Place de la Concorde, the 
 design of which was by the same architect, the descendant of a 
 line of artists already celebrated under Louis XIV. 
 
 Though Louis XV built he also demolished. We shall never 
 cease to regret the disappearance of the Galerie d'Ulysse at 
 Fontainebleau, which extended on the right of the Cour du 
 Cheval Blanc and was replaced by an insignificant building of 
 brick and stones in the Louis XIII style. 
 
 Under Louis XVI Paris was enriched by the building of the 
 Beaujon Hospital, the Ecole de Medecine, the ficole des Ponts 
 et Chaussees, the Hospice des Jeunes Aveugles, the Theatre- 
 Fran§ais and the Opera (Salle Le Pelletier). Luxury was 
 
 307
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 abandoned for utility. To this period also belong many of the 
 houses in the Faubourg Saint-Honore. The interior decoration 
 changed and became less rich. Gildings in high relief and 
 immense chimney-pieces now made way for well-lighted rooms 
 Avith slightly carved panellings, furnished with light scats and 
 with door-heads enframing pastoral pictures or portraits, but 
 no other pictures, and none of those thousand and one objects 
 which encumber our drawing-rooms and turn them into museums 
 or bric-a-brac shops, according to the means of the owner. 
 
 The place where these aristocratic surroundings can be best 
 studied is the Palace of Versailles, which from this point of view 
 is the finest museum in the world. There we may see the 
 evolution which took place gradually from Louis XIV through 
 the Regency to Louis XV and his grandson. There is a great 
 difference between the Galcrie des Glaces and the rooms con- 
 structed for Marie-Antoinette ; nothing was sumptuous enough 
 for the great King, nothing sufficiently intimate — one might 
 almost say homely — for the chatelaine of the Trianon. 
 
 This sketch of the artistic movement would be incomplete 
 if we said nothing of music. 
 
 Rameau, who is known by his Hippolyte et Aricie, Les Indes 
 galantes and Dardanus, continued Cambert's traditions and 
 Music : enriched orchestration. But after Rameau, who 
 
 Rameau, died in 1764, the French School was poor, and 
 
 Gliick, etc. a u the composers we need mention are Philidor, 
 Mondonville, Monsigny and Dalayrac, who originated the 
 comedy with ariettas, and with them two Belgians who are 
 also very French, Gosscc, and Gretry. The real triumphs 
 went to a foreigner, the " divine " Chevalier Gliick, Marie- 
 Antoinette's protege. Her patronage was not necessary to 
 make him exercise an influence on French opera, his genius 
 was sufficient. The reception which the revivals of Orphee, 
 Alceste and Armide have received of late years prove Gliick's 
 glory better than the most splendid eulogy. From Mozart 
 to Berlioz and Wagner all composers have recognized Gliick 
 as a master who taught them the art of lyric declamation, and 
 subordinated song and rhythm to dramatic expression. 
 
 The Italians, on the older hand, had for some time laid stress 
 on the melody, the bel canto, without always troubling to produce 
 308
 
 THE ARTS 
 
 any sympathy between the music and the words. Heated 
 quarrels divided the two schools. They began in 1752 with the 
 Guerre des Boujfons, so called because the Italians were repre- 
 sented by an Opera bujfa company lately arrived in Paris. Then 
 the La Serva padrona of Pergolesi competed with Mondonville's 
 Titon, a mediocre opera which owed a short-lived success to 
 the quarrel. Jean Jacques Rousseau, who was writing the 
 Devin du Village, next entered the lists, and published his 
 Lettre sur la Musique francaise, to which we have already 
 referred.* 
 
 The hostilities began again with renewed vigour fifteen years 
 later between Gliick and Piccini. The two rivals this time 
 Gliickists and were worthy of each other ; they each composed 
 Piccinists. an Iphigenie en Tauride, which they produced 
 
 simultaneously in Paris. The German composer gained the 
 victory, but there was a continued strife between Gliickists 
 and Piccinists. 
 
 They hurled insults at each other even in the theatre. 
 Bachaumont says that during a performance of Alceste, at the 
 end of the second Act, Mile. Levasseur was interrupted when she 
 was singing : 
 
 II me dechire et m'arrache le coeur.f 
 
 Some one cried out : 
 
 " Ah, Mademoiselle, you are tearing out my ears." 
 
 " Ah, Monsieur," said a neighbour, " what a good thing, if 
 that could give you new ones ! " 
 
 Beneath the notices of the operas of the two rivals jests were 
 written. The Gliickists said of Piceini's Roland, " The author 
 of the poem lives in the Rue des Mauvaises-Paroles (bad- 
 words) and the composer of the music in the Rue des Petits- 
 Chants (little songs) " ; the Piccinists answered, "Monsieur le 
 Chevalier Gliick, the composer of Iphigenie, Orphee, Alceste and 
 Armide lives in the Rue du Grand-Hurleur (great howler)." 
 
 " Snobs " entered the lists ; it is a consolation to know that 
 they have always existed. People who had no idea of the art 
 of music took sides blindly. Among them was the Chevalier de 
 
 * Chapter XII, p. 164. 
 
 t It tortures me and tears my heart out. 
 
 309
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Chastcllux who said that Gliick was a barbarian. One do v. 
 says Madame de Genlis, he tried to dispute with the Marquis 
 de Clermont, a capable musician. 
 
 " My friend," said Clermont, " I am going to sing an air to 
 you, and if you can beat the time of it, I will argue as much as 
 you like on Gliick and Piccini." 
 
 The Chevalier departed ; he distrusted his ear, " that car 
 which was so delicate that it could not stand the uncouth music 
 of Iphigdnie." 
 
 Finally, we may mention some airs which have remained 
 popular and which exhale the delicate perfume and all the charm 
 of the eighteenth century. Gr^try's Tandis que tout sommeille 
 from the Amant jaloux, Exaudet's Menuct, a unique work, like 
 Anvers' Sonnet, and Martini's Plaisir d' Amour. The last-named 
 musician was a German called Schwartzendorf, who, in spite 
 of his Italian pseudonym, wrote exquisite French music. 
 
 II 
 THE SCIENCES 
 
 Clairaut, D'Alembert, Lalande, Lacaille, Reaumur, the Mont- 
 golfiers, Buffon, Tronchin, Quesnay, the Encyclopaedia. 
 
 It is difficult to define with any accuracy the influence of 
 Frenchmen in the sphere of science, for its scope is essentially 
 universal. Its various discoveries are connected with one 
 another, and affect the entire world, forming a continuous 
 whole which may be compared to the nebulae of the Milky 
 Way. 
 
 For instance, in mathematics, Euler and the Bernouillis of 
 Basle, Lagrange of Turin, and Newton lead up us to Clairaut 
 D'Alembert, and d'Alcmbert ; Clairaut, who published his 
 etc. Thtorie de la figure de la Terrc in 1743, after his 
 
 return from his expedition to Lapland, on which he had been 
 accompanied by de Maupcrtuis, Lc Monnicr and Camus, and 
 d'Alcmbert, who at twenty-six published his TraiU dynamique. 
 It is noticeable that the French endeavoured to go beyond 
 pure theory, and attempted to give it a general application. 
 310
 
 THE SCIENCES 
 
 Thus Lalande and the Abbe Lacaille determined the distance 
 between our planet and the moon, and the result of their calcu- 
 lations was definitively accepted. Lacaille spent four years, from 
 1751 to 1755, at the Cape of Good Hope at the expense of the 
 State. His whole mission, including the cost of his instruments, 
 cost 9144 livres 5 sous. When he went for payment to the 
 Treasury agents, these functionaries were greatly surprised, not 
 being accustomed to deal with accounts which revealed such 
 honesty. Money mattered nothing to the savant, who thought 
 himself sufficiently rewarded by the success of his lofty re- 
 searches. 
 
 The study of astronomy advanced in England more especi- 
 ally. Bradley and Herschel made important discoveries for the 
 general benefit, such as the circular movement of the earth and 
 the insertion of Uranus and the satellites of Saturn in the chart 
 of the heavens. 
 
 Again, it was foreigners who established the great physical 
 laws. But Reaumur in 1730 applied them to the thermometer, 
 and the brothers Montgolfier to aerostatics in 
 1783. Modern chemistry is indebted to Lavoisier, 
 who was born in 1743 and died on the scaffold in 1794, and to 
 Berthollet. The former discovered oxygen, and the latter ex- 
 pounded the laws of chemical affinities. Their progress necessi- 
 tated a methodical nomenclature, which was proposed by Guyton 
 de Morveau in 1782, and adopted by Lavoisier, Berthollet, and 
 Fourcroy in 1786. This introduced light into chaos and caused 
 a rapid advancement in practical utility and numerous indus- 
 trial applications. 
 
 The best known among the men of science was Buff on. 
 In his masterly Histoire naturelle he founded Anthropology and 
 Ethnography, and in his Epoques de la nature he 
 anticipated Cuvier's system in many respects. 
 The Jussieus, Lacepede and Daubenton were his collaborators. 
 Buffon is an admirable writer and he even had time to give the 
 secret of his talent. His Discours sur le style is a classic and a 
 literary achievement of the highest merit. Before him Fontenelle 
 had already expounded science to the ignorant, but not quite so 
 ably. 
 
 Medicine was still backward and decidedly empirical with 
 
 311
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 its eternal bleedings, ridiculed by Beaumarchais no less 
 sharply than by Moliere. An Englishman, Jenner, introduced 
 vaccination, and a Genevan, Tronchin, decided to become a 
 hygienist rather than a dispenser of remedies. Once when 
 summoned to the Dauphiness, Marie-Josephe of Saxony, he- 
 had breakfast with the princess and found that she ate too fast. 
 La Brcuillc, her physician-in-ordinary, intervened, and said that 
 the meal usually took seven minutes. 
 
 " It must be fifteen," replied Tronchin. 
 
 The Dauphine declared that she was accustomed to eat fast 
 and could not do otherwise. 
 
 " You must learn, Madame, for good digestion depends 
 on it." 
 
 Society was not accustomed to such authoritative statements, 
 or to such simple precepts, which seemed to show so little 
 Tronchin learning. Consequently Tronchin had to defend 
 
 himself against his confreres in Paris. He caused 
 a revolution and excited much jealousy. The apothecaries were 
 forced to lay down their arms. The Genevan met with great 
 success, and every one wanted to consult him. The .Esculaps 
 of the period laughed when Tronchin placed the Due de Gramont 
 on a diet of cold meat, and ordered Monsieur de Puysieulx to rub 
 himself with pomade, explaining that his internal condition was 
 sound, but that his skin, which he termed the " pie-crust," was 
 too dry, and that this dryness prevented perspiration. They 
 laughed again when the foreign doctor recommended exercise 
 for women, were it only to sweep out their own rooms. But the 
 sick were all the better for following his wise prescriptions, and 
 the mockers were made to look foolish. 
 
 A new science — Political Economy — was created in the 
 eighteenth century ; it was based on material phenomena and 
 Quesnay tne soc ' a ^ interests dependent on them ; it studied 
 
 the productive forces of nature and reckoned with 
 the needs and aspirations of man. Madame de Pompadour's 
 doctor, Quesnay, was the real pioneer of Political Economy, 
 and his aims arc summed up in Turgot's motto : " Freedom of 
 labour and barter." 
 
 D'Alembert and Diderot conceived the idea of combining 
 scientific ideas and all that was known of the various branches 
 312
 
 THE SCIENCES 
 
 of knowledge in an historical work. Such was the origin of the 
 Encyclopedic or Dictionnaire raisonne des sciences, des arts et des 
 The Encyclo- mitiers, the great Palladium of the century. The 
 psedia. first volume appeared in 1751, and the seven- 
 
 teenth in 1765. Those who are wrongly termed philosophers 
 and should be called the secret enemies of metaphysics, made 
 use of this vast store of knowledge to deny everything that was 
 not founded on reason alone, forgetting that though certain 
 facts may be inexplicable, they are none the less worthy to be 
 considered and discussed. A leader of modern thought has made 
 the excellent criticism that " the Encyclopaedists knew every- 
 thing except the indescribable something. . . . Their science 
 distinguishes things as snow distinguishes objects ; it isolates 
 and freezes them. ..." 
 
 Supernatural belief, and at the same time traditions, were 
 overthrown, and scepticism became the fashion. The light 
 which these new men diffused for the future enlightened a 
 merely rationalistic world ; the benefits of their physical dis- 
 coveries compensated humanity to a certain extent, but they 
 forgot that the soul as well as the mind needs comfort and 
 support. Their work was not completely successful; it was 
 lacking in the immortal flame of aspiration towards a future 
 life. To deny a thing does not destroy it. Neither a nation 
 nor a morality can be killed, in spite of the faults and errors 
 of their representatives. 
 
 D'Alembert and Diderot attracted a Pleiad of famous colla- 
 borators : Montesquieu, Rousseau, Buffon, Turgot, and Condillac, 
 each in his own department dealt with purely scientific questions 
 from an uncontroversial standpoint. We may cite Montesquieu's 
 article on taste, Rosseau's dissertation on music, or Turgot's 
 essays on social and administrative economy. After them 
 Voltaire and Holbach were more aggressive, for they took the 
 bull by the horns without always raising their masks ; here the 
 Encyclopedic becomes an arena wherein the champions, appa- 
 rently ashamed of the blows they struck, used the weapon of 
 anonymity. In this they were only half French, for they had 
 no courage. 
 
 Voltaire was the cleverest advertiser of his times ; no one 
 knew better than he did how to secure the success of a work, 
 
 313
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 especially if it were his own. There is a very witty passage 
 of his in which he praises the usefulness of the Encyclopedia 
 pointing out carefully all the good points and cleverly glossing 
 over the bad ones. Under Louis XV at a little supper a 
 discussion arose on ignorance. 
 
 " It is funny," said the Due de Nivernais, " that we amuse 
 ourselves daily killing partridges in the Park of Versailles and 
 sometimes killing men or being killed on the frontier, without 
 knowing exactly what it is that kills." 
 
 " Alas ! it is the same with everything in the world." 
 answered Madame de Pompadour. " I do not know what the 
 rouge which I put on my cheeks is composed of, and I should be 
 much embarrassed if some one asked me how the silk stockings 
 which I am wearing are made." 
 
 ' It is a pity," said the Due de la Valliere, " that his Majesty 
 has confiscated our Dictionnaire Encyclopidique, which cost us 
 each a hundred pistoles. We should soon have found in it 
 the key to everything." 
 
 The King sent for the seventeen volumes and they learnt 
 from them all they had wished to know. 
 
 " Ah ! what a splendid book ! " cried the Marquise, " Sire, 
 did you confiscate this depository of all useful things so as to be 
 its sole possessor and the only savant in your kingdom ? " 
 
 ' Really," answered Louis XV, " I do not know why I was 
 told so much against this book." 
 
 'Well! Do not you see, Sire," answered the Due de 
 Nivernais, " it is because it is excellent ? People never object 
 to the mediocre and dull in anything. If women try to make 
 a newcomer look ridiculous, it is because she is prettier than 
 they." 
 
 " Sire," went on the Comte de Coigny, " you are very happy 
 that men have been found in your reign who know all the arts 
 and can transmit them to posterity. Everything is here ; from 
 the way a pin is made to how to cast and point a cannon, from 
 the smallest to the greatest things. Thank God that your 
 kingdom is the birthplace of those who have served the entire 
 universe. The other nations must buy the Encyclopedic or 
 imitate it. Take everything I have, but give me back my 
 Encyclopidii ." 
 314
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 "All the same," said the King, "they say that there are 
 many faults in this necessary and admirable work." 
 
 " Sire," said the Comte de Coigny, "there were two badly 
 made ragouts at your supper. We did not eat them, and yet 
 we have had plenty. Would you have liked the whole supper 
 to have been thrown out of the window because of those two 
 ragouts ? " 
 
 This scene gives a sparkling summary of a royal conversation. 
 As for the comparison at the end, it was too generous. Except 
 for about fifty articles the famous Dictionnaire raisonne is of 
 very little interest. Besides the articles which are out of date, 
 there are many more than two " badly made " articles in the 
 seventeen volumes. For the rest, Voltaire was quite correct 
 when he said that the Encyclopedic was a harlequin's coat, with 
 a great many pieces of good material, but also a great quantity 
 of rags. 
 
 Ill 
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 Voltaire, Andre Chenier, Destouches, Piron, Gresset, Marivaux, 
 Beaumarchais, Montesquieu, Jean Jacques Rousseau. 
 
 The literature of the eighteenth century is the mirror of 
 
 this positive, seditious period, in which ideas were everything 
 
 and their expression very little. The traditions of beautiful 
 
 style remained, but the heritage was not always respected. 
 
 Such philosophical times do not breed poets, and the 
 
 springs of Hippocrene were dry. The age had the poets that it 
 
 deserved. Voltaire, whose name immediately 
 Voltaire • 
 
 suggests itself when any manifestation of brilliance 
 
 is under discussion, has left epistles, stanzas, and short poems, 
 and even an epic poem and a shameful burlesque ; but practi- 
 cally his one poetic talent lay in correct rhyming and scansion. 
 His malice and ingenuity appear in some of his verses and give 
 them a certain attraction ; he knew how to write a madrigal, 
 but he flattered every one and knocked at all doors at the same 
 time, with the result that his able rhetoric is quite lacking in 
 sincerity. He nattered in turn the Regent, the young King, 
 
 315
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Frederick II, the Queen, the Dauphines, the favourites, from 
 Madame de Prie to Madame du Barry, a strange medley of 
 contradictory eulogies — and of substantial benefits. 
 Voltaire wrote to the King of Prussia : 
 
 O philosophe roi, que ma carriere est belle ! 
 
 J'irai de Sans-Souci, par des chemins de flcurs, 
 
 Aux champs elysiens purler a Marc-Aurele 
 
 Du plus grand de ses successeurs. 
 
 A Salluste jaloux je lirai votre histoire. 
 
 A Lycurgue vos Iois, a Virgile vos vers : 
 
 Je surprendrai les morts ; ils ne pourront me croire ; 
 
 Nul d'eux n'a rassemble tant de talents divers.* 
 
 He sent the same exaggerated compliments to Louis XV, 
 George I, Maria Theresa, Catherine II, and Gustavus III. 
 
 But poetry was not Voltaire's forte : prose was necessary 
 to his lucid mind. H t*- v ^ <r > Ar 
 
 The other poets of the period are forgotten. No one reads 
 La Motte-Houdard, Thomas, Bern is . Saint-Lambert, Roucher, 
 Lebrun, Malfilatre, or Lefranc de Pompignan now. Some, like 
 Jean Baptiste Rousseau, Gilbert, Gresset, and Delille, still have 
 a place in anthologies, but their verses are like dried flowers in a 
 collection. Others, such as Parny, Gentil-Bernard, Dorat, 
 and Piron, are excluded altogether ; their licentious verses have 
 been relegated to the back of the bookshelf, safe from youthful 
 
 Andre Chenier. curiosit y- 0ne true P°et only, Andre" Chenier, 
 was living at the end of the century. He was 
 born at Constantinople. His mother was Greek and his 
 father French, and he seemed predestined to say : 
 
 Sur des pensers nouveaux faites des vers antiqucs.t 
 
 He defended the French language, which had been stigmatized 
 by versifiers who thought to excuse themselves by complaining 
 of the instrument they did not know how to use : 
 
 * O philosopher King, how fair is niv prospect ! I shall go from Sans 
 Sonri by a Bowery path to the Elysian fields to speak to Marcus Aurelius 
 Of the greatest of his BUCCessors. To jealous Sallust I .shall read your 
 history, to LycurgUS your laws, and to Virgil your verses. I shall surprise 
 the dead; they will not be able to believe mt; none of them have 
 combini d so man; different talents. 
 
 t Antique verses on new thoughts. 
 31G
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 II n'est sot traducteur, de sa richesse enfle, 
 
 Sot auteur d'un poeme ou d'un discours siffle . . . 
 
 Qui ne vous avertisse, en sa fiere preface, 
 
 Que si son style epais vous fatigue d'abord . . . 
 
 Si son vers est gene\ sans feu, sans harmonie, 
 
 II n'en est point coupable : il n'est pas sans genie ; 
 
 II a tous les talents qui font les grands succes ; 
 
 Mais enfin, malgre lui, ce langage francais, 
 
 Si faible en ses couleurs, si froid et si timide, 
 
 L'a contraint d'etre lourd, gauche, plat, insipide.* 
 
 Chenier had that " unpremeditated expression " which " has 
 its birth with the inspiration," and is inseparable from it. He 
 could always find the rhythm, the imagery, and the form which 
 suited his ideas ; all these came to him at once and thus he was 
 a true poet. The secret had been lost for a hundred years and 
 Chenier rediscovered it. He makes the gentle kingfishers weep 
 over Myrto, the young Tarentine, and over the young captive 
 whom he endows with an emotion long unknown. Harmony had 
 been forgotten, when all at once sounds like these were heard : 
 
 Je ne suis qu'au printemps, je veux voir la moisson ; 
 Et comme le soleil, de saison en saison 
 
 Je veux achever mon annee. 
 Brillante sur ma tige et l'honneur du jardin, 
 Je n'ai vu luire encor que les feux du matin, 
 
 Je veux achever ma journee.f 
 
 He made the blind poet, the divine Homer, live again in an 
 atmosphere of beauty ; he repeopled the poetic desert with his 
 visions of Greece and his noble enthusiasm ; he reawakened the 
 soul of France with the magic of his melodious words. He had 
 
 * Every foolish translator puffed up with his wealth, every author 
 of a poem or of a discourse which has been hissed . . . tells you, in his 
 pompous preface that if his heavy style tires you at first, ... if his 
 verses are awkward, without fire and without harmony, he is not to 
 blame : he is not without genius ; he has all the talents necessary for a 
 great success. But in spite of himself, this French language, so weak in 
 colour, so cold and so timid, has forced him to be ponderous, clumsy, 
 dull, and insipid. 
 
 t I have only seen the spring, and I wish to behold the harvest : like 
 the sun from season to season I wish to finish my year. Shining on my 
 stalk, the honour of the garden, I have seen as yet only the morning 
 fires ; I wish to finish my day. 
 
 317
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 faults, it is true, his verses are sometimes violent and rhetorical, 
 and he perhaps relied too much on myths. But, though he 
 sometimes indulged too freely in periphrase, he made prosody 
 more flexible and freed it from restraint. 
 
 Andr6 Chenier died on the scaffold on the 7th Thermidor, 
 at thirty years of age, when Fouquicr-Tinville had ceased to 
 keep count of his innocent victims. The poet Roucher was on 
 the same cart with him, and the two friends exchanged this 
 conversation : 
 
 "You," said Chenier, "the most irreproachable of our 
 citizens! A father ! an adored husband ! They are sacrificing 
 you ! " 
 
 " You," answered Roucher, " you, virtuous young man ! 
 They are leading you to death glowing with genius and hope ! ' 
 
 " I have done nothing for posterity," answered Ch6nier, 
 and then he struck his forehead and was heard to add : ' All 
 the same, I had something there.' 1 They both talked of poetry 
 until the last moment, and recited a scene of Andromaque, 
 borrowing the words of Orestes and Pylades as if to take courage 
 under the protection of Racine : 
 
 Oui, puisquc je retrouve un ami si fidclc . . .* 
 
 The dramatists endeavoured to maintain the prestige of 
 tragedy, and poured forth their alexandrines. But their dramas, 
 though often well designed, had more regard for 
 the tastes of the public, for whom they had been 
 composed, than for art ; however, they enriched their authors 
 and the booksellers, and gave excellent opportunities to ex- 
 cellent actors. With the exception of Voltaire's Zaire, an 
 imitation of Shakespeare, which was the masterpiece of the 
 Louis XV style, and his Merope, nothing of this vast repertory 
 has survived. Who would think of reviving Crebillon's tragedies 
 with their improbable scenes founded on incognitos, or those 
 of Lemierre, La Harpe, Belloy, who wrote he Siege dc Calais. 
 or Saurin ? Ducis with his feeble adaptations of Shakespeare 
 was well intentioned, but artless and ridiculous. 
 
 Comedy in v« pse was more honourably upheld ; not that any 
 
 * Yes, u I find again so faithful a friend . . . 
 818
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 pleasure can be derived from glancing at the works of Destouches. 
 It is better to go back to the source from which he draws his 
 material, La Bruyere. Having borrowed his character, such 
 as the Ungrateful, the Irresolute, the Calumniator, or the Boaster 
 from the latter, he dramatized it as well as he could with a 
 setting of supernumaries and puppets. Let us give Destouches 
 the credit due to him for the following line, which is so 
 often attributed to Boileau : 
 
 La critique est aisee, et l'art est difficile.* 
 
 Destouches had the further distinction of being preferred to 
 Moliere by Lessing in his Hamburgische Dramaturgic 
 
 Satirical comedies, such as Piron's Metromanie and Gresset's 
 Mediant, raised the standard of the theatre. Piron drew the 
 character of a poet who could see nothing but 
 poetry in everything, very wittily. His metro- 
 maniac pursued the passers-by with his verses, and was always 
 dreaming abstractedly ; he did not live in the same planet as 
 mankind. The plot of this comedy is very complex, but it 
 shows its superiority in its natural and expressive style. The 
 famous quotation " J'ai ri, et me voila desarme " f is from 
 Metromanie. Gresset, the author of Vert-Vert, tried his hand 
 at comedy and had some success. His Mechant says : 
 
 Les sots sont ici-bas pour nos menus plaisirs, X 
 
 and the whole play is merely a development of this clever line. 
 Cleon takes a malicious pleasure not only in laughing at 
 exhibitions of foolishness, but in provoking them. A young 
 coxcomb thinks it fine to follow his example and there is an 
 extremely funny dialogue between the Mechant and his pupil. 
 The five acts are filled with familiar and much-quoted verses : 
 
 L'esprit qu'on veut avoir gate celui qu'on a . . .§ 
 L'aigle d'une maison n'est qu'un sot dans une autre. . . .|| 
 Elle a d'assez beaux yeux pour des yeux de province.1I 
 
 * Criticism is easy and art is difficult. 
 
 t I laughed and so I was disarmed. 
 
 X Fools are here below for our distraction. 
 
 § The wit one wishes to have spoils that which one has. 
 
 II The eagle of one house is but a fool in another. 
 
 11 Her eyes are fairly beautiful for provincial eyes. 
 
 319
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 There were no real successors to Molierc and Rcgnard. 
 Piron and Cresset, however, were able to amuse their contem- 
 poraries, and they created some types which amuse us also. 
 
 But two dramatists, Marivaux and Beaumarchais, struck 
 an entirely new note and seem to sum up all the wit of the 
 eighteenth century as perfectly as Watteau and La Tour. 
 
 There were some attempts at sentimental comedies and 
 popular dramas. La Chauss6e and Diderot were in this respect 
 the somewhat tedious and solemn ancestors of melodrama. They 
 outlined a genre which was to develop later with a liberal admix- 
 ture of laughter and tears. But Marivaux and Beaumarchais 
 left a definitive work with stremgly marked individuality ; they 
 seem to have had no masters and to have formed no pupils. It 
 is difficult to imitate the charming subtlety of the former and 
 the audacious impertinence of the latter. The mark of the 
 creative writer is that he cannot be imitated. 
 
 The author of Fausscs Confidences was so original that a 
 word had to be coined to describe his talent and wit. This 
 
 . word is marivaudagc, and by it his comedies may 
 
 be recognized, as all his actors marivaudent, that 
 is to say, speak with an ease, grace, and irony that can scarcely 
 be met with elsewhere. They are all akin, the Luciles and 
 Dorantes, as well as the Lisette and Lubins, the countesses and 
 coxcombs, as well as the maids and valets. This may be a fault 
 from the standpoint of dramatic truth, but he takes his reader 
 into a romantic dream, into a rose and blue world, and we must 
 become familiar with the exceptional beings who people this 
 realm of poetry. A great critic, Paul de Saint- Victor, has so 
 well expressed the enchantment produced by Marivaux's plays, 
 that we cannot refrain from quoting him. He tells a pretty 
 story about them : " A fairy entered, at midnight, the great 
 hall of an old castle hung with high warp tapestries. The shep- 
 herds of the Astre'c and the nymphs of the Aminte were playing 
 their flutes or drawing their bows, enthroned on clouds or con- 
 versing in green arbours all along walls transformed into idyllic 
 gardens. But the autumn of centuries had passed over this 
 spring of colour, the sky was getting yellow, and the figures 
 themselves had begun to fade. . . . All these frail people were 
 falling away, stitch by stitch, showing the inner void. A few 
 320
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 days more and their fictitious existence would be over. The 
 fairy touched this fading phantasmagoria with her wand and 
 suddenly a magic life animated it. . . . That is the miracle 
 which occurs at each revival of Marivaux comedies, which are 
 now as faded as ancient tapestry. This society of which he has 
 recorded the fleeting brilliance in a silver and silken style is a 
 thing of the past. The characters are as strange to us as the 
 inhabitants of the planet Venus. . . . Yet whenever this 
 Eldorado is staged the charm works and the enchantment is 
 complete. . . . We once more fall in love with this exquisite 
 world, these delicate metaphysics, and the gentle maids whose 
 subtle loves make one think of the marriage of flowers and the 
 interchange of their perfumes." 
 
 One of the dialogues will give a better idea of marivaudage 
 than any commentary. The following takes place between 
 Lepine, the Marquis' valet, and Lisette, the Comtesse's maid, 
 who exchange gallant remarks : 
 
 Lisette. I am busy, and I shall leave you. 
 
 Lepine. Gently, Mademoiselle, wait a minute. I think it 
 time to tell you of a little accident that is happening to me. 
 
 Lisette. Well ? 
 
 Lepine. As a man of honour, I had not realized your 
 charms. I was not acquainted with your appearance. 
 
 Lisette. What does that matter ? I can say the same 
 about you : I have only just got to know yours. 
 
 Lepine. The lady thought that we loved each other. 
 
 Lisette. Well, she thought wrong. 
 
 Lepine. Wait : this is the accident. Her words made my 
 eyes rest on you more attentively than usual. ... It is certain 
 that my master has very tender feelings for your mistress. 
 This very day he told me that he contemplated telling you of 
 his sentiments. 
 
 Lisette. Just as he likes. The answer that I shall have 
 the honour of communicating to him will be short. 
 
 Lepine. Let us note, by the way, that the Comtesse likes 
 the society of my master and that it delights her to see him. 
 You will say that our people are strange creatures and I agree 
 with you. The Marquis, who is a simple man and not at all 
 daring in his speech, will never venture to make a declaration, 
 
 x 321
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 and the Comtcsse is terrified of declarations. In this conjuncture 
 I consider we had better encourage these two. What will 
 happen ? They will love each other honestly and simply, and 
 they will marry in the same way. What will follow? That 
 when you see me your comrade you will make me your husband, 
 from the sweet habit of seeing me. Well then ! speak ! are 
 
 you willing ? 
 
 If the Comtcsse and Lisette had said " Yes " immediately, 
 the comedy would have been finished too soon, and there would 
 have been no marivaudage. But our author has to follow a 
 labyrinth before arriving at a foregone conclusion, and th.it 
 is the secret of his subtle art and his sentimentality. His 
 conversations, in which there is never a raising of voices, never 
 anything dull, are a pleasure to readers even more perhaps 
 than to spectators — a pleasure similar to that which wc feci 
 when looking at a scene by Watteau. He revives the age of 
 elegance and refinement. 
 
 Beaumarchais' comedies are so intimately connected with 
 the social movement of the century that it has already been 
 necessary to refer to them in connection with the Manage dc 
 Fi«aro. which created such a sensation in 1781. It announced 
 the new era in clarion notes. 
 
 Beaumarchais had given evidence of his talent before this 
 
 brilliant satire. On February 23, 1775, the Barbicr de SiviUe 
 
 was produced, in which Figaro, created to utter 
 
 Beaumarchais. ^^^ aphorisms> prepared the public for the 
 
 audacities to come. He begins with such dicta as : " The great 
 do us sufficient good when they do us no harm," and " Consider- 
 ing the virtues required of a domestic, docs your Excellency 
 know many masters who are fit to be servants ? " As he began, 
 so he continued. In the Mariagc he put away all restraint and 
 openly pleaded the cause of the oppressed. " Because you are a 
 great noble you believe yourself to be a great genius ! Nobility, 
 fortune, rank, place, all these make men proud ! What have 
 you done for all these fine things ? You have done nothing 
 but give yourself the trouble of being born : in other respects 
 you are quite an ordinary individual ! While I, who am lost 
 in the crowd of the obscure, have had to display more science 
 and more calculation merely to exist than have been expended
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 for the last hundred years in the government of all the Spains ! " 
 Figaro's description of his existence in the famous monologue 
 in the fifth act ends with an extremely pessimistic confession : 
 " Now master, now servant, as it pleases fortune, made ambitious 
 by vanity and laborious by necessity, but delighting in idleness ! 
 I have seen everything, done everything, worn out everything. 
 Then my illusions were shattered and I am disabused . . . 
 Disabused ! " We can see what this Folic journee means, how 
 its comic humour and reckless wit will speedily lead to the 
 abandonment of principles. These two comedies, though one is 
 scarcely more than a timid preface to the other, are the whole 
 of Beaumarchais. The rest of his plays are unimportant ; 
 neither his first two productions, Eug&nie published in 17C7 and 
 Les Deux Amis published in 1770, nor his last comedy, La Mere 
 Coupable, a sequel to the Mariage de Figaro, can be compared 
 with the masterpieces which still charm us, though we have 
 forgotten the moment at which they were written, and the 
 influence they had on the already doomed reign of the unhappy 
 Louis XVI. 
 
 Beaumarchais broadened the theatrical horizon. He made a 
 rostrum of the stage. The prose-writers, moralists, philosophers 
 . or historians who are next to be dealt with show 
 
 where the dramatist found his inspiration ; he 
 was the brilliant mouthpiece of the ideas of Montesquieu, 
 Voltaire, and Jean Jacques Rousseau, to quote only the great 
 leaders. Charles le Secondat, Baron de la Brede et de Montesquieu 
 published his Lettres Persanes in 1721 in the middle of the 
 Regency. This nobleman, who was President of the Bordeaux 
 Parliament, made his first appearance with a book which was 
 apparently light, but which, nevertheless, foreshadowed the 
 author of the Esprit des Lois. His Persian who was so anxious 
 to know Paris was a shrewd observer, a witty satirist, and had 
 read La Bruyere. He made jokes, but he touched on grave 
 social, political, and religious questions. In his Considerations 
 sur la grandeur et la decadence des Romains and the Esprit des 
 Lois which followed it, serious though these works are, we are 
 sometimes astonished to find reminiscences of Usbeck's vein of 
 humour. Madame du Deffand called the Esprit des Lois 
 " witticisms on the laws " (de V esprit sur les lois) and Voltaire 
 
 323
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 asked if it were seemly " to make jokes in a work on juris- 
 prudence." 
 
 But these echoes of the style of the Ldtrcs Pcrsancs in no 
 way detract from the value of these books, and Montesquieu's 
 exposition of the philosophy of modern history. " It is not 
 Fortune which governs the world," he says. " There are general 
 causes either moral or physical which raise, maintain, or over- 
 throw each monarchy. All the incidents arc in subjection 
 to these causes. If the loss of a battle, that is to say, a particular 
 cause, has destroyed a State, there must have been a general 
 cause which made it possible for this State to perish as the 
 n suit of a single battle. In short the general tendencies 
 bring about all the particular incidents." Montesquieu upset 
 liossuct's " divine " theory and explained how laws are formed 
 under the influence of government, climate, religion, and 
 custom. His style gave jurisprudence a place in literature, 
 just as the brilliant writer BulTon gave Natural History a claim 
 to rank as such. 
 
 Voltaire, at the age of twenty-five, in 1719 had his CEdipe 
 produced, and until his death in 1778 he wrote indefat igably 
 Voltaire's f° r the public and his friends. His letters in 
 
 Prose. many volumes form nearly a third of his works, 
 
 and are attractive reading. In these he faithfully portrays 
 himself with this enthusiasms, weaknesses, love of his neighbour 
 and himself, his temperament, and his infirmities. They all 
 have intense vitality ; the language is marvellous, limpid, and 
 clear ; the tone by turns tender, violent, or witty. They are 
 the psychological index of the most active existence the world 
 has ever seen. Voltaire the man did not sufficiently resemble 
 Voltaire the writer; his character was mediocre. Under the 
 cloak of an apostle of noble and generous ideas, the dress of the 
 courtier is always to be seen. Across that face of a superb 
 classic ugliness immortalized by Houdon, flits a disconcerting 
 ironical smile. It is indeed the face of a man who has scoffed 
 :il holy things. And yet Voltaire was a king. At the end I I 
 his life he reigned supreme over men's minds, and all the in- 
 tellectuals felt this influence which was prolonged through so 
 man} g< a< ral inns. 
 
 A quarrel may be said to have decided Voltaire's vocation. 
 82 i
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 He was beaten by the Chevalier de Rohan's servants, put in 
 the Bastille, and only released after a fortnight on condition that 
 Voltaire in he would go to England (May 2, 1726), whence 
 England. he brought back his Lettres Philosophiques, 
 
 which were published in 1734. These letters created a great 
 stir ; they popularized English ideas and caused more to be 
 known about Bacon, Locke, and Newton, the religious sects, 
 and the English Constitution. They also revealed Shakespeare 
 to the French. Voltaire's sarcastic temperament could not 
 resist comparisons between the liberties of one country and the 
 privileges of the other. He said : " A man because he is noble 
 or a priest is not exempt here from paying certain taxes. Every 
 one pays. Every one gives, not according to his rank (which is 
 absurd) but according to his income." 
 
 " The English nation is the only one in the world which 
 has succeeded in regulating the power of kings by resisting 
 them." 
 
 " If there were only one religion in England, its despotism 
 would be a menace ; if there were two they would cut each 
 other's throats ; but there are thirty, and they live happily and 
 in peace." 
 
 Men denounced the " horrible consequences " of maxims 
 predestined to " arm subjects and foment revolts." The Abbe 
 Molinier thus defines his adversaries', the philosophers', pro- 
 fession of faith : " It is a new sort of monster in society, which 
 acknowledges none of the claims of custom, propriety, politics 
 or religion. Anything may be expected from these gentlemen." 
 Voltaire began the campaign which was to last through the 
 whole century. 
 
 By a decree of June 10, 1734, the Parliament ordered his 
 Lettres to be publicly burned. This made him nervous and he 
 Voltaire at took refuge at Cirey-sur-Blaise with the Marquise 
 Berlin. du Chatelet, the celebrated mathematician ; once 
 
 there, as it was near the frontier, he could cross into Lorraine 
 at the first sign of danger. At Cirey the young philosopher 
 began his Steele de Louis XIV, thus continuing his historical 
 work, which had had so successful a beginning in his Charles XII. 
 He regained favour at Court, was made Gentleman in Ordinary 
 and Royal Historian, and finally was elected to the Academie 
 
 325
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Francaise in 1716. When Madame du Chatelet died, he decided 
 to accept the King of Prussia's repeated offers, and went to 
 Potsdam to him whom he had called the " Solomon of the 
 North."' He was delighted with his host and his Court. "A 
 hundred and fifty thousand victorious soldiers," he wrote, " no 
 Public Prosecutor, opera, comedy, philosophy, poetry, a philo- 
 sophical and poetic hero, grandeur and grace, grenadiers and 
 Muses, trumpets and violins, Platonic repose, society and 
 liberty. Who would believe it ? All this is true." This dream 
 was to last three years. At first Voltaire said : " I give an hour 
 each day to the King of Prussia to polish up his prose and 
 poetical works ; I am his grammarian, not his chamberlain." 
 Then when a quarrel arose about Maupertuis, the geometrician, 
 President of the Berlin Academy, he remarked that his duty was 
 " to wash the Kings dirty linen,"' whilst Frederick declared cyni- 
 cally : " one squeezes the orange and throws away the skin." 
 
 Voltaire went in search of liberty to the territory of the 
 Genevan Republic, and took an estate at Saint-Jean which he 
 called Les Deliccs. It still exists near the gates of the town. 
 But here he came into collision with the narrowness of certain 
 Calvinistic ideas. Lckain came to Les Deliccs and gave some 
 performances which aroused the susceptibilities of the Consistory, 
 the enemy of " innovations so contrary to religion and morals." 
 Then began, in 1755, Voltaire's quarrel with Rousseau about the 
 Pohne sur le desastre de Lisbonne. Jean- Jacques wrote a 
 defence of Providence which Voltaire answered with his Cand'ulc. 
 This finished the discussion. But Les Devices had lost its charm, 
 Voltaire at and Voltaire went to live at Ferney in the district 
 Ferney. of Gex, and there for twenty years he combined 
 
 the roles of nobleman, somewhat unscrupulous speculator, and 
 literary man. lie still held the Tourney estate which had been 
 presented to him by the President de Brosses, and he used to 
 say : ' I am of every nation." He certainly possessed a large 
 tract of land stretching into Switzerland, Geneva, France, and 
 the Duchy of Savoy. He wrote to his friend Thierot : " It 
 brings in altogether about 10,000 livrcs of annual income, and 
 il saves me more than 20,000, for these three estates practically 
 pay all the expentt 9 of a household, in which I have more than 
 thirty people and more than twelve horses to feed." 
 326
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 Fcrncy is now a pilgrimage for all travellers who stop at 
 Geneva. There is the chateau in the " Doric style " of archi- 
 tecture, on the frieze of which Voltaire fecit was inscribed. The 
 rooms are spacious and filled with souvenirs, and the park is 
 especially stately. Voltaire could say with justice : " Ferney 
 has become one of the pleasantest spots on earth. I have 
 made gardens which are like the tragedy which is forming in 
 my head. They are like nothing else. Vines in festoons 
 stretch away into the distance ; four rustic gardens at the four 
 cardinal points, the house in the middle, practically no regu- 
 larity." To-day the trees have grown, the hedges are thick 
 and well kept, the walks are shady, and the great green arbours 
 have all the poetry of beautiful old things. In such a spot it is 
 easy to conjure up visions of the life of a man supremely happy 
 in that he was conscious of his good fortune. From Ferney 
 Voltaire sent forth many works : Le Dictionnairc Philosophigue 
 in 1764, Histoire de la Russie sous Pierre le Grand, and philan- 
 thropic pamphlets such as the Commentaire des delits et des 
 peines, Le Cri du sang innocent and others connected with his 
 celebrated vindications of Calas, Sirven, and Lally-Tollendal. 
 In February 1788 the " patriarch " went to Paris where an 
 enthusiastic reception awaited him. The people crowded into 
 the streets to see him pass, the horses were taken out of his 
 carriage, which was then drawn by his admirers. Visitors 
 nocked to him, among them deputations from the Comedie 
 Francaise and the Academie, Gliick, Madame Necker, Madame 
 de Polignac, representing the Queen, Madame du Barry, and 
 ambassadors, such as Franklin, whose grandson he blessed 
 saying : " God and Liberty." On March 80, after the sixth 
 performance of Irene, the actors crowned the bust of the 
 dramatist before a crowd of enthusiastic spectators. 
 
 " You wish then to kill me with glory," said the poet. He 
 did not know how truly he was speaking. He died on May 30, 
 Death of at the house of his friend the Marquis de Villette, 
 
 Voltaire. at the corner of the Rue de Beaune and the Quai 
 
 Voltaire, formerly the Quai des Theatins. He passed away 
 terrified at the thought of the great mystery. He received 
 priests, but only made a lay confession : " I die adoring God, loving 
 my friends, not hating my enemies, and loathing persecution." 
 
 327
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 His name has been a political watchword under different 
 rigtmes, but in this respect times have changed, and it lias 
 now lost its prestige. A master of modern criticism, Monsieur 
 (i. Lanson, has said with justice : " It seems to me incontestable 
 that if Voltaire continues to exercise any influence on our France 
 it must be a purely literary and intellectual influence. . . . 
 Since the downfall of naturalism and the symbolistic crisis, the 
 evolution of prose must be towards brilliant light, that is to 
 say, the eighteenth century and Voltaire." 
 
 If the patriarch of Ferney was happy, Jean Jacques Rousseau 
 
 was the most unhappy man of his times. He was sickly from 
 
 _ _ _ a child ; all through his life he suffered both in 
 
 J. J. Rousseau. , , , . , F , , 
 
 body and mind ; he was strange, brusque, surly, 
 
 and full of pride, and yet he was timid, sympathetic, and kind, 
 and he inspires a profound pity, and the consideration which one 
 feels for the irresponsible and the unbalanced. Rousseau, in 
 spite of everything, forces us to admire his literary powers. 
 It is impossible to deny his genius as a writer, the novelty of 
 his harmonious diction, and the emotions — slightly morbid 
 — which he felt in contemplating nature. He rendered prose 
 poetical, and putting green on his palette, unfolded the beauties 
 of the country ; he was the forerunner of a generation of stylists 
 numbering among them Bernardin de Saint-Pierre and Chateau- 
 briand. Madame de S6vign6 had introduced " la feuille qui 
 chante " ; * but that was a mere solo ; Jean Jacques gave the 
 whole symphony. 
 
 He was born at Geneva in 1712 ; his cducat ion was neglected : 
 he had no fortune and had consequently to think of making his 
 own livelihood. He tried everything ; he was scribe, engraver, 
 teacher, practically a domestic servant, secretary, and copy] i 
 of music. His existence was a paradox, like his thoughts and 
 his work. He began to write when lie was nearly thirty, and 
 liis first success was the Disconrs ew lee Sciences ei lee irts, 
 which was crowned by the Dijon Academic in 1750. In this 
 he set himself against society and civilization. Next he wrote 
 the Nouvrllr Urhiisc and fitnile, that strange contradictory 
 treatise written for other people's children by a man who 
 repudiated his own. Entile was rewarded by a decree of arrest. 
 
 * The si aging leaf. 
 328
 
 LITERATURE 
 
 He left Paris by favour of the Marechal dc Luxembourg, 
 and took refuge first in Switzerland and then in England. 
 Afterwards he returned to France and accepted the hospitality 
 of the Marquis de Girardin, as he accepted the hospitality 
 of so many nobles whose kindness he abused. He died at 
 Ermenonville in 1778, some weeks after his cruel enemy 
 Voltaire. 
 
 Rousseau was the most personal of the philosophers. The 
 general idea of all his books is that man was good and that 
 society made him wicked, that he was free and that society 
 made him a slave, that he was happy and that society made him 
 miserable. He preached for the good of all, but in reality he 
 was defending his own cause. His defence was all the more 
 sincere. He sought remedies for the existing state of things, 
 and set them forth in the Nouvelle Heloise, but unfortunately 
 he did not find them for himself. From the point of view of 
 politics, he explained in the Conirat Social what society should 
 be, and his book formed the gospel of the Constituent Assembly ; 
 in it they found the principles of equality, liberty, and fraternity 
 and adopting the Profession de foi du Vicaire Savoyard they 
 maintained the omnipotence of God, the source of moral energy. 
 Thus an entire creed was evolved by this troubled life and 
 excited brain. Its details are sometimes contradictory, but 
 as a whole it shows complete unity. To Rousseau's credit it 
 must be said that he never disowned his books, and never, like 
 Voltaire, wrote anonymously. 
 
 From a social point of view some people hold the eighteenth 
 century to be the great century. This sketch of the writers of 
 the period shows the new elements they introduced into litera- 
 ture and the conceptions they gave to the world. In this 
 respect they are great. Voltaire, Montesquieu, Rousseau, and 
 Beaumarchais spoke with infinite brilliance and eloquence ; 
 each in his own way upheld the complaints of the people against 
 the privileged classes. But they saw their work accomplished, 
 and their works are retrospective witnesses thereto. Under 
 Louis XIV the masterpieces of Bossuet, Racine, Moliere, 
 Corneille, Pascal, and La Bruyere soar above their times and 
 will be always a source of pure artistic delight. The beauty 
 and eternal interest of the Oraisons funbbres, Andromaque, Le 
 
 329
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 Misanthrope, Ic Cid, Lex PetlfieS, and Lcs Caractcrcs have no true 
 parallels in the eighteenth century. 
 
 IV 
 THE SALONS 
 
 The Duchesse du Maine, the Prince de Conti, the Marquise dc 
 
 Lambert, Madame dc Tcncin, Madame Geoffrin. 
 
 THE society which devoured the works of the philosophers 
 and rushed in crowds to the theatre when Beaumar- 
 chais was played, claims a place in this last chapter. 
 The salons, where authors expounded their ideas before haying 
 them printed, give an insight into literary manners and com- 
 plete the picture. These gatherings date really from the death of 
 Louis XIV. Until then courtiers were contented with one 
 The Duchesse circle, and the homage went to one person alone, 
 du Maine. Madame du Maine marks the transition from the 
 
 seventeenth to the eighteenth century. Sccaux was still a 
 court. It was there that the Grandcs Nuils were instituted, 
 meetings devoted to gaming, and literary diversions whose 
 subject was always praise of the mistress of this semi-royal 
 household. One evening a deputation from Greenland made a 
 surprise visit : " Renown," said the chief, " has told us of the 
 virtues, charms, and inclinations of Your Most Serene Highness. 
 We have seen that she abhors the sun . . ." and they offered 
 the crown of Greenland to the princess. Another time the 
 diversion was astronomic ; savants had discovered a new star 
 and that star was Madame du Maine. 
 
 Her intimates, who were responsible for these flatteries, were 
 numerous. First of all Malczicu, ex-tutor to the Due du 
 Maine, who combined the roles of secretary and savant. " His 
 decisions," said the brilliant Madame dc Staal-Delaunay, 
 attendant on Madame du Maine, "were as infallible as w< p 
 1 hose of Pythagoras amongst his diseiples. The hoi test disputes 
 ended the moment that anyone asserted: hetaidsol" Then 
 there was t he Cardinal de Polignac, titular professor of philosophy 
 to the little court. He was the author of the Anti-Lucrece, 
 3.30
 
 THE SALONS 
 
 a Latin poem written in defence of morals and theology. Another 
 was the President de Mesmes, who unbent so far as to per- 
 form comedies for the Duchess' diversion. There were others 
 among them who were genuine men of letters, such as the 
 Abbe de Chaulieu the poet, Fontenelle, and Voltaire. 
 
 On one occasion some one asked Fontenelle in the Duchess's 
 presence : 
 
 " What is the difference between a clock and Madame du 
 Maine ? " 
 
 " One tells the hours, the other makes one forget them," 
 replied Fontenelle. 
 
 Voltaire, to redeem a forfeit, made the following well-known 
 
 enigma : 
 
 Cinq voyelles, une consonne 
 En francais composent raon noni, 
 Et je porte sur ma personne 
 De quoi l'ecrire sans crayon.* 
 
 Everyone was in ectasies when the Duchesse guessed oiseau 
 (a bird). 
 
 It is strange that the Cellamare conspiracy should have 
 originated in this atmosphere. But this opera-goddess naturally 
 aspired to play a part in a tragi-comedy.f 
 
 We may pass over the Regent's Court at the Palais Royal, 
 celebrated for its suppers and orgies ; the next salon of im- 
 The Prince portance was that of the Prince de Conti, who 
 de Conti. received a select society at the Temple. In 
 
 Ollivier's little picture in the Louvre we are shown the Princesse 
 de Beauvau, the Comtesse de Boufflers, the Comtesse d'Egmont, 
 the Marechale de Luxembourg, the Marechale de Mirepoix, the 
 President Henault, the Bailie de Chabrillant, Pont-de-Veyle, 
 Trudaine, and others. The child Mozart is at the harpsichord, 
 and beside him is Jelyotte singing and accompanying himself 
 on the guitar. This picture is a most precious document ; it 
 shows the atmosphere of sober elegance which reigned at the 
 meetings of all these great ladies, clever men, and artists. 
 
 The Prince de Conti was that Louis -Francois de Bourbon 
 
 * Five vowels and one consonant compose my name in French, and 
 I carry on my person that with which to write it without a pencil, 
 t See chap, iv, pp. 46, 47. 
 
 331
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 who was for a Long time candidate for the throne <>f Poland, 
 and was concerned in the secrel diplomacy of Louis XV. His 
 Versailles was the Ch&teau de L'He-Adam. According to a con- 
 temporary he was very well made, and in that respect he WBS 
 unlike the rest of the Colitis, who had an hereditary hump. 
 His bearing was noble and majestic, Ids feat hits handsome and 
 regular, Ins face agreeable and intellectual, and his looks 
 proud or gentle as occasion demanded lie expressed himself 
 on every subject with considerable warmth and power. 
 
 lie had conducted many brilliant campaigns, particularly 
 in Italy in 1744; he was even compared to his ancestor, the 
 hero of Lens and Rocroi. He was one of the protectors of 
 Rousseau, Beaumarchais, and the Chevalier de Florian. The 
 Prince de Conti will always be the type of a witty and intelligent 
 patrician. 
 
 But it was private individuals, and even ladies of the middle 
 classes who gave the tone to society. With them there was 
 more conscious freedom and less feeling of restraint. In their 
 houses there was a sort of republic on Athenian lines, com- 
 posed of men of the world and men of letters. We will enter 
 some of their doors, and the Marquise de Lambert, Madame de 
 Tencin, and Madame de Gcoffrin shall in turn disclose the 
 histories of their little "kingdoms." 
 
 The Marquise de Lambert was a woman of considerable 
 attainments. This fact is proved by her Avis a sa fille, In r 
 The Marquise AoU a sonfils, and her Traitd dc la VieiUesse. Her 
 de Lambert. ideas were shrewd and her style good, if a trifle 
 laboured, and she was a judge of character. Some of her 
 maxims, which date from the end of Louis XIV's reign, antici- 
 pate Vauvenargucs and Rousseau. For instance: "Accustom 
 yourselves to show kindness and consideration to your sei vants. 
 An ancient writer once said that they should be regarded as 
 unfortunate friends." "By the word conscience I mean that 
 inward sense in an honourable man, which tells him whether 
 he has anything with which to reproach himself." "I exhort, 
 you, my son, to improve your heart far more than to perfect 
 your mind. Man's true greatness is in his heart." 
 
 Sin- lived in a pari of the old Palais Ma/arin which she 
 rented from the Due de Nevers. There, on the Tuesday and 
 332
 
 THE SALONS 
 
 Wednesday in each week from 1710 to 1733, a chosen circle 
 of aristocratic and literary guests met together. Members of 
 the Academy were welcomed, and they readily listened to 
 Madame de Lambert's suggestions. People were scarcely ad- 
 mitted under the " Cupola " " unless they had been presented 
 at her house and by her." Thus said Argenson, and he knew 
 better than anyone. He frequented her salon most assiduously 
 and has left some lines on the death of the Marquise, giving his 
 impressions in the form of a funeral oration : "I have just 
 sustained a great loss in the death of Madame la Marquise de 
 Lambert at the age of eighty-six. ... It was an honour to be 
 admitted to her house. I went there to dinner regularly on 
 Wednesdays, which was one of her days. In the evening she 
 held her reception, where the guests conversed and there was 
 no more question of cards than at the famous Hotel de Ram- 
 bouillet, so much praised by Voiture and Balzac. She was rich 
 and made good use of her wealth by generosity to her friends, 
 and particularly to the unfortunate." This compensates for 
 Marais' mockery and Lesage's banter of " the Marquise de 
 Chaves " in a chapter of Gil Bias. 
 
 Under the Regency, Madame de Lambert maintained the 
 traditions of politeness and good taste. These were not always 
 Madame de predominant in Madame de Tencin's salon, for 
 Tencin. there intrigue prevailed, and the hum of conver- 
 
 sation became an uproar. " She was," said Marmontel, " a 
 woman of profound sense, but her good-natured and simple 
 exterior made her look more like the housekeeper than the 
 mistress of the house." Marivaux owed much to this lady. In 
 his Vie de Marianne he sketched some of the features of his 
 benefactress' society. " Marivaux," said Marmontel, " often 
 embarrassed his hearers by sophisms which were sufficiently 
 subtle to appear simple, and Madame de Tencin was always 
 embarrassing Marivaux by observations which hid wisdom 
 under extreme simplicity." 
 
 One day some ludicrous verses by Colle were read in Fonte- 
 nelle's presence. Fontenelle did not quite understand and asked 
 that the couplet should be read again. 
 
 " Why you great imbecile ! " cried Madame de Tencin, " do 
 you not see that it is only nonsense ? " 
 
 333
 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 
 
 "It so resembles," replied Fontenelle, "all the verses I 
 hear read and sung here, it is not astonishing that I made a 
 mistake." 
 
 Madame de Tencin died in 1749. She knew Madame 
 Geoffrin and left her this advice : " Do not discourage people ; 
 even though nine people out of ten will not take an atom of 
 trouble for you, the tenth may become a useful friend." Sua id 
 says that she knew how to use a fool as well as a wise man. 
 She foresaw that Madame Geoffrin would one day take her place, 
 and she said to her friends in her middle-class way : 
 
 " Do you know what the Geoffrin comes here for ? She 
 comes to see what she can pick up out of my inventory." 
 
 Bladame Geoffrin's salon was the most characteristic of the 
 eighteenth century ; the mingling of the classes began there 
 Madame more than anywhere else. " Her house," said 
 
 Geoffrin. the Memoir es secrets, " is the rendezvous of 
 
 savants, artists, and famous men of all sorts. Foreigners 
 especially considered they had seen nothing in France if they 
 had not been presented to this celebrity." 
 
 At Madame Geoffrin's everything was done with as much 
 regularity as in a public office ; there were two dinners a 
 week, the one on Monday for artists such as Van Loo, Vernet, 
 Boucher, Vien, Soufflot, and Lemoine, and the other on Wednes- 
 day for men of letters like d'Alembcrt, Marivaux, Marmontel, 
 Morellet, Saint-Lambert, and d'llolbach. Madame Geoffrin 
 kept the conversation well under her control ; if it strayed on 
 to vexed questions such as religious belief, although she approved 
 of the Encyclopaedists, Madame Geoffrin stopped the discussion 
 with, That is all right, and it was useless to say more as this was 
 known to be her last word, and they were obliged to go and 
 make their Sabbath elsewhere. She herself talked little, though 
 when she did she spoke sensibly, and either introduced a maxim 
 or some well-told anecdote. She once said to the Chevalier 
 dc Coigny, who was telling an interminable story : " Would you 
 be so good as to carve this capon ? " and as the young man took 
 a very little knife out of his pocket, she added : " To succeed 
 in this country, one must have large knives and little stories." 
 
 Her wit was particularly used against bores, whom she could 
 Dot endure, and importunate visitors who stayed too long. 
 884
 
 THE SALONS 
 
 One day when she saw the good Abbe de Saint-Pierre settle 
 himself down in her drawing-room for a long winter's evening, 
 she was for the moment appalled, and then she rose to the 
 occasion and drew him out to such an extent that she made him 
 amusing. He was astonished, and when she complimented 
 him on his conversation, he answered as he took leave : 
 
 " Madame, I am only an instrument on which you have 
 played well." 
 
 Chatterers made her turn pale and " feel like death," and 
 yet she managed to put up with them if, as she said, " they 
 were simply chatterers, and only wished to speak without 
 expecting any answer. My friend Fontenelle, who pardoned 
 them as I did, said that they gave his lungs a rest. They confer 
 another benefit on me : their insignificant buzzing is to me like 
 the noise of bells, which does not prevent one from thinking 
 and often stimulates thought." She was good and charitable, 
 but a little crabbed ; there was a certain egotism about her 
 generosity, as the following reflexion of hers shows : " Those 
 who rarely do things for others have no need of maxims, but 
 those who are continually doing things for others should do them 
 in the way which is most agreeable to themselves, because one 
 must do comfortably anything that has to be done every day." 
 Her motto should, however, be remembered ; it was give and 
 lose. 
 
 There were other well-known hostesses, such as the Marquise 
 du Deffant, Julie de Lespinasse, the Marechale de Luxembourg, 
 Madame d'Epinay, Madame Necker, Madame Helvetius, and 
 many other celebrated women. But the most interesting 
 galleries are those in which the pictures are not too crowded. 
 Madame de Lambert and Madame Geoffrin, one about 1730 
 and the other about 1760, are the best representatives of the 
 wit of their times, and with them we may fitly conclude a study 
 of the Eighteenth Century. 
 
 335
 
 INDEX 
 
 Abrege de la Morale de VEvangile, by Pere 
 Quesnel, 123 
 
 Accordee du Village, by Greuze, 305 
 
 Adelaide, Madame, daughter of Louis 
 XV, birth, 98 ; character, 101, 102 ; 
 death, 102 ; relations with the King, 
 104 
 
 Administration des Finances, by Necker, 
 273 
 
 Aguesseau, Chancellor d', justification of 
 Due d' Orleans, 25 
 
 Aiguillon, Due d', Governor of Brittany, 
 194 ; incompetence, 202 ; summoned 
 to the King, 208 ; efforts for Maurcpas, 
 215 ; dismissed, 216 ; finally exiled, 
 229 
 
 Aix-Ia-Chapelle, Peace and results of 
 Treaty, 151 
 
 Alberoni, character, career, and treaty 
 with England, 40 ; discovery of Cella- 
 mare Conspiracy, 46 ; schemes failing, 
 47 ; dismissal, 48 ; death, 49 
 
 Alembert, J. L. d', letter of Frederick 
 the Great to, 213 ; Traitk. dynamique, 
 310 ; collaborates in the Encyclopaedia, 
 313 
 
 Alsace, attempted invasion of, 135 
 
 Amelot, succeeds Malesherbes, 242 
 
 Andromaque parodied, 81 
 
 Angouleme, Duchesse d' (Madame 
 Royale), birth, 258 ; early training, 
 259 ; Marie-Antoinette's farewell mes- 
 sage to, 260 
 
 Anna Maria Victoria of Spain, betrothed 
 to Louis XV, 50 ; betrothal cancelled, 
 61 
 
 Architects, 307 
 
 Arcon, Colonel d', at blockade of Gibral- 
 tar, 268 
 
 Arethusa against Belle Poule, 256 
 
 Argenson, Marquis d', gives way to Law, 
 28 ; describes Marquise de Prie, 59 ; 
 description of Fleury, 85 ; uncertain 
 policy, 147 ; on battle of Fontenoy, 
 149 ; proposes peace, 150 ; prophetic 
 words, 157 ; warning against revolu- 
 tion, 162 ; on popular excitement, 163 ; 
 sacrificed, 168 
 
 Artois, Comte d', character, 232 ; favour- 
 able opinion of Joseph II, 251 ; in the 
 Spanish campaign, 268 
 Asiento, 151 
 
 Assas, Chevalier d', heroic death, 184 
 Assemblies, Provincial, definitely estab- 
 lished, 288 
 Augustinians and Jansonists, 123 
 Augustus II, King of Poland, death, 87 
 Austria, share in partition of Poland, 
 187 ; appeal to Franco for troops, 257 
 
 Bachaumont Memoirs, conversation be- 
 tween King and Richelieu, 270 ; visit 
 of Louis XVI to Cherbourg, 282 
 
 Bagatelle, 307 
 
 Balloon crosses Channel, 271 
 
 Barbier de Siville, 205, 322 
 
 Barry, Madame du, advent of, 194 ; in- 
 trigues against Choiseul, 196 ; ignored 
 by Marie-Antoinette, 201 ; dismissed 
 from Court, 207, 208 
 
 Bavarian Succession, threatened War of, 
 257 
 
 Bayle, Dictionary, 36 
 
 Beaumarchais, quarrel with Goezmann, 
 205 ; on recall of Parliament, 220 ; 
 Mariage de Figaro, great success, 269 ; 
 dramas, 320 ; other works and quota- 
 tions, 322, 323 
 
 Beaumont, Monseigneur de, Archbishop 
 of Paris, 161 ; exiled, 164 ; return, 
 165 
 
 Bejon, Madame, 34 
 
 Belle Poule against Arethusa, 256 
 
 Belle-Isle, Comte de, intrigues in favour 
 of Elector of Bavaria, 115; disagree- 
 ment with Broglie, 121 ; evacuation 
 of Prague, 122 ; failure of his projects, 
 130 ; account of Richelieu's arnry, 176 
 
 Belzunce, Monseigneur de, at Marseilles, 
 37 
 
 Bentivoglio, Papal Nuncio, 21 
 
 Berlin entered by Russians and Austrians, 
 185 
 
 Bernis, 20, 169 ; negotiations between 
 Louis XV and Maria Theresa, 174 ; 
 efforts for peace and resignation, 181 
 
 337
 
 INDEX 
 
 Berthelot da Pleasuf, 27 
 Berthollet, ohemist, 31 1 
 
 Berwick. French general, 47; captures 
 
 Kchl. 91 ; death, 05 
 Bescnval on Brienne, 291 ; on funeral of 
 
 Louis XV, 210 ; warns Mario-Antoin- 
 ette, 289 
 Blanehard, aeronaut, 271 
 Boehmcr, traveller, '21 't 
 Bohemia evacuated by the French, 132 ; 
 
 invaded by Frederick the Great, 142 
 Boscawen, Admiral, surprise attack on 
 
 the French, 173 
 Bouchardon, 306 
 
 Bourbon, Louis Francois, Due do, see 
 Conti, 331, 332 
 Louis Henri, Due de. Prime Minister. 
 57 ; character, 58 ; cinqwintieme 
 tax imposed, 61 ; interview with 
 King, 78 ; public complaints 
 against, 79 ; conflict with Floury, 
 79 ; dismissal to Chantilly, 80 ; 
 restored to favour, 81 ; death, 81 
 Bourgogne, Due de, birth, 159 
 Breda, 151 
 Brienne, Lomenie de, candidate for the 
 
 ministry, 284 ; appointment and 
 
 character, 286 ; concessions, 287 ; 
 
 appointed Prime Minister, 289 ; his 
 
 rapacity, 291 ; fall, 293 
 Brimborion, 307 
 Broglio, Marshal, disagreement with 
 
 Belle-Isle, 121 ; rivalries with Con- 
 
 tades and Saint-Cyr, 184 ; on partition 
 
 of Poland, 204 
 Buffon, Uistoire nalurelle and Epoquesde 
 
 la Nature, 311 
 Bull Unigenitus, accepted by Parliament, 
 
 51 ; denounces Jansenists, 123 
 Burke, Edmund, on Marie-Antoinette, 
 
 199 
 Byng, Admiral, execution, 173 
 
 Caoliosteo, deception of do Rohan, 
 
 274 
 Galas, 327 
 
 Oalonne, character, 271, 272 ; Assembly 
 of Notables convened, 283 ; speech, 
 285 ; exile and flight, 286 ; burnt in 
 effigy, 290 
 
 Cambrai, Congress, 86 
 
 Campan, Madame do, reader to the 
 Princesses, H'l 
 
 ( ' m.-ida, Montcalm defeated, 181 ; lost to 
 Fran.-. 187 
 
 Candid", by Voltaire, 326 
 
 Carlos, Don, made Duke of Parma, 86 ; 
 march on Naples, 92 
 
 Carnavalet Museum, Machy'a views of 
 I'aria 303 
 
 388 
 
 Castries commands at Klosferkampen. 
 184; succeeds Sartino as Naval 
 Minister, 263 
 
 Catharine of Russia, intervention as to 
 the marriago of Louis XV, 64 
 
 ( ellamare Conspiracy, 46, 331 
 
 ( ■ vim' s threatened. 163 
 
 Chambord, Chateau de, Stanislas takoB 
 up residence at, 76 ; Marshal de Saxe 
 life-tenant of, 158 
 
 Chambre de Justice set up by Noailles, 27 ; 
 abolished, 28 
 
 Chambre Royale instituted, 163 ; sup- 
 pressed, 164 
 
 < lhamfort on death of Louis XIV, 3 
 
 i liuitilly, 58 ; Bourbon sent to, 80 
 
 Charles VI, Emperor, defeated every- 
 where, 96; death, 112 
 
 Charles Albert becomes Emperor, 115; 
 siege of Prague by, 118; entry into 
 Prague and lampoons, 119 ; meets 
 Noailles, 133 ; death, 147 
 
 Charles Edward, Chevalier de St. Georges, 
 banished from France, 152 
 of Lorraine, Prince, attacks Alsace, 
 138 ; re-crosses Rhine, 141 
 
 Chardin, interiors and portraits, 303, 
 304 
 
 Charost, Due do, succeeds Villeroy as 
 Governor to Louis XV, 22 
 
 (hart res, Due de, 58. 100 
 
 Ch&teauronx, Duchesso do, favourite of 
 Louis XV, 110, 136 ; with army, 139 ; 
 lampoons against, 139 ; ordered to 
 leave Metz, 140 
 
 Chatillon disgraced, fevor and death, 143 
 
 Chauvelin, Secretary of State, 84 
 
 Chenier, Andre, characteristics of his 
 verse, 316-318 ; execution, 318 
 
 Cherbourg, English raid on, 181 ; visit of 
 Louis XVI to. 282, 283 
 
 Choiseul, Due de, replaces Bernis, 181 ; 
 character, 182 ; projected invasion of 
 England, 183; negotiations with 
 England, 185 ; decrees suppression of 
 Jesuits, 190 ; regains lost favour, 193 ; 
 conquest of Corsica, l'.MJ ; arranges the 
 marriage of the Dauphin and Marie- 
 Antoinette, 199; displaced by in- 
 trigues, 197; received at Court, '216; 
 return to Chanteloup, 217 ; recall de- 
 sired by Mari. Antoinette, 228; sup- 
 ports Polignao partisans, 235; hos- 
 tility to Joseph II, 262 
 
 Cinquantiime tax imposed, 61 ; repealed. 
 81 
 
 cl urant, A. C, mathematician, 310 
 
 Clergy, friction with Parliament, 161 ; 
 oensured by Parliament, 162 ; vote of 
 money to King, 165 ; to Calonno, 273
 
 INDEX 
 
 Clermont, Comte de, appointed general, 
 and lampoons against, 179 ; defeat at 
 Crefeld, 180 
 
 Clivo in India, 172 
 
 Coigny, Marechal de, wins battlo of 
 Parma, 95 ; commands army of Italy, 
 136 
 
 Coigny, Chevalior de, 334 
 
 Coislin, Bishop of Metz, 13 
 
 Compte Rendu by Necker, 265 
 
 Conde, Prince de, protests against reform, 
 262 
 
 Condorcet on Turgot, 222 
 
 Contades, Marquis de, recalled, 184 
 
 Conti, Prince de, withdraws gold from 
 Law's Bank, 33 ; assists Don Philip, 
 135; involved in Corn War, 225; 
 Salon at Temple, 331 ; charactor and 
 appearance, 332 
 
 Contractors sentenced by Chambra de 
 Justice, 27 
 
 Contrat Social, by Rousseau, 329 
 
 Corn War, 222 ; trial of scapegoats, 
 225 
 
 Corsica, acquired by Choiseul, 196 
 
 Corvees, abolition proposed by Turgot, 
 240 
 
 Councils replace Secretaries of State, 24 ; 
 abolished, 25, 45 
 
 Court parties, 200 
 
 Coustou, N. and G., Chevauz de Marly, 
 etc., 306 
 
 Grefeld, defeat of Clermont at, 180 
 
 Croy, Due de, on Madame de Pompadour, 
 166 ; on character of Marie Leszczyn- 
 ska, 194 ; on Marie-Antoinette, 199 ; on 
 death of Louis XV, 208 ; on Louis 
 XVI and Queen, 215 ; on weakness of 
 Louis XVI, 220 ; on Coronation of 
 Louis XVI, 227 ; on the Royal Aunts, 
 232 ; as to the decline of monarchy, 
 243 ; on alliance between France 
 and United States, 256 ; on death of 
 Maurepas, 267 
 
 Cumberland defeated by D'Estrees, 
 175 
 
 Damiens, attempt to assassinate King, 
 166 ; execution of, 169 
 
 Danzig, French fleet leaves, 93 ; returns 
 to, 94 ; capitulation of, 95 
 
 Daun, defeats Frederick the Groat, 175 ; 
 defeated at Leuthen, 178 ; victory at 
 Hochkirchen, 180 ; procrastination, 
 183 
 
 Dauphin, son of Louis XV, birth, 98 ; 
 marriages, 105, 144, 145 ; character, 
 106 ; at Fontenoy, 149 ; first son born, 
 159 ; illness, 159 ; recovery, 160 ; 
 treated as King, 167 ; death, 191 
 
 Dauphin, grandson of Louis XV, birth, 
 
 164; education, 192 
 Dauphin, son of Louis XVI, born, 266 
 Dibotte, ceremony of the, 104 
 Destouches, his sources, 319 
 Dettingen, battle of, 132 
 Diamond Nocklaco, affair of the, 275- 
 
 378 
 Dictionnaire Philosophique, by Voltaire, 
 
 327 
 Diderot, Letter on blindness, 156 ; on 
 
 the Dauphin, 192 ; on Machy, 303 ; 
 
 on Chardin, 304, 305 ; his praiso of 
 
 Greuze, 305 
 Dillon, Archbishop of Narbonno, 285 
 Droit de ceinture resigned, 214 
 Du Barry, Madame, see Barry 
 Dubois, Abb6, English policy, 20, 44 ; 
 
 character, 38 ; ambition and greed, 
 
 45 ; Ambassador in London, 46 ; letter 
 
 to Stanhope, 48 ; ambition satisfied, 
 
 51 ; death, 52 
 Dupleix in India, 171 ; rccallod, 172 ; 
 
 Macaulay and Malleson on, 172 
 
 Eoole Militaire founded, 157 
 
 Egra, retreat from, 122 
 
 Elector of Bavaria yields to Austria, 147 
 
 Elisabeth, Madame, letter from Marie- 
 Antoinette to, 260 
 
 Elizabeth, Czarina, died, 185 
 
 Elizabeth Farnese, marriage to Philip V, 
 39 ; influenced by Alberoni, 40 ; letter 
 to Duke of Parma, 49 
 
 Eloge de Colbert, by Necker, 245 
 
 Embrun, Council of, 123 
 
 Emile, by J. J. Rousseau, 328 
 
 Encyclopaedia, first volumes, 161 ; allowed 
 to reappear, 165 ; D'Alembert and 
 Diderot contributors to, 313-315 
 
 England, treaty with Spain, 40 ; under- 
 standing with France, 42 ; Triple 
 Alliance, 44 ; allied with Frederick 
 the Great, 120 ; invasion planned, 
 135 ; war declared by France and 
 Spain on, 135 ; profits by Peace of Aix- 
 la-Chapelle, 151 ; war declared against 
 France, 173 ; projected invasion, 183, 
 262 ; peace with France, 186 
 
 Entente Cordiale first established, 42 
 
 Epoques de la Nature, 311 
 
 Esprit des Lois, 156 
 
 Estaing, d', defeated at Savannah, 263 
 
 Estrees, Comte d', made a Marshal and 
 Commander-in-Chief, 175 ; victory at 
 Hastembeck, 175 ; superseded, 176 
 
 Falkland Isles dispute, 196 
 Family Compact, 186 ; leads to interven- 
 tion in 1776, 255 
 
 339
 
 INDEX 
 
 Farmers -General reinstated, 37 
 Fansscs Confidences, by Marivaux, 320 
 Ferdinand of Brunswick, viotory at Crc- 
 
 feld, 180 
 Fcrney, 327 
 
 /i», Wounds of France, 153 
 Flamarcns, anecdote of Quocn and, 107 
 Henry, Cardinal, character, 20; Prime 
 Minister, 21 ; conflict with Due do 
 Bourbon, 78 ; patient intrigues, 79 ; 
 made Cardinal, 83 ; reconciliation with 
 Spain and simplicity of his life, 85 ; 
 letter to Father Bermudcz, 87 ; 
 abandons Stanislas, 93 ; summons 
 Council of Embrun, 123 ; exiles cer- 
 tain members of the Parliaments, 124 ; 
 death and character, by Voltaire, 122, 
 125 ; duped by Walpolo, 171 
 Fontainebleau treaties, 134, 280; Galtrio 
 
 d'Ulvsso demolished, 307 
 Fontenelle, 25, 311, 333 
 Fontenoy, battle of, 146-148 
 Fontevrault Abbey, Princesses exiled 
 
 to, 101 
 France, rupturo with Spain, 47 ; Treaty 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle, 151 ; popular dis- 
 content, 152 ; Provincial Parliaments 
 join with Paris, 162 ; war against 
 England, 173; state of army, 177; 
 navy destroyed, 183 ; losses through 
 war, 187 ; alliance with United States, 
 255, 256 ; agitation as to La Chatolais, 
 195 ; peaco with England, 268 j 
 general unrest, 292 
 Francis III acquires Tuscany, 96 
 Frankfort Diet, 119 
 Franklin, Benjamin, visit to Franco, 255, 
 
 256 
 Frederick the Great, ambitious schemes 
 and invasion of Austria, 113, 114; 
 alliance with Louis XV, 116; defec- 
 tion from Allies, 120 ; joined by Eng- 
 land, 120 ; treaty with Louis XV, 138 ; 
 invades Bohemia, 142 ; treaty of 
 Dresden, 150; final accpuisition of 
 Silesia, 151 ; deserts Louis XV, 173 ; 
 treachery to Louis XV and invasion of 
 Saxony, 174 ; defeat at Kollin and 
 ptore of Prague, 175; in Saxony, 
 177; victory at Uuthen and ainedi.te 
 as to desertion, 178 ; defeat at Kiiners- 
 dorff, 183; saved by Peter III, 186; 
 viotory at Torgau, 185; grains Silesia 
 by treaty of Hubertsburg, 187; 
 originates partition of Poland, 202; 
 on Maria Theresa and partition of 
 l'"land, 203; on accession of Louis 
 XVI, 213; on Joseph II, 262 ; 
 threatens l'.ohemia, 257 ; invites Vol- 
 tairo to Potsdam, 326 
 
 840 
 
 Furncs taken. 137 
 Fiissen, Treaty of, 147 
 
 Gabriel, architect of Petit Trianon, etc., 
 
 307 
 Galissonniexe, Marquis dc, captures Port 
 
 Mahon, 173 
 Gallican liberties asserted, 124, 161 
 Gcnlis, Madame do, anecdote of Chevalier 
 
 de Chastcllux, 310 
 Geoffrin, Madame, 334 ; on ohattorers, 
 
 335 
 George I, interview with Regent, 41 ; 
 
 and with Dubois, 42 
 Georgo II, at battle of Dettingen, 132 
 German Emperor, candidates for throno 
 
 of, 112; Charles Albert, Elector of 
 
 Bavaria chosen, 115 
 Gibraltar besieged by Spain, 263 ; 
 
 blockade, 268 
 Gisors, Comto de, 179 ; account of Cler- 
 mont, 180 ; death at Crefeld, 180 
 GlQck, Chevalier, 308 ; contest with 
 
 Piccini, 309 
 Goethe on Diamond Necklace, 278 
 Goezmann, lawsuit with Beaumarchais, 
 
 206 
 Gramont, Due do, death, 149 
 Qrandes Nuits at Sceaux, 330 
 Grands Bailliages, 292 
 Cresset, Michant and Veri-Vert, 319 
 Greuzo and his art, 305 
 Grimaldo, minister to Philip V, 39 
 Guastalla, victory of, 96 
 Guemeneo, Prinecsse de, intrigues, 236; 
 
 criticized by Joseph II, 251 
 Guemeneo, Pr. de Rohan, bankruptcy, 
 
 267 
 " Guorro des Bourbons," 309 
 Guines, do, affair of, 299 
 
 Hanover, Treaty of, 86 
 Hastembeck, victory of French at, 175 
 Hay, Lord ('., at Fontenoy, 148 
 Hcnault, President, 51 ; his character 
 of the Marquise do Prie, 59 ; his de- 
 scription of ChoisenL 182 
 Henrietta, Madame, birth, 98; death, 
 
 159 
 Wppolyle tl Aric.ie, by Rameau, 308 
 Histoire Suturcllr, by Bufjon, 311 
 Historical pictures, 301 
 Holbach, share in Encyclopedia., 313 
 lloudon, statue of Voltaire, 306 
 Jl<>rn, Comte <]<•, murder by, 34 
 Hubertsburg, Treaty "f, l S7 
 Huguenots, live thousand exiled, 163 
 
 India, rivalry of French and English in, 
 172
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jansenists, 123 ; contest against Jesuits, 
 189 ; conflict with Ultramontanes, 164 
 
 " Jean Farine " at Versailles, 224 
 
 Jesuits, expulsion from various countries, 
 186, 189 
 
 Joseph II, intercepted letter of, 228, 
 229 ; his remonstrance to Mario-An- 
 toinette, 230 ; on character of Marie- 
 Antoinette, 238 ; visit to France, 248- 
 254 ; conversations with King and 
 Queen and contempt for women, 249 ; 
 occupies Lower Bavaria, 257 ; de- 
 mands opening of the Scheldt, 279 ; 
 intrigues against Holland, 280 ; re- 
 peated warnings to his sister, 290 
 
 Joyeux Avenetnent renounced, 214 
 
 Keppel defeated off Ouessant, 257 
 Klosterkampen, Battle of, 184 
 Kloster-Zeven Convention, 176 
 Kiinersdorff, Battle of, 183 
 
 La BatrYkRE on financiers, 36 
 
 La Chatolais, affair of, 194 
 
 La Chaussee, playwright, 320 
 
 La Fayette, Marquis de, joins United 
 States Army, 255 ; returns for more 
 troops, 262 ; success under Washing- 
 ton, 265 ; proposes National Assembly, 
 287 ; arraigns Calonne, 285 
 
 La Fert6, dismissal by Louis XVI, 214 
 
 La Marck, Comte de, criticism of Mario- 
 Antoinette and her circle, 235-237 
 
 La Marck, Comtesse de, on Marie-Antoin- 
 ette, 243 
 
 La Motte, Comtesse de, intrigues con- 
 nected with necklace, 275, 276 ; con- 
 demned, 278 
 
 La Tour, Quentin de, 297 ; portrait of 
 Marie Leszczynska, 299 ; encounter 
 with Louis XV and proposed portrait 
 of La Reynidre, 300 
 
 La Vallette, Pere, Jesuit missionary, 
 190 
 
 La Vrilliere, Due de, 13, 197, 229 
 
 Lagrange-Chancel, Philippiques of, 37 
 
 Lalande, astronomer, 311 
 
 Lally-Tollendal, 327 
 
 Lamballe, Princesse de, promoted by 
 Marie -Antoinette, 229 ; friendship with 
 the Queen, 201-234 
 
 Lambert, Marquise de, salon and works, 
 332 
 
 Lanson, G., on Voltaire, 328 
 
 Lantara, S. M., landscapes, 303 
 
 Laval, Comte de, 46 
 
 Lavoisier, chemist, 311 
 
 Law, John, projector, 28 ; character and 
 antecedents, 29 ; Bank started, 30 ; 
 popularity of hia Bank, 31 ; besieged 
 
 by petitioners, 32 ; panic, 34 ; flight 
 and death, 35 
 Law of silence, 164 
 Lawfeld, victory, 150 
 Le Chambrier, Baron, on Louis XV, 188 
 Leoward Isles, naval victory for England, 
 
 268 
 Lenormand, sentenced by Chambre de 
 
 Justice, 27 
 Lespinasse, Mile, do, on Turgot and 
 
 Louis XVI, 221 ; her salon, 335 
 Lettre d'un bon Francais, 265 
 Lettres de Cachet, by Mirabcau, 270 
 Lettres Persanes, by Montesquieu, 324 
 Lettres Pkilosophiques, by Voltaire, 325 
 Leuthen, victory over Austrians, 178 
 Levis, Duo de, description of Comtesse 
 de Polignac, 235 ; on extravagance of 
 Calonne, 272 
 Liancourt, Due de, on last days of Louis 
 
 XV, 207 
 Lit de Justice, 165, 219 ; resorted to by 
 
 Brienne, 288 
 Louis I of Spain marries Regent's 
 
 daughter, 62 
 Louis XIV, death, 3 ; will set aside, 7, 8 ; 
 table of descendants, 10 ; Siecle de, 
 by Voltaire, 325 ; masterpieces of 
 literature under, 329 
 Louis XV, birth, 4 ; minority and educa- 
 tion, 12 ; released from governess and 
 unfortunate training, 14 ; Marquis de 
 Villeroy appointed governor, 15 ; ad- 
 dress of Massillon to, 18 ; contest 
 between Regent and Villeroy, and 
 Bishop of Frejus tutor, 19 ; political 
 education, 23 ; betrothed to daughter 
 of Philip V, 50 ; marriage schemes, 62 ; 
 betrothed to Marie Leszczynska, 63 ; 
 announcement of marriage, 66 ; weak- 
 ness of character, 77 ; children of, 98 ; 
 idle life, 108; escape at Metz, 110; 
 supports Elector of Bavaria, 114; on 
 death of Fleury, 123 ; decides to 
 govern by himself, 129 ; gives up cause 
 of Charles VII, 133 ; signs Treaty of 
 Fontaine bleau, 134 ; sets out for Lille, 
 135 ; reception, 137 ; advances to 
 Metz, 138 ; illness there, 140 ; re- 
 covery, 141 ; return to Paris and 
 Freiburg captured, 142 ; unpopularity 
 begins, 153 ; remonstrance by Parlia- 
 ment, 161 ; money vote from clergy, 
 165 ; attempt of Damiens on, 166 ; 
 first Treaty of Versailles, 174 ; frivolity 
 as to his confessor, 190 ; under the 
 influence of Dauphine, 192 ; dismissal 
 of Choiseul, 197 ; secret correspondence, 
 202 ; levity as to partition of Poland, 
 204 ; illness and new Parliament, 200 ; 
 
 341
 
 INDEX 
 
 last days, 207 ; death and funeral, 210 ; 
 repartee to La Tour, 300 ; buildings 
 in Paris under, 307 ; conversation as 
 to R noyol opgdia, 314, 315 
 
 Louis XVI. birth, 164; marries Mario- 
 Antoinette, 109 ; character, 200 ; 
 succession, 210 ; favourable reception. 
 213 ; weakness of character, 215, 219 ; 
 confidence in Turgot, 221 ; intervenes 
 in Corn War, 224 ; partial support of 
 Turgot, "25 ; coronation at Reims, 
 220 ; weakness as to do Guincs, 229 ; 
 character by Croy, 243 ; wise policy 
 and warning to Mario-Antoinette, 257 ; 
 economy practised, 261 ; firmness on 
 death of Maurepas, 267 { yields to 
 Polignac group, 270 ; persuaded to 
 appoint Calonne, 271, 272 ; visit to 
 Cherbourg, 282, 283 ; prestige shaken, 
 289 ; institutes Grands Bailliages, 292 ; 
 buildings in Paris under, 307, 308 
 
 Louise, Madame, birth, 98 ; character 
 and death, 103 
 
 Louise-Elisabeth, Duchess of Parma, 
 birth, 98 ; ambitious schemes, 100 
 
 Lozilliero on personal appearance of 
 .Marie Lcszczynska, 69 
 
 Mattchalt dismissed, 169 
 
 Machy, views of Paris, 303 
 
 " Madame Deficit," 288 
 
 Main-Morte abolished, 261 
 
 Maine, Due de, 4 ; character and career, 5 
 
 Maine, Duchesse de, 46, 47 ; salon at 
 Sccaux, 330 
 
 Maintenon, Madamo de, retirement, 9 
 
 Malesherbes, fall of, 242 
 
 Malezieu, 330 
 
 Marais, Mathieu, 23 ; reference to Mario 
 Lcszczynska, 66 ; on do Thianges, 90 
 
 Mardick abandoned, 44 
 
 Maria Theresa, description of, 113; 
 crowned Queen of Hungary, 117; 
 deceived by Treaty of Aix-Ta-Chapelle, 
 152 ; overtures to Louis XV, 174 ; 
 desire for war, 181 ; promised return 
 of Silesia to, 182 ; intending to betray 
 Louis XV, 201 ; partition of Poland, 
 203; on Marie - An toine tte, 217; 
 remonstranco to Louis XVI, 220 ; un- 
 ini sBastoOhoisoul, 228 ; on matters 
 at Versailles, 231 ; her admonitions to 
 Marie-Antoinette, 241 ; disapproves of 
 Joseph IPs visit to Prance, 251, 252 ; 
 death, 204 ; warning aa to do Rohan, 
 278 
 
 Maringt d* Figaro, by Bcaumarchais, 
 269 
 
 Marie-Antoinette, marriage to Dauphin, 
 
 199 ; isolated life, 201 ; antipathy to 
 342 
 
 D'Aiguillon, 216 ; coteries formed, 219 • 
 interference with Turgot, 226 ; corona- 
 tion, 227 ; intriguing for ( 'hoiseul, 22S ; 
 personal partialities, 230 ; fond of 
 gambling and jewels, 231 ; Intimate 
 friends, 232 ; extravagant liberty , 234 ; 
 partiality for Madamo do Polignac, 
 235 ; conGdcntial letter to Rosenberg, 
 238 ; subterfuges begin, 241 ; extrava- 
 gance, 243 ; visit of and friction with 
 Joseph II, 249 ; seeks to assist. Austria, 
 257 ; birth of Madame Royalo and new 
 era, 258, 259 ; affection for children, 
 260 ; promotion of intimates, 264 ; 
 support of Nocker and birth of Dau- 
 phin, 266 ; icy reception in Paris, 274 ; 
 discredited. 278 ; intorferenco with 
 politics, 279 ; insulted, 288 ; sends 
 for Nockor, 293 ; patroness of Gliick, 
 308 
 
 Marie-Josephe, Dauphine, constancy and 
 devotion to her children, 192 ; death, 
 193 ; portrait by La Tour, 299 
 
 Mario Lcszczynska betrothed to Louis 
 XV, 63 ; antecedents, 65 ; lampoons, 
 68 ; portraits by La Tour and Qobert, 
 69, 194 ; marriago at Fontainebleau 
 and journey to Paris, 71-73 ; dis- 
 pleases Fleury, 77 ; coolness of the 
 King. 82 ; personal life. 100 : goes to 
 the King at Metz, 140 ; death of her 
 father. I!i3 ; her death, 194 
 
 Marie-Louise of Savoy, death, 39 
 
 Marivaux, dramatist, 320 ; Paid de 
 Saint Victor on, 320 ; example of his 
 art, 321 
 
 Marmontel on Marivaux and Madame 
 do Tencin, 333 
 
 Marseilles plague, 37 
 
 Massillon, address to Louis XV, 18 
 
 Maudoux, Abbe, Louis XV'a confessor, 
 209 
 
 Maupeou aids King against Parliament. 
 195 ; reforms decreed, 205 ; contest 
 with Palais Royal party and dismissal, 
 218 
 
 Maurepas returns to power. 215 ; Minis- 
 ter of State, 216; aids Marie-Antoin- 
 ette, 233; quoted, 242; epigram on 
 
 Keeker and Clergy, 246 ; Jails to MTB 
 
 Necker, 265 ; di ai h. 206 
 Maximilian, Archduke, visit to Pr.: 
 
 248 
 Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, death and 
 
 subsequent complications, 267 
 Mehemet Kil< ndi, Ambassador from 
 
 Turkey, 17 
 Meilhao, Scnao de, on Turgot. 240 
 N< mains sernts on Madame ( leoffrin, 334 
 Meniu captured, 137
 
 INDEX 
 
 Mercy on Princesso de Lamballo, 234 ; 
 warning to Maria Theresa, 214 ; as to 
 quarrels between Joseph II and Marie- 
 Antoinette, 250 ; on favouritism of 
 Marie-Antoinette, 264 ; description 
 of internal troubles, 288 
 Mesmer, magnetism, 271 ; dupes, 274 
 Mirabeau, Leltres de Cachet, 270 
 Mississippi Scheme, 33, 34 
 Molinists opposed to Jansenists, 123 
 Molwitz, victory of Prussians, 116 
 Monsieur, his criticism of Joseph II, 252 
 Montauban, Bishop of, champions an- 
 cient liberties, 163 
 Montesquieu, 25 ; Esprit des Lois, 156 ; 
 share in Encyclopsedia, 313 ; other 
 works, 323 
 Montgolfier, aeronaut, 311 
 Montreal taken by English, 181 
 Munich taken by Austrians, 119 
 Musicians, 308-310 
 
 Naples, march of Don Carlos to, 92 ; 
 reaches, 96 
 
 Napoleon I on battle of Leuthen, 178 
 
 National Assembly proposed by La 
 Fayette, 287 
 
 National Debt, bankruptcy proposed by 
 Saint-Simon, 26 
 
 Necker called in to succeed Amelot, 243 ; 
 character, 244-246 ; reforms, 247 ; 
 retrenchments, 261 ; prepares for 
 further reforms, 262 ; issues Compte 
 Rendu, 265 ; fall, 265 ; Administration 
 des Finances, 273 ; return to office, 
 294 
 
 Neipperg, Field Marshal, victory of 
 Molwitz, 116 
 
 Nesle, de, sisters, 109 
 
 Noailles, Cardinal de, Archbishop of Paris, 
 123 ; submission to Pope, 124 
 
 Noailles, Marshal, de, national bank- 
 ruptcy opposed by, 26 ; yields place to 
 Argenson, 28 ; prophecy as to Law, 
 61 ; advises Louis XV, 131 ; meets 
 Charles VII, 133 ; slackness in war, 
 141 ; out of favour, 142 
 
 Noailles, Sophie de, 108 
 
 Nobility, newly founded, 158 
 
 Normandie, Due de, the " Child of the 
 Temple," 260 
 
 Notables, Assembly of, convoked, 283, 
 284 ; dismissed, 287 ; reassembled, 
 294 
 
 Nouvelle Eeloise, by J. J. Rousseau, 329 
 
 Nymphenburg, Treaty of, 116 
 
 Obeekiech, Baronne d', on Cagliostro, 
 
 274 
 (Edipe, 324 
 
 Oliva, Baronne d' (Mario-Nicolo Lequaz), 
 275 
 
 Ollivier, picture of Conti's salon, 331 
 
 Orleans Pedigree, 11 
 
 Orleans, Philippe, Duo d,' character, 6 ; 
 Regency decided on, 7 ; early portraits 
 of, 9 ; justified by d'Aguesseau and 
 behaviour at Mass, 25 ; refuses to 
 pardon Comto de Horn, 34 ; upsets 
 plans of Alberoni, 41 ; death, 52 ; 
 daughter marries Louis I of Spain and 
 son marries Princess of Baden, 62 
 
 Orleans, Louis d', proxy at marriage of 
 Louis XV, 70 - y 
 
 Orleans, Philippe d' (Egalite), protests 
 against reform, 262 ; protests against 
 loan, 290 ; exiled, 291 
 
 Ouessant, naval battle, 257 
 
 Palais Royal party supports Princesse 
 
 de Lamballe, 235 
 Palatine, Madame, 14, 58 
 Paris, Treaty, 87 ; Mississippi Scheme, 
 33 ; riots, 156 ; indifference to King, 
 166 ; Treaty, 186 ; cool reception of 
 King and Queen, 218 ; disturbances in 
 Corn War, 225 ; disappointment at 
 birth of Madame Royale, 259 ; 
 threatening placards, 266 ; icy recep- 
 tion of Queen, 274 ; churches and 
 public buildings under Louis XV and 
 XVI, 307, 308 
 Paris brothers, bankers to the State, 37 
 Paris, Deacon, character and death, 124 
 Paris-Duvernay, Minister of Finance, 
 
 60 ; confined in Bastille, 81 
 Parliament, treatment by Regent, 26 ; 
 struggle with Regent as to Mississippi 
 Scheme and exile, 35 ; accepts Bull 
 Unigenitus, 51 ; encroachment on 
 ecclesiastical power, 124 ; remonstrates 
 with King and friction with Clergy, 
 161 ; Grandes Remonstrances published, 
 162 ; decision against Jesuits, 190 ; 
 conflict as to La Chatolais, 194 ; 
 exiled and formed anew, 195 ; old 
 Parliament recalled, 219 ; registers 
 edicts of Turgot, 225 ; trial and ac- 
 quittal of de Rohan, 277 ; enters lists 
 against Crown, 287 ; attack on ex- 
 travagance, 288 ; banished to Troyes, 
 289 ; recalled, 290 ; quarrel with 
 Louis XVI, 291 ; vigorous protest, 
 292 ; Voltaire's Letters burnt by, 325 
 Parma, battle won by Coigny, 95 
 Parvenus enriched by Law's schemes, 
 
 33 
 Peace proclamation ceremony, 152 
 Pergolesi, La serva padrona, 309 
 Perronneau, 300 
 
 343
 
 INDEX 
 
 Peter tho Great, visit to France, 15; 
 History </. by Voltaire, 327 
 
 Peter 111, ■onowrion and (1111,11100 with 
 Frederick tho Great. 1S5 
 
 Petit-Trianon, by Gabriel, 307 
 
 Philip V, polioy and second marriago with 
 Elizabeth Farnese, 39; letter to 
 Regent, 48 ; joins Quadruple Alliance, 
 49'; .hath. 50 
 
 rhilippique.*, by Lagrango-Chancel, 37 
 ni, contest with Qlflok, 309 
 
 Pigalle, tomb of Maurice do Saxe, 30G 
 
 Piron, Mitromanie, 319 
 
 Pitt determined on war, 185 
 
 Pitt Diamond, 43 
 
 Plelo, Gomte <h\ French Ambassador to 
 Denmark, 91 ; his heroic action in tho 
 cause of Kins Stanislas, 94 ; his death, 
 and memorial, 95 
 
 Poland, Struggle for throne of, 88 ; 
 Augustus "I elected King, 90; parti- 
 tions of, 187, 202-204 
 
 Polignac, Cardinal de, 330 
 
 Polignac, Comtesse de, new friend of 
 Mario - Antoinette, 234; duped by 
 Y.nidreiiil, 236 ; family enriched, 237 
 
 Political Economy, 312 
 
 Pompadour, Madame de, description, 1 40, 
 165; Ecole Militaire built under 
 auspices of, 157; growing unpopu- 
 larity, 159; new honours, 100; 
 " quarter conversion " and appointed 
 Lady of tho Palace, 165 ; waning 
 popularity, 107; restored to favour, 
 108 ; efforts for war, 181 ; death, 188 ; 
 portrait by La Tour, 299 
 
 Pompadour, Marquis do, 46 
 
 Port Mulion captured by French, 173 
 
 Porta of France, by Vernet, 302 
 matifl Suction. 1 !_' 
 Be, siego by Charles Albert, 118; 
 evacuation by Belle-Isle, 122 
 
 Prie, Marquise de, character, 59, 00; 
 interference with Queen, 77; exiled, 
 81 
 
 Provence, Comto do, character, 231 
 
 QrADRffi.K Alliance, 10 ; joined by 
 
 Philip V, Hi ; confirm d, 80 
 Quebec taken hy English, 181 
 Quesnay, 312 
 
 Quesnel's propositions condemned. 51 
 prlpaturoire, suppressed, 262 
 Quinoaxnpoix, Roe, Law*s Bourse, 32 
 
 B w.iii.Ais, 25 
 I: unbonillet, 108 
 Rameau, HippdyU ft Arieie, 308 
 oux, \ i( torj at. L60 
 
 lumur, 311 
 
 :;i 1 
 
 Reflexions svr le Nouveau Testament, by 
 
 Queanel, r>2 
 Regency, system of, 24; Law's Bank 
 
 started, 31 
 Regent, see Orleans, Philippe d' 
 Regent Diamond, see Pitt Diamond 
 Rets, Cardinal do, memoirs published, 
 
 25 
 Revolution begun, 294 
 Rhine, French cross, 117 ; crossed by 
 Charles of Lorraine, 138 ; rccrossed, 
 141 
 Richelieu supersedes d'Estrcos, 170 ; 
 
 efforts for Maurepas, 215 
 Ripporda, fall of, 87 
 Rivarol on fall of Kings, 294 
 Robert, pictures of ruins, 303 
 Robinson on coronation of Maria 
 
 Theresa, 117 
 Rochambcau goes to United States, 262 
 Rohan, Cardinal de, letter concerning 
 Maria Theresa, 203 ; duped by Caglios- 
 tro, 274 ; buys Diamond Necklace and 
 arrest, 270 ; put in Bastille, 277 ; 
 acquitted and exiled to La Chaise- 
 Dieu, 278 
 Rohan-Soubise, Cardinal de, 65 
 Rossbaeh, Battle of, 178 
 Roucher, death with Chonier, 318 
 Rousseau, landscape-painter, 303 
 Rousseau, J. J., Letters sur la Mu.v'qur, 
 Fran^aise, 104 ; teachings in fashion. 
 259 ; letters, 309 ; quarrel with Vol- 
 taire, 326 ; character and works, 328, 
 329 
 
 Saint-Aionav, Due de, on character of 
 Klizabeth Farnese, 40 
 
 Saint Germain, victory at Korbach, 184 ; 
 Minister of War and dismissal, 212 
 
 Saint -Quentin, Museum of, 299 
 
 Saint-Simon, National bankruptcy pro- 
 posed by, 20 
 
 Saint-Snlpioe built, 307 
 
 Saint- Victor, P. de, on Marivaux, 320 
 
 Sainte-Gonevieve, afterwards Pantheon, 
 307 
 
 Salons, 330-335 
 
 Bartiue, success with Navy, 263 
 
 Savannah, defeat of d'Estaing, 263 
 Saxe, Maurice de, Marshal, takes Pra 
 
 118 ; battle of Fontenoy, 148 ; death, 
 
 158 
 Science, 310-314 
 Sculptors, 806 
 
 or, Marquis do. rucccss at War Office. 
 
 263, 2U4 ; on philanthropic movement, 
 
 270 
 Serfdom partly abolished, 261 
 Sevres factory founded, 300
 
 INDEX 
 
 Seytros, Paul do, 122 
 
 Steele de Louis XI V, 325 
 
 Silesia ceded to Frederick the Great, 187 
 
 Soltykoff defeats Frederick the Great, 183 
 
 Sorol, European rivalry denounced, 205 
 
 Soubiso, defeat at Rossbach, 178 ; made 
 
 General-in-Chief, 185 
 Soufflot, architect of Sainte-Gonovieve, 
 
 307 
 Spain, rupture with Franco, 47 
 Spanheim, on character of Villeroy, 16 
 Spanish marriages, 50, 68 
 " Squeezer of the King's Sponges," 28 
 Staal Delaunay, Madame de, 330 
 Stair, Lord, English Ambassador in Paris, 
 
 45 
 Stanhope, negotiation with Dubois, 43 
 Stanislas, King, daughter betrothed to 
 Louis XV, 63 ; her marriage at Stras- 
 burg, 70 ; advice to daughter, 75 ; 
 residence at Chambord, 76 ; elected 
 King of Poland, 89 ; flight and abdi- 
 cation, 95 ; becomes Duke of Lorraine, 
 96 ; last days, 97 ; letters to daughter 
 and death, 193 
 States-General, convocation demanded, 
 
 289 
 Steinkerque, Duo du Maine at, 5 
 Stormont, Lord, English Ambassador, 
 
 recalled, 256 
 Strasburg, marriage of Louis XV and bis 
 
 Queen at, 70 
 Stuarts banished from France, 151 
 Suffren, victories in India, 268 
 Sully, 27 
 
 Sur la legislation et la Commerce des BUs, 
 by Necker, 245 
 
 Tabouret, the privilege of the, 160 
 
 Tllemaque, by Fenelon, 18, 21, 25 
 
 Tencin, Madame de, Salon of, 333 
 
 Terray, dismissed, 218 
 
 Teschen, 258 
 
 TUodort, play, 284 
 
 Thiers, account of Law's system, 30 
 
 Tilly, Comte de, character of Marie- 
 Antoinette, 239 
 
 Toulon, battle, 135 
 
 Toussaint, Lea Mozurs, 156 
 
 Tragedy, 318 
 
 Triple Alliance, 44 
 
 Tronchin, hygienist, 312 
 
 Turgot, Naval Minister, 217 ; on recall 
 of Parliament, 220 ; sympathy for the 
 people, 222 ; abandoned by them, 223 ; 
 disowned by Louis XVI, 224 ; edicts 
 registered by Parliament and Essai sur 
 la Tolerance, 226 ; proposed reforms, 
 240 ; dismissal, 241 ; fall, 242 ; share 
 in Encyclopaedia, 313 
 
 Two Sicilies, Don Carlos becomes King 
 of, 96 
 
 Ultramontane reaction, 163 
 
 United States, independence declared and 
 
 Ambassadors sent to Europo, 255 ; 
 
 capitulation of Yorktown, 265 
 
 Vaudreuil, Comto do, 236 
 
 Vauvenargues, Eloge of Paul do Soytrcs, 
 122 
 
 Ventadour, 13, 21 
 
 Vergennes, Comte de, appointed for 
 Foreign Affairs, 217 ; colleaguo of 
 Necker, 247 ; negotiations as to 
 United States, 255 ; on American 
 Envoys, 256 ; avoids Continental War, 
 258 ; deceived by Calonne, 281 ; com- 
 mercial treaty with England, 283 
 
 Vermandois, Mile, de, alleged interview, 
 with Marquise de Prio, 63 
 
 Vernet, landscapes, 302 
 
 Versailles, portraits of children of Louis 
 XV, 98; first Treaty, 174; second 
 ditto, 175 ; third ditto, 182 ; " Jean 
 Farine at," 224 
 
 Vige6 Lebrun, Madame, portraits, 236, 
 301 
 
 Villars, last campaign against Milan, 91 ; 
 death, 95 
 
 Villeroy, Marshal, appointed governor to 
 Louis XV, 15 ; dismissal, 18 ; scene 
 with Regent, 19 ; letter to successor, 
 22 
 
 Vintimille, Madame de, favourite of Louis 
 XV, 109 
 
 Voltaire, 21, 25, 63, 67 ; on marriage of 
 Louis XV, 74 ; letters from and to 
 Frederick the Great, 113, 120 ; on cha- 
 racter of Floury, 125 ; on battle of 
 Fontenoy, 150 ; on Dauphin, 192 ; on 
 Necker, 246 ; works edited by Beau- 
 marchais suppressed, 273 ; Statue, 
 306 ; share in Encyclopaedia, 313-315 ; 
 Zaire, and Merope, 318 ; letters and 
 other works, 324 ; reception at Pots- 
 dam, 326 ; vindication of Calas, 
 Sirven, etc., and death, 327 
 
 Walpole, Horace, on charm of Marie- 
 Antoinette, 239 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, dupes Cardinal 
 Fleury, 171 ; as to Turgot and Males- 
 herbes, 242 
 
 Watteau, 52, 297, 298 
 
 Whitehall, Treaty of, 173 
 
 Worms, Treaty of, 134 
 
 Yorktown, capitulation, 265 
 Ypres captured, 137
 
 Printed by Bali,antyne, Hanson & Co. Ltd. 
 
 At the Ballantyne Press 
 
 London and Edinburgh
 
 ^ ic _J 
 
 :,M 
 
 
 w 
 
 
 IM 
 
 
 W 
 
 J F 
 
 
 J 
 
 w 
 
 J F 
 
 JM 
 
 w 
 
 ; E M 
 
 CALL NUMBER 
 
 2>o 
 
 (/. 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Los ANGELES o^gg 
 
 AUTHOR 
 
 A.Cr,hk 
 
 fan 
 
 TITLE 
 
 A m, 
 
 f= 
 
 
 -^ 
 
 
 YI443ZX 
 
 SIGN NAME 
 
 X 
 
 PRINT NAME 
 
 ' D 
 
 > D 
 
 PRINT ADDRESS 
 
 CITY 
 
 ZONE 
 
 PHONE 
 
 CHECK ONE OF FOLLOWING 
 
 UNDERGRAD 
 
 GRADUATE 
 
 EXTENSION 
 
 DOC. CAND. 
 
 FACULTY 
 
 ACADEMIC 
 
 NON-ACAD. 
 
 J 
 
 o 
 
 9 
 9 
 9 
 9 
 9 
 9 
 J 
 J 
 
 FEE - FIRM 
 
 FEE - INDIV. 
 
 COURTESY 
 
 SPECIAL 
 
 REFERENCE 
 
 ' 
 
 
 CITY 
 
 ZONE 
 
 PHONE 
 
 CHECK ONE OF FOLLOWING 
 
 UNDERGRAD 
 
 GRADUATE 
 
 EXTENSION 
 
 DOC. CAND. 
 
 FACULTY 
 
 ACADEMIC 
 
 NON-ACAD. 
 
 J 
 
 FEE - FIRM 
 
 FEE - INDIV. 
 
 COURTESY 
 
 SPECIAL 
 
 REFERENCE
 
 I MM RSI TV OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 Los Angi 
 l lii^ l)(H>k is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 SEC'D LD-URC 
 
 JAN 2^ 
 
 uif 
 
 «S8 
 
 ■■♦WW. 
 
 • ; 1967 
 
 BR 22 76 
 
 J.9A? 
 
 88? 
 
 ^2_i .■•■■
 
 DC 
 
 131 
 
 S92dE 
 
 coo # 4 
 
 / 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 
 ° 5 
 o = 
 
 PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE 
 THIS BOOK CARD 
 
 ^UIBRARYOr 
 
 ii 
 
 < i 
 
 University Research Library 
 
 i 
 
 f) MAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 i mil 
 inn 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 X 
 
 c 
 
 Z 53 801 5