l A aft* % "* "nl v if. r .-V . " :,. :r -." ''l'.."".. '.'.'.'..'.'-'. v' . ', University of California Berkeley Gift of PROFESSOR ROBERT D. HARLAN r \!/ f w_ y ' Whole. Portrait. 4 to, srne calf (binding broken at LARGE PAPER. B.PRANKLIN, LX.D.ER.S ^fftot/a/^Bofon i-n<, ~!\icwEngland, *Jawj ... NON SORDIDUS AUCTOR KATUR2E, VERIQUE Political, Mifcellaneous, AND Philofophical Pieces; Arranged under the following HEADS, and Diftinguiflied by Initial Letters in each Leaf: [G. P.] General Politics , [A.B.T.] American Politics before the Troubles ; [A.D.T.] American Politics durfagthe Troubles ; [P. P.] Provincial or Colony Politics ; and [M. P.] Mifcellaneous and Philofophical Pieces i Written by BENJ. FRANKLIN, LL.D. and F.R.S. Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, of the Royal Society at Gottingen, and of the Batavian Society in Holland j Prefident of the Philofophical Society at Philadelphia; late Agent in England for feveral of the American Colonies ; and at prefent chofen in America as Deputy to the General Congrefs for the State of Penfylvania; Prefident of the Convention of the faid State, and Minifter Plenipotentiary at the Court of Paris for the United States of America : Now firft colleded, With EXPLANATORY PLATES, NOTES, And an I N D E x to the Whole. Hominum Rerumque Repertor. Vi R G i L'S jEneid, xii. B. LONDON: Printed for J. JOHNSON, N 72, St. Paul's Church-Yard, MDCCLXXIX. PREFACE By the E D I T O R. H E writings of Dr. Franklin need no other preface than his chara&er and life. A few words therefore will explain all that is neceflary concerning this collection. To fecure the reader from the appre- henfion of omijfions and interpolations y the place whence each piece is taken, is ge nerally exprefled; or, if the notes are filent on this head, an original copy is to be underftood, to which the editor ftill retains accefs. It was chiefly for thefe purpofes of authentication, that notes were originally provided : But as it was con- fidered that this work might be read not only by Englishmen and Americans, but by foreigners and pofterity ; other notes of explanation and anecdote were occa- fionally added, which will be fet afide by a 2 other iv PREFACE by the EDITOR. other editors, in proportion as they are judged superfluous or improper. In the miscellaneous part of the collection how ever,' thefe humbler 'bounds have been considerably exceeded ; the temptation for which, will appear ,in the places in question. The notes in particular, fol lowing the " Conjectures on the Aurora u Borealis," were drawn up in confe- quence of attacks this paper had suffered among the editor's private friends. How far his zeal will justify their infer tion here, is left to a candid public. But the con jectures of great men fpeak a ftrong lan guage. " The matter in queftion/' they fay " contradicts nothing within their own " knowledge, and they rifque a portion " of their reputation upon its truth :" Proofs fufficient to fatisfy their candor and caution, they acknowledge to . be wanting; But fuch hints furely deferve ftudy and refpect. Considerable liber ties have been taken with the pointing^ italics^ &c, in thefe papers ; for moft of the copies being found imperfect or un- fyftematic PREFACE 'by the EDITOR. v fyftematic in thefe particulars, fome de gree of uniformity was judged allowable, if attended with proper advertifement and apology. The editor may not perhaps at all times have fucceeded in his own in tentions; but he conceives that the public will take more exception at his interfer ence, than Dr. Franklin* The times appear not ripe enough for the editor to give expreilion to the affec tion, gratitude, and veneration, he bears to a writer he has fo intimately ftudied : Nor is it wanting to the author; as hiftory lies in wait for him, and the judgment of mankind balances already in his favor. The editor wifhes only that other readers may reap that improvement from his pro ductions,, which he conceives they have rendered to himielf. Yet perhaps he may be excufed for ftating one opinion : He conceives that no man ever made larger or bolder gueffes than Dr. Franklin from Mke materials in politics and philofophy, which, after the fcrutiny of events and of fact, have been^more completely verified, Can vi PREFACE by the EDITOR. 1 Can Englifhmen read thefe things, and not figh at recollecting that the country which could produce their author, was once with out controverfy their own!- Yet he who praifes Dr. Franklin for mere ability , praifes him for that quality of his mind, which ftands loweft in his own efteem. Reader, whoever you are, and how much foever you think you hate him, know that this great man loves you enough to wifh to do you good : His country's friend, but more of human kind. THE ( vii ] T H TABLE OF CONTENTS. I" DIVISION; containing papers on fubjefts of General Politics, marked [G. P.] on the top of each leaf. Pag 1. Obfervations on tie increafe of mankind, peopling of countries, &c. I 2. Remarks on ditto, [particularly refpeffing the effetts which manners have on popu lation,] by R. J. Eft}-, 12 3. Plan by Meflrs. Franklin and Dalrymple for benefiting diftant unprovided countries -j- 37 4. Precaution in China againft Famine 42 5. Pojitions to be examined [concerning Na tional Wealth.] 44 6. Political Fragments \on the fubjecJs of induftry^ embargoes on corn, poor, effeff of dear provi/tons on manufactures^ open trade y &c. and paper- credit.] 48 f J Thefe marks point out pieces in each divilion, which are found differently arranged in the body of the nuork. Accident or late difcovery of the piece occafioned this circumftance ; which may be eafily remedied when the work is reprinted. In the mean time, the table of contents {hews the order in which the whole is to be read. 7. On The TABLE f CONTENTS. Page 7. On the price of corn, and management of the Poor. 57 8. On Smuggling and .its yarious fpecies. 64 9. The Way to Wealth J. 24 10. Parable againft PERSECUTION. 72 1 1 . A letter concerning Diffenters and Perfecution ; particularly in America. 74 II nd DIVISION; containing papers upon Ame rican fubjetts before the prefent troubles, marked [A.B.T.] 12. 13 14- ALBA.NY PAPERS. "i. Reafons and motives for the plan of union for the colonies in 1 754. 86* 2. Reafons againft partial unions. 89 3. Plan of union, 'propofed by Dr. Franklin, and unanimously agreed to by the American commijfioners at Albany. 9 1 ALBANY PAPERS continued. Letters to Governor Shirley concerning Taxation and Repre- fen ration. A third Letter to the fame concerning an union with Great Britain. Plan for two Weftern Colonies in America. 120 129 133 1 6. Remarks on a plan for regulating Indian affairs in 1762 -j-. Page 8 5 I2O 222 17. CANADA C O U TABLE ofCoNTENTS. ix Page . CANADA PAMPHLET , 0r the Intereft of Great Britain conjidered with regard to her colonies, and the acquifitions of Canada- and Guadaloupe -, j 44 'The Introduction ; and the following topics \ 1 44 ' . Of Securities for being at peace; 148 2. Canada afecurity, but forts none; 155 3. War in America not for Colonies alone; 162 4. The Colonies ufeful / Dl- X-l IV th DIVISION; containing papers on fubjetts of Provincial Politics, marked [P. P.] Page 3 3 . Report of the Committee of Aggrie vanccs . and feem the infeparable companions of Com merce and the Arts. 1 cannot help obferving, however, that this is; jnuch more the cafe in extenfive countries,, ef- pecially at their metropolis, than in other places^ It is an old obfervation of politicians, and fre quently made by hiftorians, that fmall flates al ways beft preferve their manners. Whether this- happens from the greater room there is for at tention in the legiflature,, or from the lefs room there is for ambition and avarice ; it is a ilrong^ argument, among others, againil an incorpo rating Union of the colonies in America, or even; a federal one, that may tend to the future re ducing 22 REMARKS ON THE THOUGHTS ducingthem under one government. Their power, while difunited, is lefs, but their liberty, as well as manners, is more fecure; and, considering the little danger of any conqueft to be made upon them, I had rather they mould fuffer fomething through difunion, than fee them under a general adminiftration lefs equitable than that concerted at Albany *. I take it, the inhabitants of Pen- fyhania are both frugal and induftrious beyond thofe of any province in America. If luxury mould fpread, it cannot be extirpated by laws. We are told by Plutarch, that Plato ufed to fay, // w as a bard thing to make laws for the Cyrenians, a -people abounding in plenty and opulence. But from what I fet out with, it is evident, if I be not miftaken, that education only can item the torrent, and, without checking either true induflry or frugality, prevent the fordid frugality and lazinefs of the old Irz/b, and many of the modern Scotch, (I mean the in habitants of that country, thofe who leave it for another being generally induftrious) or the induftry mixed with luxury of this capital, from getting ground ; and, by rendering ancient manners familiar, produce a reconciliation be tween difintereftednefs and commerce j a thing we often -fee, but almoft always in men of a liberal education. To conclude; when we ivculd form a people y foil and climate may be found at lead fufficiently * [The reader will fee an account of this plan in the fubfequent fiieets. .] [G.P.] ON THE PEOPLING OF COUNTRIES. 23 good; inhabitants maybe encouraged to fettle, and even fuppprted for a while -, a good govern ment and laws may be framed, and even arts may be eftablimed, or their produce imported ; but many necefTary moral habits are hardly ever found among thofe who voluntarily offer themfelves in times of quiet at home, to people new colonies ; belides that the moral, as well as mechanical habits, adapted to a mother-country, are fre quently not fo to the new-fettled one, and to external events, many of which are always un- forefeen. Hence it is we have feen fuch fruit- lefs attempts to fettle colonies, at an immenfe public and private expence, by feveral of the powers of Europe: And it is particularly ob- fervable that none of the Engtijh colonies be came any way confiderable, till the necefTary manners were born and grew up in the country, excepting, thofe to which fingular circumftances at home forced manners fit for the forming a new ftate, lam, Str> 6cc THE THE WAY TO WEALTH, As clearly Jhewn in the Preface of an fylvania Almanack, intitled, POOR RICHARD IMPROVED. * Courteous Reader, I HAVE heard, that nothing gives an author fo great pleafure, as to find his works refpectfully quoted by others. Judge, then, how much I muft have been gratified by an incident I am go ing to relate to you. I flopped my horfe lately, where a great number of people were collected, at an auction of merchants goods. The hour of the fale not being come, they were converting on the badnefs of the times ; and one of the company called to a plain, clean Old Man, with white locks, ' Pray, Father Abraham^ what think * you of the times ? Will not thefe heavy taxes quite ruin the country ? How lhall we ever be [* Dr. Franklin, as I have been made to underftand, for many years publiflied the Penfylvania Almanack, called Poor Richard [Saunders~\, and furnifhed it with various fentences and proverbs, which had principal relation to the topics of " induftry, attention to one's own bufmefs, and frugality." The whole or chief of thefe fentences and proverbs, he at laft collected and digefted in the above general preface, which his countrymen read with much avidity and profit. 1VL Dubourg, the French tranflator of Dr. Franklin's works, en titles this Penjylvanian Almanack, Le pauvre Henri a /on aij'e; to avoid the jeu de mots, in cafe he had written Pauvre Richard* E.] able [G.P.] THE WAY TO WEALTH. 25 * able to pay them ? What would you advife us to ?' Father Abraham flood up, and replied, * If you would have my advice, I will give it * you in fhortj "for a word to the wife is " enough," as Poor Richard fays/ They joined in defiling him to fpeak his mind, and gather ing round him, he proceeded as follows : * FRIENDS, fays he, the taxes are, indeed, * very heavy, and, if thofe laid on by the go- * vernment were the only ones we had to pay, ' we might more eafily difcharge them j but we ' have many others, and much more grievous to ' fome of us. We are taxed twice as much by * our idlenefs, three times as much by our pride, ' and four times as much by our folly; and * from thefe taxes the commiffioners cannot eafe * or deliver us, by allowing an abatement. * However, let us hearken to good advice, and ' fomething may be done for us ; " God helps " them that help themfelves," as Poor Richard ' fays. * I. It would be thought a hard government that ' mould tax its people one tenth part of their * time, to be employed in its fervice : But idle- ' nefs taxes many of us much more; floth, by f bringing on difeafes, abfolutely fhortens life. " Sloth, like ruft, confumes farter than labour " wears, whiJe the ufed key is always bright,'* ' as Poor Richard fays. " But doft thou love " life, then do not fquander time, for that is the E fluff 26 THE WAY TO WEALTH. " fluff life is made of," as Poor Richard fays. c How much more than is necefTary do we fpend * in fleep ! forgetting that, " The fleeping fox " catches no poultry, and that there will be " fleeping enough in the grave," as Poor Richard ' fays. " If time be of all things die moft precious, *' wafting time muft be," as Poor Richard * fays, " the greateft prodigality 5" fince, as he * elfe.where tells us, '* Loft time is never found * c again -, and what we cajl time enough, always " proves little enough :" Let us then up and * be doing, and doing to the purpofe ; fo by di- * ligence (hall we do more with lefs perplexity. " Sloth makes all things difficult, but induftry 4 * all eafy$ and, He that rifeth late, muft trot ' all day, and mall fcarce overtake his b.u- * finefs at night ; while lazinefs travels fo flowly, ** that poverty foon overtakes him. Drive thy *' bulinefs, kt not that drive thee; and early to *' bed, and early to rife, makes a man healthy, " wealthy, and wife," as Poor Richard fays. ' So what fignifies wifhing and hoping for 4 better times ? We may make thefe times bet- * ter, if we beftir ourfelves. " Induftry need *' not wim, and he that lives upon hope will *' die fafting. There are no gains without pains ; ** then help hands, for I have no lands," or, if * I have, they are fmartly taxed. " He that '* hath a trade, hath an eftate ; and he that hath " a calling, hath an office of profit and honour," * as Poor Richard fays 5 but then the trade muft ' be [G.P.] THE WAY TO WEALTH. 27 * be worked at, and the calling well followed, or * neither the eflate nor the office will enable us * to pay our taxes. If we are mduftrious, we ' mall never ftarve ; for, " at the working man's " houfe hunger looks in, but dares not enter." * Nor will the bailiff or the conftable enter, for " Induftry pays debts, while defpair increafeth " them." What though you have found no trea- ' fure, nor has any rich relation left you a legacy, *' Diligence is the mother of good luck, and God << gives all things to induftry. Then plow deep, *' while fluggards ileep, and you mall have corn < to fell and to keep." Work while it is called ' to-day, for you know not how much you may * be hindered to-morrow. " One to-day is worth * two to-morrows/' as Poor Richard fays ; and ' farther, " Never leave that till to-morrow, " which you can do to-day." If you were a fer- * vant, would you not be afhamed that a good * mafter fhould catch you idle ? Are you then * your own mafter ? be amamed to catch yourfelf * idle, when there is fo much to be done for ' yourfelf, your family, your country, and your ( king. Handle your tools without mittens, re- < member, that, " The cat in gloves catches no " mice," as Poor Richard fays. It is true, there is * much to be done, and, perhaps, you are weak- f handed; but ftick to it fteadily, and you will fee ' great effects ; for " Conftant dropping wears " away (tones ; and by diligence and patience the " moufe ate in two the cable ; and little ftrokes fell great oaks." E 2 Methinks " 28 THE WAY TO WEALTH. ' Methinks I hear fome of you fay, " Muft a " man afford himfelf no leifure ?" I will tell thee, my friend, what Poor Richard fays; " Em ploy thy time well, if thou meaneft to gain lei- " fure; and fince thou art not fure of a minute, " throw not away an hour." Leifure is time for * doing fomething ufeful; this leifure the diligent ' man will obtain, but the lazy man never ; for, " A life of leifure and a life of lazinefs are two " things. Many, without labour, would live by *' their wits only, but they break for want of " ftock;" whereas induftry gives comfort, and * plenty, and refpect. " Fly pleafures, and they " will follow you. The diligent fpinner has a *' large fhift ; and now I have a fheep and a cow, " every body bids me good-morrow." ' II. But with our induftry we muft like wife * be fteady, fettled, and careful, and overfee our * own affairs with our own eyes, and not truft too < much to others ; for, as Poor Richard fays, " I never faw an oft-removed tree, " Nor yet an oft-removed family, *' That throve fo well as thofe that fettled be." ' And again, " Three removes is as bad as a fire;" * and again, " Keep thy mop, and thy mop will 4t keep thee;" and again, " If you would have your ** bufinefs done, go; if not, fend." And again, " He that by the plough would thrive, *' Himfelf muft either hold or drive." * And again, " The eye of a mafter will do more " work than both his hands 5" and again, " Want " of [G.P.] THE WAY TO WEALTH. 29 ** of care does us more damage than Want of know- *' ledge ;" and again, " Not to overfee workmen, " is to leave them your purfe open." Trufting ' too much to others care is the ruin of many j ' for, " In the affairs of this world, men are " faved, not by faith, but by the want of it ;" ' But a man's own care is profitable ; for, " If " you would have a faithful fervant, and one that " you like, ferve yourfelf. A little neglect may " breed great mifchief; for want of a nail the " moe was loft -, for want of a moe the horfe was *' loft ; and for want of a horfe the rider was loft,'" ' being overtaken and (lain by the enemy j all for ' want of a little care about a horfe-fhoe nail. < III. So much for induftry, my friends, and ' attention to ones own bufinefs ; but to thefe we- 4 muft add frugality, if we would make our in- * duftry more certainly fuccefsful. A man may, * if he knows not how to fave as he gets, " keep " his nofe all his life to the grind- ftone, and die " not worth a groat at laft. A fat kitchen makes " a lean will j" and " Many eftates are fpent in the getting, " Since women for tea forfook fpinning and '* knitting, " And men for punch forfook hewing and " fplitting." " If you would be wealthy, think of faving, as *' well as of getting. The Indies have not mader Spain rich, becaufe her outgoes are greater < than her incomes." * Away 30 THE WAY TO WEALTH. ' Away then, with your expenlive follies, and ' you will not then have io much caufe to complain * of hard times, heavy taxes, and chargeable fa- * milies ; for " Women and wine, game and deceit, " Make the wealth fmall, and the want great." * And farther, " What maintains one vice, would '.' bring up two children." You may think, per- * haps, that a little tea, or a little punch now and ' then, diet a little more coftly, clothes a little ' finer, and a little entertainment now and then, ' can be no great matter $ but remember, "Many *' a little makes a mickle." Beware of little ex- * pencesj "A fmall leak will fink a great {hip," ' as Poor Richard fays; and again, " Who dain- ** ties love, mall beggars prove $" and moreover, " Fools make feafts, and wife men eat them." ' Here you are all got together to this fale of fineries and nick-nacks. You call them goods ; but, if you do not take care, they will prove evt/s to fome of you. You expect they will be fold cheap, and, perhaps, they may for lefs than they coft; but, if you have no occafion for them, they muft be dear to you. Remember what Poor Richard fays, " Buy what thou haft no need of, and ere long thou malt fell thy ne- ceflaries." And again, " At a great penny- worth paufe a while." He means, that per- haps the cheapnefs is apparent only, and not real j or the bargain, by ftraitening thec in thy bufmefs, may do thee more harm than good. For in another place he fays, " Many have been *' ruined [G.P.] THE WAY TO WEALTH. 31 * { ruined by buying good pennyworths." Again, <* It is foolifti to lay out momy in a purchaie of " repentance ; " and yet this folJy is pradifed every day at auctions, for want of minding the Almanack. Many a one, for the fake of finery on the back, have gone with a hungry belly, and half ftarved their families -, " Silks and iattins, " fcarlet and velvets, put out the kitchen-fire," as Poor Richard fays. Thefe are not the necef- faries of life > they can fcarcely be calkd the c conveniences ;. and yet only becaufe they look * pretty, how many want to have them ? By thefe, and other extravagancies, the genieel are * reduced to poverty, and forced to borrow of thofe whom they formerly defpiied, but who, through induftry and frugality, have maintained their landing ; in which cafe it appears plainly, that " A ploughman on his legs is higher than " a gentleman on his knees," as Poor Richard fays. Perhaps they have had a fmall eftate left them, which they knew not the getting of; they think " It is day, and will never be night ; J> that a little to be fpent out of fo much is not worth minding j but " Always taking out of '* the meal-tub, and never putting in* foon comes * { to the bottom," as Poor Ricbara^lzys ; and * then, " When the well is dry, they know the *' worth of water." But this they might have * known before, if they had taken his advice : " If you would know the value of money, go ** and try to borrow fome ; for he that goes a " borrowing goes a forrowing," as >Poor Richard * fays j 32 THE WAY TO WEALTH. ' fays ; and, indeed, fo does he that lends to * fuch people, when he goes to get it in again. ' Poor Dick farther adviJes, and fays, " Fond pride of drefs is fure a very curfe ; " Ere fancy you confult, confult your purfe." * And again, *' Pride is as loud a beggar as Want, *' and a great deal more faucy." When you have * bought one fine thing, you muft buy ten more, * that your appearance may be all of a piece -, but ' Poor Dick fays, "It is eafier to fupprefs the fir ft ' defire, than to fatisfy all that follow it :" And *; it is as truly folly for the poor to ape the rich, as ' for the frog to fwell, in order to equal the ox. " VefTels large may venture more, " But little boats mould keep near more." * It is, however, a folly foon punimed ; for, as * Poor Richard fays, " Pride that dines on va- " nity, fups on contempt $ Pride breakfafted with " Plenty, dined with Poverty, and fupped with " Infamy." And, after all, of what ufe is this ' pride of appearance, for which fo much is ' rifked, fo much is fufFered ? It cannot promote ' health, nor eafe pain ; it makes no increafe of ' merit in the perfon, it creates envy, it haftens * misfortune. ' But what madnefs muft it be to run in debt for ' thefe fuperfluities ? We are offered, by the terms ' of this fale, fix months credit; and that, perhaps, ' has induced fome of us to attend it, becaufe we ' cannot fpare the ready money, and hope now to ' be fine without it. But, ah ! think what you do ' when [G.P.] THE WA Y TO WE ALTH. 33 when you run in debt j you give to another power over your liberty. If you cannot pay at the time, you will be afhamed to fee your creditor ; you will be in fear when you fpeak to him - y you will make poor pitiful fneaking ex- cufes, and, by degrees, come to lofe your vera city, and fink into bafe, downright lying j for, " The fecond vice is lying, thej$r/l is running " in debt," as Poor Richard fays ; and again, to ' the fame purpofe, " Lying rides upon Debt's ce back :" whereas a free-born Englijhman ought * not to be amamed nor afraid to fee or fpeak * to any man living. But poverty often deprives * a man of all fpirit and virtue. " It is hard " for an empty bag to fland upright." What * would you think of that prince, or of that go- * vernment, who mould ifTue an edicl: forbidding * you to drefs like a gentleman or gentlewoman, * on pain of imprifonment or fervitude ? Would * you not fay that you were free, have a right * to drefs as you pleafe, and that fuch an edicl: * would be a breach of your privileges, and fuch * a government tyrannical ? And yet you are ' about to put yourfelf under that tyranny, when '^you run in debt for fuch drefs ! Your creditor * has authority, at his pleafure, to deprive you * of your liberty, by confining you in gaol for * life, or by felling you for a fervant, if you * mould not be able to pay him. When you : have got your bargain, you may, perhaps, * think little of payment ; but, as Poor Richard : fays, " Creditors have better memories than F " debtors ; 34 THE WAY TO WEALTH. " debtors; creditors are afuperftitious fed, great " obfervers of let-days and times." The day * comes round before you are aware, and the ' demand is made before you are prepared to * fatisfy it j or, if you bear your debt in mind, 4 the term, which at firffc feemed fo long, will, * as it leiTens, appear extremely (liort : Time ' will feem to have added wings to his heels as 4 well as his moulders. " Thofe have a fhort " Lent, who owe money to be paid at Eafler." ' At prefent, perhaps, you may think yourfelves ' in thriving circumstances, and that you can bear ' a little extravagance without injury ; but " For age and want fave while you may, " No morning-fun lafls a whole day." ' Gain may be temporary and uncertain, but ever, * while you live, expence is conftant and certain; ' and, " It is eaiier to build two chimneys, than " to keep one in fuel," as Poor Richard fays: So, * Rather go to bed fupperlefs, than rife in debt." " Get what you can, and what you get hold : *' 'Tis the ftone that will turn all your Igad " into gold." ' And when you have got the philofopher's ftone, ' fure you will no longer complain of bad times, * or the difficulty of paying taxes. * IV. This dodtrine, my friends, is reafon and ' wifdom : But, after all, do not depend too ' much upon your own induftry, and frugality, ' and prudence, though excellent things; for they ' may all be blafled, without the bleffing of Hea- [G.P.] THE WAY TO WEALTH. 35 ' ven ; and, therefore, afk that bleffing humbly, * and be not uncharitable to thofe that at prefent * feem to want it, but comfort and help them. * Remember, Job fufFered^ and was afterwards ' profperous. ' And now, to conclude, " Experience keeps a " dear fchool, but fools will learn in no other," ' (as Poor Richard fays) and fcarce in that ; for, * it is true, " We may give advice, but we can- " not give conduit :" However, remember this, " They that will not be counfelled, cannot be " helped ;" and farther, that " If you will not " hearReafon, me will furely rap your knuckles," ' as Poor Richard fays.' Thus the Old Gentleman ended his harangue. The people heard it and approved the doctrine; and immediately pradifed the contrary, juft as if it had been a common fermon -, for the auction opened, and they began to buy extravagantly. I found the good man had thoroughly ftudied my Almanacks, and digefted all I had dropt on thofe topics during the courfe of twenty -five years. The frequent mention he made of me muft have tired any one elfe ; but my vanity was wonderfully delighted with it, though I was confcious, that not a tenth part of the wifdom was my own, which he afcribed to me, but ra ther the gleanings that I had made of the fenfe of all ages and nations. However, I refolved to be the better for the echo of it > and, though I had at firft determined to buy fluff for a new F 2 coat, 36 THE WAY TO WEALTH. coat, I went away, refolved to wear my old one a little longer. Reader, if thou wilt do the fame, thy profit will be as great as mine. I am, as ever, Thine to ferve thee, RICHARD SAUNDERSJ. J [This piece has been printed on a fingle iheet of paper, of a fmall fize fit for framing, and may be had of the publilher of this work, price two-pence. E.] Plan [G.P.] [ 37 ) Plan by Meffieurs Franklin and Dalrymple for benefiting diftant unprovided Countries $. Aug. 29, 1771. THE country called in the maps New Zealand, has been difcovered by the Endeavour, to be two iflands, together as large as Great Britain : thefe iflands, named Acpy-nomawee and 'Tovy- poennammoo, are inhabited by a brave and gene rous race, who are deftitute of corn, fowls, and all quadrupeds, except dogs. Thefe circumftances being mentioned lately In a company of men of liberal fentiments, it was obferved that it feemed incumbent on fuch a coun try as this, to communicate to all others the con veniences of life which we enjoy. Dr. Franklin, whofe life has ever been directed to promote the true intereft of fociety, faid, " he " would with all his hzzrtfubfcribe to a voyage " intended to communicate in general t\\ofe bene- *' fits which we enjoy, to countries deflitute of " them in the remote parts of the globe." This J [Thefe propofals were printed upon a fheet of paper fome two er three years ago, and diftributed. The parts written by Dr. Frank lin and Mr. Dalrymple are eafily diitinguifhed. By a miftake of the printer " The way to wealth" is put out of its place, being made to interrupt the courfe of the papers relating to the fubfiftence of mankind, &c. E.] proportion ^ 8 Plan for Civilization, &c. proportion being warmly adopted by the reft of the company, Mr. Dalrymple, then prefent, was induced to offer to undertake the command on ftich an expedition. On mature reflection this fcheme appears the more honourable to the national character of any which can be conceived, as it is grounded on the nobleft principle of benevolence. Good intentions are often fruftrated by letting them remain indi- gefted ; on this confederation Mr. Dalrymple was induced to put the outlines on paper, which are now publifhed, that by an early communication there may be a better opportunity of collecting all the hints which can conduce to execute effec tually the benevolent purpofe of the expedition, in cafe it mould meet with general approbation. On this fcheme being (hewn to Dr. Franklin, he communicated his fentiments by way of in troduction, to the following effect. " Britain is faid to have produced originally ** nothing butjloes. What vaft advantages have " been communicated to her by the fruits, feeds, " roots, herbage, animals, and arts of other coun- the head and the tail of government, what am I to do? Muft I keep my corn in the barn to feed, and Micreafe the breed of rats ? be it fo > they cannot be lefs thankful, than thofe I have been ufed to feed. Are we farmers the only people to be grudged the profits of our honeft labour ? And why ? One of the late fcribblers againft us, gives a bill of fare of the provifions at my daughter's wedding, and proclaims to all the world, that we had the infolence to eat beef and pudding ! Has he not read the precept in the good book, 'Thou Jhalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth out the corn -, or does he think us lefs worthy of good living than our oxen ? O, but the manufacturers ! the manufacturers ! they are to be favoured, and they muft have bread at a cheap rate ! * [It is not neceflary to repeat in what degree Dr. Franklin refpefted the minifters, to whom he alludes. The embargo upon corn was but a fingle meafure : which, it is enough to fay, an hoft of politi cians thought well-advifed, but ill-defended. Of the great and honourable fervices of the Earl of Chatham to his country, Dr. borne the ampleft teilimony. E.] [G.P.] MANAGEMENT OF THE POOR. 59 Hark ye, Mr. Oaf; The farmers live fplen- didly, you fay. And pray, would you have them hoard the money they get? Their fine clothes and furniture, do they make them them- felves or for one another, and fo keep the mo ney among them ? Or, do they employ thefe your darling manufacturers, and ib fcatter it again all over the nation ? The wool would produce me a better price, if it were fuffered to go to foreign markets ; but that, Meflieurs the Public, your laws will not permit. It mufl be kept all at home, that our dear manufacturers may have it the cheaper. And then, having yourfelves thus leffened our encouragement for raifing fheep, you curfe us for the fcarcity of mutton ! I have heard my grandfather fay, that the farmers fubmitted to the prohibition on the ex portation of wool, being made to expect and be lieve that when the manufacturer bought his wool cheaper, they mould alfo have their cloth cheaper. But the deuce a bit. It has been grow ing dearer and dearer from that day to this. How fo ? Why, truly, the cloth is exported ; and that keeps up the price. Now if it be a good principle, that the ex portation of a commodity is to be retrained, that fo our people at home may have it the cheaper -, flick to that principle, and go tho rough flitch with it. Prohibit the exportation of your cloth, your leather, and fhoes, your iron ware, and your manufactures of all forts, to I 2 make 60 ON THE PRICE OF CORN, AND make them all cheaper at home. And cheap enough they will be, I will warrant you till people leave off making them. N Some folks feem to think they ought never to be eafy till England becomes anotherLubberland, where it is fancied the flreets are paved with penny-rolls, the houfes tiled with pancakes, and chickens, ready roafted, cry, Come eat me. I fay, when you are fure you have got a good principle, flick to it, and carry it thorough. I hear it is faid, that though it was neceffary and right for the m y to advife a prohibition of the exportation of corn, yet it was contrary to law, and alfo, that though it was contrary to law for the mob to obftrucl: waggons, yet it was neceffary and right. Juft the fame thing to a tittle. Now they tell me, an adt of indemnity ought to pafs in favour of the m y, to fecure them from the confequences of having acted il legally. If fo, pafs another in favour of the mob. Others fay, fome of the mob ought to be hanged, by way of example. If fo, but I fay no more than I have faid before, when you are Jure that you have got a good principle, go through with it. You fay, poor labourers cannot afford to buy bread at a high price, unlefs they had higher wages. Pombly. But how fhall we farmers be able to afford our labourers higher wages, if you will not allow us to get, when we might have it, a higher price for our corn ? By [G.P.] MANAGEMENT OF THE POOR. 61 By all that I can learn, we mould at leaft have had a guinea a quarter more, if the exportation had been allowed. And this money England would have got from foreigners. But, it feems, we farmers rnuft take fo much lefs, that the poor may have it fo much cheaper. This operates then as a tax for the mainte nance of the poor. A very good thing, you will fay. But 1 afk, why a partial tax ? Why laid on us farmers only ? If it be a good thing, pray, Meffieurs the Public, take your mare of it, by indemnifying us a little out of your pub lic treafury. In doing a good thing, there is both honour and pleasure -, you are welcome to your mare of both. For my own part, I am not fo well fatisfied of the goodnefs of this thing. I am for doing good to the poor, but i differ in opinion about the means. I think the beft way of doing good to the poor, is not making them eafy in poverty, but leading or driving them out of it. In my youth I travelled much, and I obferved in different countries, that the more public provifions were made for the poor, the lefs they provided for themfelves, and of courfe became poorer. And, on the contrary, the lefs was done for them, the more they did for themfelves, and became richer. There is no country in the world where fo many provifions are eftablifhed for them -, fo many hof- pitals to receive them when they are fick or lame, founded and maintained by voluntary charities ; fo many alms-houfes for the aged of both fexes, together 62 ON THE PRICE OF CORN, AND together with a folemn general law made by the rich to fubject their eflates to a heavy tax for the fupport of the poor. Under all thele obligations, are our poor modeft, humble, and thankful ? and do they ufe their beft endeavours to maintain themfelves, and lighten our fhoulders of this bur then ? On the contrary, I affirm that there is no country in the world in which the poor are more idle, diffolute, drunken, and infolent. The day you paffed that act, you took away from be fore their eyes the greateft of all inducements to Induftry, frugality, and fobriety, by giving them a dependance on fomewhat elfe than a careful ac cumulation during youth and health, for fupport In age or ficknefs. In ihort, you offered a pre mium for the encouragement of idlenefs, and you mould not now wonder that it has had its effect in the increafe of poverty. Repeal that law, and you will foon fee a change in their manners, Saint Monday and Saint c Tuefday, will foon ceafe to be holidays. Six days Jh alt thou labour ', though one of the old commandments long treated as out of date, will again be looked upon as a refpedtable precept ; induftry will increafe, and with it plenty among the lower people ; their circum fiances will mend, and more will be done for their happinefs by inuring them to provide for themfelves, than eould be done by dividing all your eftates among them. Excufe me, Meffieurs the Public, if upon this inter efting fubject, I put you to the trouble of reading a little of wy nonfenfe; I am fure I have lately [G.P.] MANAGEMENT OF THE POOR. 63 lately read a great deal of 'yours ; and therefore from you (at leaft from thofe of you who are writers) I deferve a little indulgence. I am yours, &c. AR AT OR*. [* The late Mr. Owen Ruffhead being fome time ago employed in preparing a Digeft of our Poor laws, communicated a copy of it to Dr. Franklin for his advice. Dr. Franklin recommended that provifion fhould be made therein, for the printing on a meet of paper and difperfing, in each parifh in the kingdom, annual accounts of every difburfement and receipt of its officers. It is obvious to remark how greatly this muft tend to check both the officers and the poor, and to inform- and intereft the parifhioners with refpecl: to parifh concerns. Some of \h& American colonies actually praclife this- meaftrre with a fuccefs which might juftify its adoption here. Later improvements however in our Engll/h poor laws, have not only been meditated, but attempted. In particular, in 1773* an aft of parliament was propofed, in order to invite the poor to fet apart money for the purchafe of annuities, in all parifhes and townfhips managing the poor's-rate, that could admit of, and would formally confent to the regulation. Some of the particulars of this fcheme were as follows. The annuities, which to accommodate the poor were payable quarterly, were in no cafe to exceed 20 /. and no principal purchafe money was to be received of lefs amount than c /. at a time ; the parties might choofe any age for the purchafe between 15 and 75, but they could not receive the annuity before 50 if men, and 35 if women, the annuity in the mean time in- creafing in proportion as they had waited ; the annuities alfo could not knowingly be granted to any but thofe entitled to legal parifh fettlements, nor for any other lives than thofe of the grantees ; though they were faleable, provided the firlt refufal of them was offered to the grantors. The proper officers of the parifh or townfhip (who were conftituted the grantors,) in order to effect thefe purpofes,. were to be eredled into a corporation with a feal ; the grants (which were framed according to a prefcribed and cheap form, and pro- tedledfrom frauds) were to be in feveralways authenticated and pre- ferved ; the annuities were to be taken up in fome parliamentary fund, after the rate of 3 percent, intereft, negociable at the bank of England ; and the accounts after being properly kept and figned, were [ 64 ] "On SMUGGLING, and its various Species *. SIR, / T V HERE are many people that would be -* thought, and even think themfelves, boneft men, who fail neverthelefs in particular points ofhonefty; deviating from that character fome- times by the prevalence of mode or cuftom, and fometimes through mere inattention -, fo that their * [This letter is extra&ed from the London Chronicle for No vember 24, 1767, and is addrefled to the printer of that news paper. E.] were to be annually audited and recorded with the juftices at the quarter-feflions. The relief to the poor in cafe of delay of payment was fummary and almoft inftanc; but in return, the corporation might receive gifts and legacies, and have the benefit of all neglected annuities, to the eating of the poor's-rate ; befides other advantages given them by the calculations, particularly that arising from a low ftandard of intereft, which neceflarily rendered the terms of the annuity in proportion dearer to the poor. It was thought that domeftic ufe and ceconomy were concerned, in thus refcuing fomewhat from profligacy and unhealthy debauchery, in applying the furplus of health and of ftrength to the relief of the penury and infirmities of age, and in promoting good habits ; yet without depriving the ftate on the whole of effectual labour, or leaving it incumbered with the charge of individuals, who might aflift themfelves. But this fcheme, which was propofed by Baron Maferes, regulated and fu- perintended as to the calculations by Dr. Price, and fupported by Sir George Savile and Mr. Dowdefwell, only paffed the commons : It was rejedled by the lords ; chiefly becaufe the landed interert there was alarmed at the poor's rate being made the fecurity for the annuities, in cafe of deficiency in the funds. However the burthen of the poor's-rate was ftill felt too confidera- ble not to demand enquiry ; and an aft foon pafled, calling for a general abftradlof the returns made by the overfeers of the poor. It appeared in conference, that there were Totals [G. P.] ON SMUGGLING, &c. 65 their honefty is partial only, and not general or uni- verfal. Thus one who would fcorn to over-reach you in a bargain, mall make no fcruple of tricking you a little now and then at cards -, another that plays with the utmoft fairnefs, fhall with great freedom cheat you in the fale of a horfe. But there is no kind of dimoriefty, into which otherwife good people more eafily and frequently fall, than that of defrauding government of its revenues by fmuggling when they have an opportunity, or encouraging fmugglers by buying their goods. Totals raifed by the poor's-rate, from Eafter Of which there was expended '775* to Eafter 1776, on the poor alone, In England 1,679,585 1,523,164 And in Wales 40,732 33,641 1,720,317 1,556,80? The remainder of the Aim raifed was applied to county ufes, ex cept about 26,000!. which feems not to have been brought into the year's account. Nearly one twentieth of the enormous fum expend ed on the poor, was for the fingle article of rent, &c. and the liti gations concerning fettlements and the removal of paupers made another article of nearly half the fame amount. In Davenant we find an eftimate of the poor's-rate, made towards the latter end of Charles the fecond's reign, by a reafonable medium, as he ftates, of feveral years : The grofs fums are, For England 631,609 And for Wales 33,753 665,362 So that while the poor's-rate of Wales has remained in a manner ftationary for this period, that of England does not fall much Ihort of being trebled. Since the year 1776, no farther public meafures feem to have been taken refpedling the regulation of the poor. (See on the above fubjefts, The propofed aft of parliament, with the annexed tables and inftruftions, printed for Eyre and Strahan? alfo the Abftraft of the returns of the poor's-rate, printed for ditto; Dr. Price on payments, 3d edit. p. 115; and Whitworth's Davenant, Vol. I. p. 39.) E.] K I fell 66 ONSMUGGLING, I fell into thefe reflections the other day, on hearing two gentlemen of reputation difcourfmg about a fmall eftate, which one of them was in clined to fell, and the other to buy ; when the feller, in recommending the place, remarked, that its fituation was very advantageous on this account, that being on the fea-coaft in a fmug- gling country, one had frequent opportunities of buying many of the expeniive articles ufed in a family, (fuch as tea, coffee, chocolate, brandy, wines, cambricks, BrufTels laces, French filks, and all kinds of India goods,) 20, 30, and in fome articles 50 per cenf. cheaper than they could be had in the more interior parts, of traders that paid duty. The other honejl gentle men allowed this to be an advantage, but in- fifted that the feller, in the advanced price he demanded on that account, rated the advantage much above its value. And neither of them feemed to think dealing with fmugglers, a prac tice that att honejl man (provided he got his goods cheap) had the leaft reafon to be amamed of. At a time when the load of our public debt, and the heavy expence of maintaining our fleets and armies to be ready for our defence on occa- iion, makes it neceflfary not only to continue old taxes, but often to look out for new ones ; perhaps it may not be unufeful to ftate this mat ter in a light that few feem to have conlidered it in. The [G. P.] AND ITS VARIOUS SPECIES. 6j The people of Great Britain, under the happy inftitution of this country, have a privilege few other countries enjoy, that of choofing the third branch of the legiflature; which branch has .alone the power of regulating their taxes. Now whenever the government finds it neceflary for the common benefit, advantage, and fafety of the nation, for the fecurity of our liberties, pro perty, religion, and every thing that is dear to us ; that certain fums fhall be yearly raifed by taxes, 'duties, &c. and paid into the public treafury, thence to be difpenfed by government for thofe purpofes ; ought not every honeft man freely and willingly to pay his juft proportion of this necefTary expence ? Can he poffibly pre- ferve a right to that character, if by any fraud, ftratagem, or contrivance, he avoids that pay ment in whole or in part ? What mould we think of a companion, who having fupped with his friends at a tavern, and partaken equally of the joys of the evening with the reft of us, would neverthelefs contrive by fome artifice to fhift his lhare of the reckoning upon others, in order to go off fcot-free ? If a man who praftifed this, would, when detected, be deemed and called a fcoundrel; what ought he to be called, who can enjoy all the ineftimable benefits of public fociety, and yet by fmuggling, or dealing with fmugglers, contrive to evade paying his juft mare of the expence, as fettled, by his own reprefentatives in parliament; and wrongfully throw it upon his honefter and per- K 2 haps 68 ONSMUGGLING, haps much poorer neighbours ? He will perhaps be ready to tell me, that he does not wrong his neighbours ; he fcorns the imputation ; he only cheats the King a little, who is very able to bear it. This however is a ,miftake. The public treafure is the treafure of the nation, to be applied to national purpofes. And when a duty is laid for a particular public and neceffary purpofe, if through fmuggling that duty falls mort of raifing the fum required, and other duties muft therefore be laid to make up the deficiency ; all the additional fum laid by the new duties and paid by other people, though it mould amount to no more than a halfpenny or a farthing per head, is fo much actually picked out of the pockets of thofe other people by the fmugglers and their abettors and encouragers. Are they then any better or other than pickpockets ? and what mean, low, rafcally pickpockets muft thofe be, that can pick pockets for halfpence and for farthings ? I would not however be fuppofed to allow in what I have juft faid, that cheating the King is a lefs offence againft honefty, than cheating the public. The King and the public in this cafe are different names for the fame thing ; but if we confider the King diftinclly it will not leffen the crime : it is no juftification of a robbery, that the perfon robbed was rich and able to bear it. The King has as much right to juftice as the meaneft of his fubjedls -> and as he is truly the common father of* his people, thofe that rob him [G. P.] AND ITS VARIOUS SPECIES. 69 him fall under the fcripture woe, pronounced again ft the foil that robbeth his father, and faith it is no Jin. Mean as this practice is, do we not daily fee people of character and fortune engaged in it for trifling advantages to themfelves ? Is any lady afhamed to requeft of a gentleman of her ac quaintance, that when he returns from abroad, he would fmuggle her home a piece of filk or lace from France or Flanders ? Is any gentleman a(hamed to undertake and execute the commif- fion ? Not in the leaft. They will talk of it freely, even before others whofe pockets they are thus contriving to pick by this piece of knavery. Among 'other branches of the revenue, that of the Poft-Office is, by a late law, appropri ated to the difcharge of our public debt, to de fray the expences of the ftate. None but mem bers of parliament, and a few public officers have now a right to avoid, by a frank, the payment of poftage. When any letter not written by them or on their bulinefs, is franked by any of them, it is a hurt to the revenue; an injury which they muft now take the pains to conceal by writing the whole fuperfcription themfelves. And yet fuch is our infenfibility to juftice in this particu lar, that nothing is more common than to fee, even in a reputable company, a very honeft gen tleman or lady declare, his or her intention to cheat the nation of three-pence by a frank ; and without blufhing apply to one of the very legif- lators themfelves, with a modeft requeft that he 70 ONSMUGGLING, he would be pleafed to become an accomplice in the crime, and affift in the perpetration. There are thofe who by thefe practices take a great deal in a year out of the public purfe, and put the money into their own private pockets. If paffing through a room where public trea- fure is depofited, a man takes the opportunity of clandeftinely pocketing and carrying off a guinea, is he not truly and properly a thief? And if another evades paying into the treafury a guinea he ought to pay in, and applies it to his own ufe, when he knows it belongs to the pub lic as much as that which has been paid in ; what difference is there in the nature of the crime, or the bafenefs of committing it ? Some laws make the receiving of ftolen goods equally penal with flealing, and upon this prin ciple, that if there were no receivers there would be few thieves. Our proverb too, fays truly, that the receiver is as bad as the thief. By the fame reafoning, as there would be few fmug- glers, if there were none who knowingly en couraged them by buying their goods, we may fay that the encouragers of fmuggling are as bad as the fmugglers ; and that as miugglers are a kind of thieves, both equally deferve the pu- nimments of thievery. In this view of wronging the revenue, what muft we think of thofe who can evade paying for their wheels and their plate, in defiance of law and juftice, and yet declaim againft corrup tion and peculation, as if their own hands and hearts [G. P.] AND ITS VARIOUS SPECIES. Jl hearts were pure and unfullied ? The Americans offend us grievouily, when, contrary to our laws, they fmuggle goods into their own country : and yet they had no hand in making thofe laws. I do not however pretend from thence to juftify them. But I think the offence much greater in thofe who either directly or indirectly have been concerned in making the very laws they break. And when I hear them exclaiming againft ^Americans, and for every little infringe ment of the acts of trade, or obftruction given by a petty mob to an officer of our cuftoms in that country, calling for vengeance againft the whole people as REBELS and Traitors ; I cannot help thinking there are ftill thofe in the world who can fee a mote in their brother s eye, while they do not difcern a beam in their own; and that the old faying is as true now as ever it was, one man may better Jleal a horfe, than another look over the hedge. F. B. A PARABLE A PARABLE againft Perfecution, in Imitation of Scripture Language *. AND it came to pafs after thefe things, that Abraham fat in the door of his tent, about the going down of the fun. And behold a man bent with age, coming from the way of the wil- dernefs leaning on a ftaff. And Abraham arofe, and met him, and faid unto him, Turn in, I pray thee, and warn thy feet, and tarry all night; and thou fhalt arife early in the morning, and go on thy way. And the man faid, Nay; for I will abide under this tree. But Abraham prefled him greatly : fo he turned and they went into the tent : and Abraham baked unleaven bread, and they did eat. And when Abraham faw that * [I have taken this piece from the Sketches of the Hiftory ofMa> written by LordKaims, and lhall preface it with hisLordfhip's own words. See Vol. II. p. 472, 473. The following Parable againft Perfecution was communicated ' to me by Dr. Franklin of Philadelphia, a man who makes a great * figure in the learned world : and who would ftill make a greater ' figure for benevolence and candour, were virtue as much regarded * in this declining age as knowledge. 3jfc 3jt ?fc T 3fc vj "7F * The hiftorical ftyle of the OUTeJlament is here finely imitated ; and the moral muft ftrike every one who is not funk in ftupidity and fuperftition. Were it really a chapter of Genejis, one is apt to think, that perfecution could never have Ihovvn a bare face among Jews or Chriftians. But alas ! that is a vain thought. Such a paflage in the Old Tejlament, would avail as little againft the rancorous paffions of men, as the following paflages in the New Tejlament, though perfecution cannot be condemned in terms more explicit. " Him that is weak in the faith, receive you, but not to doubtful difputations. For, &c." E.] the ; [G.P.] ^PARABLE againft Perfecution. 73 the man bleffed not God, he faid unto him, Wherefore doft thou not worfhip the moft high God, Creator of heaven and earth ? And the man anfwered and faid, I do not worfhip thy God, neither do I call upon his name; for I have made to myfelf a god, which abideth al ways in my houfe, and provideth me with all things. And Abraham's zeal was kindled againft the man, and he arofe, and fell upon him, and drove him forth with blows into the wildernefs. And God called unto Abraham, faying, Abra ham, where is the ftranger? And Abraham anfwered and faid, Lord, he would not worfhip thee, neither would he call upon thy name ; therefore have I driven him out from before my face into the wildernefs. And God faid, have I borne with him thefe hundred and ninety and eight years, and nourifhed him, and clothed him, notwithftanding his rebellion againft me ; and couldft not thou, who art thyfelf a iinner, bear with him one night * ? * [Dr. Franklin, as I have been told, has often impofed this pa rable upon his friends and acquaintance, as apart of a chapter of E.J L [ 74 ] concerning Perfecution Informer Ages, the Maintenance of the Clergy, American Bijhops, and the State of Toleration in Old England and New England compared*. SIR, IUnderfbnd from the public papers, that in the debates on the bill for relieving the Dif- fenters in the point of fubfcription to the church articles, fundry reflections were thrown out a- gainft the people; importing, that they them- felves are of a perfecuting intolerant fpirit, for that when they had the fuperiority, they perfe- cuted the church , and ftill perfecute it in Ame rica, where they compel its members to pay taxes for maintaining the Prefbyterian or Independent worfhip, and at the fame time refufe them a to leration in the full exercife of their religion, by the administrations of a bimop. If we look back into hiftory for the character of the prefent fedts in Christianity, we mail find few that have not, in their turns, been perfe- cutors and complainers of perfecution. The pri mitive Chriftians thought perfecution extremely wrong in the Pagans, but pradifed it on one * [The above letter firft appeared in one of the public papers on "June 3, 1772, and feems to have been' addre fled to the printer. The fpirited writer of the Two letters to the prelates republifhed it in an appendix to that pamphlet, without, however, naming Dr. Franklin as the author, but expreffing it to be the produftion * of * a gentleman highly refpe&ed in the literary world.' E.] another. [G.P.] Of the Di/enters, &c. 75 another. The firft Proteftants of the church of England blamed perfecution in thzRomifh church, but practifed it againft the Puritans : thefe found it wrong in the bifhops, but fell into the fame practice both here and in New England. To ac count for this, we mould remember, that the doctrine of toleration was not then known, or had not prevailed in the world. Perfecution was therefore not fo much the fault of the feel: as of the times. It was not in thofe days deemed wrong in itfelf. The general opinion was only, that thofe who are in error ought not to perfecute the truth : but the pqfleflbrs of truth were in the right to perfecute error, in order to deftroy it. Thus every feel: believing itfelf porTefled of all truth, and that every tenet differing from theirs was error, conceived that when the power was in their hands, perfecution was a duty required of them by that God whom they fuppofed to be offended with herefy. By degrees, more mode rate and more modejl fentiments have taken place in the Chriftian world; and among Proteftants particularly, all difclaim perfecution, none vin dicate it, and few practife it. We mould then ceafe to reproach each other with what was done by our anceftors, but judge of the prefent cha racter of fects or churches by their prefent con- du5l only *. Now * [' Toleration in religion, though obvious to common under- * Handing, was not however the production of reafon, butofcom- ' merce. The advantage of toleration for promoting commerce, L 2 * was j6 OftbeDiffenters, and ofPerfecution-, Now to determine on the juftice of this charge againft the prefent DifTenters, particularly thofe in America, let us confider the following fadts. They went from England to eflablifh a new coun try for themfelves, at their own expence, where they might enjoy the free exercife of religion in their own way. When they had purchaied the territory of the natives, they granted the lands out in townfhips ; requiring for it neither pur- chafe-money nor quit-rent, but this condition only to be complied with j that the freeholders fliould fupport a gofpel-minifter (meaning pro bably one of the then governing fedts) and a free-fchool, within the townmip. Thus, what is commonly called Prefbyterianifm became the eftablifhed religion of that country. All went on well in this way, while the fame religious opi nions were general ; the fupport of minifter and fchool being raifed by a proportionate tax on the lands. But, in procefs of time, fome becoming Quakers*, fome Baptifls, and of late years, fome returning * was difcovered long before by the Portuguefe. They were too ' zealous Catholics to venture fo bold a meafure in Portugal; ' but it was permitted in Goa, and the inquifitiort in that town ' was confined to Roman Catholics.' Lor&Kaims's Sketches of the Hiflory of Man, Vol.. II. p. 474. E.j * [' No perfon appeared in New England who profefled the * opinion of the Quakers, until 1656; [i. e. about 36 years * after the firft fettling of the colony] ; when Mary Fijher and * Ann Auftin came from Barbados* ; and foon after, nine others * arrived in the fhip Speedwell from London.'' They were fuc- cefsful in their preaching ; and the provincial government, wifh- ing to keep the colony free from them, attempted to fend away fuch as they difcovered, and prevent the arrival of others. Secu- rities^ [G. P.] particularly #z AMERICA. 77 returning to the church of England (through the laudable endeavours and a proper application * of their funds by the fociety for propagating the gofpel), objections were made to the payment of a tax appropriated to the fupport of a church they difapproved and had forfaken. The civil ma- giftrates, however, continued for a time to col lect and apply the tax according to the original laws which remained in force ; and they did it the more freely, as thinking it juft and equitable that the holders of lands fhould pay what was contracted to be paid when they were granted, as the only confideration for the grant; and what had been confidered by all fubfequent purchafers as a perpetual incumbrance on the eflate, bought there fore at a proportionably cheaper rate ; a payment which, it was thought, no honeft man ought to avoid, under pretence of his having changed his religious perfuafion : And this, I fuppofe, is one of the bed grounds of demanding tythes of dif- fenters now in England. But the practice being clamoured againfl by the epifcopalians as perfe- cution, the legiilature of the province of Mafla- chufets Bay, near thirty years iince, paffed an ac~t rities, fines, banifhment, imprifonment, and corporal pnnim- ments were inftituted for this purpofe ; but with fo little effeft,. that at laft ' a law was made for punifhing with death, all fuch ' as fhould return into the jurifdi&ion after banijhment. A few were hanged 1' (See the hiftory of the Britijb dominions, 410, 1773, p. 118, 120.) E.] * [They were to fpread the gofpel, and maintain a learned and orthodox clergy, where minifters were wanted or ill-provided j adminiftering God's word and facraments, and preventing atheifm, infidelity, popery, and idolatry. E.} for 78 Of the Dtflenters, and of Perfection > for their relief, requiring, indeed, the tax to be paid as ufual } but directing that the feveral fums levied from members of the church of England, ihould be paid over to the minifter of that church with whom fuch members ufually attended divine worfhip ; which minifter had power given him to receive, and, on occafion, to recover the fame by law. It feems that legiflature confidered the end of the tax was, tofecure and improve the morals of the people, and promote their happinefs by fup- porting among them the public worfhip of God and the preaching of the gofpel - y that where par ticular people fancied a particular mode, that mode might probably, therefore, be of moft ufe to thofe people ; and that if the good was done, it was not fo material in what mode or by whom it was done. The confideration that their bre thren, the DifTenters in England, were ftill com pelled to pay tythes to the clergy of the church, had not weight enough with the legiflature to prevent this moderate act, which ftill continues in full force ; and I hope no uncharitable conduct of the church toward the Diffenters will ever pro voke them to repeal it. With regard to a Bifhop, I know not upon what ground the Diffenters, either here or in America, are charged with refufing the benefit of fuch an officer to the church in that country. Here they feem to have naturally no concern in the affair. *Tbere they have no power to prevent it, if go vernment mould think fit to fend one. They would [G . P . ] particularly in A M E R I c A . 79 would probabty diflike, indeed, to fee an order of men eftablifhed among them, from whofe perfe- cutions their fathers fled into that wildernefs, and whofe future domination they might poffibly fear, not knowing that their natures are changed. But the non-appointment of bifhops for America feems to arife from another quarter. The fame wifdom of government, probably, that prevents the fitting of convocations, and forbids, by noli profequi's, the perfecution of Diffenters for non-fubfcription ; avoids eftabliming bifhops where the minds of people are not yet prepared to receive them cor dially, left the public peace mould ^be endan gered. And now let us fee how this perfecutlon-account flands between the parties. In New England, where the legiflative bodies are almoft to a man Difienters from the church of England: i . There is no teft to prevent churchmen hold ing offices. 2. The fons of churchmen have the full benefit of the univeriities. 3. The taxes for fupport of public worfhip* when paid by churchmen, are given to the epif- copal minifter. In Old England : 1. Diffenters are excluded from all offices of profit and honour. 2. The benefits of education in the univeriities are appropriated to the fons of churchmen. 3.. The So Of the Diffenters, and of Perfecutton 5 3 . The clergy of the Diflenters receive none of the tythes paid by their people, who muft be at the additional charge of maintaining their own feparate worfhip. But it is faid, that the Di (Tenters o>t America tippofe the introduction of a bimop. In faff, it is not alone the DifTenters there that give the oppofition (if not encouraging muft be termed oppojingj but the laity in general diflike the project, and fome even of the clergy. The inhabitants of Virginia are almoft all epif- copalians, the church is fully eftablifhed there, and the council and general aflembly are, per haps to a man, its members : yet, when lately at a meeting of the clergy, a resolution was taken to apply for a bifhop, againft which feveral, however, protefted; the afTembly of the pro vince, at the next meeting, expreffed their dif- approbation of the thing in the fbrongeft man ner, by unanimoufly ordering the thanks of the houfe to the protefters ; for many of the Ame rican laity of the church think it fome advan tage whether their own young men come to England for ordination, and improve themfelves at the fame time by converfation with the learned here, or the congregations are fupplied by Englifhmen who have had the benefit of educa tion in Englifh universities, and are ordained be fore they came abroad. They do not, therefore, fee the necefllty of a bifhop merely for ordina tion } and confirmation is among them deemed a ceremony of no very great importance, fmce few [G . P . ] particularly ///AMERICA. 8 1 few feek it in England, where bifhops are in plenty. Thefe fentiments prevail with many churchmen there, not to promote a defign which they think muft fooner or later faddle them with great expences to fupport it. As to the DifTenters, their minds might probably be more conciliated to the meafure if the bimops here mould, in their wifdom and goodnefs, think fit to fet their facred character in a more friendly light, by dropping their oppofition to the DifTenters ap plication for relief in fubfcription ; and declaring their willingnefs that DhTenters mould be ca pable of offices, enjoy the benefit of education in the univerfities, and the privilege of appro priating their tythes to the fupport of their own clergy. In all thefe points of toleration, they ap pear far behind the prefent Diflenters of New England, and it may feem to fome a flep below the dignity of bimops, to follow the example of fuch inferiors. I do not, however, defpair of their doing it fome time or other, fince nothing of the kind is too hard for true Chrijlian hi mility* lam, Sir, yours, &c. A NEW-ENGLAND-MAK-J-.. f [Dr. Franklin was born at Jtyfy* in New England, and net & Philadelphia. E.] M II. PAPEI* It PAPERS UPON AMERICAN SUBJECTS THE TROUBLES. N. B, All the Papers under this divifion are dijtinguijhed by the letters [A: B.T.] placed in the running title at the bead* of each leaf. r 85 3 Containing, I. Reafons and Motives on which the PLAN of UNION for the COLONIES was formed ; II. Reafons againft partial Unions \ III. And the Plan of Union drawn by B. F. and una- mmoujly agreed to by the Commiffioners from New Hampfhire, Mafiachufett's Bay, Rhode liland, New Jerfey, Mary land, tf^Penfylvania*, met in Congrefs at Albany, in July 1754, to conjider * [The reader muft be informed here, that this plan was in tended for all the colonies; but, commiffioners from fome of them not attending, (from caufes which I cannot fpecify) their confent to it was not, in this refpecl:, univerfally expreffed. Go vernor Ponvnall, however, fays, That he had an opportunity of converting with, and knowing the fentiments of the commiflion- ers' * appointed by their refpedlive provinces, to attend this con- grefs, to which they were called by the crown ;' ' of learning from their experience and judgment, the adual ftate of the American bufmefs and intereft ; and of hearing amongft them r the grounds and reafqns of that American Union, which they then had under deliberation, and transmitted the plan of to Eng land:* and, he adds, in another place, ' that the fentiments of our colonies were collected in an authentic manner on this fubjedl in the plah propofed by Dr. Franklin, and unanimoufly agreed to in congrefs.' [See Governor PonunaWs Adminijlration of the Britijh Colonies, Vol. I. p. 13. Edit. 4, 1774, and Vol. II. p. 86. E.] of 86 ALBANY PAPERS. of the left Means of defending the Kings Dominions in America, &c. a War be ing then apprehended*, 'with tbeReaf&m or Motives for each Article of the Plan. B. F. was one of the four Commiffio/ners from Penjyhania *. I. Reafons and Motives on which the Plan of Union was formed. TH E Commiffioners from a number of the northern colonies being met at Albany, and confidering the difficulties that have always at tended the moft necefTary general meafures for the common defence, or for the annoyance of the enemy, when they were to be carried through the feveral particular affemblies of all the colonies ; fome affemblies being before at variance with their governors or councils, and the feveral branches of the government not on terms of doing bufinefs with each other ; others taking the opportunity, when their concurrence is wanted, to pufh for favourite laws, powers, or points that they think * [*- Mr, [fince Governor] Hutchinfon was one of the commif- * fioners for Maflhchufetts ay.' (Governor Pownall as above, Vol. .II. p. 144.) * Thomas Poivnall, Efq ; brother to John Ponv- ' W/, Efq; one of the Secretaries to the Board of Trade, and ' afterwards Governor of the Maffacbufetts, was upon the fpot. (Hi/ lory of the Britijh Empire in North America, p. 25.) E.] i could [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 87 could not at other times be obtained, and fo creat ing difputes and quarrels ; one aflembly waiting to fee what another will do, being afraid of do ing more than its (hare, or defirous of doing Icfs j or refuiing to do any thing, becaufe its country is not at prefent fo much expofed as others, or becaufe another will reap more immediate advan tage.; from one or other of which caufes, the af- femblies of fix (out of feven) colonies applied to, had granted no afiiftance to Virginia^ when lately invaded by the French, though purpofely con vened, and the importance of the occafion ear- neftly urged upon them : Confidering moreover, that one principal encouragement to the French, in invading and infulting the Britim American dominions, was their knowledge of our difunited flate, and of our weaknefs ariling from fuch want of union j and that from hence different colonies were, at different times, extremely haraffed, and put to great expence both of blood and treafure, who would have remained in peace, if the enemy had had caufe to fear the drawing on themfelves the refentment and power of the whole ; the faid Commiflioners, confidering alfo the prefent in- croachments of the French, and the mifchievous confequences that may be expected from them, if not oppofed with our force, came to an unani mous refolution, T^hat an union of the colonies is abfolutely neccffary for their prefervation. The manner of forming and eftablifhing this union was the next point. When it was confi- dered that the colonies were feldom all in equal danger 2>8 ALBANY PAPERS. danger at the fame time, or equally near the danger, or equally fenfibie of it 5 that fome of them had particular interefts to manage, with which an union might interfere ; and that they were extremely jealous of each other; it was thought impracticable to obtain a joint agreement of all the colonies to an union, in which the ex- pence and burthen of defending any of them fhould be divided among them all ; and if ever acts of aflembly in all the colonies could be obtained for that purpofe, yet as any colony, on the leaft difTatisfaclion, might repeal its own ac~l and thereby withdraw itfelf from the union, it would not be a ftable one, or fuch as could be depend ed on : for if only one colony fhould, on any difguft withdraw itfelf, others might think it unjuft and unequal that they, by continuing in the union, fhould be at the expence of defend ing a colony which refufed to bear its propor tionable part, and would therefore one after another, withdraw, till the whole crumbled in to its original parts. Therefore the commif- lioners came to another previous refolution, viz. 'That it was necejjary the union Jhould be efla~ blified by aft of parliament* They then proceeded to fketch out a flan of union, which they did in a plain and concife manner, juft fufficient to mew their fentiments of the kind of union that would befl fuit the circumftances of the colonies, be mod agree able to the people, and moft effectually promote his Majefly's fervice and the general intereft of [A : B. T/l Of the 'Plan of Union. 89 of the Britifh empire.' This was fefpetfully fent to the affemblies of the feveral colonies for their confideration, and to receive fuch altera tions and improvements as they (hould think fit and neceflary; after which it was propofed to be tranfmitted to England to be perfected, and the eftablifhment of it there humbly folicited. This was as much as the commiffioners could do;};. ***************** II. Reafons again/I partial Unions* It was propofed by fome of the Commiffioners to form the colonies into two or three diftincl: unions ; but for theie reafons that propofal was dropped even by thofe that made it ; [Wxf.J 1 . In all cafes where the ftrength of the whole was necefTary to be ufed againfl the enemy, there would be the fame difficulty in degree, to bring the feveral unions to unite together, as now the feveral colonies -, and confequently the fame delays on oar part and advantage to the enemy, 2. Each union would feparately be weaker than when joined by the whole, obliged to exert more force, be more opprefTed by the expence, and the enemy lefs deterred from attacking it. 3. Where particular colonies hzvefe//ijk views* as New York with regard to Indian trade and J [Dr. Davenant was fo well convinced of the expediency of an union of the colonies, that he recites, at full length, a plan contrived, as he fays, with good judgment for the purpofe. Dave- nant, Vol. I, p. 40, 41, of Sir C. WhitwrtV* Edition, E.] N lands j 90 ALBANY PAPERS. lands j or are lefs expefed, being covered by others, as New Jerfey, Rhode Ifland, Connecticut, Maryland ; or have particular whims and prejudices againft warlike meafures in general, as Penfylvania, where the Quakers predominate j fuch colonies would have more weight in a partial union, and be better able to oppofe and obftruct the meafures neceflary for the general good, than where they are fwallowed up in the general union. 4. The Indian trade would be better regulated by the union of the whole than by partial unions. And as Canada is chiefly fupported by that trade, if it could be drawn into the hands of the Englifh) (as it might be if the Indians were fupplied on moderate terms, and by ho- neft traders appointed by and ading for the pub lic) that alone would contribute greatly to the weakening of our enemies. 5. The eftablifhing of new colonies weilward on the Ohio and the lakes, (a matter of confi- derable importance to the increafe of Britifo trade and power, to the breaking that of, the French, and to the protection and fecurity of our prefent colonies,) would beft be carried on by a joint union. 6. It was alfo thought, that by the frequent meetings-together of commiilioners or repre- fentatives from all the colonies, the circumftances of the whole would be better known, and the good of the whole better provided for; and that the colonies would by this connexion learn to confider themfelves, not as fo many indepen- [A: B.T.J Of the Plan of Union. 91 dent ftates, but as members of the fame body ; and thence be more ready to afford afliftance and fupport to each other, and to make diverfions in favour even of the moft diftant, and to join, cordially in any expedition for the benefit of all againft the common enemy. Thefe were the principal reafons and motives for forming the plan of union as it ftands. To which may be added this, that as the union of the ******************* 'The remainder of this article is loft. III. PlanofapropofedUnionofthefeve- ral Colonies of Maffachuffett's Bay, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Ifland, New York, New Jerfey, Penfylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina for their mutual Defence and Security ', and for extending the Bri- tifli Settlements in North America, with the Reafons and Motives for each Article of the Plan [as far as could be remembered.] It is propofed. That humble appli cation be made for an act of parliament of Great Britain, by virtue of which one general government may be formed in N 2 America 92 ALBANY PAPERS. America including all the faid colonies, within and under which government each colony may retain its prelent conftitution, except in the particulars wherein a change may be directed by the faid act as here after follows *. Prejident General, and Grand Council. That the faid general government be adminiftered by a Prefident General to be appointed and fupported by the crown ; and a Grand Council to be chofen by the reprefentatives of the people of the feveral colonies met in their refpective aflemblies. It was thought that it would be beft the Pre fident General mould be fupported as well as appointed by the crown -, that fo all difputes between him and the Grand Council concern ing his falary might be prevented j as fuch dif putes have been frequently of mifchievous con- tequence in particular colonies, efpecially in time of public danger. The quit-rents of crown- lands in America, might in a fhort time be fuf- * [The reader may perceive, by the difference of the type, which is the text of the plan, and which the reafons and motives mentioned in the title. They are thus confolidated for his conve nience. The Editor has taken one or two farther liberties in tranfpof- jng thefe Albany papers j but the fenfe remains as before, E.] ficient [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 93 ficient for this purpofe. The choice of mem bers for the grand council is placed in the houfe of reprefentatives of each government, in order to give the people a fhare in this new general go vernment, as the crown has its fhare by the appointment of the Prefident General. But it being propofed by the gentlemen of the council of New York, and fome other counfellors among the commiffioners, to alter the plan in this particular, and to give the governors and council of the feveral provinces a fhare in the choice of the grand council, or at leaft a power of approving and confirming or of difallowing the choice made by the houfe of reprefentatives, it was faid : " That the government or conftitution pro- " pofed to be formed by the plan, confifts of two " branches; a Prefident General appointed by the " crown, and a council chofen by the people, " or by the people's reprefentatives, which is " the fame thing. " That by a fubfequent article, the council *' chofen by the people can effect nothing with* *' out the confent of the Prefident General ap- *' pointed by the crown j the crown pofTefles " therefore full one half of the power of this " conftitution. " That in the Britifh conftitution, the crown " is fuppofed to pofTefs but on'e third, the Lords *' having their fhare. " That this conftitution feemed rather more " favourable for the crown, That 94 ALBANY PAPERS. " That it is effential to Englifh liberty, [that] " the fubjedt mould not be taxed but by his own " confent or the confent of his elected repr-e- " fentatives. " That taxes to be laid and levied by this " propoled conftitution will be propofed and " agreed to by the reprefentatives of the peo- *' pie, if the plan in this particular be preferred : " B\at if the propofed alteration fhould take " place, it feemed as if matters may be fo ma- " naged as that the crown mall finally have the " appointment not only of the Prefident Ge- " neral, but of a majority of the grand council ; " for, feven out of eleven governors and coun- " cils are appointed by the crown : " And fo the people in all the colonies would " in effect be taxed by their governors. " It was therefore apprehended that fuch al- " terations of the plan would give great dif- " fatisfadtion, and that the colonies could not " be eafy under fuch a power in governors, and " fuch an infringement of what they take to be " EngUJh liberty. " Belides, the giving a mare in the choice of " the grand council would not be equal with re- " fpecl: to all the colonies, as their conflitutions *' differ. In fome, both governor and council " are appointed by the crown. In others, they " are both appointed by the proprietors. In " fome, the people have a mare in the choice of " the council j in others, both government and " council are wholly chofen by the people. But the [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 95- * c the houfe of reprefentatives is every where " chofen by the people ; and therefore placing the " right of chooling the grand council in the " reprefentatives, is equal with refpe6b to all. , " That the grand council is intended to re- " prefent all the feveral houfes of reprefenta- " tives of the colonies, as a houfe of repre- " fentatives doth the feveral towns or counties " of a colony. Could all the people of a colo- " ny be consulted and unite in public meafures, " a houfe of reprefentatives would be needlefs : " and could all the arTemblies conveniently con- * f fult and unite in general meafures, the grand " council would be unneceflary. " That a houfe of commons or the houfe of hath in his hands the whole executive power. Power of Prefident General and Grand Council. Treaties of Peace and War. That the Prefident General, with the advice of the Grand Council, hold or di- re& all Indian treaties in which the gene ral intereft of the colonies may be con cerned ; and make peace or declare war with Indian nations. The power of making peace or war with Indian. nations is at prefent fuppofed to be in every colony, and is exprefsly granted to fome by char ter, fo that no new power is hereby intended to be granted to the colonies. But as, in con- fequence of this power, one colony might make peace with a nation that another was juftly engag ed in war with - 9 or make war on flight occafions without [A: B.T.] OfthePlan of Union. 105 without the concurrence or approbation of neigh bouring colonies, greatly endangered by it; or make particular treaties of neutrality in cafe of a general war, to their own private advantage in trade, by fupplying the common enemy; 6f all which there have been inftances it was thought better to have all treaties of a general nature under a general direction ; that fo the good of the whole may be confulted and pro vided for. Indian Trade. That they make fuch laws as they judge neceflary for regulating all Indian trade, Many quarrels and wars have arifen between the colonies and Indian nations, through the bad conduct of traders ; who cheat the Indians after making them drunk, &c. to the great ex- pence of the colonies both in blood and trea- fure. Particular colonies are fo interested in the trade as not to be willing to admit fuch a regu lation as might be heft for the whole , and there fore it was thought bell under a general di rection, Indian Purchafes. That they make all purchafes from Indians for the crown, of lands not now i - f within the bounds of particular colonies or that {hall not be within their bounds P when. ALBANY PAPERS. when fome of them are reduced to more convenient dimensions. Purchafes from the Indians made by private perfons, have been attended with many incon veniences. They have frequently interfered, and occafioned uncertainty of titles, many dif- putes .and expenfive law-fuits, and hindered the fettlement of the land fo difputed. Then the Indians have been cheated by fuch private purchafes, and difcontent and wars have been the confequence. Thefe would be prevented by public fair purchafes. Several of the colony charters in America ex- .tend their bounds to the South Sea, which may be perhaps three or four thoufand miles in length to one or two hundred miles in breadth. It is fuppofed they muft in time be reduced to dimenfions more convenient for the common purpofes of government *. Very * [Mr. Baron M , In page 200 of his account of the Proceedings at Quebec, for obtaining an Affembly, has the following hint: * The vaft enlargement of the province \QiQuebec~\ by adding to it a new territory that contains, according to Lord Hill/bo rough's eftimation of it, five hundred and eleven millions of acres, (that is, more land than Spain, Italy, France, and Germany put together, and moft of it good land) is a meafure that would require an ample difcuffion.' That the reader may not fuf- peft that thefe dimenjions ivere convenient for uncommon purpofes of government, I mall quote the motives affigned upon this occafion By the ac~l regulating the government of Quebec. ' By the ar- * rangements made by the royal proclamation, a very large extent ' of [outlying] country, within which there were feveral colonies * and fettlements of the fubjefts of France, who claimed to remain ' therein [A: B.T.] Oft&ePlan of Union. 107 Very little of the land in thofe grants is yet purchafed of the Indians. It is much cheaper to purchafe of them, than to take and maintain the poiTeffion by force : for they are generally very reafonable in their de mands for land * -, and the expence of guarding a large frontier againft their incurfions is vaftly great ; becaufe all muft be guarded and always ' therein under the faith of the faid treaty, was left without any provifion being made for the adminiftration of civil government ' therein:' i.e. a few Indian traders were a pretext for this ap propriation of a traft of country, which according to the minijter's eftimate, was more than 13 times larger than England and Wales united, nearly 128 times larger than Jamaica, almoft \ part of Europe^ and confiderably more"*than 7 ' part of the whole ha bitable earth, (comparing it with the feveral calculations in The Political Survey of Great Britain by Dr. Campbell, and in that of 'Jamaica by Mr. Long.) * Now all the inhabitants of the pro vince of S>utbet t fays this very aft, amounted at the conqueft to above iixty-five thoufand [only,] profeffing the religion of the church of Rome, and enjoying an eftabliihed form of conftitu-; tion and fyftem of laws.' E.] * [' Dr. Franklin, (fays Mr. Kalm the Swede,) and feveral other gentlemen, frequently told me, that a powerful Indian, who pof- feffed Rhode IJland, had fold it to the Englijb for a pair of fpefta- cles : it is large enough for a prince's domain, and makes a pecu liar government at prefent. Thislndian knew [how] to fet a true value upon a pair of fpeftacles : for undoubtedly if thofe glafles were not fo plentiful, and only a few of them could be found, they would, on account of their great ufe, bear the fame price '- with diamonds.' SeeKalm's Travels into North America, Vol. I. p. 386, 387. ' At the time when the Swedes firft arrived, they 4 bought land at a very inconfiderable price. For a piece of baize, ' or a pot full of brandy, or the like, they could get a piece of * ground, which at prefent would be worth more than 290 /. flerling . Ib. Vol. II. p. 1 1 8. The truth is, that the Indians confidered then lands as mere hunting-manors, and not as farms. E.] Pa io8 ALBANY PAPERS. guarded, as we know not where or when to ex- petf them *f-. New Settlements. TBat they make new fettlements on fuch purchafes by granting lands in the King's name, referring a quit-rent to the crown for the ufe of the general treaiury. It is fuppofed better that there mould be one purchaier than many; and that the crown mould be that purchaier, or the union in the name of the crown. By this means the bar gains may be more eafily made, the price not inhanced by numerous bidders, future difputes about private Indian purchafes, and monopolies of vail tradts to particular perfons (which arc prejudicial to the fettlement and peopling of a country) prevented ; and the land being again granted in fmall traces to the fettlers, the quit- t [To guard againft the incurfions of the Indians, a plan was fent over to America (and, as I think, by authority,) fuggefting the expediency of clearing away the woods and bumes from a trail of land, a mile in breadth, and extending along the back of the colonies. Unfortunately, befides the large expence of this under taking (which, if one acre coft zL Jlerling, and 640 acres make a fquare mile, is i28,ooo/. frft coft for every 100 miles;) it was forgotten that the Indians, like other people, knew the difference between day and night, and that a mile of advance and another of retreat, were nothing to the celerity of fuch an enemy. This plan, it is faid, was the work of Dean T-ck-r ; and poflibly might contain many other particulars. The plans of Doftor Franklin and Governor Poiunall appear much more feafible. E. j rents [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 109 rents referved may in time become a fund for fupport of government, for defence of the country, eafe of taxes, &c. Strong forts on the lakes, the Ohio, &c. may at the lame time they iecure our prefent fron tiers, ferve-to defend new colonies fettled under their protection; and fuch colonies would alfo mutually defend and fupport fuch forts, and bet ter fecure the friendfhip of the far Indians. A particular colony has fcarce ftrength enough to extend itfelf by new fettlements, at fo great a diftance from the old : but the joint force of the union might fuddenly eftablifh a new colo- ny or two in thofe parts, or extend an old co lony to particular paffes, greatly to the fecurity of our prefent frontiers; increafe of trade and people, breaking off the French communication between Canada and Louiftana, and ipeedy fet- tlement of the intermediate lands. The power of fettling new colonies is there fore thought a valuable part of the plan , and what cannot fo well be executed by two unions as by one. Laws to govern them. That they make laws for regulating and governing fuch new fettlements, till the crown fliall think fit to form them into particular governments. The no . ALBANY PAPERS. The making of laws fuitable for the new colonies, it was thought would be properly veft- ed in the Prefident General and grand council ; under whofe protection they will at firft necef- farily be, and who would be well acquainted with their circumftances, as having fettled them. When they are become fufficiently populous, they'may by the crown, be formed into compleat and diftindt governments. The appointment of a Sub-prefident by the rown, to take place in cafe of the death or ab- fence of the Prefident General, would perhaps bp an improvement of the plan j and if all the governors of particular provinces were to be formed into a ftanding council of flate, for the advice and afliftance of the Prefident General, it might be another conliderable improvement. Raife Soldiers and equip Veffeh^ &c. That they raife and pay foldiers and build forts for the defence of any of the colonies, and equip veflfels of force to guard the coafts and protect the trade on the ocean, lakes *, or great rivers ; but they fhall not imprefs men in any colony without the confent of the legiflature. * [* According to a plan which had been propofed by Governor * Ponvnall, and approved of by congrefs.* ( Admin iftration of the olonies, Vol. II. p. 148. E,] it [A: B.T.] Of the Plati of Union. in It was thought, that quotas of men to be raifed and paid hy the feveral colonies, and joined for any public fervice, could not always be got to gether with the neceiTary expedition. For in- ftance, fuppofe one thoufand men mould be wanted in New Hampshire on any emergency ; to fetch them by fifties and hundreds out of every colony as far as South Carolina, would be inconvenient, the tranfportation chargeable, and the occafion perhaps patted before they could be aflembled 3 and therefore that it would be beft: to raife them (by offering bounty-money and pay) near the place where they would be want ed, to be difcharged again when the fervice mould be over. Particular colonies are at prefent backward to build forts at their own expence, which they fay will be equally ufeful to their neighbouring colonies ; who refufe to join, on a prefumption, that fuch forts w/7/ be built and kept up, though they contribute nothing. This unjuft conduct weakens the whole ; but the forts being for the good of the whole, it was thought beft they mould be built and maintained by the whole, out of the common treafury. In the time of war, fmall veflels of force are fometimes n^ceflary in the colonies to fcour the coaft of fmall privateers. Thefe being provid ed by the Union, will be an advantage in turn to the colonies which are lituated on the fea, and whofe frontiers on the land-fide, being cover ed by other colonies, reap but little immediate benefit from the advanced forts. Power 112 Power to make Laws, lay Duties^ &c. That for thefe purpofes they have power to make laws, and lay and levy fuch gene ral duties, imports, or taxes, as to them fliall appear moft equal and juft, (confider- ing the ability and other circumftances of the inhabitants in the feveral colonies,) and fuch as may be collected with the leaft inconvenience to the people ; rather di couraging luxury, than loading induftry with unneceflary burthens. The laws which the Prefident General and grand council are impowered to make, are fuch only as {hall be neceflary for the government of the fettlements -, the raifmg, regulating and pay ing foldiers for the general fervice ; the regulat ing of Indian trade ; and laying and collecting the general duties and taxes. (They mould alfo nave a power to reftrain the exportation of pro- vifions to the enemy from any of the colonies, on particular occafions, in time of war.) But is it not intended that they may interfere with the constitution and government of the particular colonies ; who are to be left to their own laws, and to lay, levy, and apply their own taxes as before^ i General [A : -B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 1 3 General Treafurer and Particular Treafurer. That they may appoint a General Trea- furer and Particular Treafurer in each go vernment when neceffary ; and from time to time may order the fums in the trea- furies of each government into the general treafury ; or draw on them for Ipecial payments, as they find moft convenient. The treasurers here meant are only for the general funds ; and not for the particular funds of each colony, which remain in the hands of their own treafurers at their own difpofal. Money how to iffue. Yet no money to iffiie but by joint or ders of the Prefident General and Grand Council ; except where fums have been appropriated to particular purpofes, and the Prefident General is previously im- powered by an adl: to draw for fuch fums, To prevent mifapplication of the money, or even application that might be diiTatisfa&ory to the crown or the people, it was thought necefery tor ii4 ALBANY PAPERS. to join the Prefident General and grand council in all iflues of money. Accounts. That the general Accounts fhall be yearly fettled and reported to the feveral aflemblies. By communicating the accounts yearly to each afTembly, they will be fatisfied of the prudent and honeft condudt of their reprefentatives in the grand council. Quorum. That a quorum of the Grand Council impowered to aft with the Prefident Ge neral, do confift of twenty-five members j among whom there fliall be one or more from a majority of the colonies. The quorum feems large, but it was thought it would not be fatisfadlory to the colonies in ge- neral, to have matters of importance to the whole tranfa&ed by a fmaller number, or even by this number of twenty-five, unlefs there were among them one at leaft from a majority of the colonies f becaufe otherwife the whole quorum being made BP of members from three or four colonies at one end [ A : B. T.] Of the Plan of Union. i 1 5 end of the union, fomething might be done that would not be equal with refpect to the reft, and thence difTatisfaclions and difcords might rife to the prejudice of the whole. Laws to be tranfmitted. That the laws made by them for the purpofes aforefaid fhall not be repugnant, but, as near as may be, agreeable to the laws of England^ and {hall be tranfmitted to the King in council for approbation as foon as may be after their paffing ; and if not difapproved within three years after .prefentation, to remain in force. This was thought neceflary for the fatisfa&ion of the crown, to preferve the connection of the parts of the Britifh empire with the whole, of the members with the head, and to induce greater care and circumfpe&ion in making of the laws, that they be good in themfelves and for the ge neral benefit. Death of the Prefident General. That in cafe of the death of thePrefident General, the fpeaker of the Grand Council for the time being fhall fucceed, and be CL 3 vefted n6 ALBANY PAPERS. vefted with the fame powers and authori ties, to continue till the King's pleafure be known. It might be better, perhaps, as was faid before, if the crown appointed a Vice Prefident, to take place on the death or abfence of the Prefident General $ for fo we fhould be more fure of a fui table perfon at the head of the colonies. On the death or abfence of both, thefpeakerto take place (or rather the eldeft King's-governor) till his Majefly's pleafure be known. Officers how appointed. That all military commiffion officers* whether for land or fea fervice, to adt under this general conftitution, fhall be nominated by the Prefident General ; but the approbation of the Grand Council is to be obtained, before they receive their commiffions. And all civil officers are to be nominated by the Grand Council,, and to receive the Prefident General's, approbation before they officiate* It was thought it might be very prejudicial to the fervice, to have officers appointed unknown to the people, or unacceptable 5 the generality of Ame- [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 17 Americans ferving willingly under officers they know ; and not caring to engage in the fervice under ftrangers, or fuch as are often appointed by governors through favour or intereft. The fervice here meant, is not the ftated fettled fer- idee in ftanding troops -, but any fudden and fhort lervice, either for defence of our own colonies, )r invading the enemies country ; (fuch as, the Dxpedition toCapeBrefcn in the laft war ; in which many fubftantial farmers and tradefmen engaged as common foldiers under officers of their own country, for whom they had an efleem and af- 'ection > who would not have engaged in a fland- ng army, or under officers from England.) It was therefore thought beft to give the council the power of approving the officers, which the people will look upon as a great fecurity of their being good men. And without fome fuch pro- vifion as this, it was thought the expence of en gaging men in the fervice on any emergency would be much greater, and the number who could be induced to engage much lefs ; and that therefore it would be mofl for the King ? s fervice and gene ral benefit of the nation, that the prerogative mould relax a little in this particular throughout all the colonies in America ; as it had already done much more in the charters of fome particular colonies* viz. Connecticut and Rhode I/land. The civil officers will be chiefly treafurers and collectors of taxes j and the fuitable perfons ace- mofl likely to be known by the council ,. ALBANY PAPERS. Vacancies how fupplied. But in cafe of vacancy by death, or re moval of any officer civil or military under this conftitution, the governor of the pro vince in which fuch vacancy happens, may appoint till the pleafure of the Prefident General and Grand Council can be known. The vacancies were thought beft fupplied by the governors in each province, till a new ap pointment can be regularly made; otherwife the fervice might fuffer before the meeting of the Prefident General and grand council. Each Colony may defend itfelf on Emergency, &c. That the particular military as well as civil eftablifhments in each colony remain in their prefent ftate, the general conftitu tion notwithftanding; and that on fudden emergencies any colony may defend itielf and lay the accounts of expence thence arifing before the Prefident General and general council, who may allow and order pay- [A: B.T.] Of the Plan of Union. 1 19 payment of the fame as far as they judge fuch accounts juft and reafonable. Otherwife the Union of the whole would weaken the parts, contrary to the defign of the union. The accounts are to be judged of by the Prefident General and grand council, and allowed if found reafonable : this was thought necefTary to encourage colonies to defend them- felves, as the expence would be light when borne by the whole ; and alfo to check imprudent and lavifh expence in fuch defences J. J [This plan of union, It will appear from the next page, was reje&ed ; and another propofed to be fubftituted by the Englifh mi- nilter, which had for its chief objeft, the taking power from the people in the colonies in order to give it to the crown, E.J I, LET- i, B A N y P A p R s continued. I. .LETTER /0 Governor Sliirley, concerning the Impofition of dire ft Taxes upon the Colonies ', without their Confmt *. SIR, ^uejday Morning. I return you the loofe fheets of the plan, with thanks to your Excellency for com municating them. I Apprehend, that excluding the people of the colonies from all fliare in the choice of the grand council, will give extreme diflatisfaclion ; as well as the taxing them by at of parliament, where * [Thefe letters to Governor Shirley firil appeared In the Lon don Chronicle for Fet>. 68, 1766,' with an introdu&ion iigned A Lover of Britain. In the beginning of the year 1776, they were republifhed in Almon's Remembrancer, with an additional prefa tory piece, under the fignature of A Mourner over our Calamities. I mall explain the fubjeft of them in the words of one cf thefe writers. * The Albany Plan of Union was fent to the government ' here for approbation: had it been approved and eftablifhed ' by authority from hence, Englijh America thought itfelf fuf- * ficiently able to cope with the French, without other affiftance; ' feveral of the colonies having alone, in former wars, withitood ' the whole power of the enemy, unaffifted not only by the mother- country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. The plan, ' however, was not approved here; but a New one was formed ' inftead of it ; by which it was propofed, that " the governors " of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their ** refpeftive councils, fcould aflemble, and concert meafures for the [A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on ^Taxation, 121 where they have no reprefentation. It is very pomble, that this general government might be as well and faithfully adminiftered without the people, as with them ; but where heavy burdens are to be laid upon them, it has been found ufe- ful to make it, as much as poffible, their own adtj for they bear better, when they have, .or think they have fome mare in the direction -, and when any public meafures are generally grievous or even diftafteful, to the people, the wheels of government move more heavily. " the defence of the whole, ereft forts where they judged propeiy ** and raife what troops they thought neceflary, with power to " draw on the treafury here for the fums that mould be wanted, *' and the treafury to be reimburfed by a tax laid on the colonies " ly aft of parliament" This New plan being communicated by ' Governor Shirley to a gentleman of Philadelphia, (Dr. Franklin) * then in Bofton (who hath very eminently diftinguiihed himfelf, ' before and fince that time, in the literary world, and whofe ' judgment, penetration and candor, as well as his readinefs and * ability to fuggeft, forward, or carry into execution, every ' fcheme of public utility, hath moft defervedly endeared him, not ' only to our fellow-fubjefts throughout the continent of North ' America, but to his numberlefs friends on this iide the Atlantic) * occafioned the following remarks from him, which perhaps ' may contribute in fome degree to its being laid alide. As they ' very particularly mew the then fentiments of the Americans * on the fubjeft of a parliamentary tax, before the French power * in that country was fubjefted, and before the late reftraints on ' their commerce ; they fatisfy me, and I hope they will convince ' your readers (contrary to what has been advanced by fome of ' your correspondents) that thofe particulars have had no mare * in producing the prefent oppofition to fuch a tax, nor in diftur- * bances occafioned by it, which thefe papers indeed do almoft * prophetically foretel. For this purpofe, having accidentally ' fallen into my hands, they are communicated to you by one who * J6> not fartially, but in the moft enlarged fenfe, f AJLovER of BRITAIN/ E.] R II. LET- 122 ALBANY PAPERS continued. II. LETTER to the fame', concerning direffi in the Colonies Impofed without Confent, indireSi Faxes, and the Albany Plan of Union. SIR, Wednefday Morning. T Mentioned it yefterday to your Excellency as * my opinion, that excluding the people of the colonies from all mare in the choice of the grand council, would probably give extreme diffatisfac- tion, as well as the taxing them by act of parlia ment, where they have no reprefentation. In matters of general concern to the people, and efpecially where burdens are to be laid upon them; it is of ufe to confider, as well what they will be apt to think and fay, as what they ought to think \ I mall therefore, as your Excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occalion. Firft, they will fay, and perhaps with juftice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as^ loyal, and as firmly attached to the prefent con-^ iHtution, and reigning family, as any fubjects in the King's dominions. That there is no reafon to doubt the readinefs and willingnefs of the reprefentatives they may. choofe, $o grant from time to time fuch fupplies- for the defence of the country, as mall be judged neceffary, fo far as their abilities will allow. That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mifchiefs of invafion and con- I queft [A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on 'Taxation. 123 queft by an enemy, in the lofs of their eftates, lives, and liberties ; are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces neceffary to beraifed and maintained, forts to be built and fupported, and of their own abilities to bear the expence - f than the parliament of England, at fo great a diftance. That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes, with which they intend to return to Britain > are not always men of the beft abilities or integrity $ have many of them no eftates here, nor any natural connections with us, that mould make them heartily concerned for our welfare ; and might poffibly be fond of railing and keeping up more forces than necefTary, from the profits accruing to themfelves, and to make provifion for their friends and dependents. That the counfellors in moft of the colonies, being appointed by the crown, on the recommen dation of governors, are often perfons of fmall eftates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence. That there is therefore great reafon to be jealous of a power in fuch governors and councils, to raife fuch fums as they fhaM judge neceflary by drafts on the Lords of the Treafury, to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here ; fince they might abufe it, by projecting ufelefs expeditions, haraffing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute fuch projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependents, and divide profits. R 2 That 1 24 ALBANY PAPERS continued. That the parliament of England is at a great diftance, fubjed: to be miiinformed and mifled by fuch governors and councils, whofe united interefts might probably fecure them againft the effed:of any complaint from hence. That it is fuppofed an undoubted right of Englifhmen, not to be taxed but by their own confent, given through their reprefentatives : That the colonies have no reprefentatives in parliament. That to propofe taxing them by parliament, and refufe them the liberty of choofmg a repre- fentative council, to meet in the colonies, and confider and judge of the neceffity of any ge neral tax, and the quantum j fhews a fufpicion of their loyalty to the crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their common fenfe and underftanding -, which they have not deferved. That compelling the colonies to pay money without their confent, would be rather like raif- ing contributions in an enemy 's country, than taxing of Englifhmen for their own public bene fit. That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true Britim fubjects. That a tax laid by the reprefentatives of the colonies might be eafily leflened as the occafions mould leflenj but, being once laid by parlia ment under the influence of the reprefentations made by governors* would probably be kept up, and continued for the benefit of governors ; to the grievous burthen and difcontentment of the 3 colonies^ {A : B.T.] Letters toG. Shirley on Taxation. 125 colonies, and prevention of their growth and increafe. That a power in governors to march the in habitants from one end of fat Briti/h 2>\\&Frencb colonies to the other, being a country of at leaft one thoufand five hundred miles long, without the approbation or the confent of their reprefen- tatives firft obtained to fuch expeditions ; might be grievous and ruinous to the people; and would put them upon a footing with the fubjedls of France in Canada, that now groan under fuch op- preffion from their governor, who for two years paft has harafled them with long and deftruc- tive marches to the Ohio *. That if the colonies in a body may be well- governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown, without reprefentatives ; particu lar colonies may as well, or better be fo go verned ; a tax may be laid upon them all by a<5t of parliament for fupport of government j and their aflemblies may be difmifTed as an ufelefs part of the conftitution. That the powers propofed by the Albany plan of union, to be vefted in a grand council repre- fentative of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not fo great as thofe which the colo nies of Rhode I/land and Connecticut are entrufted with by their charters, and have never abufed ; for by this plan the Prefident General is appointed by the crown, and controls all by his negative j * [The French tranflator has omitted that part of this para* graph, which relates to the Canadians when fubjeft to France. E.] but 126 ALBANY PATERS continued. but in thofe governments the people choofe the governor, and yet allow him no negative. That tfaBritifh colonies bordering on the French are properly frontiers of the Brltljh empire ; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in fuch empire; it would now be thought hard by act of parliament to oblige the Cinque ports or fea coafts of Britain, to maintain the whole navy, becaufe they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them at the fame time a vote in choofing members of the parliament -, and, as the frontiers of America bear the expence of their own defence, it feems hard to allow them no mare in voting the money, judging of the neceffity and fum, or advifing the meafures. That beiides the taxes neceflary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great fums to the mother-country unnoticed : for j. Taxes paid in Britain by the landholder or artificer, muft enter into and increafe the price of the produce of land and manufactures made of it ; and great part of this is paid by confumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a confiderable part of the Britifh taxes. 2. We are reftrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be fupplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but muft buy the fame dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. 3. We are obliged to carry a great part of our produce directly to Britain ; and where the duties laid [A : B.T.] Letters to G. Shirley on taxation. 1 27 laid. upon it leiien its p^ce to the planter, or it fells for lefs than it would in foreign markets, the difference is a tax paid to Britain. . 4. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and mutt take them of Britifh mer chants : the whole price is a tax paid to Britain. 5. By our greatly encreafing the demand and confumption of Britifh manufactures, their price is confiderably raifed of late years ; the advantage is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes - y and much of it being paid by us, is clear tax to Britain. 6. In fhort, as we are not fuffered to regulate our trade, and reflrain the importation and confump tion of Britim fuperfiuities ^Britain can the con fumption of foreign fuperfluities) our whole wealth centers finally amongffc the merchants and inhabi tants of Britain -, and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the fame as being taxed ourfelves, and equally be neficial to the crown. Thefe kind of fecondary taxes, however, we do not complain of, though we have no mare in- the laying or difpofing of them : But to pay im mediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and difpoiition of which, we have no part, and which perhaps we may know to be as unneceffary as grievous; muft feem hard meafure toEngJi/bmetty who cannot conceive that, by hazarding their lives and fortunes in fubduing and fettling new coun tries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the mother- nation, they have for feited- i ?, 3 A L B A N Y P A P E RS continued. feited the native right of Britons; which they think ought rather to be given to them, as due to fuch merit, if they had been before in a flate of flavery. Thefe, and fuch kind of things as thefe I appre hend, will be thought and faid by the people, if the propofed alteration of the Albany plan mould take place. Then the adminiftration of the board of governors and council fo appointed, not having the reprefentative body of the people to approve and unite in its meafures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become fuf- pected and odious -, dangerous animolities and feuds will arife between the governors and go verned ; and every thing go into confufion. Perhaps I am too apprehenlive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reafons, your Excellency can judge better than I, whether there be any weight in them ; and the fhortnefs of the time allowed me, will I hope in fome de gree excufe the imperfections of this fcrawl. With the greateft refpect and fidelity, I have the honour to be Yjour Excellency's moil obedient, and moft humble Servant, B* FRANKLIN. [A : B. T.] Letter to G. Shirley on an "Union. 129 III. LETTER to the fame, on the Subjefl of uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in parliament. SIR, Bofton, Dec. 22, 1754. CINCE the converfation your Excellency was *~* pleafed to honour me with, on the fubject of Uniting the colonies more intimately with Great Britain, by allowing them reprefentatives in par liament, I have fomething further confidered that matter ; and am of opinion, that fuch an union would be very acceptable to the colonies ; pro vided they had a reafonable number of repre fentatives allowed them; and that all the old acts of parliament reflraining the trade or cramp ing the manufactures of the colonies, be at the fame time repealed, and the Britijh fubjects on this Jide the water 9 put, in thofe refpects, on the fame footing with thofe in Great Britain^ till the new parliament, reprefenting the whole, fhall think it for the intereft of the whole to re-enadt fome or all of them : it is not that I imagine fo many reprefentatives will be allowed the colonies, as to have any great weight by their numbers -, but I think there might be fufficient, to occafion thofe laws to be better and more impartially confidered^ and perhaps to overcome the intereft of a petty corporation, or of any particular fet S of 130 ALBANY PAPERS continued. of artificers or traders in England, who hereto fore feem, in fome inflances > to have ber^ more regarded than all the colonies, or than was con- iiflent with the general intereft, or beft national good. I think too that the government of the colonies, by a parliament, in which they are fairly reprefented, would be vaftly more agreeable to the people, than the method lately attempted to be introduced by royal inftruction ; as well as more agreeable to the nature of an Englifh constitution, and to Englifh liberty ; and that fuch Jaws as now feem to bear hard on the colo nies, would (when judged by fuch a parliament for the bell intereft of the whole) be more cheer fully fubmitted to, and more eafily executed. I mould hope too, that by fuch an union, the people of Great Britain, and the people of the colonies, would learn to conlider themfelves, as not belonging to different communities with different interefts, but to one community with one intereft; which I imagine would contribute to ftrengthen the whole, and greatly leffen the danger of future feparations. It is, I fuppofe, agreed to be the general in- terefl of any ftate, that its people be numerous and rich j men eriow to fight in its defence, and enow to pay fufiicient taxes to defray the charge ; for thefe circumftances tend to the fecurity of the flate, and its protection from foreign power. But it feems not of fo much importance whether the fighting be done by John or Thomas, or the tax paid by William or Charles. The iron manu- 3 facture [A : B. T.] Letter to G. Shirley on an Union. 131 failure employs and enriches Eritifh fubjects, but is it of any importance to the (late, whether the manufacturer lives at Birmingham or Sheffield, or both ; fince they are ftill within its bounds, and their wealth and perfons {till at its com mand ? Could the Goodwin Sands be laid dry by banks, and land equal to a large country thereby gained to England, and prefently filled with Englifh inhabitants ; would it be right to deprive fuch inhabitants of the common privi leges enjoyed' by other Englimmen, the right of vending their produce in the fame ports, or of making their own {hoes ; becaufe a merchant or a fhoemaker, living on the old land, might fan cy it more for his advantage to trade or make moes for them ? Would this be right, even if the land were gained at the expence of the {rate ? And would it not feem lefs right, if the charge and labour of gaining the additional territory to Britain had been borne by the fettlers them- felves ? and would not the hardfhip appear yet greater, if the people of the new country mould be allowed no reprefentatives in parliament en acting fuch impofitions ? Now I look on the co lonies as fo many countries gained to Great Bri tain -, and more advantageous to it, than if they had been gained out of the fea around our coafts, and joined to its land; for being in different climates, they afford greater variety of produce, and materials for more manufactures ; and being feparated by the ocean, they increafe much more its Shipping -and feamen : and, fince they are S 2 all 132 ALBANY PAPERS continued. all included in the Britilh empire, which has only extended itfelf by their means j and the flrength and wealth of the parts is the ftrength and wealth of the whole; what imports it to the general ftate, whether a merchant, a fmith, or a hatter, grow rich in Old or New England? and if through increafe of people, two fmiths are wanted for one employed before, why may not the new fmith be allowed to live and thrive in the new country, as well as the old one in the old? In fine, why mould the countenance of a ftate be partially afforded to its people, unlefs it be moft in favour of thofe who have moft merit ? and, if there be any difference, thofe who have moft contributed to enlarge Britain's empire and commerce, increafe her ftrength, her wealth, and the numbers of her people, at the rifque of their own lives and private fortunes, in new and ftrange countries, methinks ought rather to expect fome preference. With the greateft refpect and efteem, I have the honour to be Your Excellency's moft obedient, and humble Servant, B, FRANKLIN* [A: E.T.] PLAN for two Wejlcrn Colonies. 133 PLAN for fettling two Weftern Colonies In North America, 'with Reafonsy (a numerous peo ple, confiding of many tribes, inhabiting the country between the weft end of lake Erie, and the fouth end of lake Hurons, and the Ohio;) who are at prefent difTatisfied with the French, and fond of the Englifh, and would gladly en courage and protect an infant Englim fettlement in or near their country, as fome of their chiefs have declared to the writer of this memoir. Further, by means of the lakes, the Ohio, and the Miffiflippi, our trade might be extended through a vaft country, among many numerous and dif- tant nations, greatly to the benefit of Britain. 5. The fettlement of all the intermediate lands, between the prefent frontiers of our co lonies on one fide, and the lakes and MifTiffippi on the other ; would be facilitated and fpeedily executed, to the great increafe of EngKJhmen, Engtijh trade, and Englijh power. The grants to moft of the colonies, are of long narrow flips of land, extending weft from the Atlantick to the South Sea. They are much too long for their breadth ; the extremes at too great a diftance j and therefore unfit to be con tinued under their prefent dimenfions. Several of the old colonies may conveniently be limited weftward by the Allegeny or Apala- chian mountains ; and new colonies formed weft of thofe mountains. T A fin- 138 ALBANY PAPERS continued. A {ingle old colony does not feem ilrong enough to extend itfelf otherwife than inch by inch : it cannot venture a fettlement far diftant from the main body, being unable to fupport it : But if the colonies were united under one go vernor general and grand council, agreeable to the Albany Plan, they might eaiily, by their joint force, eftablim one or more new colonies, when ever they mould judge it necerTary or advanta geous to the intereft of the whole. - But if fuch union mould not take place, it is propofed that two charters be granted, each for fome considerable part of the lands weft of Penfylvania and the Virginian mountains, to a number of the nobility and gentry of Britain -, with fuch Americans as mail join them in con tributing to the fettlement of thofe lands, either by paying a proportion of the expence of mak ing fuch fettlements, or by actually going thi ther in perfon, and fettling themfelves and fa- milies. That by fuch charters it be granted, that eve ry actual fettler be intitled to a tract of acres for hirnfelf, and acres for every poll in the family he carries with him -, and that every con tributor of guineas be intitled to a quantity of acres, equal to the {hare of a fingle fettler, for every fuch fum of guineas contributed and paid to the colony treafurer ; a contributor for mares to have an additional ihare gratis ; that fettlers may likewife be contributors, and have right of land in both capacities. That [A: B.T.] PL A^ for twoWeftern Colonies. 139 That as many and as great privileges and powers of government, be granted to the contributors and fettlers, as his Majefty in his wifdom mall think moft fit for their benefit and encouragement, con fident with the general good of the Britifo em pire : for extraordinary privileges and liberties, with lands on eafy terms, are ftrong inducements to people to hazard their perfons and fortunes in fettling new countries ; and fuch powers of go vernment as (though fuitable and much to the circumftances, and fit to be trufted with an infant colony) might be judged unfit when it becomes populous, and powerful ; thefe might be granted for a term only -, as the choice of their own go vernor, for ninety -nine years; the fupport of government in the [colonies] of Connecticut and Rhode Ifland, (which now enjoy that and other like privileges) being much lefs expenfive, than in the colonies under the immediate govern ment of the crown, and the conftitution more in viting. That the firft contributors to the amount of 'guineas be empowered to choofe a treafurer to receive the contribution. That no contributions be paid till the fum of thoufand guineas be fubfcribed. That the money thus raifed, be applied to the purchafe of the lands from the Six Nations and other Indians, and of provifions, flores, arms, ammunition, carriages, &c. for the fettlers -, who after having entered their names with the trea furer, or perfoa by him appointed to receive and T 2 enter 140 ALBANY PAPERS continued. enter them, are, upon public notice given for that purpofe, to rendezvous at a place to be ap pointed, and march in a body to the place deftined for their fettlement, under the [charge] of the government to be eftablimed over them. Such rendezvous and march however not to be directed, till the number of names of fettlers entered, capable of bearing arms, amount at leaft to thoufand. It is apprehended, that a great fum of money might be raifed in America on fuch a fcheme as this ; for there are many who would be glad of any opportunity, by advancing a fmall fum atprefent, to fecure land for their children, which might in a few years become very valuable; and a great number it is thought of actual fettlers, might like wife be engaged, (fome from each of our prefent colonies) fufficient to carry it into full execution by their ftrength and numbers; provided only that the crown would be at the expence of removing the little forts the French haveerected in their incroachments on hisMajefty's territories, and fupporting a ftrong one near the falls of Niagara, with a few fmall armed veflels, or half-gallies to cruize on the lakes. ***** For the fecurity of this colony In its infancy, a fmall fort might be erected and for fome time maintained at Bujfalonic on the Ohio, above the fettlement; and another at the mouth of the Hioaga, on the fouth fide of lake Erie, where a 3 port ~[A:B.T.] PLAN for two Wtjlern Colonies. 1 4 1 port mould be formed, and a town creeled, for the trade of the lakes. The colonifts for this fettlement might march by land through Penfyl- vania. The river Siotha, which runs into the Ohio about two hundred miles below Logs Town, is fuppofed the fitted feat for the other colony, there being for forty miles on each fide of it and quite up to its heads, a body of all rich land ; the fined fpot of its bignefs in all North America, and has the particular advantage of fea-coal in plenty (even above ground in two places) for fewel, when the woods mall be deftroyed. This colony would have the trade of the Miamis or Twigtwees; and fhould, at firft, have a fmall fort nearHockkokin, at the head of the river j and another near the mouth of Wabafh. Sandofki, a French fort near the lake Erie, mould alfo be taken ; and all the little French forts fouth and weft of the lakes, quite to the Miffiffippi, be removed, or taken and garrifoned by the Englim. The colonifts for this fettlement might affemble near the heads of the rivers in Virginia, and march over land to the navigable branches of the Kanhawa, where they might embark with all their baggage and provift- ons, and fall into the Ohio, not far above the mouth of Siotha. Or they might rendezvous at Will's Creek, and go down theMohimgahela to the Ohio. The fort and armed veffels at theftrait of Nia gara would be a vaft Security to the frontiers of thefe new colonies againfl any attempts of the French 142 ALBANY PAPERS continued. French from Canada. The fort at the mouth of the Wabaih, would guard that river, the Ohio, and Cutava river, in cafe of any attempt from the French of Miffiffippi. (Every fort mould have a fmall fettlement round it; as the fort would protect the fettlers > and the fettlers defend the The difficulty of fettling the fa&Engli/h colonies in America, at fo great a diflance from England ;. muft have been vaftly greater than the fettling thefe propofed new colonies : for it would be the intereft and advantage of all the prefent colonies to fupport thefe new ones ; as they would cover their frontiers, and prevent the growth of the French power behind or near their prefent fettle- ments ; and the new country is nearly at equal diftance from all the old colonies; and could ealily be affifted from all of them. And as there are already in the old colonies, many thoufands of families that are ready to fwarm s , wanting more land ; the richnefs and natural ad vantage of the Ohio country would draw moft of them thither, were there but a tolerable profpecl: of a fafe fettlement. So that the new colonies would foon be full of people; and from the advan tage of their lituation, become much more terrible to the French fettlements, than thofe are now to us. The gaining of the back Indian trade from the French, by the navigation of the lakes, &c. would of itfelf greatly weaken our enemies : it being now their principal fupport, it feems highly ^ probable {A: B.T.] PLAN for two Weftern Colonies 143 probable that in time they muft be fubje&ed to the Britifh crown, or driven out of the country. Such fettlements may better be made now, than fifty years hence, becaufe it is eafier to fettle our- felves, and thereby prevent the French fettling there, as they feem now to intend, than to remove ihem when ftrongly fettled, If thefe fettlements are postponed, then more forts and ftronger, and more numerous and expen- iive garrifons muft be eftablimed, to fecure the country, prevent their fettling, and fecure our pre- fent frontiers i the charge of which, may probably exceed the charge of the propofed fettlements, and the advantage nothing near fo great. The fort at Ofwego mould likewife be ftrength- cned, and fome armed half-gallies or other fmall vefTels, kept there to cruife on lake Ontario, as propofed by Mr. Poivnall in his paper laid before the commiflioners at the Albany treaty J. If a fort was alfo built at Tirondequat on lake Ontario, and a fettlement made there near the lake fide, where the lands are faid to be good, (much better than at Ofwego ;) the people of fuch fet tlements would help to defend both forts on any emergency *. t [See his Work above quoted, Vol. IL p. 234. etfe$. et ibiA. p. 179. et/ej. E.] * [This whole propofal was neglefled, though the French thought a confiderable fettlement very pra&icable, in order to get at the Ohio. See Governor Pownalt, Vol. II. p. 236. Dr. Franklin alfo failed in another propofal for fettling to the E.] STA? 144 CANADA PAMPHLET. Britain confidered, with regard to her Colonies, and the Acquijitwns of Canada and Guadeloupe *. I Have perufed with no fmall pleafure the "Letter addreffed to Two Great Men, and the Re- * [In the year 1 760, upon the profpedl of a peace with France, the late Earl of Bath addreffed a Letter to two great men > (Mr. Pitt and the Duke of Newcaftle,) on the terms necefTary to be inufted upon in the negotiation. He preferred the acquifition of Canada, to acquisitions in the Weft Indies. In the fame year there appeared Re marks on the letter addreffed to two great men, containing opposite opinions on this and other fubjedts. At this moment a philofopher Hepped into the controverfy, and wrote a pamphlet entitled, The Intereft of Great Britain conjidered t with regard to her Colonies, Sec. The arguments he ufed, appear to have carried weight with then* at the courts of London and Paris, for Canada was kept by the peace. The Editor thinks it neceflary to add the following further ex planations. The above piece (which firft came to his hands in the lhape of a pamphlet, printed for Becket 1761, zd edit.) has none of the eight fubdivifions it is now thrown into, marked out by the author. He conceived however that they might be ufeful, and has taken the liberty of making them, but guards it with this apology. The better to fuit his purpofe, the divifion of the paragraphs, &c. and the Italics of the original, are not accurately adhered to. It was Impoflible for him however to alter one 'word in the fenfe, ftyle, or difpofi tion, of his author ; This was a liberty for which he could make no apology. In the original, the author has added his observations concerning the Inereafe of mankind, peopling of countries, &c. (printed in the beginning of this work) ; and introduced it with the following note; *' In confirmation of the writer's opinion concerning population, " manufactures, &c. he has thought it not amifs to add an extradl *' from a piece written fome years lince in America, where the fafts " muft be well known, on which the reafonings are founded. It let us confider, j . [The fecurity of a dominion, a juftifiable and prudent ground upon which to demand ceffions from an enemy.] Whether we are to confine ourfelves to thofe poffeffions only that were " the objects for which " we began th-e war *." This the Remarker feems to think right, when the queftion relates to ' Ca- * nada, properly fo called -,' it having never been ' mentioned as one of thofe objects, in any of our memorials or declarations, or in any national or ' public act whatfoever.' But the gentleman him- felf will probably agree, that if the Cefllon of Ca nada would be a real advantage to us ; we may demand it under his fecond head, as an " indem- * ( nification for the charges incurred'* in recover ing our juft rights 3 otherwife, according to his own principles, the demand of Guadaloupe can have no foundation. That " our claims before " the war were large enough for poffeflioh and *' for fecurity too*j-," though it feems a clear point with the ingenious Remarker, is, I own, not fo with me. I am rather of the contrary opinion, and mall prefently give my reafons. But firft let me obferve, that we did not make thofe claims becaufe they were large enough for fecurity, but becaufe we could rightfully claim * Remarks, p, 19. t Ibid, no [A: B.T.] Of fecurities for peace, &c. 149 no more. Advantages gained in thecourfe of this war, may increafe the extent of our rights. Our claims before the war contzinedjbme fecurity ; but that is no reafon why we mould neglect acquiring more, when the demand of more is become rea- fonable. It may be reafonable in the cafe of America to afk for the fecurity recommended by the author of the Letter ||, though it would be prepofterous to do it in many other cafes. His propofed demand is founded on the little value of Canada to the French ; the right we have to afk, and the power we may have to infift on an indem nification for our expences ; the difficulty the French themfelves will be under of reflraining their reftlefs fubjecls in America from encroach ing on our limits and difturbing our trade ; and the difficulty on our parts of preventing encroach ments, that may poffibly exift many years without coming to our knowledge. But the Remarker " does not fee why the " arguments employed concerning a fecurity for " a peaceable behaviour in Canada y would not " be equally cogent for calling for the fame fe- " curity in Europe -}-." On a little farther re flection, he muft I think be fenfible, that the circumftances of the two cafes are widely diffe rent. Here we are feparated by the beft and cleared of boundaries, the ocean, and we have people in or near every part of our territory. Any || Page 30. of the Letter, and p. 2 1 . of the Remarks. f Remarks, p, 24, attempt .JO C A N A D A P A M P H L E T. attempt to encroach upon us, by building a fort even in the obfcureft corner of thefe iflands, mufl therefore be known and prevented immediately. The aggrelTors alib mufl be known, and the na tion they belong to would be accountable for their aggrefiion. \r\America it is quite otherwife. A vaft wildernefs, thinly or fcarce at all peopled, conceals with eafe the march of troops and work men. Important pafles may be feized within our limits, and forts built in a month, at a fmall ex- pence, that may coft us an age, and a million to remove. Dear experience has taught us this. But what is ftill worfe, the wide extended forefts be tween our fettlements and theirs, are inhabited by barbarous tribes of favages that delight in war, and take pride in murder; fubjects properly nei ther of the French nor Englifh j but ftrongly at tached to the former by the art and indefatigable induftry of priefts, fimilarity of fuperftitions, and frequent family alliance's. Thefe are eafily, and have been continually, infligated to fall upon and matiacre our planters, even in times of full peace between the two crowns ; to the certain diminu tion of our people and the contraction of our fet tlements *. And though it is known they are fupplied * A very intelligent writer of that country, Dr. Clark, in his Obfervations on the late and prefent Condudt of the French, &c. printed at Bofton 1755, fays, * The Indians in the French interefl are, upon all proper oppor- tunities, inftigated by their priejis, (who have generally the chief ' management of their public councils,) to adls of hoftility againft ' the Englifh, even in time of profound peace between the two 3 * crowns. [A: B.T.] Offecurities for peace, &c. 151 fupplied.by the French and carry their prifoners to them, we can by complaining obtain no re- drefs ; as the governors of Canada have a ready excufe, that the Indians are an independent peo ple, ovej whom they have no power, and for whofe actions they are therefore not accountable. Surely circumftances fo widely different, may reafonably authorife different demands of fecurity in America, from fuch as are ufual or necelTary in Europe. crowns. Of this there are many undeniable inftances : The war between the Indians and the colonies of the Maflachufetts Bay and New Hampihire, in 1723, by which thofe colonies fuf- fered fo much damage, was begun by the inftigation of the French ; their fupplies were from them ; and there are now original letters of feveral Jefuits to be produced, whereby it evidently appears, that they were continually animating the Indians, when almoft tired with the war, to a farther profecution of it. The French not only excited the Indians, and fupported them, but joined their own forces with them in all the late hoftilities that have been committed within his Majefty's province of Nova Scotia. And from an intercepted letter this year from the Jefuit at Penob- fcot, and from other information, it is certain that they have been ufing their utmoft endeavours to excite the Indians to new afts of hoftility againft his Majefty's colony of the Maflachufetts Bay; and fome have been committed. The French not only excite the Indians to acts of hoftility, but reward them for it, by buying the Englijh prifoners of them : for the ranfom of each of which they afterwards demand of us the price that is ufually given for a flave in thefe colonies. They do this under the fpecious pre tence of refcuing the poor prifoners from the cruelties and bar barities of the favages ; but in reality ( to encourage them to con tinue their depredations, as they can by this means get more by hunting theEnglifh, than by hunting \vild-beafts'; and the French at the fame time are thereby enabled to keep up a large body of Indians, entirely at the expence oftke Engtijb.' The 152 CANADA PAMPHLET, The Remarker, however, thinks, that our real dependance for keeping " France or any other na- *' tion true to her engagements, muft not be in " demanding fecurities which no nation whilft " independent can give; but on our own flrength which laft muft fubfift the bulk of the people in a full country, or they muft be fubfifted by charity, or perifh. The extended population, therefore, that is moft advantageous to Great Britain, will be beft effected, becaufe only effectually fecured, by our pofleflion of Canada. So far as the being of our prefent colonies in North America is concerned, I think indeed with theRemarker, that the French there are not " an " enemy to be apprehended*;" but the expref- lion is too vague to be applicable to the prefent, or indeed to any other cafe. Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, unequal as they are to this nation in power and numbers of people, are enemies to be ftill apprehended ; and the Highlanders of Scotland have been fo for many ages, by the greateft princes of Scotland and Britain. The wild Irim were able to give a great deal of difturbance even to Queen Elizabeth, and coft her more blood and treafure than her war with Spain. Canada in the hands of France has always ftinted the growth of our co- f [This I believe is meant for Dr. Adam Smith, who feeins not at this time to have printed any of his political pieces* E.} f Remarks, p. 27. lonies > 166 CANADA PAMPHLET. Ionics ; in the courfe pf this war, ; and indeed before it, has /difturbed arid vexed even the; belt and ftr,ongr eft of- them -, has found means to murder thoufands of their people, and un fettle a great part of their country. Much more able will it be to ftarve the growth of an infant fettlement. Canada has alfo found means to make this nation fpend two -or three millions a year in America ; and a people, how fmall foever, that in their prefent fituation, can do this as often as we have a war with them, is methinks, " an enemy to be apprehended." Our North American colonies are to be confi- dered as the frontier of the Br-itijh empire on that fide. The frontier of any dominion being attack ed, it becomes not merely '" the caufe" of the people immediately affected, (the inhabitants of that frontier) but properly "the caufe" of the whole body. Where the frontier people owe and pay obedience, there they have a right to look for protection: No political proportion is better eftablifhed than this. It is therefore invidious to reprefent the " blood and treafure" fpent in this war, as fpent in " the caufe of the colonies" only; and that they are " abfurd and ungrateful" if they think we have done nothing, unlefs we. *,' make " conquefis for them," and reduce Canada to gratify their ct vain ambition," &c. It ^vrll/not be a conqueffc for f/jem 3 ._nor gratify any vain .am bition of theirs. It will be a conquefb for.,. the whole j and all our people will, in the increafe of trade, and the eafe of taxes, find the adyan'tage of it. Should we be obliged at ^riy time to make 3 a war [A: B.T.] War In Km^ .not for Colonies alone. 167 a war for the protection of our commerce, and to fecure the exportation of our manufactures $ would it be fair to reprefent fuch a war, merely as blood and treafure fpent in the caufe of the weavers of Yorkshire, Norwich, or the Weft; the cutlers of Sheffield, or the button-makers of Birming ham ? I hope it will appear before I end thefe Iheets, that if ever there was a national war, this is truly fuch a one : a war in which the interefi of the whole nation is directly and fundamentally concerned. Thofe who would be thought deeply fkilled in human nature, affect to difcover felf- interefted views every where at the bottom of the faireft, the moft generous conduct. Sufpicions and charges of this kind, meet with ready recep tion and belief in the minds even of the multitude ; and therefore lefs acutenefs and addrefs than the Remarker is pofTeffed of, would be fufficient to perfuade the nation generally, that all the zeal and fpirit manifefted and exerted by the colonies in this war, was. only in (( their own caufe," to " make conquefts for themfelves," to engage us to make more for them, to gratify their own CJ J. (e vain ambition." But mould they now ' humbly addrefs the ' mother country in the terms and the fentiments ' of the Kemarker ; return her their "grateful ac- i . O f knowleidgments ' for the blood arid treafure ihe ' had fperitin "their caufe j" cdnfefs that enough * had been tforie "for them V allow that "Eng- " lifh forts raifed in proper paftes, willi with the " wifdom and rigour of her adtniniflration" be a - fufficient 168 CANADA PAMPHLET. ' fufficient future protection; exprefs their deiires * that their people may be confined within the ' mountains, left [if] they are fuffered to fpread ' and extend themfelves in the fertile and pleafant * country on the other fide, they mould " increafe " infinitely from all caufes," " live wholly on " their own labour" and become independent ; * beg therefore that the French may be fuffered ' to remain in pofleffion of Canada, as their neigh- c bourhood maybeufeful to prevent our increafe; * and the removing them may " in its confe- " quences be even dangerous*:" I fay, mould fuch an addrefs from the colonies make its appear ance here, (though, according to the Remarker, it would be a moft juil and reafonable one -,) would it not, might it notwith more juftice be anfwered, We understand you, Gentlemen, perfectly well: you have only your own intereft in view : you want to have the people confined within your prefent limits, that in a few years the lands you are pofTefledof may increafe tenfold in value ! you want to reduce the price of labour, by increafing numbers on the fame territory, that you may be able to fet up manufactures and vie with your mother country ! you would have your people kept in a body, that you may be more able to dilpute the commands of the crown, and obtain an independency. You would have the French left in Canada, to exercife your military virtue, and make you a warlike people, that you may have more Confidence to embark in fchemes of * Remarks, p. 50, 51. * dif- [A: B.T.] War in Amer. not for Colonies alone. 1 69 * difobedience, and greater ability to fupport * them ! You have tafted too, the fweets of TWO OR THREE MILLIONS Sterling per annum fpent among you by our fleets and forces, and you are unwilling to be without a pretence for kindling up another war, and thereby occafioning a re petition of the fame delightful dofes ! But, Gen tlemen, allow us to underftand our intereft a little likewife : we fhall remove the French from Canada, that you may live in peace, and we be no more drained by your quarrels. You fhall have land enough to cultivate, that you may have neither neceffity nor inclination to go into manufactures ; and we will manufacture for you, and govern you.' A reader of the Remarks may be apt to fay ; if this writer would have us reflore Canada, on prin ciples of moderation ; how can we, confident with thofe principles, retain Guadaloupe, which he re- prefents of fo much greater value ! I will endea vour to explain this, becaufe by doing it I fhall have an opportunity of mewing the truth and good fenfe of the anfwer to the interefted application I have juft fuppofed: The author then is only apparently and not really inconfiftent with himfelf. If we can obtain the credit of moderation by reftoring Cana da, it is well : but we mould, however, reflore it at all events -, becaufe it would not only be of no ufe to us 5 but " the pofTeflion of it (in his opinion) " may in its conferences be dangerous *." As * Remarks, p. 50, 51, 5 how ? * c 170 CANADA PAMPHLET. how? Why, plainly, (at length it comes out) if the French are not left there to check the growth of our colonies, " they will extend themfelves almoft " without bounds into the inland parts, and in- " creafe infinitely from all caufes ; becoming a " numerous, hardy, independent people; pof- fefTed of a ftrong country, communicating lit- tie or not at all with England, living wholly on " their own labour, and in procefs of time know- " ing little and enquiring little about the mother tf country." In fhort, according to this writer, our prefent colonies are largeenough and numerous enough ; and the French ought to be left in North America to prevent their increafe, left they become not only ufelefs, but dangerous to Britain. I agree with the Gentleman, that with Canada inourpof- feffion, our people in America will increafe amaz ingly. I know, that their common rate, of increafe, where they are not moleffced by the enemy, is doubling their numbers every twenty-five years, by natural generation only; exclufive of trie accef- fion of foreigners*. I think this increafe continu ing, would probably in a century more, make the * The reafon of this greater increafe in America than in Europe,. n, that in old fettled countries, all trades, farms, offices, and employments are full ; and many people refrain marrying till they fee an opening, in which they can fettle themfelves, with a reafon- able profpect of maintaining a family : but in America, it being. eafy to obtain land, which with moderate labour will afford fubnT- tence and fomething to fpare, people marry more readily and earlier in life, whence arifes a numerous offspring and the.fwift population, of thofe countries. 'Tis a common error that we cannot fill our. provinces or increafe the number of them, without draining this iration of its people. The increment alone of our prefent colonies is Micient for both thofe purpofes. [Written in 1760. E.j number [ A : B .T . ] The Colonies ufeful to G . Britain. 171 number of Britifh fubjefts on that fide the water more numerous than they now are on this ; But 4. [ Not neceffhry that the American colonies Jhould ceafe being ufeful to the mother country. Their preference over the Weft Indian colonies Jlated.] I am far from entertaining on that account, any fears of their becoming either ufelefs or danger ous to us; and I look on thofe fears to be merely imaginary, and 'without any probable foundation. The Remarker is referved in giving his reafons ; as in his opinion this f( is not a fit fubject for " difcuffion." I (hall give mine, becaufe I con ceive it a fubject necefTary to be difculfed ; and the rather, as thofe fears, how groundlefs and chi merical foever, may, by poffefling the multitude, poffibly induce the ableft miniftry to conform to them againft their own judgment ; and thereby prevent the afTuring to the Britilh name and na tion a ftability and permanency, that no man acquainted with hiftory durft have hoped for till our American pofTeffions opened the pleafing pro- fpeft. The Remarker thinks that our people in America, u finding no check from Canada, would *' extend themfelves almoft without bounds into " the inland parts, and increafe infinitely from all " caufes." The very reafon he afiigns for their fo extending, and which is indeed the true one, (their being " invited to it by the pleafantnefs, " fertility and plenty of the country,") may fa- tisfy us, that this extenfion will continue to pro- Z 2 ceed, 172 CANADA PAMPHLET. ceed, as long as there remains any pleafant fertile country within their reach. And if we even fup- pofe them confined by the waters of the Miffiffippi weftward, and by thofe of St. Laurence and the lakes to the northward ; yet ftill we {hall leave them room enough to increafe even in the manner of fettling now praclifed there, till they amount to perhaps a hundred millions of fouls. This muft take fome centuries to fulfil : And in the mean time, this nation muft necefTarily fupply them with the manufactures they confume ; be- caufe the new fettlers will be employed in agri culture -, and the new fettlements will fo conti nually draw off the fpare hands from the old, that our prefent colonies will not, during the pe riod- we have mentioned, find themfelves in a condition to manufacture even for their own in habitants, to any confiderable degree ; much lefs for thofe who are fettling behind them. Thus our trade muft, till that country becomes as fully peopled as England, (that is for centuries to come,) be continually increafing, and with it our naval power j becaufe the ocean is between us and them, and our mips and feamen muft in creafe as that trade increases. The human body and the political differ in this j that the firft is limited by nature to a certain ftature, which, when attained, it cannot, ordinarily, exceed; the other, by better government and more prudent police, as well as by change of manners and other circumftances, often takes frefh ftarts of growth, after being long at a ftand $ and may add tenfold 3 to [A : B.T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 173 to the dimenfions it had for ages been confined to. The mother being of full ftature, is in a few years equalled by a growing daughter : but in the cafe of a mother country and her colonies, it is quite different. The growth of the children tends to increafe the growth of the mother, and fo the difference and fuperiority is longer preferved. Were the inhabitants of this ifland limited to their prefent number by any thing in nature, or by un changeable circumftances, the equality of popu lation between the two countries might indeed fooner come to pafs : but fure experience in thofe parts of the ifland where manufactures have been introduced, teaches us ; that people increafe and multiply in proportion as the means and facility of gaining a livelihood increafe - y and that this ifland, if they could be employed, is capable of fupport- ing ten times its prefent number of people. In proportion therefore, as the demand increafes for the manufactures of Britain, by the increafe of peo ple in her colonies, the number of her people af home will increafe; and with them, the ftrength as well as the wealth of the nation. For fatisfa&ion in this point let the reader compare in his mind the number and force of our prefent fleets, with our fleet in Queen Elizabeth's time *, before we had co lonies. Let him compare the ancient,with the pre fent ftate of our towns and ports on or near our weftern coaft, (Manchefter, Liverpool, Kendal, Lancafter, Glafgow, and the countries round them,) that trade with and manufacture for our * Viz. 40 fail, none of more than 40 guns. colonies, 174 CANADA PAMPHLET. colonies, (not to mention Leeds, Halifax, Sheffield and Birmingham,) and coniider what a difference there is in the numbers of people, buildings, rents, and the value of land and of the produce of land ; even if he goes back no farther than is within man's memory. Let him compare thofe countries with others on the fame ifland, where manufactures have not yet extended themfelves ; obferve the pre- fent difference, and reflect how much greater our ftrength may be, (if numbers give ftrength,) when our manufacturers mall occupy every part of the ifland where they can poffibly be fubfifted. But, fay the objectors, ' there is a certain dif- ( tancefrom thejea, in America, beyond which the * expence of carriage will put a flop to the fale and ' confumption of your manufactures; and this, with ' the difficulty of making returns for them, will * oblige the inhabitants to manufacture for them- * felves; of courfe, if you fuffer your people to ex- ' tend their fettlements beyond that diftance, your * people become ufelefs to you :' And this diftance is limited by fome to 200 miles, by others to the Apalachian mountains. Not to infift on a very plain truth, that no part of a dominion, from whence a government may on occafion draw fup- plies and aids both of men and money, (though at too great a diftance to be fupplied with manu factures from fome other part,) is therefore to be deemed ufelefs to the whole $ I mall endeavour to fhow that thefe imaginary limits of utility, even jn point of commerce, are much too narrow. '] he inland parts of the continent of Europe are farther [A : B. T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 75 farther from the fea, than the limits of fettlement propofed for America. Germany is full of tradef- men and artificers of all kinds, and the govern ments there, are not all of them always favourable to the commerce of Britain ; yet it is a well- known facl:, that our manufactures find their way even into the heart of Germany. Afk the great manufacturers and merchants of the Leeds, Shef field, Birmingham, Manchefter, and Norwich goods ; and they will tell you, that fome of them fend their riders frequently through France orSpain and Italy, up to Vienna, and back through the middle and northern parts of Germany *, to mow famples of their wares and collect orders, which they receive by almoft every mail, to a vaft amount. Whatever charges arife on the carriage of goods, are added to the value, and all paid by the confu- mer. If thefe nations over whom we have no go vernment ; over whofe confumption we can have no influence, but what arifes from the cheaphefs and goodnefs of our wares; whofe trade, manu factures, or commercial connections are not fub- ject to the controul of our laws, as thofe of our colonies certainly are in fome degree ; I fay, if thefe nations purchafe and confume fuch quanti ties of our goods, notwithftanding the remotenefs of their fituation from the fea; how much kfs likely is it that the fettlers in America, who muft for ages be employed in agriculture chiefly, mould make cheaper for themfelves the goods our manu facturers at prefent fupply them with : Even if we fuppofe the carriage five, fix or feven hundred, miles 176 CANADA PAMPHLET. miles from the fea as difficult and expenfive, as the like diftanceinto Germany : whereas in the lat ter, the natural distances are frequently doubled by political obftructions ; I mean the intermixed territories and clashing interests of princes J. But when we confider that the inland parts of America are penetrated by great navigable rivers; that there are a number of great lakes, communicating with each other, with thofe rivers, and with the fea, very fmall portages here and there excepted * ; that the fea coafts (if one may be allowed the ex- preffion) of thofe lakes only, amount at leaft to 2700 miles, exclufive of the rivers running into them (many of which are navigable to a great extent for boats and canoes, through vail traits of country); how little likely is it that the expence on the carnage of our goods into thofe countries fhould prevent the ufe of them. If the poor In dians in thofe remote parts are now able to pay for the linen, woollen and iron wares they are at pre- fent J [Sir C. Whitworth has the following aflertion. " Each ftate in '< Germany is jealous of its neighbours ; and hence, rather than fa- " cilitate the export or tranfit of its neighbours produ&s or manu- " factories, they have all recourfe to ftrangers." State of Trade, p. xxiv. E.] * From New York into lake Ontario, the land-carriage of the feveral portages altogether, amounts to but about 27 miles. From lake Ontario into lake Erie, the land-carriage at Niagara is but about 12 miles. All the lakes above Niagara communicate by navigable ftraits, fo that no land-carriage is neceflary, to go out of one into another. From Prefqu'ifle on lake Erie, there are but 1 5 miles land-carriage, and that a good waggon-road, to Beef River, a branch of the Ohio ; which brings you into a navigation of many fhoufand miles inland, if you take together the Ohio, the Miffiffippi, and all the great rivers and branches that run into them. [The [A : B.T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 177 fent furnimed with by the French andEnglim tra ders, (thoughlndians have nothing but what they get by hunting, and the goods are loaded with all the impoiitions fraud and knavery can contrive to inhance their value ;) will not indujirious Englijh farmers, hereafter fettled in thofe countries, be much better able to pay for what fhall be brought them in the way of fair commerce ? If it is afked, What can fuch farmers raife, wherewith to pay for the manufactures they may want from us ? I anfwer, that the inland parts of America in queftion are well known to be fitted for the production of hemp, flax, potafh, and above all, iilk ; the fouthern parts may produce olive-oil, raifins, currants, indigo, and cochineal. Not to mention horfes and black cattle, which may eafily be driven to the maritime markets, and at the fame time afiift in conveying other commodities. That the commodities firfr. men tioned, may eafily, by water or land-carriage, be brought to the fea-ports from interior America, will not feem incredible ; when we reflect, that hemp formerly came from the Ukraine and mofb fouthern parts of Ruffia to Wologda, and down theDwina to Archangel; and thence by a perilous navigation round the North Cape to England and other parts of Europe. It now comes from the [The rivers and lakes of Canada perhaps render acceffible (in land and water) a traft of almoit 900,000 fquare miles ; the river Miififfippi, another tradt of nearly 600,000 fquare miles ; the fet tled parts of the Englifli colonies fcarcely extend over a tracl of 300,000 fquare miles. E.] A a fame 178 CANADA PAMPHLET. fame country up the Dnieper and down theDuna J, with much land-carriage. Great part of theRuffia iron* no high-priced commodity* is brought 300 miles by land and water from the heart of Siberia. Furs, [the produce too of America] are brought - to Amfterdam from all parts of Siberia, even the moft remote, Kamfchatfka. The fame country furnifhes me with another inftance of extended inland commerce. It is found worth while to keep up a mercantile communication between Pekin in China and Peterfburgh. And none of thefe inftances of inland commerce exceed thofe of the courfes by which, at feveral periods, the Whole trade of the Raft was carried on. Before the prof- perity of the Mamaluke dominion in Egypt fixed the flaple for the riches of the Eaft at Cairo and Alexandria, (whither they were brought from the Red Sea) great part of thofe commodities were carried to the cities of Camgar and Balk. (This .gave birth to thofe towns, that ftill fubfift upon the remains of their ancient opulence, amidft a people and country equally wild.) From thence thofe goods were carried down the Amu, (the ancient Oxus,) to the Cafpian Sea, and up the Wolga to Aftrachan ; from whence they were carried over to, and down the Don, to the mouth % [I beg pardon for attempting to remind the reader that he muft not confound the river Duna, with the river Dwina. The fork of the Ohio is about 400 miles diftant from the fea, arid the fork of the Mifliffippi about 900 : It is 400 miles from Peterfburgh to Mofcow, and very confiderably more than 4000 from Peterfburgh to Pekin. This is enough to juftify Dr. Franklin's pofitionS in the page above, without going into farther particulars. E.j 3 f [ A : B. T.] T^he Colonies ufeful to G* Britain. i 79 of that river; and thence again the Venetians di rectly, and the Genoefe and Venetians indirectly, (by way of KafFa and Trebifonde,) difperfed them through the Mediterranean and fojne other parts of Europe. Another part of thofe goods was car ried over-land from the Wolga to the rivers Duna and Neva ; from both they were carried to the city of Wifbuy in the Baltick, (fo eminent for its fea- laws) ; and from the city of Ladoga on the Neva, we are told they were even carried bytheDwina to Archangel ; and from thence round the North Cape. If iron and hemp will bear the charge of carriage from this inland country; other metals. will, as well as iron; and certainly Jilk, fince 3d. per Ib. is not above I per cent on the value, and amounts to 28!. per ton*. If the Growths of a country find their way out of it ; the Manufac tures of the countries where they go will infalli bly find their way into it. They who understand the oeconomy -and prin ciples of manufactures, know, that it is impofli- ble to eftablifh them in places not populous ; and even in thofe that are populous, hardly poffible to eftablifh them to the prejudice of the places already in poffejfion of them. Several attempts have been made in France and Spain, counte nanced by the government, to draw from us and * [I think I have been told, and upon the beft authority, that a carriage has actually been eftablifhed at tliefe rates, over land, to -the Ohio fettlement. Silk, on account of its value and convenient bulk, was propofed as a chief objeft of attention in this fettlement. E.] A a. 2 eftablifli- 180 CANADA PAMPHLET. eftablifli in thofe countries, our hard-ware and woollen manufactures; but without fuccefs. The reafons are various. A manufacture is part of a great fyftem of commerce, which takes in conve- niencies of various kinds ; methods of providing materials of all forts, machines for expediting and facilitating labour, all the channels of correfpon- dence for vending the wares, the credit and con fidence neceffary to found and fupport this corref- pondence, the mutual aid of different artizans, and a thoufand other particulars, which time and long experience havegrtf^j/Tyeftablimed. A part of fuch a fyftem cannot fupport itfelf without the whole ; and before the whole can be obtained the part perifhes. Manufactures, where they are in per fection, are carried on by a multiplicity of hands, each of which is expert only in his own part ; no one of them a mafter of the whole ; and, if by any means fpirited away to a foreign country, he is loft without his fellows. Then it is a matter of the extremeft difficulty to perfuade a compleat fet of workmen, fkilled in all parts of a manufactory to leave their country together, and fettle in a foreign land. Some of the idle and drunken may be en ticed away ; but thefe only difappoint their em ployers, and ferve to difcourage the undertaking. If by royal munificence, and an expence that the profits of the trade alone would not bear, a com pleat fet of good and fkilful hands are collected and carried over - 3 they find fo much of the fyfteni imperfeCt, fo many things wanting to carry on the trade to advantage, fo many difficulties to over come, [A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 8 1 come, and the knot of hands fo ealily broken by death, dhTatisfaction and defertion ; that they and their employers are difcouraged together, and the project vanifhes into fmoke. Hence it happens, that eftablifhed manufactures are hardly ever loft, but by foreign conqueft, or by fome eminent in terior fault in manners or government ; a bad po lice oppreffing and difcouraging the workmen, or religious perfecutions driving thefober and induf- trious out of the country. There is, in fhort, fcarce a fingle inftance in hiftory of the contrary, where manufactures have once taken firm root. They fometimes ftart up in a new place ; but are generally fupported like exotic plants, at more ex- pence than they are worth for any thing but curi- ofity ; until thefe new feats become the refuge of the manufacturers driven from the old ones. The conqueft of Conftantinople, and final reduction of the Greek empire, difperfed many curious manu facturers into different parts of Chriftendom. The former conquefts of its provinces, had before done the fame. The lofs of liberty in Verona, Milan, Florence, Pifa, Piftoia, and other great cities of Italy, drove the manufacturers of woollen cloth into Spain and Flanders. The latter firft loft their trade and manufactures to Antwerp and the cities of Brabant; from whence, by perfecution for reli gion, they were fent into Holland and England : [While] the civil wars during the minority of Charles the firft of Spain, which ended in the lofs of the liberty of their great towns; ended too in the lofs 182 C AN A D A P A M PH L E T. lofs of the manufactures of Toledo, Segovia, Sala manca, Medina del campo, &c. The revocation of the editt of Nantes y communicated, to all the Pro- teftant parts of Europe, the paper, iilk, and other valuable manufactures of France ; almoft peculiar at that time to that country, and till then in vain attempted elfewhere. To be convinced that it is not foil and climate, or even freedom from taxes, that determines the relldence of manufacturers, we need only turn our eyes on Holland; where a multitude of manufactures are ftill carried on (per haps more than on the fame extent of territory any where in Europe) and fold on terms upon which they cannot be had in any other part of the world. And this too is true of thofegrowf/js, which, by their nature and the labour required to raife them, come the neareft to manufactures. As to the common-place objection to the North American fettlements, that they are in the fame climate t and their produce the fame as that of Eng land \ in the firft place it is not true; it is par ticularly not fo of the countries now likely to be added to our fettlements -, and of our prefent co lonies, the products, lumber, tobacco, rice, and indigo, great articles of commerce, do not inter fere with the products of England : in the next place, a man muft know very little of the trade of the world, who does not know, that the greater part of it is carried on between countries whofe climate differs very little. Even the trade between the different parts of thefe British iilands, is greatly fuperior [A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. Britam. 1 83 fuperior to that between England and all the Weft India iflands put together J. If I have been fuccefsful in proving that a con- fiderable commerce may and will fubfift between us and our future moft inland fettlements in North America, rrotwithftanding their diftance ; I have more than half proved no other inconveniency will arife from their diflance. Many men in fuch a country, muft "know," mud " think," and mufl " care" about the country they chiefly trade with. The juridical and other connections of govern ment are yet a fafter hold than even commercial ties, and fpread directly and indirectly far and wide. Bufinefs to be folicited and caufes depend ing, create a great intercourfe even where private property is not divided in different countries ; - yet this divifion 'will always fubfift, where dif ferent countries are ruled by the fame govern ment. Where a man has landed property both in the mother country and a province, he will almofl always live in the mother country : This, though there were no trade, is fingly a fufficient gain. It is faid, that Ireland pays near a million fterling annually to its abfentees in England : The balance of trade from Spain, or even Portugal, is fcarcely equal to this. Let it not be faid we have no abfentees from North America. There are many, to the writer's knowledge; and if there are at prefent but few of them that diftinguilh themfelves here by great \ [But why may not a difference of circumftances produce a trade, as well as a difference of climate ? Climate itfelf has its effect only this difference of circumftances. ' E.] expence, i&4 CANADA PAMPHLET. expence, it is owing to the mediocrity of fortune among the inhabitants of the Northern colonies ; and a more equal divifion of landed property, than in the Weft India iflands, fo that there are as yet but few large eftates. But if thofe who have fuch eftates, refide upon and take care of th,em them- felves, are they worfe fubj efts ^ than they would be if they lived idly in England ? Great merit is affumed for the gentlemen of the Weft Indies J, on the fcore of their refiding and fpending their money in England. I would not depreciate that merit ; it is confiderable ; for they might, if they pleafed, fpend their money in France : but the difference between their fpending it here and at home, is not fo great. What do they fpend it in when they are here, but the produce and manu factures of this country ; and would they not do the fame if they were at home ? Is it of any great importance to the Englilh -f- farmer, whether the Weft India gentleman comes to London and eats his beef, pork, and tongues, frefh ; or has them brought to him in the Weft Indies falted ? whe ther he eats his Englifti cheefe and butter, or drinks his Englifh ale, at London or in BarbadoesB Is the clothier's, or the mercer's, or the cutler's, or the toyman's profit lefs, for their goods being worn and confumed by the fame perfons refiding on the other fide of the ocean ? Would not the profits of the merchant and mariner be rather greater, and fome addition made to our naviga- l Remarks, p. 47, 48, &c. f [Whether our author meaned the Englifh or Irifh farmer, eventually perhaps, he thought them one and the fame. E.J [A : B. T.] T&e Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 185 tion, {hips and feamen ? -If the North American gentleman ftays in his own country, and lives there in that degree of luxury and expence with regard to the ufe of Britim manufactures, that his fortune entitles him to; may not his example (from the imitation of fuperiors, fo natural to mankind) fpread the ufe of thofe manufactures among hundreds of families around him; and oc- cafion a much greater demand for them, than it would do if he mould remove and live in London ? However this may be, if in our views of im mediate advantage, it feems preferable that the gentlemen of large fortunes in North America mould relide much in England ; it is what may furely be expected, as faft as fuch fortunes are ac quired there. Their having " colleges of their " own for the education of their youth," will not prevent it : A little knowledge and learning acquired, increafes the appetite for more, and will make the converfation of the learned on this fide the water more flrongly defired. Ireland has its univerfity likewife; yet this does not prevent the immenfe pecuniary benefit we receive from that kingdom. And there will always be in the conveniencies of life, the politenefs, the pleafures, the magnificence of the reigning country, many other attractions befides thofe of learning, to draw men of fubflance there, where they can, (appa rently at leaft) have the beft bargain of happi- nefs for their money. Our trade to the Weft India ijlands is undoubt edly a valuable one : but whatever is the amount B b o i86 CANADA PAMPHLET. of it, it has long been at aftand. Limited as our fugar planters are by the fcantinefs of territory, they cannot increafe much beyond their prefent number; and this is an evil, as I fhall mow here after, that will be little helped by our keeping Guadaloupe. The trade to our Northern Colo nies, is not only greater, but yearly increafing with the increafe of people : and even in a greater proportion, as the people increafe in wealth and the ability of fpending, as well as in numbers *. * The writer has [fince] obtained accounts of the exports to North America, and the Weft India, I/lands; by which it appears, that there has been fome increafe of trade to thofe Iflands as well as to North America, though in a much lefs degree. The following extraft from thefe accounts will fhow the reader at one view the amount of the exports to each, in two different terms of five years; the terms taken at ten years diftance from each other, to fhow the increafe, viz. FirftTerm, from 174410 1748, inclusive. Northern Colonies. Weft India I/lands. 1744 -640,114 12 4 -79 6 > llz 17 9 1745 5343i6 2 5 503.669 19 9 1746 754.945 4 3 472.994 '9 7 1747 726,648 5 5 856,463 1 8 6 1748 -830,243 1 6 9 734.095 *5 3 Total, . 3,486,268 i 2 < Tot. .3,363, 337 10 10 Difference, 122,930 10 4 '754 1756- 1758 . 3,4 8 6>68 i 2 Second Term, from 175410 1758, inclufive. Northern Colonies. Weft India IJlandt* ,246,615 in ' 685,675 3 o 77,848 6 10 694,667 13 3 ,428,720 18 10 733,45 8 16 3 ,727,924 2 10 776,488 o 6 ,832,948 13 10 877,571 19 ii Total, . 7,414,057 4 3 Tot. .3,767,841 1211 Difference 3,646,215 n 4 - 7.4H,057 4 3 f A : B. T.] tte Colonies ufeful to G. Britain. 1 87 L ^r - I have already faid, that our people in the Nor thern Colonies double in about 25 years, exclufive* o In the firft term, total of Weft India iflands, 3,363,337 10 10 In the fecond term, ditto, - -* - 3,767,841 12 n Increafe, only . 0,404,504 z i In the firft term, total for northern Colonies, 3,486,268 i 2 In the fecond term, ditto, ----- 7,414,057 4 3 Increafe, . 3,927,789 3 i By thefe accounts it appears, that the exports to the Weft India iflands, and to the northern colonies, were in the firft term nearly equal; (the difference being only 122,936!. los. 4d.) and in the fecond term, the exports to thofe iflands had only increafed 404,504!. 2s. id. Whereas the increafe to the northern colo nies is 3,927,789!. 35. id. almoft/oar millions. Some part of this increafed demand for Englifh goods, may be afcribed to the armies and fleets we have had both in North Ame rica and the Weft Indies ; not fb much for what is confumed by the foldiery ; their clothing, (lores, ammunition, &c. fent from hence on account of the government, being (as is fuppofed) not included in thefe accounts of merchandize exported ; but, as the war has occasioned a great plenty of money in America, many of the inhabitants have increafed their expence. N. B. Thefe accounts do not include any exports from Scot land to America, which are doubtlefs proportionally considerable ; nor the exports from Ireland. [I fhall carry on this calculation where Dr, Franklin left it. For four years, from 1770 to 1773 inclufively, the fame average annual exports to the fame ports of the Weft Indies, is 994,463!. j and to the fame ports of the North American plantations 2,919,669!. But the annual averages of the firft and fecond terms of the former, were 672,668!, and 75 3, 568!: of the latter, 697,254!. and 1,482,811 1. In ten years therefore (taking the middle years of the terms) the North American trade is found to have doubled the Weft Indian ; in the next fixteen years it becomes greater by three -fold. With refpeft to itfelf, the North American trade in 32 years (taking the extremes of the terms) has quadrupled ; while the Weft Indian trade increafed only one half; of which increafe I apprehend Ja- B b 2 1 88 CANADA PAMPHLET. . > of the acceffion of flrangers. That I fpeak with-- in bounds, I appeal to the authentic accounts fre quently required by the board of trade, and tranf- mitted to that board by the refpeclive governors ; of which accounts Ijftiall felecl: one as a fample, being that from the colony of Rhode-Ifland * ; a colony that of all the others receives the leaft ad dition from flrangers. For the increafe of our trade to thofe colonies, -I refer to the accounts fre quently laid before Parliament, by the officers of the cufloms; and to the cuflom-houfe books : from which I have alfo felected one account, that maica has given more than f, chiefly in confequence of the quiet produced by the peace with the maroon negroes. -'-Had the Weft Indian trade continued ftationary, the North American trade would have quadrupled with refpeft to it, in 26 years : and this, not- withftanding the checks given to the latter, by their non-importa tion agreements and the encouragement of their own manufactures. There has been an acceffion to both thefe trades, produced by the ceffions at the treaty of Paris ; not touched upon by Dr. Frank lin. The average annual export-trade, from 1770 to 1773 inclu- fively, to the ceded Weft India iflands, amounted to 258,299!: to the ceded North American territory it has been 280,423!. See Sir Charles Whitworth's State of Trade. E.] * Copy of the Report of Governor Hopkins to the Board of Trade, on the Numbers of People in Rhode-ljland. In obedience to your lordfliips' commands, I have caufed the within account to be taken by officers under oath. By it there appears to be in this colony at this time 35,939 white perfons, and 4697, blacks, chiefly negroes. In the year 1730, by order of the then lords commiffioners of trade and plantations, an account was taken of the number of people in this colony, and then there appeared to be 15,302 white perfons, and 2633 blacks. Again in the year 1748, by like order, an account was taken of the number of people in this colony, by which it appears there were at that time 29,755 white perfons, and 4373 blacks. Colony of Rhode IJland, Dec. 24, 1755. STEPHEN HOPKINS. 3 of [A : B. T.] The Colonies ufeful to G. 'Britain. 1 89 of the trade from England (exclufive of Scotland) to Penfylvania -f- 3 a colony moft remarkable for the plain frugal manner of living of its inhabitants, and the moil fufpected of carrying on manufac tures, on account of the number of German arti- zans, who are known to have tranfpl anted them- felves into that country -, though even thefe, in truth, when they come there, generally apply themfelves to agriculture, as the fureft fupport and moft advantageous employment. By this account it appears, that the exports to that province have in 28 years, increafed nearly in the proportion of 17 to i ; whereas the people themfelves, who by other authentic accounts appear to double their numbers (the ftrangers who fettle there included) in about 1 6 years, cannot in the 28 years have in creafed in a greater proportion than as 4 to i. The additional demand then, and confumption of goods from England, of 13 parts in 17 more than the additional number would require, muft be f An Account of the Value of the Exports from England to Penjyl- Jylvauia, in one Year, taken at different Periods, viz. In 1723 they amounted only to - - . 15,992 1730 they were - .... 48,592 1737 56,690 75 2 95 i 3 '7 4 5 7 4 7 ii 6 *747 --------- 82,404 1752 ---._.... 201,666 1757 --- - 268,426 N. B. The accounts for 1758 and 1759, are not yet compleated ; but thofe acquainted with the North American trade, know, that the increafe in thofe two years, has been in a ftill greater proportion ; the laft year being fuppofed to exceed any former year by a third ; and this owing to the increafed ability of the people to fpend, from the greater quantities of money circu lating among them by the war. owing 190 CAN A' DA PAMPHLET. owing to this; that the people having by their in- duftry mended their circumftances, are enabled to Indulge themfelves in finer clothes, better furni ture, and a more general ufe of all our manufac tures than heretofore. In fad:, the occafion forEnglim goods in North America, and the inclination to have and ufe them, is, and muft be for ages to come, much greater than the ability of the people to pay for them ; they muft therefore, as they now do, deny themfelves many things they wouldotherwife chufe to have, or increafe their induftry to obtain them. And thus, if they mould at any time manufac ture fome coarfe article, which on account of its bulk or fome other circumftance, cannot fo well be brought to them from Britain ; it only enables them the better to pay for finer goods, that otberwife they could not indulge themfelves in : So that the exports thither are not diminished by fuch manufacture, but rather increafed. The fingle article of manufacture in thefe colonies men tioned by theRemarker, is /te.f made in New-Eng land. It is true there have been, ever fince the firft fettlement of that country, a few hatters there ; drawn thither probably at firft by the faci lity of getting beaver^ while -the woods were but little cleared, and there was plenty of thofe animals. The cafe is greatly altered now. The beaver fkins are not now to be had in New-England, but from very remote places and at great prices. The trade is accordingly declining there; fo that, far from being able to make hats in any quantity for [A: B.T.] Colonies not dangerous to G. Britain. 191 for exportation, they cannot fupply their home demand ; and it is well known that fome thoufand dozens are fent thither yearly from London, Brif- tol, and Liverpool ; and fold there cheaper than the inhabitants can make them of equal goodnefs. In fact, the colonies are fo little fuited for efta- bliming of manufactures, that they are continually lofing the few branches they accidentally gain. The working brafiers, cutlers, and pewterers, as well as hatters, who have happened to go over from time to time and fettle in the colonies -, gra dually drop the working part of their bufinefs, and import their refpective goods from England, whence they can have them cheaper and better than they can make them. They continue their fhops indeed, in the fame way of dealing; but be come^//*? of brafiery, cutlery, pewter, hats, &c. brought from England, inflead of being makers of thofe goods. 5. \jhe American colonies not dangerous in their nature to Great Britain.] Thus much as to the apprehenfion of our colo nies becoming ufelefs to us. I mall next confider the other fuppofi tion, that their growth may ren der them dangerous. Of this, I own, 'I have not the leaft conception, when I confider that we have already fourteen fepar ate governments on the ma ritime coaft of the continent; and if we extend our fettlements, (hall probably have as many more be hind themon the inland fide. Thofe we now have, are not only under different governors, but have different 192 CANADA PAMPHLET. different forms of government, different laws, dif ferent interefts, and fome of them different reli gious perfuafions and different manners. Their jealoufy of each other is fo great, that however neceffary an union of the colonies has long been, for their common defence and fecurity againft their enemies, and how fenfible foever each colony has been of that neceflity ; yet they have never been able to effect fuch an union among themfelves ; nor even to agree in requefting the mother coun try to eftablifh it for them. Nothing but the im mediate command of the crown has been able to produce even the imperfect union, but lately feen there, of the forces of fome colonies . If they could not agree to unite for their defence againft the French and Indians, who were perpetually ha- raffing their fettlements, burning their villages, and murdering their people ; can it reafonably be fuppofed there is any danger of their uniting againft their own nation, which protects and en courages them, with which they have fo many connections and ties of blood, intereft and affec tion, and which, it is well known, they all love much more than they love one another ? In fhort, there are fo many caufes that muft operate to prevent it, that I will venture to fay, an union amongft them for fuch a purpofe, is not merely improbable ; it is impoilible. And if the union of the whole is impoflible, the attempt of a part muft be madnefs ; as thofe colonies that did not join the rebellion, would join the mother country in fuppreffing it. When I fay fuch an union [A: B.T.] Colonies not dangerous toG. Britain. 193 union is impoffible, I mean, without the moft grievous tyranny and oppreffion. People who have property in a country which they may lofe, and privileges which they may endanger, are ge nerally difpofed to be quiet ; and even to bear much, rather than hazard all. While the go vernment is mild and juft, while important civil and religious rights are fecure, fuch fubjects will be dutiful and obedient. The waves do not rife but when the winds blow. What fuch an adminiftration as the Duke of Alva's in the Netherlands, might produce, I know not ; but this I think I have a right to deem im poffible. And yet there were two very manifefl differences between that cafe, and ours -, and both are in our favour. The^r/?, that Spain had al ready united the feventeen provinces under one vifible government, though the ftates continued independent : Thefecond, that the inhabitants of thofe provinces were of a nation, not only different from, but utterly unlike the Spaniards. Had the Netherlands been peopled from Spain, the worfl of oppreffion had probably not provoked them to wifh a feparation of government. It might, and probably would have ruined the country j but would never have produced an independent fove- reignty. In fact, neither the very woift of go vernments, the worft of politics in the laft cen tury j nor the total abolition of their remaining liberty, in th$ provinces of Spain it/elf, in the pre- fent; have produced any independency [in Spain] that could be fupported. The fame may be obferv- cd of France. C c And 194 CANADA PAMPHLET. And let it not be faid that the neighbourhood of thefe to the feat 'of government has prevented a feparation. While our ftrength at fea continues, the banks of the Ohio, (in point of eafy and ex peditious conveyance of troops) are nearer to London, than the remote parts of France and Spain to their refpective capitals; and much nearer than Connaught and Ulfter were in the days of Queen Elizabeth. No body foretels the diflb- lution of the Ruffian monarchy from its extent ; yet I will venture to fay, the eaflern parts of it are already much more inacceffible fromPeterfburgh, than the country on the Miffiffippi is from Lon don ', I mean more men, in lefs time, might be conveyed the latter than the former diftance. The rivers Oby, Jenefea and Lena, do not facilitate the communication half fo well by their courfe, nor are they half fo practicable, as the American rivers. To this I mall only add the obfervation of Ma- chiavel, in his Prince; that a government feldom long preferves its dominion over thofe who are fo reigners to it ; who, on the other hand, fall with great eafe, and continue infeparably annexed to the government of their own nation : which he proves by the fate, of the Englifh conquefts in France. Yet with all thefe difad vantages, fo dif ficult is it to overturn an eftablifhed government, that it was not without the affiftance of France and England, that the United Provinces fupported themfelves : which teaches us, that 6. [Me [ A : B. T.] 'The French dangerous In Canada. 195 6. ['The French remaining in Canada, an encou ragement to difaffections in the Britijh Colo nies. If they prove a check, that check of the moft barbarous nature.] * If the vifionary danger of independence in our co- ionies is to be feared; nothing is more likely to render it fubjlantial, than the neighbourhood of foreigners at enmity ivith the f over eign government, capable of giving either aid J or an aiylum, as the event ft all require. Yet againft even thefe difadvantages, did Spain preferve almoft ten provinces, merely thro' their want of union ; which indeed could never J [The aid Dr. Franklin alludes to, muft probably have confided in early and full fupplies of arms, officers, intelligence, and trade of export and of import, through the river St. Lawrence, on rifques both public and private ; in the encouragement of fplendid promifes and a great ally; in the pafTage from Canada to the back fettle - ments, being_/&/ to the Eritijb forces ; in the quiet of the great body of Indians; in the fupport of emiflaries and difcontented citizens ; in loans and fubfidies to congrefs, in y/ays profitable to France ; in a refuge to be granted them in cafe of defeat, in vacant lands, as fet- tlers ; in the probability of war commencing earlier between England and France, at the gulph of St. Lawrence, (when the {hipping taken, %vere rightfully addreffed to Frenchmen,) than in the prelent cafe. All this might have happened, as foon as America's diftafte of the fovereign, had exceeded the fear of the foreigner ; a circumllance frequently feen poflible in hiilory, and which our minifters took care fliould not be wanting. This explanation would have required apology for its infertion ; were not the opinion pretty common in England, that bad .not tic French been removed from Canada , the revolt of America never would /save taken place. Why then were the French not left in Canada, at the peace of 1763 ? Or, fmce they were not left there, why was the American difpute begun ? Yet in one fenfe perhaps this opinion is true ; for had the French been left in Canada, minifters would not only have fooner felt, but foonsr have" feen, die Itrange fatality of their plans. E.j C c 2 have 196 CANADA PAMPHLET. have taken place among the others, but for caufes, fome of which are in our cafe impoffible, and others it is impious to fuppofe poflible. The Romans well underflood that policy, which teaches the fecurity anting to the chief government from feparate flates among the governed; when they reftored the liberties of the flates of Greece, (opprerled but united under Macedon) by an edict, that every '/late mould live under its own laws *. They did not even name a governor. Indepen dence of each other, and feparate interefls, (though among a people united by common manners, lan guage, and I may fay religion ; inferior neither in Vv'ifdurn, bravery, nor their love of liberty, to the Romans themfelves j) was all the fecurity the fovereigns wifhed for their fovereignty. It is tr ue, they did not call themfelves foyereigns ; they fet no value on the title ; they were contented with po'fleffing the thing. And poliefs it they did, even without a. {landing army :- (what can be a ilronger proof of the fecurity of their poiTeffion ?) And yet by a policy iimilar to this throughout, was the Roman world fubdued and held : a world compofed of above an hundred languages and fets of manners, different from thofe of their mailers J. Yet * [ " All the Greek ftates, whether in Europe or Afia, had their " liberty and their own laws, &c." E.] Livy, book 33. c. 30. J When tke Romans had fubdued Macedon and Illyricum, they- were both formed into republics by a decree of the fenate ; and Ma cedon was thought fafe from the danger of a revolution, by being divided, into a divifion common among the Romans, as we learn from the accounts of the tctrarchs in fcripture. [" In the firft inftance,. " it was their pleafure that the Macedonians and Illyrians fhould be " free; [ A : B . T . ] jT&? French dangerous in Canada. 197 Yet this dominion was unftiakeable, till the lofs of liberty and corruption of manners in the fove- reign flate, overturned it. But what is the prudent policy inculcated by the Remarker, to obtain this end, fecurity of dominion, over our colonies ? It is, to leave the French in Canada, to " check" their growth -, for otberwtfe cur people may " increafe infinitely from allcaufes *." We have already feen in what manner the French and their Indians check the growth of our colonies. It is a modeft word, this, check, for maflacring men, women and children. The writer would, if he could,- hide from himfelf as well as from the public, the horror arifing from fuch a propofal, by couching it in general terms : 'tis no wonder he thought it a " fubject not fit for difcuffion " in his letter; though he recommends it as " a point " that mould be the conftant object of the minif- " ter's attention !" But if Canada is reftored on " free; that it might be clear to all nations, that the arms of the Roman '* people did not bring flavery upon the free, but on the contrary, " freedom to thofe who wereenflaved. Nations in a ftate of liberty, were to feel that liberty, fafe and perpetual under the patronage of the people of Rome : Thofe that lived under kings, were to find their kings milder and jufter at the inftant, out of refpeft to the Roman people; and if war mould at any time take place between the Roman people and their kings, they were to believe that it mufl end in victory to the Romans and liberty to them- felves, It was their pleafure alfo that Macedon mould be divided into four dijirifts, and each have a feparate council of its own : and that it mould pay to the Roman people only half the tribute, it had been ufed to pay to their kings. Their determinations were of the fame temper refpec~ting///yr/#z." E.J Livy, book 43, c. 18. * Remarks, p. 50, 51. this 198 CANADA PAMPHLET. this principle j will not Britain be guilty of all the blood to be fhed, all the murders to be committed, in order to check this d-readed growth of our own people ? Will not this be telling the French in plain terms, that the horrid barbarities they per petrate with their Indians on our colonifts, are agreeable to us -, and that they need not apprehend the refentment of a government, with whofe views they fo happily concur ? Will not the colonies view it in this light ? Will they have reafon to confider themfelves any longer as fubjects and children j when they find their cruel enemies hal- loo'd upon them by the country from whence they fprung ; the government that owes them protec tion, as it requires their obedience ? Is not this the moft likely means of driving them into the arms of the French, who can invite them by an offer of that fecurity, their own government chufes not to afford them ? I would not be thought to Infinuate that the Remarker wants humanity. I know how little many good-natured perfons are affected by the diftrefles of people at a diftance, and whom they do not know. There are even thofe, who, being prefent, can fympathize iincerely with the grief of a lady on the fudden death of a favou rite bird ; and yet can read of the linking of a city in Syria with very little concern. If it be, after all, thought neceflary to check the growth of our colonies j give me leave to propofe a method lefs cruel. It is a method of which we have an example in fcripture. The murder of hufbands, of wives, of brothers, fillers, and children, whofe pleafing fociety [A: B.T.] tfhe French dangerous in Canada. 199 fociety has been for fome time enjoyed, affefts deeply the refpective furviving relations : but grief for the death of a child ju ft born is (hort, and eafily fupported. The method I mean is that which was dictated by the Egyptian policy, when the ** infinite increafe " of the children of Ifrael was apprehended as dangerous to the ftate *. Let an act of parliament then be made, enjoining the co lony midwives to ftifle in the birth every third or fourth child. By this means you may keep the co lonies to their prefent fize. And if they were un der the hard alternative of fubmitting to one or the other of thefe fchemes for checking their growth, I dare anfwer for them, they would pre fer the latter. But all this debate about the propriety or Impro priety of keeping or rejloring Canada, is .poflibly too early. We have taken the capital indeed, but the country is yet far from being in our pof- feflion ; and perhaps never will be : for if our M rs are perfuaded by fuch counfellors as the Remarker, that the French there are " not the " worft of neighbours;" and that if we had con quered Canada, we ought for our own fakes to re- flore it, as a check to the growth of our colonies ; I am then afraid we ihall never take it. For there * And Pharoah faicl unto his people, behold the people of the children of Ifrael are more and mightier than we ; come on, let us deal wifely with them ; left they multiply ; and it come to pafs that when there falleth out any war, they join alfo unto our enemies and fight againft us, and fo get them up out of the land. And the king fpake to the Hebrew midwives, &c. Exodus, chap, i, are 200 Canada eafily peopled. are many ways of avoiding the completion of the conqueft, that will be lefs exceptionable and lefs odious than the giving it up. 7. [ Canada eajily peopled, without draining Great Britain of any of its inhabitants^ objection I have often heard, that if we had Canada, we could not people it, without draining Britain of its inhabitants - 3 is founded on ignorance of the nature of population in new countries. When we firft began to colonize in America, it was ne- ceflary to fend people, and to fend feed-corn -, but it is not now neceffary that we fhould furnifh, for a new colony, either one or the other. The annual increment alone of our prefent colonies, without diminifhing their numbers, or requiring a man from hence j is fufficient in ten years to fill Canada with double the number of Englifh that it now has of French inhabitants *. Thofc who are proteftants among the French, will pro bably choofe to remain under the Englifh govern ment; many will choofe to remove, if they can be allowed to fell their lands, improvements and ef fects : the reft in that thin-fettled country, will in lefs than half a century, from the crowds of Englifh fettling round and among them, be blended and incorporated with our people both in language and manners. * In faft, there has not gone from Britain [itfelf ] to our colonies thefe 20 years pail, to fettle there, fo many as 10 families a year ; the new fettlers are either the offspring of the old, or emigrants from Germany, or the north of Ireland. [N. B. Written in. 1760 or 1761. E.I 8. [Me [A: B.T.] Guadaloupe overvalued. 8. [T'be merits of Guadaloupe to Great Britain over-valued ; yet likely to be paid much dearer for, than Canada.^ In Guadaloupe the cafe is fomewhat different ;- and though I am far from thinking J we have fugar-land enough -f-, I cannot think Guadaloupe is fo defirable an increafe of it, as other objedts the enemy would probably be infinitely more ready to part with., A, country fully inhabited by any nation,, is no proper pofleffion for another of different language, manners and religion. It is hardly ever tenable at lefs expence than it is worth. But the ifle of Cayenne, and its appendix, Equi- noffiial-F ranee, having but very few inhabitants., and thefe therefore eafily removed -, would indeed be an acquifition every way fuitable to our fitua- tion and defire^s. This would hold all that migrate from Barbadoes, the LeewardJflands, or Jamaica. It would certainly recall into an Englifli govern ment (in which there would be room for millions) all who have before fettled or purchafed in Marti- nico, Guadaloupe, Santa-Cruz or St. John's; ex cept fuch as know not the value. of an Englifli go- t Remarks, p. 30, 34. f It is often faid we have plenty of fugar-land flill unemployed in Jamaica : but thofe who are well acquainted with that ifland, know, that the remaining vacant land in it is generally fituated among mountains, rocks and gullies, that make carriage imprac ticable, fo that no profitable ufe can be made of it ; unleis the price of fugars fhould fo greatly increafe, as to enable the planter to make very expenfive roads, by blowing up rocks, erecting bridges, Sec. every 2. or 300 yards. [Our author was fomewhat mifinformed here. E.] D d vernment, 2.02 CANADA PAMPHLET, vcrnment, and fuch I am fure are not worth recal ling. But mould we keep Guadaloupe, we are told it would enable us to export 300,000 /. in fugars. Admit it to be true, though perhaps the amazing increafe of Englifhconfumption might flop moil of it here, to whofe profit is this to redound ? To the profit of the French inhabitants of the ifland : except a fmall part that mould fall to the mare of theEnglifh purchafers, but whofe whole purchafe- money muft firfl be added to the wealth and circu lation of France. I grant, however, much of this 300,000 /. would be expended in Britim manu factures. Perhaps, too, a few of the land-owners of Guadaloupe might dwell and fpend their for tunes in Britain, (though probably much fewer than of the inhabitants of North America.) I admit the advantage arising to us from thefe cir- cumftances, (as far as they go) in the cafe of Guadaloupe, as well as in that of our other Weft India fettlements. Yet even this consumption is little better than that of an allied nation would be, who mould take our manufactures and fupply us with fugar, and put us to no great expence in defending the place of growth. But, though our own colonies expend among us almoft the whole produce of our fugar*, can we or ought we to promife ourfelves this will be the cafe of Gua daloupe ? One 1 00,000 /. will fupply them with Britim manufactures \ and fuppofing we can effectually prevent the introduction of thofe of * Remarks, p. 47, France, [A: B.T.] Guadaloupe overvalued. 203 France, (which is morally impoffible in a country ufed to them) the other 200,000 1. will ilill be fpent in France, in the education of their children and fupport of themfelves ; or elfe be laid up there, where they will always think their home to be. Befides this confumption of Britifh manufac tures, much is faid of the benefit we Jh all have from the fituation of Guadaloupe ; and we are told of a trade to the Caraccas and Spanifh Main. In what refpect Guadaloupe is better fituated for this trade than Jamaica, or even any of our other iflands, I am at a lofs to guefs. I believe it to be not fo well iituated for that of the windward coaft, as Tobago and St. Lucia; which in this, as well as other refpects, would be more valuable pof- feffions, and which, I doubt not, the peace will fecure to us. Nor is it nearly fo well fituated for that of the reft of the Spanifli Main as Jamaica. As to the greater fafety of our trade by the pof- feffion of Guadaloupe j experience has convinced us, that in reducing a fingle ifland, or even more,, we flop the privateering bufinefs but little. Pri vateers ftill fubfift, in equal if not greater numbers, and carry the veflels into Martinico, which before it was more convenient to carry into Guadaloupe.. Had we all the Caribbees, it is true, they would in thofe parts be without melter. Yet upon the whole I fuppofe it to be a doubt ful point, and well worth eonlideration^ whether our obtaining polTeffion of all the Caribbees,, would be more than a temporary benefit ; as it would neceflarily foon fill the French part of Hifpaniola D d 2, with* 204 CANADA P A,M P H L E T. with French inhabitants -, and thereby render it five times more valuable in time of peace, and lit tle lefs than impregnable in time of war; and would probably end in a few years in the uniting the whole of that great and fertile ifland under a French government. It is agreed on all hands, that our conqueft of St. Chriftopher's, and driv^- ing the French from thence, firft furnifhed Hif- paniola with fkilful and fubftantial planters, and was confequently the firft occafion of its prefent opulence. On the other hand, I will hazard an opinion, that valuable as the French porTeffions in the Weft Indies are, and undeniable the advan tages they derive from them, there is fomewhat to be weighed in the oppofite fcale. They can not at prefent make war with England, without expofing thofe advantages, while divided among -the numerous iflands they now have, much more than they would, were they poflerled of St. Do mingo only; their own fliare of which would, if well cultivated, grow more fugar, than is now grown in all their Weft India iilandsl / have before faid I do not deny the utility of the conqueft, or even of our future pojj'efjion of Guada- hupe> if not bought too dear. The trade of the Weft Indies is one of our moft valuable trades. Our poffeffions there deferve our greateft care and .attention. So do thofe of North America. I mall not enter into the invidious tafk of comparing their due eftimation. It would be a very long and a very difagreeable one, to run through every thing material on this head. It is enough to our pre- 3 [A: B.T.] Guadaloufe overvalued. 205 fent point, if I have mown, that the value of North America is capable of an immenfe increafe, by an acquiiition and meafures, that muft necef- farily have an effect the direct contrary of what we have been induftrioufly taught to fear ; and that Guadaloupe is, in point of advantage, but a very fmall addition to our Weft India pofleffions ^ rendered many ways lefs valuable to us, than it is to the French; who will probably fet more value upon it, than upon a country [Canada] that is much more valuable to us than to them. There is a great deal more to be faid on all the parts of thefe fubjecls ; but as it would carry me into a detail that I fear, would tire the patience of my readers, and which I am not without appre- henfions I have done already ; I mall referve what remains till I dare venture again on the indulgence of the public. D d 7 Remarks- 206 Remarks and Fatts relative to Remarks and Faffs relative to the American Paper -money *. N the REPORT of the BOARD of TRADE, dated Feb. 9, 1764, the following Reafons are given for rejiraining the emijjion of paper-bills of credit in America, as a legal tender* 1 . " That i t carries the gold andjilver out of the <" province, and fo ruins the country > as experi- " ence has Jbewn, in every colony where it has " been pracliied in any great degree. 2. " That the merchants trading to America " have fuffered and loft by it. 3. " That the redaction [of it] has had a be- *' nejicial eff'cSl in New-England. 4. " That every medium of trade ftould have an *' intrinjic value, which paper -money has not. *' Gold and filver are therefore the fitteft for this " medium, as they are an equivalent; which " paper never can be. * [The beft account I can give of the occaiion of the Report, to which this paper is a reply, is as follows. During the war there had been a confiderable and unufual trade to America, in confequenceof the great fleets and armies on foot there, and the clandeftine dealings with the enemy, who were cut off from their own fupplies. This made great debts. The brifknefs of the trade ceafing with the war, the merchants were anxious for payment; which occalioned fome confufion in the colonies, and ttirred up a clamour here againftjpd^/r- ZBO<.'V.. The board of trade, of which lord Hilfborough was the chief, joined in this oppofition to paper-money, as appears by the report. Dr. Franklin being afked to draw up an anfwer to their report, wrote the paper given above. E.] 5. " That [A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 207 5. " That debtors in the aflemblies make *' paper-money with fraudulent views. 6. " That in the middle colonies, where the " credit of the paper-money has been beft fup- *' ported, the bills have never kept to their nominal " value in circulation ; but have conftantly de- c< preciated to a certain degree, whenever the * c quantity has been increafed." To confider thefe Reafons in their order j the firfl is. i. * e hat paper-money carries the gold and iilver out of the province, andfo ruins the country ; as experience has fhewn, in every colony where it has been praffifed in any great degree. 1 ' This opi nion, of its ruining the country, feems to be merely Ipeculative, or not otherwife founded than upon mifinformation in the matter of fad:. The truth is, that the balance of their trade with Britain being greatly againft them, the gold and iilver is drawn out to pay that balance ; and then the ne- cefTity of fome medium of trade has induced the making of paper-money, which could not be car ried away. Thus, if carrying out all the gold and filver ruins a country, every colony was ruined before it made paper-money. But, far from be ing ruined by it, the colonies that have made ufe of paper-money, have been, and are all, in a thriving condition. The debt indeed to Britain has increafed, becaufe their numbers, and of courfe their trade, have increafed ; for all trade having always a proportion of debt outftanding, which is 0-8 Remarks and Faffs, relative to is paid in its turn, while frem ^debt is contracted, the proportion of debt naturally increases . as the trade increafes ; but the improvement and in- creafe of eflates in the colonies has been in a greater proportion than their debt. NewEtigland, particularly, in 1696, (about the time they be<- gan the ufe of paper-money,) had in all its four provinces but 130 churches or congregations; in. 1760 they were 530. The number of farms and buildings there, is increafed in proportion to the numbers of people ; and the goods exported to them from England in 1750, before the re paint took place, were near five times as much as before they had paper- money. \-PenJylvQnia> before it made any paper -money, was totally jftript of its gold and filver; though they had from time to time, like the neighbouring colonies, agreed to take gold and filver. coins at higher and higher nominal values,, in hopes of drawing mo ney into, and retaining it, for the internal ufes of the province. During that weak practice, filver got up by degrees to 8s. 96. per ounce, and Englifh crowns were called fix, feven, and eight milling pieces; long before paper-money was made. But this practice of increafing the denomination, was found not to anfwer the end. The balance of trade carried out the gold and: filyer as- fart as it was brought in 5 the merchants raifing the price of their goods in proportion to the increafed denomination of the money. The difficulties for want of cam were accordingly very great, the chief part of the trade being carried on [A: B.T.] the American Paper-money. 209 on by the extremely inconvenient method of bar ter -, When in 1723 paper-money was firft made there; which gave new life to bufmefs, promoted greatly the fettlement of new lands, (by lending fmall fums to beginners on eafy intereft, to be repaid by inftalments,) whereby the province has fo greatly increafed in inhabitants, that the ex port from hence thither is now more than tenfold what it then was ; and by their trade with foreign colonies, they have been able to obtain great quantities of gold and filver to remit hither in re turn for the manufactures of this country. New York and New *Jerfey have alfo increafed greatly during the fame period, with the ufe of paper- money ; fo that it does not appear to be of the ruinous nature afcribed to it. And if the inha bitants of thofe countries are glad to have the ufe of paper among themfelves, that they may there by be enabled to fpare for remittances hither, the gold and filver they obtain by their commerce with foreigners ; one would expect that no ob jection again ft their parting with it could arife here, in the country that receives it. The ad reafon is, {S 'That the merchants trading to America have fuffered and loll by the paper-mo ney " This may have been the cafe in particular inftances, at particular times and places : As in South Carolina, aboul^S years fince^ when the co lony was thought in danger of being deftroyed by the Indians and Spaniards; and the Britim mer chants, in fear of lofing their whole effects there, called-precipitately for remittances y and the inha- E e bitants, ; 2 1 o Remarks and Faffs relative to bitants, to get fomething lodged in fafe countries, gave anyprice in paper- money for billsof exchange; whereby the paper, as compared with bills, or with produce, or other effects fit for exportation, was fuddenly and greatly depreciated. The unfettled flate of government for a long time in that province had alfo its mare in depreciating its bills. But fmce that danger blew over, and the colony has been in the hands of the crown - y their currency became fixed, and has fo remained to this day. Alfo in New England, when much greater quantities were ifTued than were neceffary for a medium of trade, to defray the expedition againft Louiibourg ; and, during the laft war in Virginia and North Carolina, when great fums were iffued to pay the colony troops, and the war made tobacco a poorer re mittance, from the higher price of freight and infurance : in thefe cafes, the merchants trading to thole colonies may fometimes have fuffered by the fudden and unforefeen rife of exchange. By flow and gradual rifes, they feldom fuffer ; the goods being fold at proportionable prices. But war is a common calamity in all countries, and the merchants that deal with them cannot expect to avoid a mare of the lofTes it fometimes occafions, by affecting public credit. It is hoped, however, that the profits of their fubfequent commerce with thofe colonies, may hfe made them fome reparation. And the merchants trading to the Middle Colonies, (New York, New Jerfey, and Penfylvania,) have never fqffered by any rife of exchange; it having ever been a conftant rule there [A : B. T.] the American Paper-money. 211 there to confiderBritifh debts as payable in Britain, and not to be difcharged but by as much paper (whatever might be the rate of exchange) as would purchafe a bill for the full fterling fum. On the contrary, the merchants have been great gainers by the ufe of paper- money in thofe colo nies ; as it enabled them to fend much greater quantities of goods, and the purchafers to pay more punctually for them. And the people there make no complaint of any injury done them by paper-money, with a legal tender; they are fenfible of its benefits ; and petition to have it fo allowed. The 3d Reafon is, " 'That the reftriction has had a beneficial effect in New England." Parti cular circumftances in the New England colonies, made paper-money lefs neceflary and lefs conve nient to them. They have great and valuable fifheries of whale and cod, by which large remit tances can be made. They are four diftinct go vernments j but having much mutual intercourfe of dealings, the money of each ufed to pafs cur rent in all : but the whole of this common cur rency not being under one common direction, was not fo eafiiy kept within due bounds ; the prudent referve of one colony in its emiffions, be ing rendered ufelefs by excefs in another. The MarTachufets, therefore were not diffatisfied with the restraint, as it retrained their neighbours as well as themfelves ; and perhaps they do not de- fire to have the act repealed. They have not yet felt much inconvenience from it; as they were enabled to aboli/h their paper- currency, by a large E e 2 fum 2J2 Remarks and Fatts relative to fum in filver' from Britain to reimburfe their ex- pences in taking Louifbourg, which, with the gold brought from Portugal, by means of their fifty kept them fupplied with a currency ; till the late war furniihed them and all America with bills of exchange; fo that littlje bam was needed for remittance. Their fisheries- too furnifh them with remittance through Spain and Portugal to Eng land ; which enables-them the more eafily to re tain gold and filver in their cotmtry. The middle Colonies have ;iiot this advantage ; Nor -have; they tobacco ; which in Virginia and 'Maryland anfwers the fame purpofe. -When colonies are fo different in their circumftances,. a regulation that is not in convenient to one or a few, may be very much fo.to the reft. -But the pay is now become fo -indifferent in New England, at leaft in fome of its provinces, through the want of currency; that the trade thi ther is at prefent under great difcouragement. The 4th Reafon is, " 'That every medium of tr&fajhould have an intrinfic value ; which paper- money has not. Gold and filver are therefore the fitteft for this medium, as they are an equivalent ; which paper never can be." However fit a parti cular thing may be for a particular purpofe; wherever that thing is not to be had, or not to be had in fufficient quantity ; it becomes necef- fary to ufe fomething elfe, the fitteft that can be got, in lieu of it. Gold and filver are not the .produce of North America, which has no mines ; and that which is brought thither cannot be kept there in fufficient quantity for a currency. Bri tain, [ A : B. T.] the American Paper- money. 2 1 3 taln^ an independent great flate, when its inha bitants grow too fond of the expensive luxuries of foreign countries, that draw away its money ; can, and frequently does, make laws to difcou- rage or prohibit fuch importations ; and by that means can retain its cam. The colonies are de pendent governments j and their people having naturally great refpedt for the fovereign country, and being thence immoderately fond of its modes, manufactures, and fuperfluities, cannot be re trained from purchafing them by any province law -, becaufe fuch law, if made, would imme diately be repealed here, as prejudicial to the .trade and intereft of Britain.- It feems hard there fore to draw all their real money from them, and then refufe them the poor privilege of ufmg pa per inftead of it. Bank bills and bankers notes are daily ufed here as, a medium of trade, and in large dealings perhaps the greater part is tranf- aded by their means ; and yet they have no in- triniic value, but reft on the credit of thofe that iffue them -, as paper-bills in the colonies do on the credit of the refpective governments there. Their being payable in cafh upon light by the drawer, is indeed a circumftance that cannot attend the colony bills ; for the reafons juft above-men tioned, their cam being drawn from them by the Britifh trade ; But the legal tender being fubfti- tuted in its place, is rather a greater advantage to the poiTefTor ; fince he need riot be at the trouble of going to ^ particular bank or banker to demand the money, finding (wherever he has occafion to lay 2 1 4 'Remarks and Faffs re!a five to lay out money in the province) a perfon that is obliged to take the bills. So that even out of the province, the knowledge that every man within that province, is obliged to take its money ; gives the bill a credit among its neighbours, nearly equal to what they have at home. And were it not for the laws here, that reftrain or prohibit as much as poffible all lofing trades, the cam of this country would foon be exported ; Every merchant who had occafion to remit it, would run to the bank with all its bills that came into his hands, and take out his part of its treafure for that pur- pofe; fo that in amort time, it would be no more able to pay bills in money upon fight, than it is now in the power of a colony treafury fo to do. And if government afterwards mould have occa fion for the credit of the bank, it muft of neceffity make its bills a legal tender; funding them how ever on Taxes by which they may in time be paid off; as has been the general practice in the colo nies. At this very time, even the filver-money in England is obliged to the legal tender for part of its value -, that part, which is the difference between its real weight and its denomination. Great part of the millings and fixpences now cur rent, are by wearing, become 5, 10, 20, and fome of the fixpences even 50 per cent, too light. For this difference between the real and the nomi- naly you have no intrinfic value; you have not To much as paper, you have nothing. It is the legal tender, with the knowledge that it can eafily be repaffed for the fame value, that makes three- 3 penny- [A: B.T.] the American Paper- money. 215 pennyworth of filver pafs for fixpence. Gold and filver have undoubtedly feme properties that give them a fitnefs above paper as a medium of exchange ; particularly their univerfal efllmatkn ; especially in cafes where a country has occafion to carry its money abroad, either as a flock to trade with, or to purchafe allies w&& foreign fuccours ; Otherwife that very univerfal eftimation is an in convenience which paper-money is free from; lince it tends to deprive a country of even the quantity of currency that fhould be retained as a necefTary inftrument of its internal commerce ; and obliges it to be continually on its guard in making and executing at a great expence, 'the laws that are to prevent the trade which exports it. Paper money well funded has another great advantage over gold and filver ; its lightnefs of carriage, and the little room that is occupied by a great fum ; whereby it is capable of being more eafily, and more fafely, becaufe more privately, conveyed from place to place. Gold and filver are not in- trinfically of equal value with iron, a metal in it- felf capable of many more beneficial ufes to man kind. Their value refts chiefly in the eftimation they happen to be in among the generality of na tions, and the credit given to the opinion that that eftimation will continue. Otherwife a pound of gold would not be a real equivalent for even a. bufhel of wheat. Any other well-founded credit, is as much an equivalent as gold and filver; and in fome cafes more fo, or it would not be preferred by commercial people in different countries. Not to 2 1 6 Remarks and Fatfs relative /. What number of white inhabitants do you think there are in Penfylvania ? A. I fuppofe there may be about one hundred and iixty thoufand. j^ What number of them are Quakers ? A. Perhaps a third. ^. What number of Germans ? A. Perhaps another third 5 but I cannot fpeak with certainty. ^3 Have any number of the Germans feen fer- vice, as foldiers, in Europe ? A. Yes, many of them, both in Europe and America. <^. Are they as much diflatisfied with the flamp duty as the Englijh ? A. Yes, and more; and with reafon, as their ftamps are* in many cafes, to be double *. ^ How * [The Stamp Aft provides that a double duty Ihould be laid where the inftrument, proceedings, &c. fliall be engroffed, writ- ' ten, or printed, within the faid colonies and plantations in any * other than the Englijh language.' This meafure, I prefume, ap peared tobefijggefted by motives of convenience, and the policy of aflimihting perfons of foreign to thofe of Britijb defcent, and> LI z preventing 260 Examination of Dr. Franklin before tht ^. How many white men do you fuppofe there are in North America ? ' A. About three hundred thoufand, from fix- teen to fixty years of age *. . J J. 6 ^. What may be the amount of one year's imports into Penfylvania from Britain ? A. I have been informed that our merchants compute the imports from Britain to be above 500,0007. 4>. What may be the amount of the produce of your province exported to Britain ? A. It muft be fmall, as we produce little that is wanted in Britain. I fuppofe it cannot exceed 4 o,ooo/. <^. How then do you pay the balance ? A. The balance is paid by our produce car ried to the Weft Indies (and fold in our own iilands, or to the French, Spaniards, Danes, andDutch;) by the fame ["produce] carried to other colonies in North America, (as . to New England, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Carolina, and Georgia j) preventing their interference in the conduct of law bufinefs till this change fhould be effected It feems however to have been deemed too precipitate, immediately to extend this claufe to new ly-conquered countries. An exemption therefore was granted, in, this particular, with refpeft to Ccnada anu Grenada, for the fpace of five years, to be reckoned from the commencement of the duty. (See the Stamp Aft.) E.] * [Strangers excluded, fome parts of the northern colonies doubli their numbers in fifteen or fixteen years ; to the fouthward the; are longer: but taking one with another, .hey have doubled b natural generation only, once in twenty- five years. Penfylvanw I believe, . i.luding ftr angers- has doubled in about fixteen years.- The calculation for February 1766, will not then fuit 1779. E. V [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 261 by the fame, carried to different parts of Europe, (as Spain, Portugal, and Italy.) In all which places we receive either money, bills of exchange, or commodities that fuit for remittance to Britain j which, together with all the profits on the induf- try of our merchants and mariners, arifmg in thole circuitous voyages, and the freights made by their mips ; center finally in Britain to difcharge the balance, and pay for Britifh manufactures continually ufed in the province, or fold to foreign ers by our traders. 5^. Have you heard of any difficulties lately laid on the Spanifh trade ? A* Yes, I have heard that it has been greatly obftructed by fome new regulations ; and by the Englifh men of war and cutters ftationed all along the cbaft in America. . <^. Do you think it right that America fhoiild be protected by this country, and pay no part of >ui_ a . ' . ' i . ' * the expence r A. That is not the cafe. , The colonies raifed, clothed, and paid, during the lafl war, near twenty-five thoufand men, and fpent many mil- -,. * lions. <^. Were you not reimburfed by parliament ? A* We were only reimburfed, what, in your opinion, we had advanced beyond our proportion, or beyond what might reafonably be expected from us ; and it was a very fmall part of what we fpent. Penjylvania, in particular, difburfed about 262 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the about 500,000 /. and the reimburfements, in the whole, did not exceed 6o,ooo/. <^. You have faid that you pay heavy taxes in Penfyhania -, what do they amount to in the pound ? A. The tax on all eftates, real and perfonal, is eighteen pence in the pound, fully rated j and the tax on the profits of trades and profeflions, with other taxes, do, I fuppofe, make full half-a-crown in the pound. ^. Do you know anything of the rate of ex change in Penjylvania, and whether it has fallen lately ? A. It is commonly from one hundred and fe- venty to one hundred and feventy-five. I have heard that it has fallen lately from one hundred and feventy-five to one hundred fixty-two and a half ; owing, I fuppofe, to their leflening their orders ' for goods > and when their debts to this country are paid, I think the exchange will probably be at par. ^. Do not you think the people of America would fubmit to pay the ftamp duty, if it was moderated ? A. No, never, unlefc compelled by force of arms. <^. Are not the taxes in Peniylvania laid on unequally, in order to burthen the Englifh trade j particularly the tax on profeffions and buiinefs? A. It [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 263 A. It is not more burthenfome in proportion, than the tax on lands. It is intended, and fup- pofed to take an equal proportion of profits. ^. How is the aflembly compofed ? Of what kinds of people are the members j landholders or traders ? A. It is compofed of landholders, merchants, and artificers. ^. Are not the majority landholders ? A. I believe they are. ^ Do not they as much as poflible, mift the tax off from the land, to eafe that ; and lay the burthen heavier on trade ? A. I have never underftood it fo. I never heard fuch a thing fuggefted. And indeed an attempt of that kind could anfwer no purpofe. The merchant or trader is always flailed in fi gures, and ready with his pen and ink. If un equal burthens are laid on his trade, he puts an additional price on his goods; and the confu- mers, who are chiefly landholders, finally pay the greateft part, if not the whole. ^. What was the temper of America towards Great Britain before the year 1763 ? * * [In the year 1733' for the welfare and profperity of our ' fogar colonies in America,' and ' for remedying difcouragements ' of planters ;' duties were ' given and granted* to George the Second upon all rum, fpirits, molaffes, fyrups, fugar, and paneles of foreign growth, produce, and manufacture, imported into our colonies. This regulation of trade, for the benefit of the general empire was acquiefced in, notwithflanding the introduction of the novel terms ' give and grant.' But the act, which was made only for the term of five years, and had been federal times renewed in the reien of George the Second, and once in the reign of George the Third; 264 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the A. The beft in the world. They fubmitted willingly to the government of the crown, and paid, in all their courts, obedience to a&s of par liament. Numerous as the people are in the fe- veral old provinces, they coft you nothing in forts, citadels, garrifons or armies, to keep them in fub- jection. They were governed by this country at the expence only of a little pen, ink, and paper : They were led by a thread. They had not only a refpect, but an affection for Great Britain ; for its laws, its cufloms and manners j and even a fondnefs for its fafhions, that greatly increafed the' commerce. Natives of Britain were always treated with particular regard ; to be an Old England-man was, of itfelf, a character of fome refpecl:, and gave a kind of rank among us. <^. And what is their temper now ? A. O, very much altered. Third ; was renewed again in the year 1763, in the reign of George the Third, and extended to other articles, uponnenu and altered grounds. It was ftated in the preamble to this aft, * that it was expedient that new provisions and regulations fhould be eftablimed for improving the revenue of this kingdom ;' ' that it was juft and neceffary that a revenue fhould be raifed in America for defending, protecting and fecuring the fame ;' * and that the commons of Great Britain defirous of making fome provifion towards raijing- the faid revenue in America, have refolved to give and grant to hisMajefty the feveral rates and duties, &c.' Mr. Mauduit, agent or MafTachufett's Bay, tells us that he was inftrufted' in the fbllow- ng terms to oppofe Mr. Grenville's taxing fyftem : ' You are to remonftrate againft theie meafures, and if poffible .to obtain a re peal of the Sugar Aft, and prevent the impofition of any further duties or taxes on the colonies. Meafures will be taken that you may be joined by all the other agents. Bofton, June 14, 1764.' The queftion propofed to Dr. Franklin alludes to this Sugar Aft; in 1 763. Dr. Franklin's anfwer appears to deferve the beft attention of the reader. E.] Did [A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1-766. <^. Did you ever hear the authority of parlia ment to make laws for America quefUoned till lately ? A. The authority of parliament was allowed to be valid in all laws, except fuch as mould lay internal taxes. It was never difputed in laying duties to regulate commerce. <^ In what proportion hath population increafed in America ? A. I think the inhabitants of all the provinces together, taken at a medium, double in about twenty-five years. But their demand for Britifh manufactures increafes much fatter ; as the con- fumption is not merely in proportion to their numbers, but grows with the growing abilities of the fame numbers to pay for them. In 1723, the whole importation from Britain toPenfylvania, was but about- 15,000!. fterling ; it is now near half a million. ^. In what light did the people of America ufe to confider the parliament of Great Britain ? A. They confidered the parliament as the great. bulwark and fecurity of their liberties and privi leges, and always fpoke of it with the utmoft re- fpecT: and veneration. Arbitrary minifters, they thought, might poffibly, at times, attempt to op- prefs them > y but they relied on it, that the par liament on application, would always give redrefs. They remembered, with gratitude, a ftrong in- ftance of this ; when a bill was brought into par liament, with a claufe, to make royal inflruclions. M m laws 2 66 'Examination of Dr. Franklin before tfie laws in the colonies; which the houfe of commons would not pafs, and it was thrown out. ^ And have they not flill the fame refpect for .parliament ? A. No ; it is greatly lefTened. ^. To what caufes is that owing ? A. To a concurrence of caufes -, the reftraints lately laid on their trade, by which the bringing of foreign gold and filver into [the] colonies was prevented ; the prohibition of making paper-mo ney among themfelves * - y and then demanding a new and heavy tax by flamps ; taking away, at the fame time, trials by juries, and refuting to receive and hear their humble petitions. ^ Don't you think they would fubmit to the Stamp Acl, if it wa& modified, the obnoxious parts taken out, and th duty reduced to fome particulars, of fmall morrent ? A. No 3 they will never fubmit to it. 5^. What do you think is the reafon that the people in America increafe fafter than in Eng land ? A. Becaufe they marry younger, and more generally. % Why fo ? A. Becaufe any young couple that areinduf- trious, may eafily obtain land of their own, on which they can raife a family -f-. * [Some of the colonies have been reduced to the neceffity of bar tering, from the. want of a medium of traffic. See p. 209. E.J. f [See The Thoughts on the Peopling, of Countries, p. i, & fej. of this colleclion^ E.J Are [A : D. T.J Houfe of Commons in 1766. 267 ^ Are not the lower rank of people more at their eafe in America than in England ? A. They may be fo, if they are fober and diligent j as they are better paid for their labour. <^. What is your opinion of a future tax, im- pofed on the fame principle with that of theStamp Adi ; how would the Americans receive it ? A. Juft as they do this. They would not pay it. 4J. Have not you heard of the refolutions'of this houfe, and of the houfe of Lords, afTerting the right of parliament relating to America, in cluding a power to tax the people there ? A. Yes, I have heard of fuch refolutions, ^ What will be the opinion of the Americans on thofe refolutions ? A. They will think them unconstitutional and nnjuft. ^ Was it an opinion in America before 1763, that the parliament had no right to lay taxes and duties there ? A. I never heard any objection to the right of laying duties to regulate commerce ; but a right to lay internal taxes was never fuppofed to be in parliament, as we are not reprefented there. <^. On what do you found your opinion, that the people in America made any fuch distinction ? A. I know that whenever the fubjecl: has oc curred in converfation where I have been prefent, it has appeared to be the opinion of every one, that we could not be taxed in a parliament where we M m 2 were 268 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the were not reprefented. But the payment of duties laid by act of parliament as regulations of com merce, was never difputed. ^. But can you name any act of aflembly, or public act of any of your governments, that made fuch diflinction ? A. I do not know that there was any ; I think there was never an occafion to make any fuch act, till now that you have attempted to tax us ; that has occafioned refolutions of aiTembly, declaring the diflinction ; in which I think every aflembly on the continent, and every member in every aflembly, have been unanimous. <^. What then could occafion converfations on that fubject before that time ? A, There was in 1754 a propofition made (I think it came from hence) that in cafe of a war, which was then apprehended, the governors of the colonies mould meet, and order the levying of troops, building of forts, and taking every other neceflary meafure for the general defence ; and mould draw on the treafury here for the fums expended; which were afterwards to be raifedin the colonies by a general tax, to be laid on them by atf oj parliament. This occafioned a good deal of converfation on the fubject; and the general opinion was, that the parliament neither would nor could lay any tax on us, till we were duly reprefented in parliament ; becaufe it was not jufl* nor agreeable to the nature of an Englifh confli- tution J. t [See p. 94, and p. 120 et feq. EJ . Don't [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 269 Q. Don't you know there was a time in New York, when it was under confideration to make an application to parliament to lay taxes on that colony, upon a deficiency arifing from the afTem- bly's refuting or neglecting to raife the neceflary fupplies for the fupport of the civil government ? A. I never heard of it. <^. There was fuch an application under con- fideration in New York ; and do you apprehend they could fuppofe the right of parliament to lay a tax in America was only local, and confined ta the cafe of a deficiency in a particular colony, by a refufal of its aflembly to raife the neceflary fup plies ? A. They could not fuppofe fuch a cafe, as that the afTembly would not raife the necefTary fupplies to fupport its own government. An af- fembly that would refufe it muft want common fenfe ; which cannot be fuppofed. I think there was never any fuch cafe at New York, and that it muft be a mifreprefentation, or the fact muft be mifunderftood. I know there have been fome attempts, by minifterial instructions from hence, to oblige the aiTemblies to fettle permanent fala- ries on governors, which they wifely refufed to- do ; but I believe no afTembly of New York, or any other colony, ever refufed duly to fupport government by proper allowances, from time to time, to public officers* ^. But in cafe a governor, acting by inftruc- tion, Should call on an afTembly to raife the ne- 3 ceffary 270 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the ceflary fupplies, and the affembly fhould refufc to- do- it -, do you npfc think it would then be for the good of the people of the colony, as well as necefTary to government, that the parliament fhould tax them ? A. I do not think it would be necefTary. If an aflembly could poffibly be fo abfurd as to re- fufe railing the fupplies requifite for the main tenance of government among them, they could not long remain in fuch a fituation - y the difor- ders and confufion occaiioned by it muft foon bring them to reafon. ^. If it mould not, ought not the right to be in Great Britain of applying a remedy ? A. A right, only to be ufed in fuch a cafe, I fhould have no objection to ; fuppofing it to be ufed merely for the good of the people of the colony. Q. But who is to judge of that, Britain or the colony ? A. Thofe that feel can beit judge. ^. You fay the colonies have always fubmitted to external taxes, and object to the right of par liament only in laying internal taxes j now can you mew that there is any kind of difference be~ tween the two taxes to the colony on which they may be. laid ? A. I think the difference is very great. An externalize, is a duty laid on commodities import ed ; that duty is added to the rirft coft and other charges on the commodity, and when it is offered to fale, makes a part .of the price. If the people do [A:T).T.] Btttfe of 'Commons in 1766. 271 do not like it at that price, they refufe it ; they are not obliged to pay it. But an internal tax. is forced from the people without their confent, if not laid by their own reprefentatives. The ftamp aft fays, we lhall have no commerce, make no exchange of property with each other, neither 1 purchafe nor grant, nor recover debts ; we mall neither marry nor make our wills, unlefs we pay fuch and fuch fums j and thus it is intended to extort our money from us, or ruin us by the con- fequences of refuting to pay it. ^. But fuppofing the internal tax or duty to be laid on the necerTaries of life imported into your colony, will not that be the fame thing in its effects as an internal tax ? A. I do not know a fingle article imported into the northern colonies, but what they can either do without, or make themfelves. ^. Don't you think cloth from England ab- folutely neceffary to them ? A. No, by no means abfolutely necefTary; with induftry and good management, they may very well fupply themfelves with all they want. 4^. Will it not take along time to eftablim that manufacture among them ; and muft tney not in the mean while fuffer greatly ? A* I think not. They have made a furprifing progrefs already. And I am of opinion, that be fore their old clothes are worn outj they will have new ones of their own making. Can 272 'Examination of Dr. Franklin before the ^. Can they poflibly find wool enough in North America ? A. They have taken fleps to increafe the wool. They entered into general combinations to eat no more lamb ; and very few lambs were killed lafl year. This courfe perfifted in, will foon make a prodigious difference in the quantity of wool. And the eftablifhing of great manufactories, like thofe in the clothing towns here, is not necelTary, as it is where the bufinefs is to be carried on for the purpofes of trade. The people will all fpin, and work for themfelves, in their own houfes. ^. Can there be wool and manufacture enough in one or two years ? A. In three years, I think, there may. <^. Does not the feverity of the winter, in the northern colonies, occafion the wool to be of bad quality ? A. No ; the wool is very fine and good. ^. In the more fouthern colonies, as in Vir ginia, don't you know that the wool is coarfe, and onJy a kind of hair ? A. I don't know it. I never heard it. Yet I have been fometimes in Virginia. I 'cannot fay I ever took particular notice of the wool there, but I believe it is good, though I cannot fpeak pofitively of it ; But Virginia, and the co lonies fouth of it, have lefs occafion for wool ; their winters are fhort, and not very fevere -, and they can very well clothe themfelves with linen and cotton of their own railing for the reft of the year. . Are [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 273 ^ Are not the people in the more northern colonies obliged to fodder their fheep all the winter ? A. In fome of the moft northern colonies they may be obliged to do it, fome part of the winter. j^ Confidering the refolutions of parliament *, as to the right - y do you think, if the ftamp acl: is repealed, that the North Americans will be fatisfied ? A. I believe they will. ^. Why do you think fo ? A. I think the refolutions of right will give them very little concern, if they are never at tempted to be carried into practice. The colo nies will probably confider themfelves in the fame fituation, in that refpeft, with Ireland; They know you claim the fame right with re gard to Ireland, but you never exercife it. And they may believe you never will exercife it in the colonies, any more than in Ireland , unlefs on fome very extraordinary occafion. ^ But who are to be the judges of that ex traordinary occafion ? Is not the parliament ? A. Though the parliament may judge of the occafion ; the people will think it can never ex ercife fuch right, till reprefentatives from the colonies are admitted into parliament 5 and that whenever the occafion arifes, reprelentatives will be ordered. * [Afterwards exprefled in the Declaratory- Aft. E.] Nn Did 274 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the ^. Did you never hear that Maryland, during the laft war, had refufed to furniih a quota to wards the common defence ? A. Maryland has been much mifreprefented in that matter. Maryland, to my knowledge, never refufed to contribute, or grant aids to the crown. The afTemblies every year, during the war, voted confiderable fums, and formed bills to raife them. The bills were, according to the conftitution of that province, fent up to the coun cil, or upper houfe, for concurrence , that they might be prefented to the governor, in order to be enacted into laws. Unhappy difputes be tween the two houfes arifmg from the defects of that conftitution principally, rendered all the bills but one or two abortive. The proprietary's council rejected them *. It is true, Maryland did not contribute its proportion ; but it was, in my opinion, the fault of the government, not of the people. <^. Was is not talked of in the other provinces as a proper meafure to apply to parliament to compel them ? A. 1 have heard fuch difcourfe ; but as it was well known, that the people were not to blame, no fuch application was ever made, nor any ftep taken towards it. Was not Lieutenant Governor Hutchinfon principally concerned in that tranfaction ? A. I have heard fo. <^ Was it not at that time a very unpopular law ? A. I believe it might, though I can fay little about it, as I lived at a diftance from that pro vince. ^ Was not \hzfcarcity of gold and Jiher an argument ufed againft aboliming the paper ? A . I fuppofe it was *. ^. What is the prefent opinion there of that law ? Is it as unpopular as it was at firft ? A. I think it is not. <3>. Have not inftructions from hence been fome- times fent over to governors, highly oppreflive and unpolitical ? A. Yes. ^. Have not fome governors difpenfed with them for that reafon ? A* Yes } I have heard fb. ^ Did the Americans ever difpute the con- trouling power of parliament to regulate the commerce ? A. No. ^. Can any thing lefs than a military force carry the Stamp AcT: into execution ? * [See the anfwer to the report of the board of trade, p. 207-9. ^0 N n 2 A. I 276 Emmmatiw of Dr. Franklin before the A. I do not fee how a military force can be applied to that purpofe. ^j Why may it not ? A. Suppofe a military force fent into America, they will find nobody in arms ; what are they then to do ? They cannot force a man to take jftamps who choofes to do without them. They will not find a rebellion : they may indeed make one. Q. If the act is not repealed, what do you think will be the confequences ? A. A total lofs of the refpect and affection the people of America bear to this country j and of all the commerce that depends on that refpect and affection. <^. How can the commerce be affected ? A. You will find, that if the act is not re pealed, they will take very little of your manu factures in a fhort time. 4*. Is it in their power to do without them ? A. I think they may very well do without them. 4J. Is it their intereft not to take them ? A. The goods they take from Britain are either neceffaries, mere conveniences, or fuper- fluities. The firft, as cloth, &c. with a little induitry they can make at home $ the fecond they can do without, till they are able to pro vide them among themfelves; and the laft, which arc much the greateft part, they will ftrike off immediately. They are mere articles of [A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 277 of famion ; purchafed and confumed, becaufe the famion in a refpedted country ; but will now be detefted and rejected . The people have al ready (truck off, by general agreement, the ufe of all goods fafhionable in mournings ; and ma ny thoufand pounds worth are fent back as un- faleable. <%j Is it their intereft to make cloth at home ? A. I think they may at prefent get it cheaper from Britain, I mean of the fame finenefs and n ^^*-/^ ^f w v> Kmanmip 3 out when one con- fiders other circumftances, the reftraints on their trade, and the difficulty of making remittances, it is their intereft to make every thing. j^. Suppofe an aft of internal regulations connected with a tax, how would they receive it? A. I think it would be objected to. <^. Then no regulation with a tax would be fubmitted to ? A. Their opinion is, that when aids to the crown are wanted, they are to be afked of the feveral afTemblies, according to the old efta- blifhed ufage ; who will, as they always have done, grant them freely. And that their money ought not to be given away, without their con- fen t, by peribns at a diftance, unacquainted with their circuniicances and abilities. The grant ing aids to the crown, is the only means they have of recorn mend ing themfelves to their fo- vereign ; .and they think it extremely hard and unjuft, 278 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the unjuft, that a body of men, in which they have no representatives, mould make a merit to it- felf of giving and granting what is not its own, but theirs ; and deprive them of a right they efteem of the utmoft value and importance, as it is the fecurity of all their other rights. ^. But is not the port-office, which they have long received, a tax as well as a regulation ? A. No ; the money paid for the poftage of a ** < f\t t\\a. t-> it-tit-/^ f\t i <-ov it IQ nif^relv a quantum meruit for a fervice done ; no perfon is compellable to pay the money, if he does not choofe to receive the fervice. A man may ftill, as before the adt, fend his letter by a fervant, a fpecial meflenger, or a friend ; if he thinks it cheaper and fafer. <^. But do they not confider the regulations of the pott-office, by the adt of lafl year, as a tax ? A. By the regulations of laft year the rate of poftage was generally abated near thirty per cent, through all America j they certainly cannot con fider fuch abatement as a tax. ^. If an excife was laid by parliament, which they might likewife avoid paying, by not con- fuming the articles excifed; would they then not objecl: to it ? A. They would certainly objecl: to it, as an excife is unconnected with any fervice done, and is merely an aid -, which they think ought to be afkedofthem, and granted by them, if they are to pay it -, and can be granted for them by no others [A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 279 others whatfoever, whom they have not irnpow- ered for that purpoie. 59. You fay they do not object to the right of parliament, in laying duties on goods to be paid on their importation -, now, is there any kind of difference between a duty on the im portation of goods, and an excife on their con- fumption ? A. Yes -, a very material one : an excife, for the reafons I have juft mentioned, they think you can have no right to lay within their country. But tbejeais yours; you maintain, by your fleets, the fafety of navigation in it, and keep it clear of pirates ; you may have therefore a natural and equitable right to iome toll or duty on merchan dizes carried through that part of your dominions, towards defraying the expence you are at, in {hips to maintain the fafety of that carriage. ^. Does this reafoning hold in the cafe of a duty laid on the produce of their lands exported ? And would they not then objedt to fuch a duty ? A. If it tended to make the produce fo much dearer abroad as to leffen the demand for it, to be fure they would objecl: to fuch a duty 5 Not to your right of laying it; but they would complain of it as a burthen, and petition you to lighten it. ^. Is not the duty paid on the tobacco exported, a duty of that kind ? A. That, I think, is only on tobacco carried coaft-wife from one colony to another, and ap propriated 2 So Examination of Dr. Franklin before the preprinted as a fund for fupporting the college at "Williamfburgh, in Virginia. <^. Have not the aflemblies in the Weft Indies the fame natural rights with thofe in North Ame rica ? A. Undoubtedly. <^. And is there not a tax laid there on their fugars exported ? A. I am not much acquainted with the Weft Indies ; but the duty of four and a half per cent, on fugars exported, was, I believe, granted by their own afTemblies * ? 5^. How much is the poll-tax in your pro vince laid on unmarried men ? A. It is, I think fifteen millings, to be paid by every fingle freeman, upwards of twenty- one years old. ^. What is the annual amount of all the taxes in Penfylvania ? A. I fuppofe about 20,000!. fterling. ^. Suppofing the Stamp. Aft continued, and enforced, do you imagine that ill-humour will induce the Americans to give as much for worfe manufactures of their own, and ufe them, pre ferably to better of ours ? A. Yes, I think fo. People will pay as free ly to gratify one paffion as another, their re- fentment as their pride. <^. Would the people at Bofton difcontinue their trade ? A. The * [See the note to Lord Howe's letter to our author. E.] [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 281 A. The merchants are a very fmall number compared with the body of the people, and muft difcontinue their trade, if nobody will buy their goods. ^. What are the body of the people in the colonies ? A. They are farmers, hufbandmen, or plan ters. ^. Would they fufFer the produce of their lands to rot ? A. No 5 but they would not raife fo much. They would manufacture -more, and plow lefs. Q. Would they live without the adminiftra- tion of juflice in civil matters, and fuffer all the inconveniencies of fuch a fituation for any con- fiderable time, rather than take the ftamps ; fup- pofing the ftamps were protected by a fufficient force, where every one might have them ? A. I think the fuppofition impracticable, that the flamps mould be fo protected as that every one might have them. The act requires fub- diflributors to be appointed in every county town, diftrict, and village ; and they would be neceffary. But the principal diflributors, who were to have had a confiderable profit on the whole, have not thought it worth while to con tinue in the office -> and I 'think it impofTible to find fub-diftributors fit to be trufted, who, for the trifling profit that muft come to their hare, would incur the odium, and run the hazard that O o would 282 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the would attend it ; and if they could be found, I think it impracticable to protect the {lamps in ib many diftant and remote places. 4Jj. But in places where they could be pro tected, would not the people ufe them rather than remain in fuch a lituation, unable to ob tain any right, or recover, bylaw, any debt ? A. It is hard to fay what they would do. I can only judge what other people will think, and how they will act, by what I feel within myfelf. I have a great many debts due to me in America, and I had rather they mould re main unrecoverable by any law, than fubmit to the Stamp Act. They will be debts of ho nour. It is my opinion the people will either continue in that fituation, or find fome way to extricate themfelves, perhaps by generally agree ing to proceed in the courts without ftamps. <^. What do you think a fuflicient military force to protect the diftribution of the ftamps 'in every part of America ? A . A very great force ; I can't fay what, if the difpofition of America is for a general re- fiftance. ^. What is the number of men in America able to bear arms, or of difciplined militia ? A. There are, I fuppofe, at leaft \^uejiion objected to. He withdrew. Catted in agam.] ^ Is the American Stamp Act an equal tax on the country ? A. I think not. ^ Why [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 283 4>. Why fo ? A. The greateft part of the money muft a- rife from law-iuits tor the recovery of debts ; and be paid by the lower fort of people, who were too poor e?(ily to pay their debts. It is therefore a heavy tax on the poor, and a tax upon them for being poor. ^ But will not this increafe of expence be a means of leflening the number of law-fuits ? A. I think not ; for as the cofts all fall upon the debtor, and are to be paid by him, they would be no difcouragement to the creditor to bring his action. <^. Would it not have the effect of excefUvc ufury ? A. Yes, as an oppreffion of the debtor. - <^. How many mips are there laden annually in North America with flax-feed for Ireland ?. A. I cannot ipeak to the number of mips, but I know that in 1752* t en 'thoufand hogmeads of flax-feed, each containing feven bumels, .were exported from Philadelphia to Ireland. I fuppofe the quantity is greatly increafed iince that time ; . and it is underftood that the exportation from New York is equal to that from Philadelphia. ^. What becomes of the flax that grows with that flax-feed ? A. They manufacture fome into coarfe, and fome into a middling kind of linen. ^ Are there 2ny jlit ting-mills in America J? - t [i. e. Mills for the flittftig of iron. E.J O o 2 A. I 284 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the A. I think there are three, but I believe only one at prefent employed. 1 fuppofe they will all be fet to work, if the interruption of the trade continues. <^ Are there way fulling-mills there ? A. A great many. <^. Did you never hear that a great quantity of Jtockings were contra&ed for, for the army, during the war, and manufactured in Philadelphia ? A. I have heard fo. <^. If the Stamp- Aft mould be repealed, would not the Americans think they could oblige the par liament to repeal every external tax-law now in force ? A. It is hard to anfwer queftions of what pepple at fuch a diftance will think. ^. But what do you imagine they will think were the motives of repealing the aft ? A. I fuppofe they will think that it was re pealed from a conviction of its inexpediency -, and they will rely upon it, that while the fame inex pediency fubfifts, you will never attempt to make fuch another, <^. What do you mean by its inexpediency ? A. I mean its inexpediency on feveral accounts ? the poverty and inability of thofe who were to pay the tax j the general difcontent it has occalioned ; and the impracticability of enforcing it. ^. If the adl mould be repealed, and the legi- flature mould mew its refentment to the oppofers of the Stamp-Aft, would the colonies acquiefce in [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in ij 66. 285 in the authority of the legiflature ? What is your opinion they would do ? A. I don't doubt at all, that if the legiflature repeal the Stamp-Act, the colonies will acquiefce in the authority. ^. But if the legiflature (hould think fit to af- certain its right to lay taxes, by any act laying a fmall tax, contrary to their opinion ; would they fubmit to pay the tax ? A. The proceedings of the people in America have been conlidered too much together. The proceedings of the afTemblies have been very dif ferent from thofe of the mobs ; and mould be diftinguimed, as having no connection with each other. The aflemblies have only peaceably refolved what they take to be their rights : they have taken no meafures for oppofition by force, they have not built a fort, raifed a man, or provided a grain of ammunition, in order to fuch oppofition. The ring-leaders of riots they think ought to be pu- nimed; they would punifh them themfelves, if they could. Every fober, fenfible man would wifli to fee rioters punifhed, as otherwife peaceable people have no fecurity of perfon or eftate. But as to an internal tax, how fmall foever, laid by the legiflature here on the people there, while they have no reprefentatives in this legiflature, I think it will never be fubmitted to : they will op- pofe it to the laft. They do not confider it as at all neceflary for you to raife money on them by your taxes 3 becaufe they are, and always Have i been, 286 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the been, ready to raife money by taxes among them- felves, and to grant large fums, equal to their abilities ; upon requifition from the crown. They have not only granted equal to their abilities ; but, during all the laft war, they granted far be yond their abilities, and beyond their proportion with this country, (you yourfelves being judges,) to the amount of many hundred thoufand pounds; And this they did freely and readily, only on a fort of promife, from the fecretary of ilate, that it mould be recommended to parliament to make them compenfation. It was accordingly recom mended to parliament, in the moft honourable manner for them. -America has been greatly mifreprefented and abufed here, in papers, and pamphlets, and fpeeches, as ungrateful, and unreafonable, and unjuft j in having put this na tion to immenfe expence for their defence, and refuling to bear any part of that expence. The colonies raifed, paid, and clothed, near twenty- five thoufand men during the laft war -, a num ber equal to thofe fent from Britain, and far beyond their proportion 5 they went deeply into debt in doing this, and all their taxes and eftates are mortgaged, for many years to come, for difcharging that debt. Gqvernment here was at that time very fenlible of this. The colonies were recommended to parliament. Every year the King fent down to the houfe a written mef- fage to this purpofe, ' That his Majefty, being c highly fenfible of the zeal and vigour with ' which his faithful fubjects in North Ame- i * rica [ A : D . T . ] Houfe rf Commons in 1 7 6 6 . 287 ' rica had exerted themfelves, in defence of his ' Majefly's jufl rights and pofTeffions ; recom- ' mended it to the houfe to take the fame into * confederation, and enable him to give them a ' proper compenfation.' You will find thofe mefluges on your own journals every year of the war to the very laft -, and you did according ly give 2oo,oooL annually to the crown, to be diftributed in fuch compenfation to the colonies. This is the ftrongeft of all proofs that the colo nies, far from being unwilling to bear a fhare of the burthen, did exceed their proportion ; for if they had done lefs, or had only equalled their proportion, there would have been no room or realbn for compenfation. Indeed the fums re- imburfed them, were by no means adequate to the expence. they incurred beyond their propor tion : but they never murmured at that ; they efteem their Sovereign's approbation of their zeal and fidelity, and the approbation of this houfe, far beyond any other kind of compen fation ; therefore there was no occafion for this act, to force money from a willing people : they had not refufed giving money for the pur- pofes of the ad: ; no requifition had been made ; they were always willing and ready to do what could reafonably be expected from them, and in this light they wilh to be confidered. ^. But fuppofe Great Britain mould be en gaged in a 'war in Europe, would North Ame rica contribute to the fupport of it ? A. I 288 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the A. I do think they would, as far as their cir- cumltances would permit. They confider them- felves as a part of the Britim empire, and as having one common intereft with it : they may be looked on here as foreigners, but they do not confider themfelves as fuch. They are zealous for the honour and profperity of this nation ; and, while they are well ufed, will always be ready to fupport it, as far as their little power goes. In 1739 they were called upon to afTift in the expedition againft Cartbagcna, and they fent three thoufand men to join your army*. It is true Carthagena is in America, but as re mote from the northern colonies, as if it had been in Europe. They make no diftinclion of wars, as to their duty of aflifting in them. I know the loft war is commonly fpoke of here as en tered into for the defence, or for the fake of the people in America. I think it is quite mifun- derftood. It began about the limits between Canada and Nova Scotia; about territories to which the crown indeed laid claim, but [which] were not claimed by any Britim colony-, None of the lands had been granted to any colonift ; we had therefore no particular concern or intereft in that difpute. As to the Ohio, the conteil there began about your right of trading in the Indian country, a right you had by the treaty of Utrecht, which the French infringed ; they [* Admiral Vernon and General Wentworth commanded this expedition j with what fuccefs, is well known. E.] feized [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 289 feized the traders and their goods, which were your manufactures ; they took a fort which a company of your merchants, and their factors and correfpondents, had erected there, to fecure that trade. Braddock was fent with an army to re-take that fort (which was looked on here as another incroachment on the King's territory) and to protect your trade. It was not till after his defeat that the colonies were attacked*. They were before in perfect peace with both French and Indians j the troops were not there fore fent for their defence. The trade with the Indians, though carried on in America, is not an American inter eft. The people of America are chiefly farmers and planters - t fcarce any thing that they raife or produce is an article of commerce with the Indians. The Indian trade is a Britijh inter eft ; it is carried on with Britim manufactures, for the profit of Britim merchants and manufac turers ; therefore the war, as it commenced for the defence of territories of the crown (the pro perty of no American) and for the defence of a trade purely Britim, was really a Britifh war and yet the people of America made no fcruple of contributing their utmoft towards carrying it on, and bringing it to a happy conclusion. * [When this army was in the utmoft diftrefs from the want of waggons, &c. our author and his fon voluntarily traverfed the coun try, in order to colleft a fufficient quantity ; and they had zeal and addrefs enough to efFeft their purpofe, upon pledging them- felves, to the amount of many thoufand pounds, for payment. It was butjuft before Dr. Franklin's laft return to America, that the accounts in this tranfaftion were parted at home. E.] P p ^ Do 29 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the ^ Do you think then that the taking polTeffion of the King's territorial rights, and flrengthenlng the frontiers, is not an American intereft ? A. Not particularly ; but conjointly a Britifli and an American intereft. ^. You will not deny that the preceding war, the 'war with Spain, was entered into for the fake of America ; was it not occajioned by captures made in the American feas ? A. Yes ; captures of mips carrying on the Bri- tilh trade there with Britiih -manufactures. ^ Was not the late 'war with the Indians, Jince the peace with France, a war for America only ? A. Yes -, it was more particularly for America than the former -, but it was rather a confequence or remains of the former war, the Indians not having been thoroughly pacified , And the Ameri cans bore by much the greatefl mare of the ex- pence. It was put an end to by the army under General Bouquet; there were not above three hundred regulars in that army, and above one thoufand Penfylvanians. ^. Is it not necefTary to fend troops to America, to defend the Americans againft the Indians ? A . No, by no means ; it never was neceflary. They defended themfelves when they were but an handful, and the Indians much more numerous. They continually gained ground, and have driven the Indians over the mountains, without any troops fent to their affiftance from this country. And can it be thought necefTary now to fend troops for their [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 291 their defence from thofe diminimed Indian tribes, when the colonies are become fo populous, and fo ftrong ? There is not the leaft occafion for it ; they are very able to defend themfelves. 4\ Do you fay there were no more than three hundred regular troops employed in the late In dian war ? A. Not on the Ohio, or the frontiers of Pen- fylvania, which was the chief part of the war that affected the colonies. There were garrifons at Niagara, Fort Detroit, and thofe remote pofts kept for the fake of your trade ; I did not reckon them; but I believe that on the whole the number of Americans, or provincial troops, employed in the war, was greater than that of the regulars. I am not certain, but I think fo. ^, Do you think the afTemblies have a right to levy money on the fubjed: there, to grant to the crown ? A. I certainly think fo ; they have always done it. <^. Are they acquainted with the declaration of rights ? And do they know that, by that ftatute, money is not to be raifed on the fubject but by con- fent of parliament ? A. They are very well acquainted with it. ^. How then can they think they have a right to levy money for the crown, or for any other than local purpofes ? A. They understand that claufe to relate to fubjects only within the realm ; that no money P p 2 can 292 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the can be levied on them for the crown, but by confent of parliament. The colonies are not fuppofed to be within the realm ; they have af- femblies of their own, which are their parliaments, and they are, in that refpect, in the fame fituation with Ireland. When money is to be raifed for the crown upon the fubject in Ireland, or in the colonies ; the confent is given in the parliament of Ireland, or in the affemblies of the colonies. They think the parliament of Great Britain can not properly give that confent, till it has repre- fentatives from America ; for the petition of right exprefsly fays, it is to be by common confent in par liament -, and the people of America have no re- prefentatives in parliament, to make a part of that common confent. <^. If the Stamp A When [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons m 1766. 293 <^. When money has been raifed in the colo nies, upon requifitions, has it not been granted to the King ? A. Yes, always ; but the requifitions have ge nerally been for fome fervice exprefled, as to raife, clothe, and pay troops ; and not for money only. -<^. If the act mould pafs, requiring the Ame rican afTemblies to make compenfation to the fuf- ferers, and they mould difobey it -, and then the parliament mould, by another act, lay an internal tax ; would they then obey it ? A. The people will pay no internal tax > and I think an act to oblige the aiTemblies to make com penfation is urmecefTary ; for I am of opinion, that as foon as the prefent heats are abated, they will take the matter into confideration, and if it is right to be done, they will do it of themfelves. <^. Do not letters often come into the poft- ofHces in America, directed to fome inland towa where no poft goes ? A. Yes. j^. Can any private pcrfon take up thofe let ters, and carry them as directed ? A. Yes ; any friend of the perfon may do it,, paying the poftage that has accrued. . But muft not he pay an additional poftage for the diftance to fuch inland town ? A. No. 4>. Can the poft-mafter anfwer delivering the letter, without being paid fuch additional , pof tage ? A. Cer- 294 Examination of Dr. Franklin before, the A. Certainly he can demand nothing, where he does no fervice. 4>. Suppofe a perfon, being far from home, finds a letter in a poft-office directed to him, and he lives in a place to which the poft ge-, nerally goes, and the letter is directed to that place - y will the poft-mafter deliver him the let ter, without his paying the portage receivable at the place to which the letter is directed. A. Yes ; the office cannot demand poftage for a letter that it does not carry, or farther than it does carry it. ^ , 4Jj Are not ferrymen in America obliged, by act of parliament, to carry over the pofts with out pay ? A. Yes. 4>3 Is not this a tax on the ferrymen ? A. They do not confider it as fuch, as they have an advantage from perfons travelling with the ooft ^ J ^. If the Stamp-Act mould be repealed, and the crown mould make a requifition to the colo nies for a fum of money, would they grant it ? A. I believe they would. ^ Why do you think fo ? A . I can fpeak for the colony I live in ; I had it in injiruttion from the arTembly to af- fure the miniftry, that as they always had done, fo they mould always think it their duty, to grant fuch aids to the crown as were fuitable to their circumftances and abilities; whenever call- * [The feveral perfons travelling together, make one trouble, E.] ed [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 29.5 ed upon for that purpofe, in the ufual confti- tutional manner; and 1 had the honour of com municating this inftruclion to that honourable gentleman then minifler *. ^. Would they do this for a Britt/h concern j as fuppofe a war in fome part of Europe, that did not affed them ? A. Yes, for any thing that concerned the general intereft. They confider themfelves as part of the whole. 4^ What is the ufual constitutional manner of calling on the colonies for aids ? A. A letter from the fecretary of ftate. * [ I take the following to be the hiftory of this tranfadtion. Until 1763, and the years following, whenever Great Britain wanted fupplies direftly from the colonies, the fecretary of ftate, in his Majefty's name, fent them a letter of requifttion, in which the occafion for the fupplies was exprefled ; and the colonies returned a free gift, the mode of levying which they wholly prefciibed. At this period, a chancellor of the exchequer, (Mr. George Grenville) fteps forth and fays to the houfe of commons We muft call for money from the colonies in the way of a tax ; and to the colony-agents, write to your federal colonies ; and tell them, if they dijlike a duty upon ftamps, and prefer any other method of raifeng the money themfelves, 1 Jhall be con tent, provided the amount be but raifed. ' That is,' obferved the colo nies, when commenting upon his terms, ' if we will not tax ourfelves, * as . Before there was any thought of the Stamp- Act, did they wifh for a reprefentation in parlia ment ? A. No. <^. Don't you know that there is, in the Pen- fyfaania charter, an exprefs refervation of the right of parliament to lay taxes there ? A. I know there is a claufe in the charter, by which the King grants that he will levy no taxes on [A:D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 297 on the inhabitants, unlefs it be with the confent of the aflembly, or by a6l of parliament. ^. How then could the aflembly of Penfylvania aflert, that laying a tax on them by the Stamp-Ad: was an infringement of their rights ? A. They underftand it thus : By the fame char ter, and otherwife, they are intitled to all the pri vileges and liberties of Englifhmen : they find in the great charters, and the petition and declaration of rights, that one of the privileges of Englim fub- jecls is, that they are not to be taxed but by their common confent; they have therefore relied upon it, from the firft fettlement of the province, that the parliament never would, nor could, by colour of that claufe in the charter, afTume a right of tax ing them, till it had qualified itfelf to exercifc fuch right ; by admitting reprefentatives from the people to be taxed, who ought to make a part of that common confent. ^. Are there any words in the charter that juf- tify that conftru&ion ? A. The common rights of Englifhmen, as de clared by Magna Charta, and the petition of right ; all juftify it. 4>. Does the diftin&ion between internal and external taxes exift in the words of the charter ? A. No, I believe not. 4>. Then may they not, by the fame interpre tation, object to the parliament's right of external taxation ? A. They never have hitherto. Many argu ments have been lately ufed here to fhew them that 298 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the that there is no difference, and that if you have no right to tax them internally, you have none to tax them externally, or make any other law to bind them. At prefent they do not reafon fo; but in time they may pombly be convinced by thefe arguments. ^. Do not the refolutions of the Penfylvania a/Terribly fay all taxes ? A. If they do, they mean only internal taxes j the fame words have not always the fame meaning here and in the colonies. By taxes they mean in ternal taxes ; by duties they mean cuftoms; Thefe are their ideas of the language. <^. Have you not feen the refolutions of the Maffachufett's Bay affembly ? A. I have. <^. Do they not fay, that neither external nor internal taxes can be laid on them by par liament ? A. I don't know that they do ; I believe not. ^. If the fame colony fhould fay neither tax nor impofition could be laid, does not that pro vince hold the power of parliament can lay neither ? ^. 'I fuppofe that by the word impofition, they do not intend to exprefs duties to be laid on goods imported, as regulations of commerce. - ^ What can the colonies mean then by im pofition as diftinft from taxes ? A. They [A: D.T.] Uoufe of Commons in 1766. 299 A. They may mean many things ; as im- preffing of men, or of carriages^ quartering troops on private houfes, and the like; there may be great impofitions that are not properly taxes. <^3 Is not the poft-offi.ce rate an internal tax laid by act of parliament ? A. I have anfwered (that. ^ Are all parts of the colonies equally able to pay taxes ? A. No, certainly ; the frontier parts, which have been ravaged by the enemy, are greatly difabled by that means; and therefore, in fuch cafes, are ufually favoured in our tax-laws. ^ Can we, at this diftance, be competent judges of what favours are neceffary ? A. The parliament have fuppofed it, by claiming a right to make tax-laws for America : I think it impoflible. ^. Would the repeal of the Stamp-Ad be any difcouragement of your manufactures ? Will the people that have begun to manufacture de cline it ? A. Yes, I think they will; efpecially if, at the fame time, the trade is opened again, fo that remittances can be ealily made. I have known feveral inftances that make it probable. In the war before laft, tobacco being low, and making little remittance, the people of Virginia went generally into family-manufactures. Af- 2 terwards, 300 Examination of Dr. Franklin before the terwards, when tobacco bore a better price, they returned to the ufe of Britim manufac tures. So fulling-mills were very much difufed in the laft war in Pen/ylvania, becaufe bills were then plenty, and remittances could ealily be made to Britain forEnglifh cloth and other goods. 4>. If the Stamp- Ad mould be repealed, would it induce the aflemblies of America to acknow ledge the rights of parliament to tax them, and would they erafe their refolutions ? A. No, never. ^. Is there no means of obliging them to erafc thofe refolutions ? A. None, that I know of -, they will never do it, unlefs compelled by force of arms. Q. Is there a power on earth that can force them to erafe them ? A . No power, how great foever, can force men to change their opinions. <$>. Do they confider the pott-office as a tax, or as a regulation ? A. Not as a tax, but as a regulation and con- veniency ; every ajjemhly encouraged it, and fup- ported it in its infancy, by grants of money, which they would not otherwife have done; and the people have always paid the poftage. ^. When did you receive the inftrudtions you mentioned * ? A. I brought them with me, when I came to England, about fifteen months fince, * [See p. 294. E.] [A: D.T.] Houfe of Commons in 1766. 301 <3>. When did you communicate that inftruction to the minifter ? A. Soon after my arrival, while the damping of America was under confi deration, and before the bill was brought in. >. Would it be moft for the intereft of Great Britain, to employ the hands of Virginia in to bacco, or in manufactures ? A. In tobacco, to be fure. 4>. What ufed to be the pride of the Americans ? A. To indulge in the fafhions and manufactures of Great Britain. <^. What is now their pride ? A. To wear their old clothes over again, till they can make new ones. Withdrew. 302 Queries 'from Mr. S T R A H A N, I To Dr. FRANKLIN*. Dear S i R, Nov. 21, 1769. . TN.the many converfations we have had together about our prefent difputes with North America, we perfectly agreed in wifhing they may be brought to a fpeedy and happy conclulion. How this is to be done, is not fo eaiily afcertained. Two objefts, I humbly apprehend, his Majefty's fervants have now in contemplatipn. ift. _To re lieve the colonies from the taxes complained of, which they certainly had no hand in impoling. 2dly, To preferve the honour, the dignity, and the fupremacy of the Britifh legiflature over all his Majefty's dominions. As I know your fingular knowledge of the fub- ject in queftion, and am as fully convinced of your cordial attachment to his Majefty, and your fincere defire to promote the happinefs equally of all his fubjects; I beg you would in your own clear, brief, and explicit manner, fend me an anfwer to the following queftions: I make this requeft now, be- caufe this matter is of the utmoft importance, and muft very quickly be agitated. And I do it with * [ Thefe letters have often been copied into our public prints. Mr. Strahan, the correfpondent, is printer to the King, and now reprefentative in parliament for Malmfbury in Wiltfhire. An inti macy of long Handing had fubfifted between him and Dr. Franklin. E.] the [A: D.T.] with Dr. FranklinV Anfwers. 303 the more freedom, as you know me and my mo tives too well to entertain the moft remote fufpi- cion that I will make an improper ufe of any in formation you mail hereby convey to me. i ft. Will not a repeal of all the duties (that on tea excepted, which was before paid here on ex portation, and ofcourfeno new impofition) fully fatisfy the colonifts * ? If you anfwer in the ne gative, 2d. Your reafons for that opinion ? 3d. Do you think the only effectual way of compofing the prefent differences, is to put the Americans preciiely in the fituation they were in before the paffing of the late Stamp- Act ? If that is your opinion, 4th. Your reafons for that opinion ? 5th. If this laft method is deemed.by thele- giflature, and his Majefty's minifters, to be re pugnant to their duty, as guardians- of the juft . . . * [In the year 1767, for the exprefs purpofe of raiting a, revenue in America ; glafs, red-lead, white-lead, painters colours, paper, and tea (which laft article was fubjedl to various '^//z^-i'mpofitions) became charged by aft of parliament, with new permanent, duties payable in the American ports. Soon after, in the fame feffions, (the Eaft India Company promifing indemnification ; fop the experiment,) a temporary alteration was made with refpeft to the home cuftoms or excife upon certain teas ; in the hope that a deduction, in the nominal impofition, by producing a more extended confumption, would .give an increafed fum to the exchequer. Mr. Strahan, comparing only the amounts of the impofed American duty, and the deducted, home- duty, determines that the Americans had fuftered no new impofition. The Americans, it feems, thought otherwife. Had we eftablifiied this precedent for a revenue, we thought we had every thing to hope; yet we affec"t furprife, when the colonies avoided an acquiefcence, which by parity of reafoning gave them every thing to fear. E.] rights 304 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, rights of the crown and of their fellow-fubjects ; can you fugged any other way of terminating thefe difputes coniiftent with the ideas of juftice and propriety conceived by the King's fubjecls on both iides of the Atlantic ? 6th. And if this method was actually followed, do you not think it would actually encourage the violent and factious part of the colonifts to aim at (till farther conceffions from the mother-country ? 7th. If they are relieved in part only, what do you, as a reafonable and difpaflionate man, and an equal friend to both fides, imagine will be the probable confequences ? The anfwers to thefe queftions, I humbly con ceive, will include all the information I want j and I beg you will favour me with them as foon as may be. Every well-wimer to the peace and profperity of the Britim empire, and every friend to our truly-happy conftitution, muft be defirous of feeing even the mod trivial caufes of diffen- fion among our fellow-fubjects removed. Our domeftic fquabbles, in my mind, are nothing to what I am fpeaking of. This you know much better than I do, and therefore I need add no thing farther to recommend this fubject to your ferious consideration. I am, with the moft cor dial efteem and attachment, dear Sir, your faith ful and affectionate humble Servant, W. S. [A: D.T.] with Dr. Franklin's Anfwers. 305 The ANSWER. Dear SIR, Craven Street, Nov. 29, 1769. BEING juft returned to town from a little excurlion, I find yours of the 21 ft, containing a number of queries that would require a pam phlet to anfwer them fully. You, however, de- fire only brief anfwers, which I mail endeavour to give. Previous to your queries, you tell me, that you apprehend his Majefty's fervants have now in contemplation, ift. to relieve the colonifts from the taxes complained of; 2. to preferve the honour, the dignity, and the fupremacy of the Britifh legislature over all his Majefty's dominions/ I hope your information is good : and that what you fuppofe to be in contemplation, will be carried into execution, by repealing all the laws that have been made for raifing a revenue in America by authority of parliament without the confent of the people there. The honour and dignity of the Britifli legiflature will not be hurt by fuchan aft of juftice and wifdom. The wifeft councils are liable to be milled, efpecially in mat ters remote from their infpedtion . It is the per- fifting in an error, not the correcting it, that leflens the honour of any man or body of men. The fupremacy of that legiflature, I believe, will be befl preferved by making a very fparin^ R r ufe 306 Queries from Mr. S T R A u A N, ufe of it ; never but for the evident good of the colonies themfelves, or of the whole Britim em pire 5 never for the partial advantage of Britain to their prejudice. By fuch prudent conduct, I imagine that fupremacy may be gradually ftrength- ened, and in time fully eftablimed; but other- wife, I apprehend it will be difputed, and lofl in the diipute. At prefent the colonies confent and fubmit to it, for the regulations of general commerce; but a fubmiffion to a6ts of parliament was no part of their original conflitution. Our for mer kings governed their colonies as they had governed their dominions in France, without the participation of Britim parliaments. The par liament pf England never prefumed to interfere in that prerogative till the time of the great rebellion, when they ufurped the government of all the King's other dominions, Ireland, Scotland, &c. The colonies that held for the King, they con quered by force of arms, and governed after wards as conquered countries: but New Eng land having not oppofed the parliament, was con- lidered and treated as a fifter-kingdom in amity with England (as appears by the Journals, March 10, 1642.) i ft. ' Will not a repeal of all the duties * (that on tea excepted, which was before paid * here on exportation, and of courfe no new im- * pofition) fully fatisfy the colonifts ?' Anfwer, I think not. 2d. ' Your reafons for that opinion ?' A. Becaufe it is not the fum paid in that du ty on tea that is complained of as a burden, but fA: D.T.] 'with Dr. Franklin',r./4;z/wn. 307 the principle of the ad: exprefled in the pre amble -, viz. That thole duties were laid for the better fupport of government, and the adminif- tration of juftice in the colonies *. This the co- lonifts think unnecerTary, unjuft, and "danger ous to their moft important rights. Unneceffary, becaufe in all the colonies (two or three new ones excepted -f-) government and the admihi* tration of juftice were, and always had been, well fupported without any charge to Britain : urijuft) ,as it has made fuch colonies liable to pay fuch charge for others (- in which they had no concern . or intereft : ! dangerous^ as fuch mode of raifmg money for thofe purpofes tended to ren- .der their afTemblies ufelefs ; for if a revenue could be raifed in the colonies for all the purpofes of government by act of parliament, without grants from the people there, governors, who do not generally love aflemblies, would never call them : they would be laid afidej and when nothing fhould depend on the people's good-will to go vernment, their rights would be trampled on ; they would be treated with contempt. Another reafon why I think they would not be fatisfied with fuch a partial repeal, is, that their agree- ' * [' Men may lofe little property by an aft which takes away all their freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the highway, it is not the two-pence loft that makes the capital out rage.' * Would twenty millings have ruined Mr. Hampden's fortune ? No ! but the payment of half twenty millings, on the principle it was demanded, would have made him a flave.' See Mr. Burke's fpeechesin i774and 1775. E.] [f Nova Scotia, Georgia, theFloridas, and Canada. E.] R r 2 ments 3 o8 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, ments not to import till the repeal takes place, include the whole ; which fhews that they object to the whole ; and thofe agreements will continue binding on them, if the whole is not repealed. 3d. ' Do you think the only effectual way of ' compoling the prefent differences, is to put the * Americans precifely in the fituation they were in * before the pafling of the late ftamp-act ? ' A. I think fo. 4th. ' Your reafons for that opinion ? ' A. Other methods have been tried. They have been rebuked in angry letters. Their petitions have been refufed or rejected by parliament. They have been threatened with the punimments of treafon by refolves of both houfes. Their afTem- blies have been difTolved, and troops have been fent among them : But all thefe ways have only exafperated their minds and widened the breach. Their agreements to ufe no more Britim manu factures have been ftrengthened ; and thefe mea- 'fures, inftead of competing differences, and pro*- moting a good correfpondence, have almoft anrii*- hilated your commerce with thofe countries, and greatly endanger the national peace and general welfare. 5th. ' If this laft method is deemed by the legiflature and his Majefty's minifters to be re pugnant to their duty as guardians of the juft rights of the crown, and of their fellow-fub- jects ; can you fuggeft any other way of termi nating thefe difputes, confiftcnt with the ideas of juftice and propriety conceived by the King's- fubjects on both fides the Atlantic ? ' [A: D.T.] with Dr. F rankling Anfwers. 309 A. I do not fee how that method can be deemed repugnant to the rights of the crown. If the Americans are put into their former fituation, it muft be by an act of parliament -, in the pafiing of which by the King, the rights of the crown are exercifed, not infringed. It is indifferent to the crown, whether the aids received from America are granted by parliament here, or by the afTem- blies there, provided the quantum be the fame ; and it is my opinion, that more will be generally granted there voluntarily, than can ever be ex acted or collected from thence by authority of parliament. .As to the rights of fellow -fubjects (I fuppofe you mean the people of Britain) lean- not conceive how thofe will be infringed by that method. They will ftill enjoy the right of grant ing their own money, and may frill, if it pleafes them, keep up their claim to the right of grant ing ours ; a right they can never exercife properly, for want of a fufficient knowledge of us, our cir- ^umftances and abilities (to lay nothing of the little likelihood there is that we mould ever fub- mit to it) therefore a right that can be of no good >fe to them ; and we mall continue to enjoy in fact the right of granting our money, with the opinion now univerfally prevailing among us, that we are free fubjects of the King, and that fellow- fu-bjects of one part'of his dominions are not fove reigns over fellow-fubjects in any other part. If the fubjects on the different fides of the Atlantic have different and oppofite ideas of " juftice and. " pro- 3 1 o Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, " propriety," no one ? method" can poffibly be confident with both. The beft will be, to let each enjoy their own opinions, without ..diflur- bing them, when they dp not interfere with the common good. 6th. ' And if this method were adually al- ' lowed, do you not think it would encourage ' the violent and factious part of the colonies ' to aim at ftill farther conceffions from the ino- ' ther-country ?' A. I do not think it would. There may be .a few among them that deferve the name of fac tious and violent, as there are in ajl countries ; but thefe would have little influence, if the great majority of fober reafonable people were fatisfied. If any colony mould happen to think that fome of your regulations of trade are inconvenient to the general intereft of the empire, or prejudicial to them without being beneficial to you j they will ftate thefe matters to parliament in petitions as heretofore ; but will, I believe, take no vio lent fteps to obtain what they may hope for in time from the wifdom of government here. I know of nothing elfe they can have in view : the notion that prevails here of their being defirous to fet up a kingdom or commonwealth of their own, is, to my certain knowledge, entirely groundlefs. I therefore think, that on a total repeal of all du ties, laid exprefsly for the purpofe of railing a revenue on the people of America, without their confent, the prefent uneaiinefs would fubfide; the [A:D.T.] with Dr. FranklinV Anjwers. 311 the agreements not to import would be diflblved ; and the commerce flourifh as heretofore ; and I am confirmed in this fentiment by all the letters I have received from America, and by the opinions of all the fenfible people who have lately come from thence, crown-officers excepted. I know, indeed, that the people of Boflon are grievoufly offended by the quartering of troops among them, -as they think, contrary to law j and are very angry with the Board of Commiffioners who have calumniated them to government ; but as I fuppofe the withdrawing of thofe troops may be a confequence of reconciliating meafures taking place -, and that the cormniffion alfo will be either diffolved if found ufelefs, or filled with more temperate and prudent men, if ftill deemed ufefui and necefTary 5 I do not imagine thefe particulars would prevent a return of the harmony fo much to be wifhed *. * [* The oppofition [to Lord Rockingham's adminiftration]' fays Lord Chefterfield, ' are for taking vigorous, as they call them, but ' I call them violent meafures ; not lefs than les dragonades ; and to have the tax colle&ed by the troops we have there. For my part, I never faw a froward child mended by whipping: and I would not have the mother become a ftep-mother.' Letter, No. ^60. ' Is it a certain maxim,' pleads Mr. Burke, ' that the fewer caufes of diflatisfaftion are left by government, the more the fubject will be inclined to refift and rebel ? ' ' I confefs I do not feel the leaft alarm from the difcon tents which are to arife from putting people at their eafe. Nor do I apprehend the deftru&ion of this empire ;; from giving, by an aft of free grace and indulgence, to two mil lions of my fellow-citizens, fome (hare of thofe rights, upon which I have always been taught to value myfelf.' Speeches in 1774. and 1775. E.] 7th.. 3 1 2 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, yth. ' If they are relieved in part only, what * do you, as a reafonable and diipaffionate man, ' and an equal friend to both fides, imagine ' will be the probable confequence ?' A. I imagine, that repealing the ofFenfive du ties in part will anfwer no end to this country ; the commerce will remain obftructed, and the Americans go on with their fchemes of fruga lity, induftry, and manufactures, to their own great advantage. How much that may tend to the prejudice of Britain, I cannot fay; per haps not fo much as fome apprehend, fince me may in time find new markets *. But I think, if the union of the two countries continues to fubfift, it will not hurt the general intereft j for whatever wealth Britain lofes by the failing of its trade with the colonies, America will gain j and the crown will receive equal aids from its fubjects upon the whole, if not greater. Arid now I have anfwercd your queftions as to what may be, in my opinion, the confequences of this or that fuppofed meafurej I will go a lit tle further, and tell you what I fear is more like ly to come to pafs in reality. I apprehend that the miniftry, at leafl the American part of it, being fully perfuaded of the right of parliament ; think it ought to be enforced, whatever may be the confequences ; and at the fame time do riot believe, there is even now any abatement of the * [Need I, at this period of the work point out marks of our author's candor and forefight ? E.] trade [A: D.T.] with Dr. Franklin'* Anfwers. 313 trade between the two countries on account of thefe difputes ; or that if there is, it is fmall, and cannot long continue. They are aflured by the crown-officers in America, that manufactures are impoflible there ; that the difcontented are few, and perfons of little confequence ; that almoft all the people of property and importance are fatisfied, and difpofed to fubmit quietly to the taxing power of parliament ; and that, if the revenue-acts are continued, and thofe duties only that are called anti-commercial be repealed, and others perhaps laid in their ftead; power ere long will be patient ly fubmitted to, and the agreements not to import be broken, when they are found to produce no change of meafures here. From thefe and fimi- lar misinformations, which feem to be credited, I think it likely that no thorough redrefs of grie vances will be afforded to America this Seffion. This may inflame matters ftill more in that coun try - y farther ram meafures there, may create more refentment here ; that may produce not merely ill-advifed dhTolutions of their affemblies, as laft year, but attempts to diffolve their constitution * ; more troops may be fent over, which will create more uneafinefs ; to juflify the meafures of govern ment, your writers will revile the Americans in your newfpapers, as they have already begun to do ; treating them as mifcreants, rogues, daf- tards, rebels, &c. to alienate the minds of the people here from them, and which will tend * [This was afterwards attempted by the Britifh legiflature, in the cafe of the MafTachufett's Bay province. E.] S s farther 314 Queries from Mr. S T R A H A N, &c. farther to diminim their affections to this country. Poffibly too, fome of their warm patriots may be diffracted enough to expofe themfelves by fome mad action to befent for hither; and government here^be indifcreet enough to hang them, on the act of Henry VIII -f-. Mutual provocations will thus go on to complete the feparation ; and in {lead of that cordial affection that once and fo long ex- ifted, and that harmony fo fuitable to the circum- ilances, and fo neceflary to the happinefs, ftrength, fafety, and welfare of both countries -, an impla cable malice and mutual hatred, fuch as we now fee fubfifling between the Spaniards and Portu- guefe, the Genoefe and Corficans, from the fame original mifconduct in the fuperior governments, will take place : the famenefs of nation, the fimi- larity of religion, manners, and language, not in the leafl preventing in our cafe, more than it did in theirs. I hope, however, that this may all prove falfe prophecy, and that you and I may live to fee as iincere and perfect a friendfhip efla- blimed between our refpective countries, as has fo many years fubfifled between Mr. Strahan, and his truly affectionate old friend, B. FRANKLIN. f [The lords and commons very prudently concurred in an ad- drefs for this purpofe ; and the king gracioufly aiTured them of his compliance with their wifties. E.] [A:D.T.] { 315 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, &c. Dantzick, Sept. 5, 1773 *. WE have long wondered here at the fupinenefs of the Englifh nation, under the P ruffian im- pofitions upon its trade entering our port. We did not, till lately, know the claims, ancient and modern, that hang over that nation j and there fore could not fufpect that it might fubmit to thofe impofitions from a fenfe of duty, or from principles of equity. The following edict, jufl made public, may, if ferious, throw fome light upon this matter : * FREDERICK, by the grace of God, King of ' Pruffia, 6cc. 6cc. &c. to all prefent and to come J, ' health. The peace now enjoyed throughout Our c dominions, having afforded us leifure to apply * Ourfelves to the regulation of commerce, the * improvement of Our finances, and at the fame ' time the eafing Our domeftic fubjefts in their * taxes : for thefe caufes, and other good confi- * derations Us thereunto moving, We hereby * make known, that, after having deliberated * thefe affairs in Our council, prefent Our dear * brothers, and other great officers of the ftate, * [This Intelligence extraordinary, I believe, firft appeared in the Public Advertifer. I have reprinted it from a copy which I found in the Gentleman's Magazine. E.] J A tous prefens et a i/enir. ORIGINAL. S s 2 ' members 316 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, members of the fame; We, of Our certain knowledge, full power, and authority royal, have made and ifTued this prefent edict, viz. ' Whereas it is well known to all the world, that the firft German fettlements made in the ifland of Britain, were by colonies of people, fubject to Our renowned ducal anceftors, and drawn from their dominions, under the conduct of Hengift, Horfa, Hella, UfFa, Cerdicus, Ida, and others ; And that the faid colonies have flourimed under the protection of Our auguft houfe, for ages paft ; have never been eman cipated therefrom ; and yet have hitherto yielded little profit to the fame : And whereas We Our- felf have in the laft war fought for and defended the faid colonies, again ft the power of France, and thereby enabled them to make conquefts from the faid power in America ; for which We have not yet received adequate compenfation : And whereas it is juft and expedient that a re venue fhould be raifed from the faid colonies in Britain, towards Our indemnification; and that thofe who are defcendents of Our ancient fub- jects, and thence ftill owe Us due obedience, fhould contribute to the replenishing of Our royal coffers ; (as they muft have done, had their anceftors remained in the territories now to Us appertaining) : We do therefore hereby ordain and command, That, from and after the date of thefe prefents, there fhall be levied, and paid to Our officers of the cuftoms, on all goods, wares, and merchandizes, and on all grain and * other [A: D.T.] a/fuming Claims over Britain. 317 other produce of the earth, exported from the faid ifland of Britain, and on all goods of what ever kind imported into the fame j a duty of four and a half per cent, ad valorem, for the ufe of Us and Our fucceflbrs. And that the faid duty may more efFeclually be collected, We do hereby ordain, that all mips or veflels bound from Great Britain to any other part of the world, or from any other part of the world to Great Britain, mall in their refpective voyages touch at Our port of Koningfberg, there to be unladen, fearched, and charged with the faid duties. ' And whereas there hath been from time to time difcovered in the faid ifland of Great Britain, by our colonifts there, many mines or beds of zVw-ftone ; and fundry fubjects of Our ancient dominion, fkilful in converting the faid ftone into metal, have in time pail tranfported them- felves thither, carrying with them and commu nicating that art ; and the inhabitants of the faid ifland, prefuming that they had a natural right to make the beft ufe they could of the natural productions of their country, for their own be nefit, have not only built furnaces for fmelting the faid flone into iron, but have erected pla ting-forges, flitting-mills, and fteel-f urn aces, for the more convenient manufacturing of the fame; thereby endangering a diminution of the faid manufacture in Our ancient dominion ; We do therefore hereby farther ordain, That, from and after the date hereof, no mill or other engine for ' flitting 318 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, ' flitting or rolling of iron, or any plating-forge 4 to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for * making fteel, mall be erected or continued in ' the faid ifland of Great Britain : And the Lord ' Lieutenant of every county in the faid ifland is ' hereby commanded, on information of any fuch ' erection within his county, to order, and by. ' force to caufe the fame to be abated and de- * flroyed \ as he mail anfwer the neglect thereof ' to Us at his peril. But we are neverthelefs gra- ' cioufly pleafed to permit the inhabitants of the ' faid ifland to tranfport their iron into Pruffia, ' there to be manufactured, and to them returned; ' they paying Our Pruffian fubjects for the work- ' manmip, with all the cofts of commifiion, ' freight, and rifk, coming and returning ; any ' thing herein contained to the contrary notwith- ' {landing. * We do not, however, think fit to extend this 'Our indulgence to the article of woo/} but ' meaning to encourage not only the manufactur- * ing of woollen cloth, but alfo the raifmgof wool, * in Our ancient dominions -, and to prevent both, ' as much as may be, in Our faid ifland, We do ' hereby abfolutely forbid the tranfportation of * wool from thence even to the mother- country, s Pruflia : And that thofe iflanders may be far- ' ther and more effectually reftrained in making ' any advantage of their own wool, in the way of ' manufacture, We command that none (hall be ' carried out of one county into another ; nor ' fhall any worfled, bay, or woollen-yarn, cloth, ' fays, [A: D.T.] qffuming Claims over Britain. 319 ' fays, bays, kerfeys, ferges, frizes, druggets, ' cloth -ferges, fhalioons, or any other drapery * fluffs, or woollen manufactures whatfoever, ' made up or mixed with wool in any of the laid ' counties, be carried into any other county, or ' be water-borne even acrofs the fmalleft river or ' creek ; on penalty of forfeiture of the fame, to- ' gether with the boats, carriages, horfes, &c. ' that ihall be employed in removing them. * Neverthelefs, Our loving fubje<5ts there are ' hereby permitted (if they think proper) to ufe ' all their wool as manure, for the improvement ( of their lands. ' And whereas the art and myftery of making ' hats hath arrived at great perfedion in Pruffia ; ' and the making of hats by Our remoter fubjedts * ought to be as much as poffible retrained : And ' forafmuch as the iilanders before mentioned, be- ' ing in pofTeffion of wool, beaver, and other furs, ' have prefumptuoufly conceived they had a right ' to make fome advantage thereof, by manufac- ' turing the fame into hats, to the prejudice of * Our domeflic manufacture : We do therefore ' hereby ftrictly command and ordain, that no * hats or felts whatfoever, dyed or undyed, fi- ' nifhed or unfinimed, fhall be loaden or put into * or upon any veflel, cart, carriage, or horfe ; ' to be tranfported or conveyed out of one county * in the faid ifland into another county, or to any ' other place whatfoever, by any perfon or perfons ' whatfoever; on pain of forfeiting the fame, with * a penalty of five hundred pounds flerling for ' every 320 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, ' every offence. Nor fhall any hat-maker, in * any of the faid counties, employ more than two ' apprentices, on penalty of five pounds flerling ' per month : We intending hereby that fuch * hatmakers, being fo reftrained, both in the pro- ' duction and fale of their commodity, may find ' no advantage in continuing their bufinefs. ' But, left the faid iflanders mould fuffer incon- ( veniency by the want of hats, we are farther ' gracioufly pleafed to permit them to fend their * beaver furs to Pruflia ; and We alfo permit ' hats made thereof to be exported from Pruflia ' to Britain ; the people thus favoured to pay ' all cofts and charges of manufacturing, intereft, ' commiffion to Our merchants, infurance and ' freight going and returning ; as in the cafe of * iron. ' And laftly, being willing farther to favour ' our faid colonies in Britain, We do hereby al- ' fo ordain and command, that all the thieves, * highway and ftreet robbers, houfebreakers, ' forgerers, murderers, f d tes, and villains ' of every denomination, who have forfeited ' their lives to the law in Pruffia; but whom ' We, in Our great clemency, do not think fit ' here to hang; mail be emptied out of Our ' gaols into the faid ifland of Great Britain, for ' the better peopling of that country. ' We natter ourfelves that theie Our royal ' regulations and commands will be thought ' juji and reafonable by Our much - favoured s colonifts in England ; the faid regulations be ing [A: D.T.] afjumtng Claims over Britain. 321 ing copied from their ftatutes of 10 and 11 Will. III. c. 10. 5 Geo. II. c. 22. 23 Geo.il. c. 29. 4 Geo. I. c. u. and from other equi table laws made by their parliaments ; or from inftructions given by their princes, or from refolutions of both houfes, entered into for the good government of their own colonies m Ireland and America. ' And all perfons in the faid ifland are here by cautioned not to oppofe in any wife the execution of this Our edicl, or any part thereof, fuch oppofition being high-treafon j of which all who are fufpe&ed mail be tranfported in. fetters from Britain to Pruffia, there to be tried and executed according to the Pruffian law. Such is Our pleafure. Given at Potfdam, this twenty-fifth day f of the month of Auguft, One thoufand ' feven hundred and feventy-three, and in * the thirty-third year of Our reign. * By the King, in his council. RECHTM^ESSIG, Sec/ Some 322 A PRUSSIAN EDICT, &c. Some take this edict to be merely one of the King's jfeux d'Efprit : others fuppofe it ferious, and that he means a quarrel with England : but all here think the afiertion it concludes with, ' that thefe regulations are copied from acts of ' the Englifh parliament refpecting their colonies,' a very injurious one ; It being impoffible to be lieve, that a people diftinguimed for their love of liberty ; a nation fo wife, fo liberal in its fentiments, fo juft and equitable towards its neighbours; fhould, from mean and injudicious views of petty immediate profit, treat its own children in a manner fo arbitrary and tyrannical ! PREFACE [ 3 2 3 PREFACE by //^BRITISH EDITOR [Dr. Franklin] to ' rfhe 'votes and proceedings of the freeholders) ' and other inhabitants of the town of Bojlon, ( in town - meeting affembled according to law ' (pubtijhed by order of the town), &c *.' ALL accounts of the difcontent fo general in f^- our colonies, have of late years been induftri- oufly fmothered and concealed here -, it feeming to fuit the views of the American minifter to have it underflood, that by his great abilities, all faction was fubdued, all opposition fuppreffed, and the whole country quieted. That the true ftate of affairs there may be known, and the true caufes of that difcontenfwell underftood; the following * [' Bofton printed : London reprinted, and fold by J. Wilkie, ' in St. Paul's Church-yard. 1773.' I have given the reader only the preface. It is faid, that this little piece very much irritated the miniflry. It was their determination, that the Americans mould receive teas only from Great Britain. And accordingly the Eaft India company fent out large cargoes under their protection. The colonifts every where refufed, either entrance, or elfe permiffion of fale; except at Bofton ; where, the force of government preventing more moderate meafures, certain perfons in difguife threw it into the fea. The preamble of the ftamp aft produced the tea aft ; the tea aft produced violence ; violence, afts of parliament; afts of parliament, a revolt. ' A little negleft,' fays poor Richard, ' may breed great ' mifchief : for want of a nail the fhoe was loft ; for want of a fhoe * the horfe was loft ; for want of a horfe the rider was loft ; being ' overtaken and {lain by the enemy; all for want of a little care about * a horfe-fhoe nail.' E.] J [Lord Hilfborough. This nobleman, already firftLord of trade, was introduced in 1768 into the new-titled office of Secretary of ftate for the colonies. Thefe pofts have fmce gone together. E.] T t 2 piece 324 Concerning the Effeffs of piece (not the production of a private writer, but the unanimous act of a large American city) lately printed in New England ; is republimed here. This nation, and the other nations of Europe, may thereby learn, with more certainty, the grounds of a diffenfion, that pombly may, fooner or later, have confequences interesting to them all. The colonies had, from their firft fettlement, been governed with more eafe, than perhaps can be equalled by any inilance in hiilory of domi nions fo diftant. Their affection and refpect for this country, while they were treated with kindnefs, produced an almoft implicit obedience to the inductions of the Prince, and even to acts of the Britim parliament j though the right of binding them by a legiflature, in which they were unreprefented, was never clearly under- ftood. That refpect and affection produced a par tiality in favour of every thing that was Englifh $ Whence their preference of Englim modes and manufactures -, their fubmiffion to restraints on the importation of foreign goods, which they had but little defire to ufe -, and the monopoly we fo long enjoyed of their commerce, to the great inriching of our merchants and artificers. The miftaken policy of the flamp act firft difturb- ed this happy fituation -, but the flame thereby raifed was foon extinguifhed by its repeal, and the old harmony refcored, with all its concomi tant advantage to our commerce. The fubfequent act of another adminiftration, which, not con- i tent [A: D.T.] the American TEA-DUTY. 325; tent with an eftablifhed exclufion of foreign manu factures, began to make our own merchandize dearer to the confumers there, by heavy duties ; revived it again : and combinations were efTtered into throughout the continent, to flop trading with Britain till thofe duties mould be repealed. All were accordingly repealed but one the duty on tea. This was referved (profefledly fo) as a {landing claim and exercife of the right aflumed by parliament of laying fuch duties *. The colo nies, on this repeal, retracted their agreement, fo far as related to all other goods, except that on which the duty was retained. This was trum peted here by the minifler for the colonies as a tri umph; There it was coniidered only as a decent and equitable meafure, mewing a willingnefs to meet the mother-country in every advance towards a reconciliation ; and a difpofition to a good un- derftanding fo prevalent, that poffibly they might foon have relaxed in the article of tea alfo. But the fyflem of commiflioners of cufloms, officers without end, with fleets and armies for collecting and enforcing thofe duties, being continued ; and thefe acting with much indifcretion and ramnefs, (giving great and unneceflary trouble and ob- * [Mr. Burke tells us (in his fpeech in 1774) that this pream- bulary tax had loft us at once the benefit of the weft and of the eaft ; had thrown open folding-doors to contraband ; and would be the means of giving the profits of the colony-trade to every na tion, but ourfelves. He adds in the fame place, ' It is indeed a *: tax of fophiltry, a tax of pedantry, a tax of difputation, a tax of ' war and rebellion, a tax for any thing but benefit to the im- ' pofers, or fatisfa&ion to the fubjecV E.] flruction 326 -Concerning the Effefts of ftruction to bufmefs, commencing unjuft and vexatious fuits, and harafling commerce in all its branches, while that the minifter kept the people in a conftant ftate of irritation by inftruc- tions which appeared to have no other end than the gratifying his private refentments *,) occa- iioned a perfevering adherence to their relblutions in that particular : and the event mould be a lef- fon to miniiters, not to rifque through pique, the obftrucling any one branch of trade -, fmce the courfe and connection of general bufmefs may be thereby diftnrbed to a degree, impoffible to be forefeen or imagined. For it appears that the colonies, finding their humble petitions to have this duty repealed, were rejected and treated with contempt ; and that the produce of the duty was applied to the rewarding, with undeferved fa- lanes and penfions, every one of their enemies ; the duty itfelf became more odious, and their refolution to mare it more vigorous and obfti- nate. The Dutch, the Danes, and French, took this opportunity thus offered them by our imprudence ; and began to fmuggle their teas into the plantations. At fir ft this was fome- thing difficult ; but at length, as all buiinefs is improved by practice, it became eafy. A coaft fifteen thoufand miles in length could not in all parts be guarded, even by the whole navy of England ; efpecially where their retraining au thority was by all the inhabitants deemed un- * Some of his circular letters had been criticized, and expofed by one or two of the American affemblies. con- [ArD.T.] the American TEA-DUTY. 327 conftitutional, the fmuggling of courfe confidered as patriotifm. The needy wretches too, who, with fmall falaries, were trufted to watch the ports day and night, in all weathers, found it eafier and more profitable, not only to wink, but to fleep in their beds ; the merchants pay being more generous than the King's. Other India goods alfo, which, by themfelves, would not have made a fmuggling voyage fufficiently profitable, accompanied tea to advantage; and it is feared the cheap French lilks, formerly re jected as not to the tafte of the colonies, may have found their way with the wares of India; and now eftablifhed themfelves in the popular ufe and opinion. It is fuppofed that at leaft a million of Ame ricans drink tea twice a day, which, at the firft coft here, can fcarce be reckoned, at lefs than half-a-guinea a head per annum. This market, that in the five years which have run on lince, the act pafTed, would have paid 2,500,000 guineas for tea alone, into the coffers of the company, we have wantonly loft to foreigners. Meanwhile it is faid the duties have fo diminifh- ed, that the whole remittance of the laft year amounted to no more than the pitiful furn of 85!.* for the expence of fome hundred thou- fends, in armed mips and foldiers, , to fupport * [' Eighty-five pounds I am allured, my lords, is the whole * equivalent, we have received for all the hatred and mifchief, * and all the infinite lofles this kingdom has fuffered during that * year, in her difputes with North America.' See the Biihop of ' St. Afaph's intended fpeech. E. J the -328 Concerning the Ejf'effs of y &c. the officers. Hence the tea, and other India goods, which might have been fold in Ame rica, remain rotting in the company's ware- houfes * ; while thofe of foreign ports are known to be cleared by the American demand. Hence, in fome degree, the company's inability to pay their bills -, the finking of their flock, by which millions of property have been annihilated ; the lowering of their dividend, whereby fo many muft be diftrefTed ; the lofs to government of the ftipulated 400,000!. a year -}-, which muft make a proportionable reduction in our favings towards the difcharge of our enormous debt : And hence in part the fevere blow fuffered by credit in ge neral J, to the ruin of many families ; the ftag- nation of bufinefs in Spitalfields and at Manchef- ter, through want of vent for their goods j with other future evils, which, as they cannot, from the numerous and fecret connections in general commerce, eafily be forefeen, can hardly be avoided. * [At this time they contained many millions of pounds of tea, including the ufual ftock on hand. Mr. Burke, in his fpeech in 1 774, fuppofes that America might have given a vent for ten mil lions of pounds. This feems to have been the greater part of the whole quantity. E.] f [On account of a temporary compromife of certain difputes with government. E.] t [Seen in certain memorable mercantile failures in the year 1772. E.] _^ PRO CEED- A:D.T.] 329 ] PROCEEDINGS AND EXAMINATION, &c. fo the CLERK of the Council in (Copy.) SIR, Whitehall, Dec. 3, 1773. 'TpHE agent for the houfe of reprefentatives of the * province of Maffachufett's Bay, [Dr. Franklin] having delivered to Lord Dartmouth, an addrefs of that houfe to the King, figned by their fpeaker -, complaining of the conduct of the Governor [Hut- chinfon] and Lieutenant Governor [Andrew Oli ver] of that province, in refpedt to certain private * [Governor Hutchinfon, Lieutenant Governor Andrew Oliver, Charles Paxten, Efq; Nathaniel Rogers, Efq; and Mr. G. Roome, having fent from Bofton certain reprefentations and informations to Thomas Whately, Efq; member of parliament, private Secretary to Mr. George Gretwille (the father of the flamp adt) when in office, and afterwards one of the Lords of trade ; thefe letters were, by a particular channel, conveyed back to JJofton. The aflembly of the province were fo much exafperated, that they returned home attefted copies of the letters, accompanied with a petition and remonitrance, for the removal of Governor Hutchinfon, and Lieutenant Governor Andrew Oliver, from their pofts. The council of the province, likewife, on their part, entered into thirteen refolves, in tendency and import fimilar to the petition of the aflembly ; five of which refolves were unanimous, and only one of them had fo many as three diflentients. In confequence of the aflembly's petition, the : : Jbove proceedings and examination took place. Dr. Franklin having naturally a large mare in thefe tran factions, made ftill larger by the impolitic and indecent perfecution of his character, I have exhibited the whole more at length, than I Ihould. otherwife have thought proper. E.} U u letters 330 Proceedings and Examination, before letters written by them to their correfpondent in England $ and praying that they may be removed from their pofls in that government : his Lordfliip hath prefented the faid addrefs to his Majefty ; and his Majefty having fignified his pleafure, that the" faid addrefs mould be laid before his Majefty in his privy council, I am directed by Lord Dart mouth to tranfmit the fame accordingly, together with a copy of the agent's letter to his Lordfliip, accompanying the faid addrefs. I am, Sir, Your moft obedient humble fervant, (Signed) J. POWNALL. 70 tie Right Hon. the Earl of DARTMOUTH. (Copy.) My LORD, London, Aug. 21, 1773. I HAVE juft received from the houfe of repre- fentatives of the MalTachufett's Bay, their addrefs to the King; which I now inclofe, and fend to your Lordmip ; with my humble requeft in their behalf, that you would be pleafed to prefent it to his Majefty the firft convenient opportunity. 3 I have [A:D.T.] the Privy, Council in 1773-4. 331 I have the pleafure of hearing from that pro vince by my late letters, that a iincere difpofition prevails in the people there to be on good terms with the mother- country ; that the afTembly have declared their defire only to be put into the fitua- tion they were in before the ftamp-acl: : *They aim at no novelties. And it is faid that having lately difcovered, as they think, the authors of their grievances to be fome of their own people ; their refentment againfl Britain is thence much abated. This good difpofition of theirs (will your Lord- fhip permit me to fay) may be cultivated by a fa vourable anfwer to this addrefs, which I therefore: hope your goodnefs will endeavour to obtain. With the greateft refpedl:, I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. B. FRANKLIN, Agent for the Houfe of Refrefenfafives.. THE PETITION. 20 the KIN.G'J moft Excellent Maje/fy. Moft gracious SOVEREIGN, WE your Majefty's loyal fubjefts, the repre- ientatives of your ancient colony of MalTachufett's U u z 332 Proceedings and Examination, before Bay, in general court legally afTembled, by virtue of your Majefty's writ under the hand and feal of the Governor ; beg leave to lay this our humble petition before Majefty. Nothing but the fenfe of duty we owe to our. Sovereign, and the obligation we are under to confult the peace and fafety of the province ; could induce us to remonftrate to your Majefty [concerning] the mal- conduct of perfons who have heretofore had the confidence and efteem of this people ; and whom your Majefty has been pleafed, from the pureft motives of rendering your fubjects happy, to advance to the higheft places of truft and authority in the province. Your Majefty's humble petitioners, with the deepeft concern and anxiety, have feen the dif- cords and animoiities which have too long fub- fifted between your fubjects of the parent-ftate and thofe of the American colonies. And we have trembled with apprehenfions, that the con- fequences naturally ariiing therefrom, would at length prove fatal to both countries. Permit us humbly to fuggeft to your Majefty, that your fubj ects here have been inclined to be lieve, that the grievances which they have fuf- fered, and ftill continue to fufferj have been occafioned by your Majefty 's minifters and prin cipal fervants being, unfortunately for us, mif- informed in certain facts of very interefting im portance to us. It is for this reafon that former aflemblies have, from time to time, prepared a true ftate of facts to be laid before your Majefty; but [A : D . T .] the Privy Council in 1 77 3 -4. 333 but their humble remonftrances and petitions, it is prefumed, have by fome means been prevented from reaching your royal hand. Your Majefly's petitioners have very lately had before them certain papers, from which they hum bly conceive, it is moft reafonable to fuppofe, that there has been long a confpiracy of evil men, in this province ; who have contemplated meafures and formed a plan to advance themfelves to power, and raife their own fortunes'; by means deflrudive of the charter of the province, at the expence of the quiet of the nation, and to the annihilating of the rights and liberties of the American colonies. And we do with all due fubmifiion to your Ma- jefty beg leave particularly to complain of the con- duel: of his Excellency Thomas Hutchinfon, Efqi Governor, and the Honourable Andrew Oliver, Efquire, Lieutenant Governor of this your Ma- jefty's province; as having a natural and efficacious tendency to interrupt and alienate the affections of your Majefly, our rightful Sovereign, from this your loyal province ; to deftroy that harmony and good- will between Great Britain and this colony, which every honeft fubject mould ilrive to eflab- liih; to excite the refentment of theBritifh admini- jftration againfl this province; to defeat the endea vours of our agents and friends to ferve us by a fair reprefentation of our ftate of facts ; to prevent our humble and repeated petitions from reaching the ear of your Majefty, or having their defired effect. And finally, that the faid Thomas Hutchinfon and Andrew Oliver have been among the chief inftru- 334 Proceedings and Examination, before instruments in introducing a fleet and army into this province, to eftabltfh and perpetuate their plans , whereby they have been not only greatly inftrumental [in] disturbing the peace and har mony of the government, and caufing unnatural and hateful difcords and animolities between the feveral parts of yourMajefly's extenfivedominions ; but are juftly chargeable with all that corruption of morals, and all that confufion, mifery, and bloodmed, which have been the natural effects of porting an army in a populous town. Wherefore we moft humbly pray, that your Majefty would be pleafed to remove from their pofts in this government the faid Thomas Hut- chinfon, Efquire, and Andrew Oliver, Efquire ; who have, by their above-mentioned conduct, and other wife, rendered themfelves juftly ob noxious to your loving fubjects, and entirely loft their confidence : and place fuch good and faith ful men in their ftead as your Majefty in your wifdom mall think fit. In the name and by order of the houfe of reprefentatives, THOMAS GUSHING, Speaker* [ A : D. T . ] the Privy Council m 1773-4. 335 'To the Lords Committee of bis Ma je fly's Privy %/ J -J j J Council for Plantation Affairs. The PETITION of ISRAEL MAUDUIT, Humbly foeweth unto your Lord/hips, THAT having been informed that an addrefs, in the name of the Houfe of Reprefentatives of his Majefty's colony of Maffachufett's Bay, has been prefented to his Majefty by Benjamin Franklin, Efquire, praying the removal of his Majefty's Governor and Lieutenant Governor; which is ap pointed to be taken into confideration on Thurfday next ; your Petitioner, on the behalf of the faid Governor and Lieutenant Governor, humbly prays, that he may be heard by counfel in relation to the fame, before your Lordfhips {hall make any report on the faid addrefs. Clements Lane, ISRAEL MAUDUIT> Jan. 10, 1775. Examination of Dr. FRANKLIN, at the COUNCIL CHAMBER, Jan. n, 1774*. Prefent, Lord Prejident, the Secretaries of * [The Editor has taken this examination from Mr. Mauduit's copy of the Letters of Governor Eutchinfen, &c. fecond edition, 1774, p. 77. He has Mr. Mauduit's authority for fuppofing it faithfully reprefented. E.] State, 336 Proceedings and Examination) before State, and many other Lords ; Dr. Franklin and Mr. Bollan; Mr. Mauduit and Mr. Wedderburn. [Dr. Franklin' s Letter and the Addrefs, Mr. PownallV Letter, and Mr. Mauduit'j Petition, iv ere read.] Mr. Wedderburn. The addrefs mentions cer tain papers : I could wifh to be informed what are thofe papers. Dr. Franklin. They are the letters of Mr. Htrtchinfon and Mr. Oliver. Court. Have you brought them ? Dr. Franklin. No ; but here are attefted co pies. Court. Do you mean to found a charge upon them ? if you do, you muft produce the letters. Dr. Franklin. Thefe copies are attefted by feveral Gentlemen at Rofton, and a Notary Public. Mr. Wedderburn. My Lords, we mall not take advantage of any imperfection in the proof. We admit that the letters are Mr. Hutchinfon's and Mr. Oliver's hand writing : referving to ourfelves the right of inquiring how they were obtained. Dr. Franklin. I did not expect that counfel would have been employed on this occaiion. Court. Had you not notice fent you of Mr. Mauduit's having petitioned to be heard by coun fel [A : D. T.] the Privy Council m 1 773-4. 3 37 fel on behalf of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor. Dr. Franklin. I did receive fuch notice ; but J thought this had been a matter of politics, not of law, and have not brought my couniel. Court. Where a charge is brought, the par ties have a right to be heard by counfel or not, as they choofe. Mr. Mauduit. My Lords, I am not a native of that country, as thefe Gentlemen are. J know well Dr. Franklin's abilities, and wifh to put the defence of my friends more upon a pa rity with the attack ; he will not therefore won der that I choofe to appear before your Lordmips with the affiftance of counfel. My friends, in their letters to me, have delired (if any proceed ings, as they fay, fhould be had upon this addrefs) that they may have a hearing in their own jufti- fication, that their innocence may be fully cleared, and their honour vindicated ; and have made proviiion accordingly. I do not think myfelf at liberty therefore to give up the affiftance of my counfel, in defending them againft this unjuft accufation. Court. Dr. Franklin may have the affiftance of counfel, or go on without it, as he fhall choofe. Dr. Franklin. I deiire to have counfel. Court. What time do you want ? Dr. Franklin. Three Weeks. X x Ordered 338 Proceedings and Examination, &c. Ordered that the further proceedings be on Saturday 29th Inftant*. i * [The privy council accordingly met on the 29th of January, 1774; when Mr. Dunning and Mr. John Lee appeared as coun- fel for the' aflembly, and Mr. Wedderburne as counfel for the Go vernor and Lieutenant Governor. Mr. Wedderburne was very long in his anfwer; which chiefly related to the mode of obtain ing and fending away Mr. Whately's letters ; and fpoke of Dr. Franklin in terms of abufe, which never efcape from one gentleman towards another. In the event, the committee of the privy council made a report, in which was exprefled the fol lowing opinion. ' The Lords of the committee do agree hum bly to report, as their opinion to your Majefty, that the peti tion is founded upon refolutions formed on falfe and erroneous allegations ; and is groundlefs, vexatious, and fcandalous ; and calculated only for the feditious purpofes of keeping up a fpi- rit of clamour and difcontent in the faid province. And the Lords of the committee do further humbly report to your Ma jefty, that nothing has been laid before them which does or can, in their opinion, in any manner, or in any degree, impeach the honour, integrity, or conduft of the faid Governor or Lieute nant Governor; and their Lordfhips are humbly of opinion, that the faid petition ought to be difmifled.' Feb. yth, 1774. ' His Majefty taking the faid report into confideration, was pleafed, with the advice of his privy council, to approve thereof; and to order that the faid petition of the houfe of reprefentatives of the province of Maffachufett's Bay be difmifled the board as groundlefs, vexatious, and fcanda lous ; and calculated only for the feditious purpofe of keeping up a fpirit of clamour and difcontent in the faid province.' A former petition againft Governor Bernard met with a difmiffion couched in fimilar terms. .] Account [A:D.T.] [ 339 ] Account of Governor Hutchinfon'j Letters, . To the Printer of the PUBLIC ADVERTISER *. SIR, TENDING that two Gentlemen have been * unfortunately engaged in a duel about a tranfaction and its circumftances, of which both of them are totally ignorant and innocent ; I think it incumbent upon me to declare (for the prevention of farther mifchief, as far as fuch a declaration may contribute to prevent it) that I alone am the perfon who obtained and tranf- mitted to Boflon the letters in queftion. Mr. W. could not communicate them, becaufe they were never in his poffefiion -, and for the fame reafon, they could not be taken from him by * [Some letters had paired in the public prints between Mr. Tho mas Whately's brother and Mr. John Temple, concerning the man ner in which the letters of Governor Hutchinfon, &c. had efcaped from among the papers of Mr. Thomas Whately, at this time de- ceafed. The one Gentleman wifhed to avoid the charge of having given them; the other, of having taken them. At length the difpute became fo perfonal and pointed, that Mr. Temple thought it neceffary to call the brother into the field. The letter of provo cation appeared in the morning, and the parties met in the after noon. Dr. Franklin was not then in town ; it was after fome inter val that he received the intelligence. What had paired he could not forefee ; he endeavoured to prevent what ftill might follow. .] X x 2 Mr. 34-O Account of Governor Mr. T. - They were not of the nature of pri vate letters between friends *. They were writ ten by public officers to perfons in public fta- tions, on public affairs, and intended to pro cure public meafures -, they were therefore hand ed to other public perfons who might be in fluenced by them to produce thofe meafures. Their tendency was to incenfe the mother- country againft her colonies, and, by the fteps recommended, to widen the breach ; which they effected. The chief caution expreffed with re gard to privacy, was, to keep their contents from the colony agents ; who the writers ap prehended might return them, or copies of them to America. That apprehenfion was, it feems, well founded; for the firft agent who laid his hands on them, thought it his duty to tranfmit them to his constituents --. Craven Street* Dec. 25, 1773. B. FRANKLIN, Agent for the Houfe of Reprefentatfoes of the Maffachufetfs Bay. * [Perhaps it is proper to call thefe letters only/ecret letters. The fa&s and advice they contained had the moft direct relation to the public ; and the only part of the letters that could ftriftly be faid to be private, was the family hiftory that was naturally here and there interfperfed on the fame fheet of paper, from family connection in the writers. E.] f [It was in confequence of this letter that Mr. Wedderburne ven tured to make the moft odious perfonal applications. Mr. Maudnit has prudently omitted part of them, in his account of the proceed ings before the privy council. They are given here altogether how ever :[A: D.T.] G. HuttchinfonV Letters, &c. 341 ever (as well as they could be collefted,) to mark the politics of the times, and the nature of the cenfures pafled in England upon Dr. Franklin's character. ' The letters could not have come to Dr. Franklin,' faid Mr. Wedderburn, ' by fair means. The writers did 'hot give them to ' him ; nor yet did the deceafed correfpondent, who from our in- ' timacy would otherwife have told me of it : Nothing then will ' acquit Dr. Franklin of the charge of obtaining them by fraudulent ' or corrupt means, for the moft malignant of purpdfes ; unlefs he * ftole them, from the perfon who Hole them. This argument is * irrefragable.'- * I hope, my lords, you will mark [and brand] the man, for the ' honour of this country, of Europe, and of mankind. Private cor- ' refpondence has hitherto been held facred, in times of the greateft * party rage, not only in politics but religion.' ' He has forfeited * all the refpecl of focieties and of men. Into what companies will ' he hereafter go with an unembarrafled face, or the honefl intre- * pidity of virtue. Men will watch him with a jealous eye ; they ' will hide their papers from him, and lock up their efcrutoires. * He will henceforth efteem it a libel to be called a man of letters'; * homo trium * liter arum ! * But he not only took away the letters from one brother ; but ' kept himfelf concealed till he nearly occafioned the murder of the * other. It is impoffible to read his account, expreffive of the * cooleft and moft deliberate malice, without horror.' [Here he read the letter above*, Dr Franklin being all the time prefentJ\ * Amidft thefe tragical events, of one perfon nearly murdered, * of another anfwerable for the ifTue, of a worthy governor hurt in * his deareft interefts, the fate of America in fufpenfe ; here is a ' man, who with the utmoft infenfibility of remorle, ftands up and * avows himfelf the author of all. lean compare it only to Zanga ' in Dr. Young's Revenge f. " Know then 'twas 1: " I forged the letter, I difpofed the pifture; " I hated, I defpifed, and I deftroy." * I afic, my Lords, whether the revengeful temper attributed, by * poetic fiction only, to the bloody African ; is not furpafled by the * coolnefs and apathy of the wily American ? ' Thefe pleadings for a time worked great effecl : The lords af- fented, the town was convinced, Dr. Franklin was difgraced J, and * i. e. FUR (or thief). f Aft Vth. 4 He was dilmiffed -frjm his place in the pott-office. X x 3 Mr* 342 Account of G . Hu tchinfon 's Letters, &c. Mr. Wedderburn feemed in the road for every kind of advance ment. Unfortunately for Mr. Wedderburn, the events of the war did not correfpond with his fyftems. Unfortunately too for his " irrefragable argument," Dr. Franklin afterwards took an oath in chancery *, that at the time that he tranfmitted the letters, he was ignorant of the party to whom they had been addrefTed ; having himfelf received them from a third perfon, and for the exprefs pur- pofe of their being conveyed to America. Unfortunately alfo for Mr. Wedderburn's " worthy governor," that governor himfelf, be fore the arrival of Dr. Franklin's packet in Boilon, fent over one of Dr. Franklin's own "private" letters to England ; expreffing fome little coynefs indeed upon the occafion, butdefiring fecrecy, left he mould be prevented procuring more ufeful intelligence from the fame fource \. Whether Mr. Wedderburn in his fpccch intended to draw a particular cafe and portraiture, for the purpofe only of injuring Dr. Franklin ; or meant that his language and epithets mould apply generally to all, whether friends or foes, whofe practice mould be found fimiliar to it; is a matter that muft be left to be adjufted between governor Hutchinfon and Mr. Wedderburn. But to return to Dr. Franklin. It was not fingular perhaps that as a man of honour, he mould furrender his name to public fcrutiny in order to prevent mifchief to others, and yet not betray his coad jutor (even to theprefent moment,) to relieve his own fame from the fevereft obloquy; but perhaps it belonged to few befides Dr. Franklin, to poffefs mildnefs and magnanimity enough, to refrain from in- temperate expreffions and meafures, againit Mr. Wedderburn and his fupporters, after all that had paffed. E,] * A copy of the proceedings in chancery has been in my pofleffion ; but being at prefent miflaid, I fpeak only from memory here. I Seethe Remembrancer fa the year 1776, part zd. p. 61. cok iflL smd 2d. RULES [A:D.T.J [ 343 RULES for reducing a Great Empire to a fmall one-, prefented to a late Minifter, when be entered up@n his Adminiftration *. AN ancient fage valued himfelf upon this, that though he could not riddle, he knew how to make a great city of a little one. The fcience that I, a modern Simpleton, am about to com municate, is the very reverfe. I addrefs myfelf to all miniflers who have the management of extenfive dominions, which from their very greatnefs are become troublefome to govern becaufe the multiplicity of their affairs leaves no time for fiddling. I. In the firft place, gentlemen, you are to confider, that a great empire, like a great cake, is moft eafily diminimed at the edges. Turn your attention therefore firft to your remotejl provinces; that, as you get rid of them, the next may follow in order. II. That the poffibility of this feparation may always exift, take fpecial care the provinces are * [Thefe rules firft appeared in a London newfpaper about the beginning of the year 1774, and have feveral times fmce been in troduced into our public prints. Theminiiter alluded to is fuppofed to be the Earl of H h. ' The caufes and motions of feditions (fays Lord Bacon) are, in- * novation in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and cuftoms, break- ' ing of privileges, general oppreflion, advancement of unworthy * perfons, ftrangers, dearths, dilbanded foldiers, factions growa ' defperate, and whatfoever in offending people joineth and knit-- * t/eth them in a common caufe.' E.] never ,344 "Rides for reducing a great never incorporated with the mot her -country ; that they do not enjoy the fame common rights, the fame privileges in commerce; and that they are governed by feverer laws, all of your enading, without allowing them any mare in the choice of the legiflators. By carefully making and pre- ferving fuch distinctions, you will (to keep to my iimile of the cake) act like a wife gingerbread- baker ; who, to facilitate a divifion, cuts his dough half through in thofe places, where, when baked, he would have it broken to pieces. III. Thofe remote provinces have perhaps been acquired, purchafed, or conquered, at the fole expence of the fettlers their ancestors ; without the aid of the mother-country. If this fhould happen to increafe her fbength, by their growing numbers, ready to join in her wars 5 her commerce, by their growing demand for her ma nufactures ; or her naval power, by greater employ ment for her mips and feamen,They may probably fuppofe fome merit in this, and that it entitles them to fome favour ; you are therefore to forget it all, or refent it as if they had done you injury. If they happen to be zealous whigs, friends of liberty, nurtured in revolution principles ; re member all that to their prejudice, and contrive to punim it : for fuch principles, after a revolu tion is thoroughly eftabliihed, are of no more ufe j they are even odious and abominable. IV. However peaceably your colonies have fubmitted to your government, mewn their af fection to your interefts, and patiently borne their [A: D.T.J Empire to a fmall one. 345 their grievances ; you are to fuppofe them always inclined to revolt, and treat them accordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their in- folence may provoke the riling of mobs, and by their bullets and bayonets fupprefs them. By this means, like the hufband who ufes his wife ill from fufpicion, you may in time convert your fufpicions into realities. V. Remote provinces muft have governors and judges, to reprefent the royal perfon, and execute every where the delegated parts of his office and authority. You minifters know that much of the flrength of government depends on the opinion of the people ; and much of that opinion on the choice of rulers placed imme diately over them. If you fend them wife and good men for governors, who ftudy the intereft of the colonifts, and advance their profperity ; they will think their king wife and good, and that he wifhes the welfare of his fubjefts. If you fend them learned and upright men for judges, they will think him a lover of juftice. This may attach your provinces more to his govern ment. You are therefore to be careful who you recommend for thofe offices. If you can find prodigals who have ruined their fortunes, broken gamefters or flock-jobbers ; thefe may do well as Governors ; for they will probably be rapacious, and provoke the people by their extortions. Wrangling proctors and pettyfogging lawyers too are not amifs -, for they will be for ever dif- puting and quarrelling with their little parlia- Y y ments. 346 Rules for reducing a great ments. If withal they {hould be ignorant, wrong- headed and infolent, fo much the better. At torneys clerks and Newgate folicitors will do for Chief- Juftices, efpecially if they hold their places during your pleafure : And all will con tribute to imprefs thofe ideas of your govern ment that are proper for a people you would wifh to renounce it. VI. To confirm thefe impreffions, and ftrike them deeper, whenever the injured come to the capital with complaints of mal-adminiftration, oppreffion, orinjufticej pumjh fuch fuitors with long delay, enormous expence, and a final judg ment in favour of the oppreffor. This will have an admirable effect every way. The trouble of future complaints will be prevented, and go vernors and judges will be encouraged to farther acts of oppreffion and injuftice; and thence the people may become more difaffected, And at length defperate. VII. When fuch governors have crammed their coffers, and made themfelves fo odious to the people that they can no longer remain among them with fafety to their perfons ; recal and re- ivard them with penfions. You may make them baronets too, if that refpectable order fhould not think fit to refent it. All will contribute to en courage new governors in the fame practice ; and make the fupreme government deteftable. VIII. If when you are engaged in war, your colonies mould vie in liberal aids of men and mo ney againfl the common enemy, upon your fimple requifition, [A: D.T.] Empire to a Jmall one. 347 requisition, and give far beyond "their abilities, refle<5t that a penny taken from them by your power, is more honourable to you than a pound prefented by their benevolence ; defpife therefore their voluntary grants, and refolve to harafs them with novel faxes.' They will probably complain to your parliament that they are taxed by a body in which they have no reprefentative, and that this is contrary to common right. They will petition for redrefs. Let the parliament flout their claims, reject their petitions, refufe even to furTer the reading of them, and treat the petitioners with the utmoft contempt. Nothing can have a better effect in producing the alienation propofed ; for though many can forgive injuries, none ever forgave contempt. IX. In laying thefe taxes, never regard the heavy burthens thofe remote people already un dergo ; in defending their own frontiers, fupport- ing their own provincial government, making new roads, building bridges, churches, and other public edifices ; which in old countries have been done to your hands, by your ancestors ; but which occafion conftant calls and demands on the purfes of a new people. Forget the reftraint you lay on their trade for your own benefit, and the advan tage a monopoly of this trade gives your exacting merchants. Think nothing of the wealth thofe merchants and your manufacturers acquire by the colony commerce ; their increafed ability thereby to pay taxes at home - 3 their accumulating in the price of their commodities, moil of thofe taxes, Y y 2 and 348 'Rules for reducing a great and fo levying them from their confuming cuf~ tomers : all this, and the employment and fup- port of thoufands of your poor by the colonifts, you are entirely to forget. But remember to make your arbitrary tax more grievous to your provinces, by public declarations importing that your power of taxing them has no limits, fo that when you take from them without their confent a {hilling in the pound, you have a clear right to the other nineteen. This will probably weaken every idea of fecurity in their property, and con vince them, that under fuch a government they have nothing they can call their own; which can fcarce fail of producing the happieft confe- quences ! X. Poffibly indeed fome of them might ftill comfort themfelves, and fay, ' Though we have no property, we have yet fomething left that is valuable; we have conftitutional liberty both of perfon and of conscience. This King, thefe Lords, and thefe Commons, who it feems are too remote from us to know us and feel for us, cannot take from us our habeas corpus right, or our right of trial by a jury of our neighbours : they cannot deprive us of the exercife of our religion, alter our eccleiiaftical constitution, and compel us to be papifts, if they pleafe, or Ma hometans/ To annihilate this comfort, begin by laws to perplex their commerce with infinite regulations, impoffible to be remembered and ob- ferved : ordain feizures of their property for every failure; takeaway the trial of fuch property by I jury, [A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 349 jury, and give it to arbitrary judges of your own ap pointing, and of the lowed characters in the country, whofe falaries and emoluments are to arife out of the duties or condemnations, and whofe appointments are during pleafure. Then let there be a formal declaration of both houfes, that oppofition to. your edicls is treafon, and that perfons fufpected of treafon in the provinces may, according to fome obfolete law, be feized and fent to the metropolis of the empire for trial ; and pafs an aft, that thofe there charged with certain other offences, fhall be fent away in chains from their friends and country to be tried in the fame manner for felony. Then erect a new court of inquifition among them, accom panied by an armed force, with inftructions to tranfport all fuch fufpected perfons ; to be ruined by the expence, if they bring over evidences to prove their innocence ; or be found guilty and hanged if they cannot afford it. And left the people fhould think you cannot poffibly go any farther, pafs another folemn declaratory act, ' that * King, Lords, and Commons, had,, have, and * of right ought to have, full power and authori- * ty to make ftatutes of fufficient force and vali- ' dity to bind *the unreprefented provinces in all * cafes ivhatjbe'uer.' This will include fpiritual with temporal, and taken together, muft ope rate wonderfully to your purpofe ; by convincing them, that they are. at prefcnt under a power fomething like that fpoken of in the fcriptures, which can not only kill their bodies, but damn their 35 Rules for reducing a great their fouls to all eternity, by compelling them, if it pleafes, to worfhip the devil. XI. To make your taxes more odious, and more likely to procure refiftance ; fend from the capital a board of officers to fuperintend the coli- lection, compofed of the mojl mdifcreet, ill-bred, and infolent you can find. Let thefe have large falaries out of the extorted revenue, and live in open grating luxury upon the fweat and blood of the induftrious j whom they are to worry con tinually with groundlefs and expenlive profecu- tions before the above-mentioned arbitrary reve nue-judges ; all at the coft of the party profecuted, though acquitted, becaufe the King is to pay no cofts. -Let thefe men by your order be ex empted from all the common taxes and burthens of the province, though they and their proper ty are protected by its laws. If any revenue officers are fufpected of the leaft tendernefs for the people, difcard them. If others are juflly complained of, protect and reward them. If any of the under officers behave fo as to pro voke the people to drub them, promote thofc to better offices : this will encourage others to procure for themfelves fuch profitable drub bings, by multiplying and enlarging fuch pro vocations, ^and all will work towards the end you aim at. XII. Another way to make your tax odious, is to mifapply the produce of it. If it was ori ginally appropriated for the defence of the pro vinces, and the better fupport of government, and [A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 351 and the adminiftration of juftice where it may be necenary; then apply none of it to that defence; but beftow it where it is not neceffary, in aug menting falaries or penfions to every governor who has diftinguifhed himfelf by his enmity to the people, and by calumniating them to their fove- reign. This will make them pay it more unwil lingly, and be more apt to quarrel with thofe that colled: it and thofe that impofed it; who will quarrel again with them ; and all mall contribute to your own purpofe, of making them weary of your government. XIII. If the people of any province have been accuftomed to Jupport their own governors and judges to fatisfaclion, you are to apprehend that fuch governors and judges may be thereby influ enced to treat the people kindly, and to do them juftice. This is another reafon for applying part of that revenue in larger falaries to fuch governors and judges, given, as their commiffions are,' dur ing your pleafure only ; forbidding them to take any falaries from their provinces; And thus the people may no longer hope any kindnefs from their Governors, or (in crown cafes) any juftice from their Judges. And as the money thus mifapplied in one province is extorted from all, probably all will refent the mifapplication. XIV. If the parliaments of your provinces fhould dare to claim rights, or complain of your adminiftration ; order them to be harafTed with re peated djj/'olutions. If the fame men are conti nually returned by new elections ; adjourn their meetings Rules for reducing a great meetings to fome country village, where they can not be accommodated, and there keep them dur ing pleafure ; for this, you know, is your prero gative ; and an excellent one it is, as you may manage it to promote difcontents among the peo ple, diminifh their refpedt, and increafe their dif- affe&ion. XV. Convert the brave honeft officers of your navy t into pimping tide-waiters and colony offi cers of the cujloms. Let thofe who in time of war fought gallantly in defence of the commerce of their countrymen, in peace be taught to prey upon it. Let them learn to be corrupted by great and real fmugglers; But (to mew their diligence) fcour with armed boats every bay, harbour, river, creek, cove, or nook throughout the coaft of your colo nies ; flop and detain every coafter, every wood- boat, every fimerman j tumble their cargoes and even their ballaft in fide out, and upfide down ; And if a pennyworth of pins is found un-entered, let the whole be feized and confifcated. Thus mall the trade of your colonifts fuffer more from their friends in time of peace, than it did from their enemies in war. Then let thefe boats' crews land upon every farm in their way, rob their orchards, fteal their pigs and poultry, and infult the inhabitants. If the injured and exafperated farmers, unable to procure other juftice, fhould attack the aggreffors, drub them, and burn their boats ; you are to call this high treafon and rebel lion, order fleets and armies into their country, and threaten to carry all the offenders three thou- fand [A: D.T.] Empire to a fmall one. 353 fand miles to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. O ! this will work admirably ! XVI. If you are told of difcontents in your colonies, never believe that they are general, or that you have given occafion for them ; there fore do not think of applying any remedy, or of changing any offenfive meafure. Redrefs no grievance, left they mould be encouraged to de mand the redrefs of fome other grievance. Grant no requeft that isjuft and reafonable, left they mould make another that is unreafonable. Take all your informations of the ftate of the colonies from your governors and officers in enmity with them. Encourage and reward thefe leafing- makers ; fecrete their lying accufations, left they mould be confuted ; but act upon them as the cleareft evidence ; >And believe nothing you hear from the friends of the people. Suppofe all their complaints to be invented and promoted by a few factious demagogues, whom if you could catch and hang, all would be quiet. Catch and hang a few of them accordingly; and the blood of the martyrs {hall work miracles in favour of your purpofe *. * [One of the American writers affirms, ' That there has not ' been a iingle inftance in which they have complained, without * being rebuked ; or in which they have been complained againft^ ' without being punimed.' A fundamental miftake in the minifter 6ccafioned this. Every individual in New England (the peccant country) was held a coward or a knave, and the diforders which fpread abroad there, were treated as the refult of the too great lenity of Britain ! By the aid of this mort and benevolent rule, judgment was ever wifely predetermined ; to the fhutting out re drefs on the one hand, and inforcing every rigour of punifhment tfn the other. E.] Z z XVII. 3 54 Rules for reducing a great XVII. If you fee rival nations rejoicing at the profpect of your difunion with your pro vinces, and endeavouring to promote it ; if they tranflate, publifh and applaud all the complaints of your difcontented colonifts, at the fame time privately flimulating you to feverer meafures; let not that alarm or offend you. Why mould it ? iince you all mean the fame thing. XVIII. If any colony fhould at their own charge ereft a fortrefs to fecure their port againft the fleets of a foreign enemy, get your gover nor to betray that fortrefs into your hands. Never think of paying what it coft the country, for that would look, at leaft, like fome regard forjuftice; but turn it into a citadel,, to awe the inhabitants and curb their commerce. If they Ihould have lodged in fuch fortrefs the very arms they bought and ufed to aid you in your con- quefls, feize them all ; it will provoke like in gratitude added to robbery. One admirable effect of thefe operations will be, to difcourage every other colony from erecting fuch defences, and fo their and your enemies may more eafily invade them ; to the great difgrace of your go vernment, and of courfe the furtherance of your project* XIX. Send armies into their country under pretence of protecting the inhabitants; but, in- ftead of garrifoning the forts on their frontiers with thofe troops, to prevent incurfions, demo- lifh thofe forts ; and order the troops into the heart of the country, that the favages may be encou- [ A : D . T. ] Empire to a fmdll one. 3 5 .; encouraged to attack the frontiers *, and that the troops may be protected by the inhabi tants: this will feem to proceed from your ill-will or your ignorance^ and contribute farther to produce and ilrengthen an opinion among them, that you are no longer fit to govern them -j~. XX. Laftly, inveft the general of your army m the provinces, with great and unconstitutional powers, and free him from thecontroul of even your own civil governors. Let him have troops now J under his command, with all the fortrefles in his pofTeffion ; and who knows but (like fome provincial generals in the Roman empire, and encouraged by the univerfal difcontent you have * [I am not verfed in Indian affairs, but I find that in April 1773, the aflembled chiefs of the weftern nations told one of our Indian agents, * that they remembered their father, the King of Great Britain's meflage, delivered to them lait fall ; of demo- lifhing Fort Pittflburg [on the Ohio] and removing the foldiers with their {harp-edged weapons out of the country ; this gave them great pleafure, as it was a ftrong proof of his paternal kindnefs towards them.' (See Confederations on the Agreement nvitb Mr. 1". Walpole for Lands upon the Ohio, p. 9.) This is ge neral hiftory : I attempt no application of facls, perfonally invi dious. E.] f [As the reader may be inclined to divide his belief between the wifdom of miniftry, and the candor and veracity of Dr. Franklin, I mail inform him that two contrary objections may be made to the truth of this reprefentation. The firft is, that the condudl of Great Britain is made too abfurd for poffibility ; and the fecond, that it is not made abfurd enough for faft. If we confider that this piece does not include the meafures fubfequent to 1773, the latter difficulty is eafily fet afide. The former, I can only folve by the many in- ftances in hiftory, where the infatuation of individuals has brought the heavieft calamities upon nations. E.] | [i. e. In the fituation and crifis into which things will nonu have fceen brought. E.] Z z 2 produced) 356 "Rules for reducing, Sec. produced) he may take it into his head to fet up for himfelf ? If he mould, and you have care fully pradtifed thefe few excellent rules of mine, take my word for it, all the provinces will im mediately join himj and you will that day (if you have not done it fooner) get rid of the trouble of governing them, and all the plagues attending their commerce and connection from, thenceforth and foe ever. Intended [A:D.T.] [ 357 ] Intended Vindication and Offer from Congrefs to Parliament t in 1775 .*.- FORASMUCH as the enemies of America in. the parliament of Great Britain, to render us odious to the nation, and give an ill impreflion of us in the minds of other European powers, have reprefented us as unjuft and ungrateful in the highefh degree; Aflerting on every occalion, that the colonies were fettled at the expence of Britain ; that they were at the expence of the fame, protected in their infancy j that they now ungratefully and unjuftly refufe to contribute to their own protection, and the common defence of the nation; that they aim at independence ; that they intend an abolition of the navigation acts ; and that they are fraudulent in their com mercial dealings, and purpofe to cheat their cre ditors in Britain, by avoiding the payment of their juft debts : [And] as by frequent repetition thefe groundlefs affertions and malicious calumnies may, if not con tradicted and refuted, obtain farther credit, and be injurious throughout Europe to the reputation and intereft of the confederate colonies ; it feems proper and necefTary to examine them in our own juft vindication. * The following paper was drawn up- in a committee of congrefs, June 25, 1775 5 but does not appear on their minutes ; a fevere aft of parliament which arrived about that time having determined them not to give the fum propofed-in it. [It was firft printed in the Public ddvnrtifer for July 18, 1777, No, 13,346. E.] With Y i fc** 358 Intended Vindication and With regard to the firfb, that the colonies were fettled at the expence of Britain, it is a known fact, that none of the twelve united colonies were fettled, or even difcovered, at the expence of England. Henry the Vllth indeed granted a commiffion to SebafUan Cabot, a- Venetian, and his fons ; to fail into the weftern feas for the dif- covery of new countries; but it was to be " fiiis " eorum propriis fumptibus et expenfis," at their own cofts and charges *. They difcovered, but foon flighted and neglected, thefe northern terri tories - y which were after more than a hundred years dereliction purchafed of the natives, and fet tled at the charge and by the labour of private men and bodies of men, our anceftors, who came over hither for that purpofe. But our adverfaries have never been able to produce any record, that ever the -parliament or government of England was at the fmalleft expence on thefe accounts ; on the contrary, there exifts on the journals of parliament a folemn declaration in 1642, (only twenty-two years after the firft fettlement of the MafTachufetts, when, if fuch expence had ever been incurred, fome of the members muft have known and remembered it,) " That thefe colonies had been planted and eflablifhed without any expence to *theftate J." New-Tork is the only colony * See the Commiffion in the Appendix to PownalPs Adminiflra- tion of the Colonies. Edit. 1775. 1 " Veneris, 10 March, 164.2. Whereas, the plantations in New- " England have, by the bleffing of the Almighty, had good and " pxolperousfuccefs, without any public charge to tkisjlate ; and are < now " now [A: D.T.] Congrefs to ParTiament t In 1775. 359 colony in the founding of which England can pre tend to have been at any expence -, and that was only the charge of a fmall armament to take it from the Dutch, who planted it. But to retain this colony at the peace, another at that time full as valuable, planted by private countrymen of curs, was given up by the crown to the Dutch in exchange, viz. Surinam, now a wealthy fugar- colony in Guiana, and which but for that ceffion might ftill have remained in our pofTeffion. Of late, indeed, Britain has been at fome expence in planting two colonies, Georgia -j~ and Nova Scotia -, but thofe are not in our confederacy j and the ex- pence fhe has been at in their name, has chiefly been in grants of fums unnecefTarily large, by way of falaries to officers fent from England, and in jobs to friends, whereby dependants might be provided for ; thofe exceffive grants not being requiiite to the welfare and good government of the colonies ; Which good government (as expe rience in many inftances of other colonies has taught us) may be much more frugally, and full as effectually, provided for and fupported. With regard to the fecond afTertion, *fhat thefe colonies were protected in their infant Jlate by England-, it is a notorious fad: that in none of the many wars with the Indian natives, fuftained by ** now likely to prove very happy for the propagation of the gofpel " in thofe parts, and very beneficial and commodious to this king- " dom and nation : The commons now aflembled in parliament, " &c. &c. Sec." [See Governor Hutchinfon's Hiitory. E.J f Georgia has fince acceded, July 1775. our 360 Intended Vindication and Offer from our infant fettlements for a century after our firft arrival, were ever any troops or forces of any kind fent from England to aflift us ; nor were any forts built at her expence to fecure our fea-ports from foreign invaders ; nor any mips of war fent to protect our trade till many years after our firft fettlement, when our commerce became an object of revenue, or of advantage to Britifh merchants ; and then it was thought necefTary to have a fri gate in fome of our ports, during peace, to give weight to the authority of cuftom-houfe officers, who were to reftrain that commerce for the bene fit of England. Our own arms, with our poverty, and the care of a kind providence, were all this time our only protection ; while we were neglect ed by the Englim government -, which either thought us not worth its care, or having no good will to fome of us, on account of our different fentiments in religion and politics, was indifferent what became of us. On the other hand, the colonies have not been wanting to do what they could in every war for annoying the enemies of Britain. They formerly amfted her in the con- queft of Nova Scotia. In the war before laft they took Louifbourg, and put it into her hands. She made her peace with that ftrong fortrefs, by re- iloring it to France, greatly to their detriment. In the laft war it is true Britain fent a fleet and army, who acted with an equal army of ours, in the reduction of Canada ; and perhaps thereby did more for us, than we in the preceding wars had done for her, Let it be remembered, however, that [A : D . T. ] Congrefs to Parliament) in 1 77 5 . 361 that fhe rejected the plan we formed in the con- grefs at Albany, in 1754, for our own defence, .by an union of the colonies ; an union fhe was jealous of, and therefore chofe to fend her own forces j other wife her aid, to protect us, was not wanted. And from our firft fettlement to that time, her military operations in our favour were fmall, compared with the advantages me drew from her exclufive commerce with us. We are however willing to give full weight to this obli gation ; and as we are daily growing ftronger, and our afiiftance to her becomes of more impor tance, we mould with pleafure embrace the firffc opportunity of mewing our gratitude by returning the favour in kind. But when Britain values herfelf as affording us protection, we defire it may be confidered that we have followed her in all her wars, and joined with her at our own expence againft all fhe thought fit to quarrel with. This {he has required of us ; and would never permit us to keep peace with any power fhe declared her enemy ; though by feparate treaties we might well have done it. Under fuch circumftances, when at her inftance we made nations our enemies, whom we might otherwife have retained our friends ; we fubmit it to the common fenfe of mankind, whether her protection of us in thefe wars was not our juft due, and to be claimed of right, inftead of being received as a favour ? And whether, when all the parts of an empire exert themfelves to the utmofh in their common defence, and in annoying the common enemy 5 it is not as A a a well 362 Intended Vindication and Offer from well the parts that protect the whole, as the whole that protects the parts ? The protection then has been proportionally mutual. And whenever the time mall come, that our abilities may as far ex ceed hers, as hers have exceeded ours ; we hope we mall be reasonable enough to reft Satisfied with her proportionable exertions, and not think we do too much for a part of the empire,, when that part does as much as it can for the whole. The charge againft us, that we refufe to con tribute to our own protection, appears from the above to be groundlefs : But we farther declare it to be abfolutely falfe ; for it is well known that we ever held it as our duty to grant aids to the crown upon requilition, towards carrying on its wars jt which duty we have cheerfully complied with, to the utmoft of our abilities; infomuch that frequent and grateful acknowledgments thereof by king and parliament appear on their records *. But as Britain has enjoyed a moll gainful mono poly of our commerce ; the fame, with our main taining the dignity of the king's reprefentative in each colony, and all our own feparate eftablim- ments of government, civil and military ; has ever hitherto been deemed an equivalent for fuch aids as might otherwife be expected from us in time of peace. And we hereby declare, that on * [Suppofed to allude to certain paflages in the Journals of the Houfeof Commons on the 4th of April, 1748; z8th January, 1756; 3d February, 1756; 1 6th and i pth of May, 1757; iftof June, 1758 ; 26th and 30th of April, 1759 ; z6th and 3ift of March and 28th of April, 1760; pth and 2oth January, 1761 ; zzd and 26th January, 1762 j and i.4th and ijth March, 1763.] a recon- [A: D.T.] Congrefs to Parliament t m 1775. 363 a reconciliation with Britain, we {hall not only continue to grant aids in time of war, as aforefaid ; but, whenever me mall think fit to abolifh her monopoly, and give us the fame privileges of trade as Scotland received at the union, and allow us a free commerce with all the reft of the world ; we mail willingly agree (and we doubt not it will be ratified by our conftituents) to give and pay into the finking fund [100,000!.] fterling per annum for the term of one hundred years ; which duly, faithfully, and inviolably applied to that purpofe, is demonftrably more than fufficient to extinguim all her prefint national debt ; fince it will in that time amount, at legal Britifh intereft, to more than [230,000,000!.] if. But if Britain does not think fit to accept this propofition, we, in order to remove her ground- lefs jealoufies, that we aim at independence, and an abolition of the navigation aft, (which hath in truth never been our intention) and to avoid all future difputes about the right of making that and other acts for regulating our commerce j Do here by declare ourfelves ready and willing to enter into a Covenant 'with Britain, that ihe mail fully pofifefs, enjoy, and exercife that right, for an hun dred years to come j the fame being bonafide ufed for the common benefit; And in cafe of fuch agree ment, that every afTembly be advifed by us to con firm it folemnly by laws of their own, which once made cannot be repealed without the aflent of the crown. $ [See Dr. PriceV Appeal on the national debt, E.] A a a 2 The 364 Intended Vindication and Offer, The laft charge, that ive are dijhoneft traders, and aim at defrauding our creditors in Britain, is fufficiently and authentically refuted by the fo- lemn declarations of the Britiih merchants to par liament, (both at the time of the ftamp-act, and in the laft feflion) who bore ample teftimony to the general good faith and fair dealing of the Ame ricans, and declared their confidence in our in tegrity ; for which we refer to their petitions on the Journals of the Houfe of Commons. And we prefume we may fafely call on the body of the Britiih tradefmen, who have had experience of both, to fay, whether they have not received much more punctual payment from us than they generally have from the members of their own two houfes of parliament. On the whole of the above it appears, that the charge of ingratitude towards the mother country,, brought with fo much confidence againft the co lonies, is totally without foundation - and that there is much more reafon for retorting that charge on Britain, who not only never contributes any aid, nor affords, by an exclufive commerce, any advantages to Saxony, her mother country , but no longer fince than in the laft war, without the leaft provocation, fubfidized the King of Pruffia while he ravaged that mother country,, and car ried fire and fword into its capital, the fine city of Drefden. An example we hope no provocation will induce us to imitate* ietter [A:D.T.] [ 365 J "Letter from Dr. Franklin to a friend in England, on tbe fubjett of the firfl campaign made by the Britifh forces in America * Philadelphia, 3d O&ob. 1775:* Dear S i R> m I Am to fet out to-morrow for the earnp J, and having but juft heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to fay that I am well and hearty. Tell our dear good friend * * *, wha fometimes has his doubts and defpondencies about our firmnefs,, that America is determined and unanimous ; a very few tories and placemen ex- cepted, who will probably foon export themfelves. * [This letter has been feveral times very incorreftly printed r It is here given from a genuine copy. The parties to whom it is. addrefled, are of the very firft order, both in point of literary merit and amiable manners. E.] J [Dr. Franklin, Col. Harrifon and Mr. Lynch,, were at this, time appointed by Congrefs (of which they were members) to con fer on certain fubjefts with Gen. Wafhington. The American army was then employed in blocking up Gen. Howe in Bofton ; and! believe it was during this viiit, that Gen. Wafhington communicated, the following memorable anecdote to Dr. Franklin ; viz. * that * there had been a time, when this army had been fo deititute of military ftores, as not to have powder enough in all its magazines,, ' to furnifh more thanyfw rounds per man for their fmall arms.* Great guns were out of the queftion ; they were fired now and then,, only to mew that they had them- Yet this fecret was kept with fo much addrefs and good countenance from both armies, that Gen- Walhington was enabled effectually to continue the blockade. E.J Britain,, 366 Letter from Dr. Franklin, Britain, at the expence of three millions, has killed 150 Yankies this campaign, which is 20,000 1. a head; and at Bunker's Hill me gained a mile of ground, half of which fhe loft again "by our taking poft on Ploughed Hill. During the fame time 60,000 children have been born in America. From thefe data his mathematical head will eafily calculate the time and expence neceflary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory. My fincere refpects to ******, and to the club of honeft whigs at*********. Adieu. 1 am ever Yours moft affectionately, B. F. Letter [ArD.T.] f 367 1 Letter from Lord Howe to Dr. Franklin *, Eagle, June the 2o//, 1776. T Cannot, my worthy friend, permit the letters * and parcels, which I have fent (in the ftate I received them) to be landed, without adding a word upon the iubject of the injurious extremi ties in which our unhappy diiputes have engaged us. You * [In the year 1776 an aft of parliament pafled to prohibit and reftrain on the one hand, the trade and intercourfe of the refraftory colonies reipeftively during the revolt; and on the other hand, to enable perfons appointed by the crown to grant pardons and declare any particular diitrift at the king's peace, &c. Lord Howe (who had been previoufly appointed commander of the fleet in North America) was on Iv^ay 3d declared joint commijjioner with his brother Gen. Howe for the latter purpofes of the aft. He failed May 12 ; and vvhile off the Maflach Jetts coaft prepared a declaration announc ing this commiifion, and accompanied it with circular letters. July 4th, independence had been declared ; but neverthelefs congrefs -(invited by vinous attempts made to procutie a conference) refolved to fend Meiiieurs Franklin, J. -.dams, and E.Rutledge to learn the proportions of the commit. oners,, by whom authorized, and to whom uddreffed. The commiffioners having no power to-treat with congrefs in ts public capacity, and congrefs not being impowered by their reprefcntatives to refcind the aft of independence ; the con ference was broken off It remains only to add, that on Sept. 19, the commiffioners declared themfclves ready to confer with any of the well-affefted, on the means of reftoring peace and permanent- union with every colony, as part of theBiitilh empire ; and promiied' a revijion of the feveral royal inft.t unions fuppofedto lay improper reftraints on colony- legiilation, and alio the king's concurrence in. a. revifion of the objeftionuble afts of parliament : Which feemed the- ultimatum of the commimon. Parliament however, by a fubfequent aft, (which among other things formally renounced taxation in> North. America and the Welt Indies) authorized five commiifioners. to 368 Letter from Lord Howe, You will learn the nature of my miffion, from the official difpatches which I have recommended to be forwarded by the fame conveyance. Re taining all the earnefhiefs I ever exprelTed, to fee our differences accommodated ; I mall conceive, if I meet with the difpofition in the colonies which I was once taught to expect, the moft flat tering hopes of proving ferviceable in the objects of the King's paternal folicitude ; by promoting the efhiblifhment of lafting peace and union with the colonies. But if the deep-rooted prejudices of America, and the neceffity of preventing her trade from paffing into foreign channels, muft keep us ftill a divided people; I (hall, from every private as well as public motive, moit heartily lament, that this is not the moment wherein thofe great objects of my ambition are to be attained $ to treat, fettle and agree, even with congrefs ; but fubjeft to the farther confirmation of parliament. Lord Carlifle, and Meffieurs Johnfon and Eden, with the commanders in chief of the land and fea forces, were the commiifioners appointed by the crown under this aft ; and Dr. Adam Fergufon was made fecretary to the com- aniflion. Mr. Henry Strachey had been fecretary to theory? commiffion, attended with the following fingular circumftance, as ftated in the houfe of lords. * In this commiffion for reftoring peace to America, (or in other words to induce America at once to put a confidence in the crown, and to believe that the parliament of England is a fufficiently powerful and honeft barrier for them to truft to;) the fecretary ( Mr. Strachey ) has 500 1. granted for life out of the four and a half per cent, duty, filched by the crown from the Weft India I/lands, and in oppofition to a folemn addrefs of parlia ment defiring that it might be applied to the original purpofes for which it was granted by the refpe&ive aflemblies of the iflands.' What thefe original purpofes of the grants were, I meant (fee p. 280) very briefly to have ftated ; but have not been able to pro- $ure the proper documents in time. E.] and [A-.D.T.] to Dr. Franklin. 369 and that I am to be longer deprived of an oppor tunity to allure you perfonally of the regard with which I am Your iincere and faithful humble fervant, HOWE. P. S. I was difappointed of the opportunity I expected for fending this letter, at the time it was dated ; and have ever iince been prevented by calms and contrary winds, from getting here, te inform General Howe of the commifllon with which I have the fatisfa&ion to be charged, and of hh being joined in it. Of of Sandy Hook, 12 of July* Superfcribed, Hows, fo Benjamm Franklin* Bfy t PMadetytia. . B b b 370 Dr. Franklins Anfwer [.T.CI :/.] -VK; Dr. Franklins Anfwer to Lord Howe* ] Philadelphia, July 30, 1776* My LORD, T Received fafe the letters your Lordlhip fo kindly * forwarded to me, and beg you to accept my thanks. The official difpatches to which you refer me, contain nothing more than what we had feen i the ' adfc of parliameht, viz. " Offers of pardon " upon fubmiffion ; " which I was forry to find $ as it muft give your Lordfhip pain to be fent fo far on fo hopelefs a bufmefs. Directing pardons to be offered to the colonies* who are the very parties injured; exp relies indeed that opinion of our ignorance, bafenefs, and in- fenlibility, which your uninformed and proud nation has long been pleafed to entertain of us ^ but it can have no other effect than that of en-* creafing our refentments. It is impoffible we mould think of fubmiilion to a government, that has with the moft wanton barbarity and cruelty burnt our defencelefs towns in the midft of win ter ' y excited the favages to maffacre our (peaceful) farmers ; and our flaves to murder their maflers ; and is even now * bringing foreign mercenaries to * [About this time the Heffians, &<:. had juft arrived from Europe, ttStaten Ifland and New York.] deluge [A:D.T.] to Lord Howe. 371 deluge our fettlements with blood. Thefe atro cious injuries have extinguished every Ipark of -affection for that parent country we once held fo .dear : But were it pofiible for us to forget and forgive them, it is not poffible for you (I mean the Britim nation) to forgive the people you have fo heavily injured; you can never confide again in thofe as fellow fubjects, and permit them to enjoy equal freedom, to whom you know you have given fuch juft caufes of lafting enmity ; arid this muft impel you, were we again under your government, to endeavour the breaking our ipirit by the fevereft tyranny, and obftrucling by every means in your power our growing ftrength and profperity. But your Lordfhip mentions " the King's pa- " 'ternal folicitude for promoting the eftablim- " ment of lafting peace and union with the colo- *' nies." If by peace is here meant, a peace to be entered into by diftincl: flares, now at war ; and his Majeily has given your Lordfhip powers to treat with us of fuch a peace ; I may venture to fay, though without authority, that I think a treaty for that purpofe not quite impracticable, before we enter into foreign alliances. But I am perfuaded you have no fuch powers. Your na tion, though by punifhing thofe American go vernors who have fomented the difcord, rebuild ing our burnt towns, and repairing as far as pof fible the mifchiefs done us ; fhe might recover a great mare of our regard ; and the greater!: mare of our growing commerce, with all the advan- B b b 2 tages 372 Dr. "Franklins Anfiver tages of that additional ftrength, to be derived from a friendship with us -, Yet I know too well her abounding pride and deficient wifdom, to be lieve {he will ever take fuch falutary meafures. Her fondnefs for conqueft as a warlike nation ; her luft of dominion as an ambitious one ; and her thirft for a gainful monopoly as a commercial one (none of them legitimate caufes of war;) will join to hide from her eyes every view of her true intereft; and continually goad her on in thefe ruinous diftant expeditions, fo defhructive both of lives and of treafure, that they muft prove as pernicious to her in the end, as the Croifades formerly were to moft of the nations of Europe. I have not the vanity, my Lord, to think of intimidating, by thus predicting the effects of this war ; for I know it will in England have the fate of all my former predictions ; not be believed till the event mall verify it. Long did I endeavour J with unfeigned and un wearied zeal, to preferve from breaking that fine and noble china vafe the Britifh empire ; for I knew that being once broken, the feparate parts could not retain even their Jhare of the ftrength and value that exifted in the whole ; and that a perfect re-unian of thofe parts could fcarce ever be hoped for. Your Lordmip may pofiibly re member the tears of joy that wet my cheek, when, at your good lifter's in London, you once gave me expectations that a reconciliation might foon. J [See the note at the clofe of this letter. E.] take [A: D.T.] to Lord Howe. take place. I had the misfortune to find thefe expectations difappointed, and to be treated as the caufe of the mifchief I was labouring to pre vent. My confolation under that groundlefs and malevolent treatment was, that I retained the friendship of many wife and good men in that country ; and among the reft, fome mare in the regard of Lord Howe. The well founded efteem, and permit me to fay affection, which I mall always have for your Lordmip -, make it painful to me to fee you en gaged in conducting a war, the great ground of which, (as defcribed in your letter ;) is " the ne- " ceffity of preventing the American trade from " pafling into foreign channels/' To me it feems that neither the obtaining or retaining any trade, how valuable foever, is an object for which men may juftly fpill each others blood j that the true and fure means of extending and fecuring com merce, are the goodnefs and cheapnefs of com modities ; and that the profits of no trade can ever be equal to the expence of compelling it, and holding it, by fleets and armies. I coniider this war againft us, therefore, as both unjuffc and unwife j and I am perfuaded, that cool and dif- paffionate pofterity will condemn to infamy thpfe who advifed it ; and that even fuccefs will not fave from fome degree of difhonour, thofe who have voluntarily engaged to conduct: it. I know your great motive in coming hither, was the hope of being inftrumental in a reconci liation 5 and I believe, when you find that to be impoffible, 374 -^ n Franklin's Anfwcr . \ impoffible, on any terms given you to propofe, you will then relinquifh fo odious a command, and return to a more honourable private flation. With the greateft and moil fmcere refpeft, I have the honour to be, . Mv T nrvl ; -!inuo5 y ' Your Lordfhip's moft obedient, humble fervant, . . B. Franklin *. Directed to the Right Hon. Lord Vifcount Howe. * [It occurs to me to mention that Dr. Franklin was fuppofed to have been the inventor of a little emblematical defgn at the com mencement of our difputes ; reprefenting the flate of Great Britain and her colonies, fhould the former perfift in reftraining the latter's trade, deftroying their currency, and taxing their people by laws made by a legislature in which they were' not reprefen ted. Great Britain was fuppofed to have been placed upon the globe : But the colonies, her limbs, being fevered from her, me was feen lifting her eyes and mangled flumps to heaven ; her fhield, which me was unable to wield, lay ufelefs by her fide; her lance had pierced New England; the laurel branch was fallen from the hand of Penfylva- nia; the Englifh oak had loft its head, and flood by a bare trunk with a few withered branches ; briars and thorns were on the ground beneath it ; our mips had brooms at their topmaft-heads, denoting their being upon fale ; and Britannia herfelf was feen Hiding off the world, no longer able to hold its balance ; her fragments overfpread with the label 4ate ebolunt /fr/(&rrThis in'Jhort, was the fable of the [A: D.T.] to Lord Howe. 375 the belly and the members reverfed. But I tell the ftory chiefly for the fake of the moral, which has the air of having been fuggefted by Dr. Franklin *; and is as follows. ' The political moral of this picture is now eafily .difcovered. Hiftory affords us many inftances of the ruin of Hates, by the profecution of meafures ill fuited to the temper and genius of its people. The ordaining of laws in favor of 'one part of the nation, to the prejadice and op- preffion of. another; is certainly the moft erroneous and miftaken policy. An equal difpenfation of protection, rights, privileges and advantages, is what every part is intitled to, and ought to enjoy; it, being a matter of no moment to the flate, whether a fuhjecl grows rich and flourifhing on the Thames or the Ohio, i Edinburgh or Dublin. Thefe meafures. never fail to create great and violent jealoufies and animosities, between the people favored and the people opprefled. From whence a total feparation of affections, interefts, pqlitical obligations and all manner of con nections, neceflarily enfues ; by which the whole ftate is weakened and perhaps ruined for ever.' This language is part of the fame fyftem with the following frag ment of a lenience, which Dr. Franklin in-ferted in a political pub lication of one of his friends. * The attempts to efiablifh arbitrary pokuer over fo great a part of theBritim empire, [are] to the im minent hazard of our moft valuable commerce, and of that na tional ftrength, fecnrity and felicity, which depend on union and liberty? The prefervation of which, I am told, he ufed to fay, had been the great object artd labor of his life ; the whole being fuch a thing as the world never before fa' E.j / ' * This defign was printed on a card, and Dr. Franklin at the time 1 believe occafionally ufed to write his notes on fuch cards.. It was alfo printed on a half Jheet of paper , with an explanation by fome other perfon, and the moral given above. The drawing wa& but moderately executed. . . yj Com f art/on 376 Comparlfon of Great Britain and Comparifon of Great 'Britain end America as to Credit, in 1777 *. T N borrowing money, a man's credit depends on * foine or all of the following particulars. Firil, His known conduct refpecting former loans, and his punctuality in difcharging them. Secondly, His induftry. Thirdly, His frugality. Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his income, and the freedom of his eftate from the incumbrances of prior debts. Fifthly, His well founded profpects of greater future ability, by the improvement of his eflate in value, and by aids from others. Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his general affairs, and the advantage they will pro bably receive from the loan which he defires. Seventhly, His known probity and Tioneft cha racter, manifefted 'by his voluntary difcharge of his debts, which he could not have been legally compelled to pay,~The circumftances which give credit to an individual ought to, and will have, their weight upon the lenders of money to public bodies or nations.- If then we confider and * [Thb paper was written, tranflated, printed, and circulated, while Dr. Franklin was at the court of Paris, for the purpofe of inducing foreigners to lead money to America in preference to Great Britain. .] compare *, 1 * . ^.1. [A: D.T.J America as to Credit, in 1777. 377 compare Britain and America, in thefe feveral par ticulars, upon thequeftion, " To which is it fafeft " to lend money ?" We fhall find, 1. Refpecting former loans; that America, which borrowed ten millions during the laft war for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men, and other charges ; had faithfully difcharged and paid that debt, and all her other debts, in 1772. Whereas Britain, during thofe ten years of peace and profitable commerce, had made little or no reduction of her debt ; but on the contrary, from time to time, diminifhed the hopes of her credi tors, by a wanton diverfion and mifapplication of the linking fund deftined for difcharging it. 2. Refpecting induftry, Every man [in Ame~ rica] is employed ; the greater part in cultivating their own lands ; the reft in handicrafts, naviga tion, and commerce. An idle man is a rarity; idle- nefs and inutility are difgraceful. In England, the number of that character is immenfe ; famion has fpread it far and wide ; Hence the embarrafT- ments of private fortunes, and the daily bank ruptcies arifing from an univerfal fondnefs for ap pearance and expenfive pleafures ; And hence, in forne degree, the mifmanagements of public bu- linefs ; for habits of bufinefs and ability in it, are acquired only by practice ; and where univerfal difSpation, and the perpetual purfuit of amufement are the mode; the youth, educated in it, can rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and clofe application to affairs, which are fo neceflary to a ftatefman charged with the care of national C c c welfare. 378 Comparifon of Great Britain and welfare. Hence their frequent errors in policy; and hence the wearinefs at public councils, and backward nefs in going to them ; the conftant un- willingnefs to engage in any meafure that requires thought and confideration ; and the readinefs for poftponing every new propoiition ; Which poft- poning is therefore the only part of bufinefs that they come to be expert in, an expertnefs produced neceffarily by fo much daily practice. Whereas in America, men bred to clofe employment in their private affairs, attend with eafe to thofe of the public, when engaged in them, and nothing fails through negligence. 3. Refpecting frugality -, the manner of living in America is more fimple and lefs expenfive than that in England : plain tables, plain clothing, and plain furniture in houfes prevail, with few car riages of pleafure ; there, an oxpenfive appearance hurts credit, and is avoided: mEngland, it is often aflumed to gain credit, and continued to ruin. Refpecting public affairs, the difference is ftill greater. In England) the falaries of officers, and emoluments of office, are enormous. The king has a million fterling per annum, and yet cannot maintain his family free of debt : Secretaries of State, Lords of Treafury, Admiralty, 6cc. have vafl appointments : An Auditor of theExchequer has fixpence in the pound, or a fortieth part of all the public money expended by the nation ; fo that,- when a war cofts forty millions, one million is paid to him : An Infpector of the Mint, in the laft new coinage, received as his fee 65,000!. fterling [A: D.T.] America as to Credit, m 1777. 379 fterling per annum : To all which rewards, r,o fervice thefe Gentlemen can render the public is by any means equivalent. All this is paid by the people ; who are oppreiTed by taxes fo occalloned ; and thereby rendered lefs able to contribute to tho payment of neceffary, national debts. In America, lalaries, where indifpenfible, are extremely low ; But much of the public bufinefs is done gratis. The honour of ferving the public ably and faith fully, is deemed fufficient. Public jpirit really exifts there, and has great effects, in England, it is uni^erfally deemed a non-entity, and whoever pretends to it, is laughed at as a fool, or fulpedteil as a knave. The committees of congrefs, which form the board of war, the board of treafury, "the board of foreign affairs, the naval board, that for accounts, &c. all attend the bufmefs of their re- fpective functions, without any falary or emolu ment whatever; though they fpend in it much more of their time than any Lord of Treafury or Admi ralty in England can fpare, from his amufements. A Britifh minifter lately computed, that the whole expence of the Americans, in their civil go vernment, over three millions of people, amount ed to but 70,000 1. fterling; and drew from thence a conclufion, that they ought to be taxed, until their expence was equal in proportion to that which it cofts Britain to govern eight millions. He had no idea of a contrary concluiion ; that if three mil lions may be well governed for 70,000!. eight millions may be as well governed for three times' that fum ; and that therefore the expence of his C c c 2 own 380 Comparlfon of Great "Britain and own government fhould be diminished. In that corrupted nation, no man is afhamed of being con cerned in lucrative Government jobs, in which the public money is egregioufly mifapplied and fquandered, the treafury pillaged, and more nu merous and heavy taxes accumulated; to the great oppreffion of the people. But the profpect of a greater number of fuch jobs by a war is an, inducement with many to cry out for war upon all occafions, and to oppofe every propofition of peace. Hence the conftant increafe of the national debt, and the abfolute improbability of its ever being difcharged. 4. Refpecting the amount and certainty of in come, and folidity of fecurity ; the whole Thirteen States of America are engaged for the payment of every debt contracted by the congrefs ; and the debt to be contracted by the prefent war, is the only debt they will have to pay ; all, or nearly all the former debts of particular colonies being al ready difcharged. Whereas England will have to pay, not only the enormous debt this war muft occasion, but all their vaft preceding debt, or the intereft of it; and while America is enriching itfelf by prizes made upon the Britim commerce, more than it ever did by any commerce of its own, under the reftraints of a Britim monopoly; Britain. is growing poorer by the lofs of that monopoly, and the diminution of its revenues; and of courfe lefs able to difcharge the prefent indifcreet increafe gt its expences. T c. Re- > [A: D.T.] America as to Credit, in 1777. 381 5. Refpedting profpects of greater future ability, Britain has none fuch. Her iflands are circum- fcribed by the ocean ; and excepting a few parks or forefts, me has no new land to cultivate, and cannot therefore extend her improvements. Her numbers too, inftead of increafing from increafed fubfiflence -, are continually diminifhing from growing luxury, and the increafing difficulties of maintaining families, which of courfe difcourages early marriages. Thus me will have fewer peo ple to affifl in paying her debts, and that dimi- nifhed number will be poorer. America, on the contrary, has beiides her lands already cultivated, a vaft territory yet to be cultivated ; which being cultivated, continually increafe in value with the increafe of people ; And the people, who double themfelves by a natural propagation every twenty five years, will double yet fafter, by the acceffion of grangers, as long as lands are to be had for new families j So that every twenty years, there will be a double number of inhabitants obliged to difcharge the public debts ; and thofe inhabi tants being more opulent, may pay their mares with greater eafe. 6. Refpecting prudence in general affairs, and the advantages to be expected from the loan de- fired; the Americans are cultivators of land j thofe engaged in fifhery and commerce are few, com pared with the others. They have ever conducted tjieir fpveral governments with wifdom, avoiding wars, and vain expenfive projects ; delighting only in their peaceable occupations, which muft, con- fidering 3 82 Comparifon of Great Britain and fidering the extent of their uncultivated territory, find them employment ftiil for ages. Whereas England, ever unquiet, ambitious, avaricious, imprudent, and quarrelfome, is half of the time engaged in war; always at an expence infinitely greater than the advantage to be obtained by it, if fuccefsful. Thus they made war againft Spain in 1739, fora claim of about 95,000!. (fcarce a groat for each individual of the nation) and fpent forty millions fterling in the war, and the lives of fifty thoufand men ; and finally made peace without obtaining fatisfaction for the fum claimed. Indeed, there is fcarce a nation in Europe, againft which me has not made war on fome frivolous pre text or other; and thereby imprudently accumu lated a debt that has brought her on the verge of bankruptcy. But the moft indifcreet of all her wars, is the prefent againft America; with which fhe might, for ages, have preferved her profitable connection, only by a juft and equitable conduct. She is now acting like a mad Shopkeeper, who, by beating thofe that pafs his doors, attempts to make them come in, and be his cuftomers. America cannot fubmit to fuch treatment, without being firft ruined; and being ruined, her cuftorn will be worth nothing. England, to effect this, is increafing her debt, and irretrievably ruining her- felf. America, on the other hand, aims only to eftablifh her liberty, and that freedom of com merce which will be advantageous to all Europe ; And by abolifhing that monopoly which fhe la boured under, fhe will profit infinitely more than enough, [A: D.T.] America as to Credit, In 1777. 383 enough, to repay any debt which fhe may con tract to accomplish it. 7. Refpecting character in the hone/I payment of debts ; The punctuality with which America has difcharged her public debts, was ihewn under the firft head. And the general good difpofition of the people to fuch punctuality, has been mani- fefted in their faithful payment of private debts to England, fince the commencement of this war. There were not wanting fome politicians [in America,] who propofed flopping that payment) until peace mould be reftored; alleging that in the ufual courfe of commerce, and of the credit given, there was always a debt exifting equal to the trade of eighteen months : That the trade amounting to five millions flerling per annum, the debt muft be feven millions and an half; that this fum paid to the Britim merchants, would operate to prevent that diftrefs, intended to be brought upon Britain, by our ftoppage of com merce with her : For the merchants receiving this money, and no orders with it for farther fup* plies, would either lay it out in the public funds ; or in employing manufacturers, to accumulate goods, for a future hungry market in America, upon an expected accommodation ; by which means the funds would be kept up, and the manu facturers prevented from murmuring. But againfl this it 'was alleged, that injuries from ministers fhould not be revenged on merchants; that the credit was in confequence of private contracts, made in confidence of good faith; that thefe ought to 384 Comparifon of Great Britain, &c. to be held facred, and faithfully complied with ; For that whatever public utility might be fuppofed to arife from a breach of private faith, it was unj ufr. ; and would in the end be found unwife ; honefty, being in truth, the beft policy. On this princi ple, the proportion was univerfally rejected ; and though the Englifh profecuted the war, with unexampled barbarity, burning our defencelefs towns in the midft of winter, and arming favages againft us; the debt was punctually paid; And the merchants of London have teftified to the parlia ment, and will teftify to all the world, that from their experience in dealing with us, they had, before the war, no appreheniion of our unfairnefs; and that fince the war, they have been convinced, that their good opinion of us was well founded. ^England, on the contrary, an old, corrupt, extravagant, and profligate nation, fees herfelf deep in debt, which me is in no condition to pay ; and yet is madly, and difhoneftly, running deeper, without any poffibility of difcharging her debt, but by a public bankruptcy. It appears, therefore, from the general induftry, frugality, ability, prudence, and virtue of Ame rica, that me is a much fafer debtor than Britain ; To fay nothing of the fatisfadlion generous minds muft have in reflecting, that by loans to America, they are oppoling tyranny, and aiding the caufe of liberty, which is the caufe of all mankind. IV. PAPERS IV. PAPERS O N SUBJECTS O F * PROVINCIAL POLITICS, N. B. All the Papers under ibis divlfton are dijlinguijhed by the letters [ P. P. ] placed in the running title at the head of each leaf, Ddd [P.p.] [ 387 ] Report of the Committee of Aggrievances of the Aflembly 0/'Penfylvania, dated Feb. 22, 1757*. IN obedience to the order of the houfe, we have drawn up the heads of the moft important aggrievances that occur to us, which the people or this province with great difficulty labour under j the many infractions of the conftitution, (in mani- feft violation of the royal grant, the proprietary charter, the laws of this province, and of the laws, ufages, and cuftoms of our mother country;) and other matters $ which we apprehend call aloud for redrefs. They are as follow : * [TheEngliih colony-governments feem to have been confidered as of three forts. Firft, Provincial governments ; where the conftitu tion originally depends on the King's commiffion and inftrudtions, given to his governors ; and the aflemblies held under that authority, have their fhare in making local ordinances not repugnant to Englifh law. Next, Proprietary governments ; where a diftrid of country is given by the crown to individuals, attended with certain legiflative powers in the nature of a fief; with a provifion for the fovereisnty at home, and alfo for the fulfilment of the terms and end of the grant. Laftly, Charter governments, where the form of government is pre- vioufly prefcribed and made known to the fettlers, being in no de- free left fubjeft to a governor's commiffion or proprietor's will. (See lackftone, Vol. I. Introd. 4.) Good faith however to mankind feemed to require, that the conftitutions once begun under the pro vincial or proprietary governments, ihould remain unaltered (except for improvement,) to the refpedive fettlers ; equally as in charter go vernments. By the laft paragraph of the above report, it feems that the a/Tern-' tly eflablifhed in Penfylvania intended to fend Commijfioners to Eng land, to folicit redrefs of various grievances, particularly refpedting their proprietor's conduit ; and that the bufmefs being referred to a committee of the a'ffembly, the following report was meant to con vey the opinion of that committee concerning the initruftions necef- fary to be given by the aflembly to the commiffioners. E.j D d d 2 Firft, 388 Report of the Committee of By the royal charter, (which has ever been, ought to be, and truly is, the principal and invariable fundamental of this conftitution) King Charles the Second did give and grant unto William Penn, his heirs and affigns, the province of Penfylvania ; and alfo to him and his heirs, and his or their deputies or lieutenants, free, full, and abfolute power for the good and happy go vernment thereof, to make and enact any laws, by the affemblies of this province (ever anxious to maintain his honour and rights,) have been re jected; to the great encouragement of hisMajefty's enemies, and the imminent danger of the lofs of this his colony. Secondly, The reprefentatives of the people in general affembly met, by virtue of the faid royal grant, and the charter of privileges granted by the laid William Penn, and a law of this province^ have right to, and ought to enjoy all the powers and privileges of an affembly ; according to the rights of the free-born fubjedls of England, and as is ufual in any of the plantations in America: [Alfo] it is ah indubitable and now an incontefted right of the commons of England to grant aids and fupplies to his Majefty in any manner they think moft eafy to themfelves and the people; and they [alfo] are the fole judges of the meafure y man-* ner and time of granting and raifing the fame. Never* "Report of the Committee of Neverthelefs the proprietaries of this province, in contempt of the faid royal grant, proprietary charter, and law of their colony; defigning to fub- vert the fundamentals of this confutation, to de prive the afTembly and people of their rights and privileges, and to afiume an arbitrary and tyran nical power over the liberties and properties of his Majefty's liege fubjects ; have fo reftra^ned their governors by the defpotlc inftru5lions y (which are not to be varied from, and are particularly direc tory in the framing and paffing of money bills and fupplies to his Majefty, as to the mode, meafure, and time;) that it is impoffible for -the aflembly, fhould they lofe all fenfe of their moft effential rights, and comply with thofe inftructions, to grant fufficient aids for the defence of this his Majefty's province from the common enemy. thirdly, In purfuance of fundry acts of general aiTembly, approved of by the crown, [and] a natural right inherent in every man antecedent to all laws ; the afTemblies of this province have had the power of difpofing of the public monies, that have been raifed for the encouragement of trade and fupport of government, by the intereft-money arifing by the loan of the bills of credit and theexcife. No part of thefe monies was ever paid by the proprie taries , or ever raifed on their eftates ; and there fore they can have no pretence of right to a voice in the difpofition of them. They have ever been applied with prudent frugality to the honour and advantage of the public, and the King's immediate fervice, to the general approbation of the people : the [P.. P.] Aggrievances of Penfyhanta. 391 the credit of the government has been preferved, and the debts of the public punctually difcharged. In fhort, no inconveniencies, but great and many advantages have accrued, from the aflembly's pru dent care and management of thefe funds. Yet the proprietaries refolved to deprive the af- femblies of the power and means offupporting an agent in England $ and of profecuting their com plaints and remonftrating their aggrievances, when injured and oppreffed,, to his Majefly and his par liament : And to rob them of this natural right, (which has been fo often approved of by their gra cious fovereign) have, by their faid inftruclions, prohibited their governor from giving his afTent to any laws emitting or re-emitting any paper-cur rency or bills of credit, or for raiting money by cxcife or any other method ; unlefs the governor or commander in chief for the time being,, by claufes to be inferted therein, have a negative in the difpofition of the monies arifing thereby ; let the languishing circumftances of our trade be ever fo great, and a further or greater medium be ever fo neceflary for its fupport. "Fourthly, By the laws and fiatutes of England, the chief rents, honours, and caftles of the crown are taxed, and pay their proportion, to the fupplies- that are granted to the King for the defence of the realm and fupport of government : His Majefty*, the nobility of the realm,, and all the Britifh fub- jedts, do now actually contribute their proportion^ towards the defence of America in general,, and this province in particular ; And it is in a more efpeeiali 392 Report of the Committee of efpecial manner the duty of the proprietaries to pay their proportion of a tax for the immediate prefervation of their own eftates, in this province. To exempt therefore any part of their eftates from their reafonable part of this neceflary burthen, is as unjuft as it is illegal, and as new as it is arbi trary. Yet the proprietaries, notwithstanding the ge neral danger to which the nation and its colonies are expofed, and great diftrefs of this province in particular; by their faid inftructions, have prohibi ted their governors from paffing laws fur the raffing fupplies for its defence; unlefs all their located, unimproved, and unoccupied lands, quit-rents, fines and purchafe monies on intereft, (the much greater part of their enormous eftates in this colony) are exprefsly exempted from paying any part of the tax. Fifthly, By virtue of the faid royal charter, the proprietaries are inverted with a power of doing every thing " which unto a compleat eftabliih- " ment of juftice, unto courts and tribunals, " forms of judicature, and manner of proceedings, " do belong." It was certainly the import and defign of this grant, that the courts of judicature fhould be formed, and the judges and officers thereof, hold their commiffions, in a manner not repugnant, but agreeable to the laws and cuftoms of England ; that thereby they might remain free from the influence of perfons in power ; the rights of the people might be preserved, and their pro perties [P. P.] Aggrievances of Penfyhania. 393 perties effectually fecured. That the grantee, William Perm (understanding the faid grant in this light) did, by his original frame of government, co venant and grant with the people, that the judges and other officers mould hold their commimona during their good behaviour) and no longer. . Notwithstanding which, the governors of this province have for many years part, granted all the commiffions to the judges of the King's Bench or fupreme court of this province, and to the judges of the court of Common Pleas of the feveral coun ties ; to he held during their will and pleafure : By means whereof, the faid judges being fubjecT: to the influence and directions of the proprietaries and their governors, their favourites and creatures, the laws may not be duly administered or executed, but often wrefted from their true fenfe to ferve particular purpofes : the foundation of juftice may be liable to be deftroyed ; and the lives, laws, liberties, privileges and properties of the people thereby rendered precarious and altogether infe- cure j to the great difgrace of our laws, and the inconceivable injury of his Majefty's fubjecls. Your committee further beg leave to add, that beiides thefe aggrievances, there are other hard- fhips the people of this province have experienced, that call for redrefs. The inlifiment ofjervanfs without the leaft Jatisfatfion being made to the rn af ters, has not only prevented the cultivation of our lands., and diminished the trade and commerce of the province $ but is a burthen extremely unequal and E e e oppreffive 394 Report of the Committee of oppreffive to individuals. And mould the pra&icc continue, the confequence muft prove very difcou- raging to the further fettlement of this colony, and prejudicial to his Majefty's future fervice. Juftice, therefore, demands that fatisfaclion fliould be made to the matters of fuch inlifted fervants ; and that the right of matters to their fervants be confirmed and fettled. But as thofe fervants have been in- lifted into his Majefty's fervice for the general de fence of America, and not of this province only ; but all the colonies, and the nation in general, have and will receive equal benefit from their fervice ; this fatisfaction mould be made at the expence of the nation, and not of the province only. That the people now labour under a burthen of taxes almoft infupportable by fo young a colony, for the defence of its long- extended frontier, of about two hundred miles from New Jerfey to Maryland j without either of thofe colonies-,., or the three lower counties on Delaware contributing their proportion thereto ; though their frontiers are in a great meafure covered and protected by our forts. And mould the war continue, and with it this unequal burthen, many of his Majefty's fubjects in this province will be reduced to want ; and the province, if not loft to the enemy, in volved in debt, and funk under its load. That not with ftanding this weight of taxes,, the: aflemblies of this province have given fo the ge neral fervice of the nation, five thoufand pounds to purcljafe,provifions for the troops under General Braddockj 2,985!. o 5, i id, for clearing a road [P, P.] Aggrievances of Penjyfoania. 395 by his orders , 10,514!. IDS. id. to General Shirley, for the purchafing provifions for the New England forces j and expended the fum of 2385!. os. 2f d. in fupporting the inhabitants of Nova Scotia ; Which like wife we conceive ought to be a national expence. And that his Maje/ly's fubjects, the merchants and infurers in England, as well as the merchants here and elfewhere ; did during the laft, and will during the prefent war, greatly [fufferj, in their property, trade, and commerce, by the enemy 's privafeers on this coaft, and at our capes ; unlefs fome method be fallen on to prevent it. Wherefore your committee are of opinion, That the commiffioners intended to be fent to Eng land, to folicit a memorial and redrefs of the many infractions and violations of the conftitution ; mould alfo have it in charge, and be inftrudled to reprefent to our moft gracious Sovereign and his parliaments, the feveral unequal burthens and hardfhips before-mentioned ; and endeavour to procure fatisfaction to the matters of fuch fervants as have been inlifted, and the right of matters to their fervants eftablifhed and confirmed ; and obtain a repayment of the faid feveral fums of mo ney -, fome affiftance towards defending our exten- five frontier ; and a veflel of war to protect the trade and commerce of this province. Submitted to the correction of the houfe. Feb. 22, 1757. E e e 2 To [ 396 ] the Freemen of Penfyfoania, on thefubjeffi of a particular Militia Bill, rejected by the 'Proprietor 's deputy or governor. Philadelphia, Sept. 28, 1764. Gentlemen, 'OUR defire of knowing how the militia bill came to fail in the, laft AfTembly, mall im mediately be complied with. As the Governor prefled hard fora militia law, to fecure the internal peace of the province, and the people of this country had not been accuftomed to militia fervice ; the houfe, to make it more generally agreeable to the freeholders, formed the bill fo as that they might have fome mare in the election of the officers; to fecure them from having abfolute ftrangers fet over them, or perfons gene rally difagreeable. This was no more, than that every company ihould choofe, and recommend to the Governor, three perfons for each office of Captain, Lieute nant, and Enfign ; out of 'which three, the Go vernor was to commiffion one that he thought moft proper, or which he pleafed, to be the officer. And that the Captains, Lieutenants, and Enfigns, fo commiffioned by the Governor; mould, in their refpeclive regiment?, choofe and recom mend three perfons for each office of Colonel^ Lieutenant-Colonel, and Major j out of which three; [P.P.] ?o the "Freemen ofPenfyfaania, &c. 397 three the Governor was to commiffion one, which ever he pleafed, to each of the faid offices. The Governor's amendment to the bill in this particular, was, to ftrike out wholly this privilege of the people - y and take to himfelf the fole ap pointment of all the officers. The next amendment was to aggravate and c i *e all the fines- A fine that the AfFembly had made One hundred pounds, and thought heavy enough; the Governor required to be Three hundred pounds. What they had made Fifty- pounds, he required to be One hundred and fifty. Thefe were fines on the commiffioned officers" for difobedience to his commands -, but the nori commiffioned officers, or common foldiers, who, for the ame offence the Affembly propofed tcr fine at Ten pounds,, the Governor iniifted mould' be fined Fifty pounds. Thefe fines, and fbme others to be mentioned hereafter, the Affembly thought ruinoufly high r But when, in a fubfequent amendment, the- Governor would, for offences among the militia, take away the trial by jury in the common courts ; and required, that the trial mould be by a court- martial, compoled of officers of his own fole ap pointing, who mould have power of fentencing- even to Death j the Houfe cauld by no means" confent thus to give up their constituents liberty, eftate, and life itfelf, into the abfolute power of a proprietary Governor ; and fo the bill failed. That you may be affured I da not mifrepreient this matter, I (hall give you the laft mentioned 39 8 *o the Freemen ofPenJyfoama, amendment (fo called) at full length ; and for the truth and exact nefs of my copy I dare appeal to Mr. Secretary Shippen. The words of the bill, p. 43. were, " Every ** fuch perfon fo offending, being legally convicted " thereof," &c. By the words legally consisted* was intended a conviction after legal trial, in th& common courfe of the laws of the land. But the Governor required this addition immediately to follow the words ["convicted thereof"] viz. ' by ' a court-martial; mail fufFer DEATH, or fuch ' other punimment as fuch court, by their fen- * tence or decree, mall think proper to inflict * and pronounce. And be it farther enacted by * the authority aforefaid, That when and fo often * as it may be neceffary, the Governor and Com- * mander in chief for the time being, mall ap- * point and commiffionate, under the great feal * of this province, fixteen commiffioned officers ' in each regiment ; with authority and power to * them or any thirteen of them to hold courts- ' martial, of whom a field officer mall always * be one, and prefident of the faid court ; and ' fuch courts-martial mall and are hereby im- * powered to adminiflcr an oath to any witnefs, 4 in order to the examination or trial of any of * the offences which by this act are made cog- * nizable in fuch courts, and mall come before ' them. Provided always, that in all trials by * a court-martial by virtue of this act, every offi- * cer prefent at fuch trial, before any proceedings * be had therein, mall take an oath upon the * holy [P. P.] on a particular Militia B///. 3.99 * holy evangelifts, before one Juftice of. the peace * in the county where fuch court is held ; who * are hereby authorized to adminifter the fame, * in the following words, that is to fay j " I A. B. " do fwear, that I will duly adminifter juftice *' according to evidence; and to the directions of " an act, in titled, An Adi for forming and regu " lating the militia of the province of Penfylvania, *' without partiality, favour or affection; and that " I will not divulge the fentence of the court, ** until it mall be approved of by the Governor " or Commander in chief of this province for the " time being ; neither will I, upon any account, " at any time whatfoever, difclofe or difcover the- " vofe or opinion of any particular member of " the court-martial. So help me God." 'And * no fentence of Death, or other fentence, mail ' be given againft any offender, but by the con- * currence of nine ef the officers fo fworn. And * no fentence pafled againft any offender by fuch ' court-martial mail be put ia execution, until * report be made of the whole proceedings to * the Governor or Commander in chief of this ' province for the time being, and his directions * fignified thereupon.' It is obfervable here, that by the common eourfe of juftice, a man is to be tried by a Jury of his neighbours and fellows ; impannelled by a, iJieriff, in whofe appointment the people have a choice : the prifoner too has a right to challenge twenty of the pannel, without giving a reafon,, and as many more as he can, give reafons for dial- 400 70 the "Freemen of Penjykama, lenging ; and before he can be convicled, the Jury are to be unanimous ; they are all to agree that he is guilty, and are therefore all accountable for their verdict. But by this amendment, the Jury (if they may be fo called) are all officers of the Governor's fole appointing - y and not one of them can be challenged -> And though a common militia man is to be tried, no common militia man mall be of that Jury; And fo far from requiring all to agree, a bare majority mail be fufficient to con demn you. And left that majority mould be un der any check or reftraint, from an apprehenfion of what the world might think or fay of the feve- rity or injuftice of their fentence ; an Oath is to be taken, never to difcover the vote or opinion of any particular member ! Thefe are fome of the chains attempted to be forged for you by the Proprietary faction i Who advifed the G r is not difficult to know. They are the very men, who now clamour at the Af- fembly for a propofal of bringing the trial of a particular murder to this county, from another, where it was not thought fafe ,for any man to be either juryman or witnefs ; and j call it disfran- chiiing the people ! who are now bawling about the conftitution, and pretending vaft concern for your liberties ! In refilling you the kaft means of recommending or expreffing your regard for perfons to be placed over you as officers, and who were thus to be made your judges in life and eflate ; th.y have not regarded the example of the- King, our wife as well as kiad mailer ; who in all [P. P.] en a particular Militia BilL 401 all his reqirifitions made to the colonies, of railing troops for their defence, directed that " the bet- mom nt" the fatal moment, y.'hen t h e houfe were on the Pir,t or choofing that wicked adverfary of the proprietary, to be an agent for the province in England. But I have, you fay, a " fixed enmity to the proprietaries '," and "you believe it will" pre- " dude all accommodation of our difputes with " them, even on juft and reafonable terms." And why do you think I have a fixed enmity to the proprietaries ? I have never had any perfonal difference with them. I am no land-jobber ; and therefore have never had any thing to do with their land-office or officers; if I had, probably, like others, I might have been obliged to truckle to their meafures, or have had like caufes of com plaint. But our private interefts never clamed ; and all their refentment againft me, and mine to them, has been on the public account. Let them do juftice to the people of Penfylvania, act ho nourably by the citizens of Philadelphia, and be come honeft men ; my enmity, if that's of any coniequence, ceafes from the " very moment ;" and, as loon as I poffibly can, I promife to love, honour and refpecl them. In the mean time, \Viiy do you " believe it will preclude all ac- " commodation with them on juft and reafonable G g g 2 " terms ?" 4 1 2 Reply to a Pr-oteft againft Dr. Franklin , " terms ?" Do you not boaft, that their gracious condefceniions are in the hands of the governor ; and that " if this had been the ufual time for " bulinefs, his honour would have fent them " down in a mefTage to the houfe." How then can my going to England prevent this accommo dation ? The governor can call the Houfe when he pleafes ; and, one would think, that, at leaft in your opinion, my being out of the way would be a favourable circumftance. For then, by " cul- " tivating the difpofition mown by the proprie- " taries, every reafonabk demand that can be made " on the part of the people might be obtained: " in vigoroufly infixing on which, you promife " to unite moft earneftly with the reft of the " Houfe." It feems then we have " reafonabk " demands' to make, and as you call them a lit tle higher, equitable demands. This is much for proprietary minions to own \ But you are all growing better, in imitation of your mafter, which is indeed very commendable. And if the accom modation here mould fail, I hope that though you diflike the perfon a majority of two to one in the Houfe have thought fit to appoint an agent ; you will neverthelefs, in duty to your country, con tinue the noble refolution of uniting with the reft of the Houfe, in vigoroufly infifting on that equity andjufa'ce, which fuch an union will undoubtedly obtain for us. I pafs over the trivial charge againft the Af- fembly, that they " acled with unneceffary hajle to this appointment,, without " making [P.P.] ez/ Provincial Agent. 413 " making a fmall adjournment," &c. and your affected apprehenfions of danger from that hafte. The neceflity of expedition on this occafion is as obvious to every one out of doors, as it was to thofe within; and the fears you mention are not, I fancy, conliderable enough to break your reft. I come then to your high charge againft me, " That I " heretofore ventured, contrary to an act of Af- " fembly, to place the public money in the flocks; " whereby this province fufFered a lofs of 6oool. *' and that fum, added to the 5000!. granted for " my expences, makes the whole coft of my for- ft mer voyage to England amount to ELEVEN " THOUSAND POUNDS !" How wifely was that form in our laws contrived, which when a man is arraigned for his life, requires the evidence to fpeak the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth ! The reafon is manifefr.. A falfhood may deflroy the innocent ; fo may part of a truth without the whole-, and a mixture of truth and falfhood may be full as pernicious. You, Mr. Chief Juftice, and the other juftices among the protefters, and you, Sir, who are a Counfellor at Law ; muft all of you be well acquainted with this excellent form ; and when you arraigned my reputation (dearer to me than life) before the Af- fembly, and now at the refpeftable tribunal of the public ; would it not have well become your Honours to have had fome fmall regard at leafl to the fpirit of that form ? You might have men tioned, that the direction of the aft to lodge the money in the Bank, fubjecl: to the drafts of the truftees 414 Reply to a Protefiagainft Dr. Frank] i n , truftees of the loan-office here, was impracticable; that the bank refufed to receive it on thofe terms ; it beingcontrary to their fettled rules to takecharge of money fubject to the orders of unknown people living in diftant countries. You might have men tioned, that the houfe being informed of this, and having no immediate call for the money, did themfehes adopt the meafure of placing it in the flocks, which then were low -, where it might on a peace produce a confiderable profit, and in, the mean time accumulate an interefl : That they even pafTed a bill, directing the fubfequent fums granted by parliament, to be placed with the former: that the meafure was prudent and fafe; and that the lofs arofe, not from placing the money IN the flocks, but from the imprudent and un- necefTary DRAWING IT OUT at the very time when they were lowefl, on fome flight uncertain rumours of a peace concluded : that if the arTembly had let it remain another year, inflead of lofmg they would have gained Six T'houfand pounds ; and that after all, fince the exchange at which they fold their bills, was near twenty per cent, higher when they drew than when the flocks were purchafed, the lofs was far from being fo great as you reprefent it. All thefe things you might have faid; for they are, and you know them to be, part of the whole truth ; but they would have fpoiled your accufation. The late fp.aker of your honourable Houfe, Mr. Norris, (who has, I fuppofe, all my letters to him, and copies of his own to me, relating to that tranfaction) can teflify with how much in tegrity [P.P.] as Provincial Agent. 4 1 5 tegrity and clearnefs I managed the whole affair. All the Houie were fenfible of it, being from, time to time fully acquainted with the fa<5ls. If I had gone to gaming in the (locks with the public money, and through my fault a fum was loft, as your proteft would infinuate ; why was I not cen- fured and punifhed for it when I returned ? You, honourable Sir (my enemy of feven years {landing) was then in the Houfe. You were appointed on the committee for examining my accounts ; you reported that you found them juft, and iigned that report*. I never folicited the employ of agent; I made * Report of the Committee on Benjamin Franklin'/ Accounts. " In obedience to the order of the Houfe, we have examined the account of Benjamin Franklin, Efq; with the vouchers to us pro duced in fupport thereof; and do find the fame account to be juft, and that he has expended, in the immediate fervice of this pro vince, the fum of Seven hundred and Fourteen pounds, 'Tenjhillings and Seven-pence, out of the fum of Fifteen hundred pounds fterling, to him remitted and paid; exclufive of any allowance or charge for his fupport and fervices for the province. JOHN MORTON, JOHN HUGHES, WILLIAM ALLEN, SAMUEL RHOADS, February 19, 1763. JOHN Ross, JOHN WILKINSON, JOHN MOOR, ISAAC PEARSON. JOSEPH Fox, " The Houfe taking the foregoing report of the committee of ac- *' counts into consideration, and having fpent fome time therein, " Refolded, " That the fum of Five hundred pounds fterling per annum be allowed and given to Benjamin Franklin, Efq; late agent for the province of Penfylvania at the court of Great Britain, during his abfence of fix years from his bufinefs and connections, in the fer vice of the public ; and that the thanks of this Houfe be alfo given to the faid Gentleman by Mr. Speaker, from the chair ; as well for the faithful difcharge of his duty to this province in particular, as for the many and important fervices done America in general, 4 during his refidence in Great Britain. 3 * Thar/da?, 4 1 6 Reply to a Proteft agalnft Dr. Franklin, I made no bargain for my future fervice, when I was ordered to England by the arTembly ; nor did they vote me any falary. I lived there near fix years at my own expence ; and I made no charge or demand when I came home. You, Sir, of all others, was the very member that propofed (for the honour , and juftice of the Houfe) a compenfa- tion to be made me of the Five thouf and pounds you mention. Was it with an intent to reproach me thus publicly for accepting it? I thanked the Houfe for it then, and I thank you now for pro- poling it : Though you, who have lived in Eng land, can eafily conceive, that befides the prejudice to my private affairs by my abfence, a Thouf and -pounds more would, not have reimburfed me. The money voted was immediately paid me. But if I had occafioned the lofs of Six thouf and pounds to the province, here was a fair opportunity of fecu ring eafily the greatell part of it; why was not the Five thoufand pounds deducted, and the remainder called for ? The reafon is, this accu- fation was not then invented. Permit me to add, Thurfday, March 31, 1763. " Purfuant to a refolve of the nineteenth of lalt month, that the thanks of this Houfe be given to Benjamin Franklin, Efq; for his many fervices noj: only to the province tf-Penjyl'vania, but to America in general, during his late agency at the court of Great Britain j the fame were this day accordingly given in form from the chair. To which Mr. Franklin, refpe&fully addreffing himfelf to the Speaker, made anfwer, That he was thankful to the Houfe, for the very handfome and generous allowance they had been pleafed to make him for his fervices ; but that the ap probation of this Houfe was, in his eftimation, far above every ** other kind of recornpence." Votes, 1763. that [P.P.] as Provincial Agent* 417 that fuppofing the whole Eleven thoufand pounds an cxpence occafioned by my voyage to England-, yet the taxation of the proprietary eftate now efta- blifhed, will, when valued by years purchafe, be found in time an advantage to the public, far ex ceeding that expence. And if the expence is at prefent a burthen, the odium of it ought to lie on thole who, by their injuftice, made the voyage neceflkry ; and not on me, who only fubmitted to the orders, of the houfe, in undertaking it. I am now to take leave (perhaps a laft leave) of the country I love, and in which I have fpent the greateft part of my life. ESTO PERPETUA.. I wifh every kind of profperity to my friends* * and I forgive my enemies *. FRANKLIN. * [Dr. Franklin appears from this pafiage to have been on the point of returning to England. See alfo his Examination, p. 294. E.] H h h PREFACE 41 8 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. PR E F A c E by a Member of the Penfylvanian Affembly [viz. Dr. Franklin] to the Speech of Jofeph Galloway, Efq; one of the Members for Phila delphia County -, in Anfiver to the Speech of John Dickinfon, Efq; delivered in the Houfe of Affembly of the Province of Penfylvania y May 24, 1764$ on Occafion of a Petition drawn up by Order, and then under the Confe deration of the Houfe, praying His Majejly for a Royal, in lieu of a Proprietary, Government *. TTT is not merely becaufe Mr.JD/H'm/cvz's fpeech * was ufliered into the. world by a preface, that one is made to this of Mr. Galloway. But as in * [As I am very much unacquainted with the hiftory and prin ciples of thefe provincial politics, I (hall confine myfelf to fome im- yerfeft anecdotes concerning the parties, &c. A fpeech which Mr. Dickinfon had delivered in the Penfylvania aflembly againft the abo lition of the proprietary government, having been publiihed, and a preface having been written to it as I think by a Dr. Smith ; Mr. Galloway's fpeech was held forth as a proper anfwef to that fpeech , -while the preface tQ it appeared balanced by the above preface from Dr. Franklin. Mr. Galloway's fpeech, or probably the advertife- rnent that attended itj urged, I believe, Mr. Dickinfon firft to a chal lenge, and then to a printed reply. The controverfy was quickly Tepublimed in England, or at lead the principal parts of it; and it is from the Englifh edition of Mr. Galloway's fpeech, (printed in London by Nichols in 1765) that I have copied the above. Thefe feveral gentlemen however feem for a time to have better agreed in their fubfequent opinions, concerning American taxation by Great Britain ; Mr. Dickinfon in particular having taken a very fpirited line in the Farmer's Letters and other pieces, which procured him considerable reputation. The Congrefs declaration neverthelefs for independence, was reported not to have given perfect fatisfadlion, at firft, either to himfelf or to Mr. Galloway. And in the event, Mr. Galloway, thought proper to come over to General Howe, and afterwards to embark for England. E.J that [P.P.] Of Governors bargaining ivitbAffemblies. 419 that preface a number of afperfions were thrown on our ailemblies, and their proceedings grofly mifreprefented ; it was thought necefiary to wipe thofe afperfions off by fome proper animadvern'ons; and by a true ilate of facts, to rectify thofe mif- reprefentations. The preface begins with faying, that ' Gover- ' nor Denny, (whofe adminiftration will never be c mentioned but with difgrace in the annals of * this province,) was induced by confiderations to * which the world is now no ftranger, to pafs ' fundry acts,' &c. thus infinuating, that by fome unufual bafe bargain fecretly made, but afterwards difcovered, he was induced to pafs them. It is fit, therefore, without under taking to juf- tify all that Governor's admin iflration, to mew what thofe confiderations were. Ever fince the revenue of the quit-rents firfc, and after that, the revenue of tavern-licences, were fettled irrevo cably on our proprietors and governors ; they have looked on thofe incomes as their proper eftate, for which they were under no obligations to the people : and when they afterwards concurred in paffing any ufeful laws, they confidered them as fo many jobs,, for which they ought to be par ticularly paid. Hence arofe the cuftom of pre- fents twice a year to the Governors, at the clofe of each feffion in which laws were pafTed, given at the time of paffing : they ufually amounted to a thoufand pounds per annum. But when the Governors and AfTemblies diiagreed, fo that laws H h h 2 were; PREFACE to Mr. Galloway V Speech. were not pafled, the prefents were withheld.-*^ When a diipofition to agree enfued, there fome- times ftill remained fomt diffidence. The Governors would not pafs the laws thut were wanted, with out being fure of the. money, even all that they called their arrears j nor the AfFembiies iy.e the money without being fure of the laws. Thence the neceffity of fome private conference, in which mutual affurances of good faith might be received and given, that the tranfactions fhould go hand in hand. What name the impartial reader will give to this kind of commerce, I cannot fay :' To me it appears an extortion of more money from the people, for that to which they had before an undoubted right, both by the confHtution and by purchafe ; but there was no other lliop they could go to for the commodity they wanted, and they were obliged to comply. Time eftablifhed the cuftom, and made it ieem honed ; fo that our Governors, even thole of the moft undoubted honour, have practiced it. Governor Thomas, after a long mifunderftanding with the Aflembly, went more openly to work with them in manag ing this commerce, and they with him. The fact is curious, as it ilands recorded in the votes of 1742-3. Sundry bills fent up to the Governor for his ailent had lain long in his hands, without any anfwer. Jan. 4. the Houfe ' Ordered, That ' Thomas Leech and Edward Warner wait upon ' the Governor j and acquaint him, that the Houfe * had long waited for his refult on the bills that * lie before him, and deiire to know when they 4 may [P.P.] OfGoverttors bargaining wlthdjjemblies. 4^1 ' may expedfc it :' The gentlemen return, and re port, ' That they waited upon the Governor, and * delivered the meiTage of the Houfe according to ' order j and that the Governor was pleafed to lay, * He had had the bills long under confederation, * and waited the refult of the Houfe.' The Houfe well underftood this hint -, and immediately re- folved into a committee of the whole Houfe, to take what was called the Governor's fupport into confideration ; in which they made (the minutes fay) Jbme frogrcfs j and the next morning it ap pears, that that progrefs, whatever it was, had been communicated to him ; for he fent them down this meflage by his fecretary: ' Mr. Speaker, ' The Governor commands me to acquaint you, ' that as he has received afTurances of a good dif- f pofition in the Houfe, he thinks it incumbent qn * him to mew the like on his part ; and therefore ' fends down the bills which lay before him, * without any amendment.' As this merTage only fhewed a good difpofition, but contained no prq- mife to pals the bills, the Houfe feem to have had their doubts ;' and therefore, February 2, when they came to refolve, on the report of the grand committee, to give the money, they guarded their refolves very cautiouily, viz. ' Refblved, Thatc?/ * the pafage of fuch bills as now lie before the * Governor, (the naturalization bill, and fuch ' other bills as may be prefented to him during ' this fitting) there be PAID him the fum of Five ' hundred pounds. Refolved alfo, That on the ' pafiage of fuch bills as now lie before the- Go- * vernor I 422 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'/ Speech. vernor (the naturalization bill, and fuch other bills as may be prefented to him this fitting) there be PAID to the Governor the -further fum. of Gne thoufand pounds, for the current year's fupport ; and that orders be drawn on the trea- furer and truftees of the loan-office, purfuant to thefe refolves.' The orders were accordingly drawn ; with which being acquainted, he ap pointed a time to pafs the bills ; which was done with one hand, while he received the orders in the other : and then with the utmoil politenefs [he] thanked the Houfe for the Fifteen hundred pounds, as if it had been a pure free gift, and a mere mark of their refpect and affection. * I thank yoUy Gentlemen (fays he) for this inftance of your regard; which I am the more pleafed with, as it gives an agreeable profpect of 'future bar- mony between me and the reprefentatives of the people/ This, reader, is an exact counterpart. of the tranfaction with Governor Denny ; except that Denny fent word to the Houfe, that he would pafs the bills before they voted the fupport. And yet here was no proprietary clamour about bri bery, &c. And why fo ? Why at that time the proprietary family, by virtue of zfecret bond they haa obtained of the Governor at his appointment, were iojhare with him the fums fo obtained of the people ! This refervation of the proprietaries they, were at that time a little afhamed of; and therefore fuch bonds were then to be fccrets. But as in every kind, of finning frequent repetition lelTens fhame, [P.P.] QftjQ^ertorsbargtiningvotthAfrembiies. 42$ fhame, and increafes boldnefs j we find the pro prietaries ten years afterwards, openly in fitting on thefe advantages to themfelves, over and above what was paid to their deputy : * Wherefore (fay they *) ' on this occafion it is neceflary that we mould c inform the people, through yourfelves their re- * prefentatives ; that as by the conftitution OUR * CONSENT is NECESSARY to their LAWS, at * the fame time that they have an undoubted right f to fuch as are neceflhry for the defence and real * fervice of the country > fo it will tend the better ' to facilitate the feveral matters which muil be '* tranfafted with us, for their reprefentatives to * ihew a regard to us and our INTEREST/ This was in their an Aver to the reprefentation of the aflembly, [Votes, December, 1754, p. 48.] on the juftice of theircontributing to Indian expences, which they had refufed. And on this claufe the committee make the following remark: 'They * tell us, their confent is necefiary to our laws, * and that it will tend the better to facilitate the ' matters which muft be tranfacled with them, ' for the reprefentatives to mew a regard to their * INTEREST: That is, (as we underfland it) c though the Proprietaries have a deputy here, * fupported by the province, who is, or ought to ' be, fully impowered to pafs all laws neceflary for * the fervice of the country ; yet, before we can * obtain fuch laws, we muft facilitate their pafTage * by paying money for the proprietaries, which * they ought to pay; or in fome fhape make it * [i. e. to the A/Tembly. E.j c their 424 P-K.E F A c E to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. ' their particular INTEREST to pa is them. We ' hope, however, that if this practice has ever ' been began, it will never be continued in this * j. i'ovince ; and that fince, as this very paragraph ' allows, we have an undoubted right to fuch ' laws, we mall always be able to obtain them from, ( the goodnefs of our fovereign, without going to * market for them to a fubje'dt.' Time has mewn that thole hopes were vain j they have been obliged to go to that market ever fince, directly or indi- redtly; of go without their laws. The practice has continued : and will continue, as long as the proprietary government fubfifts, intervening be tween the crown and the people. Do not, my courteous reader, take pet at our proprietary constitution, for thefe our bargain and fale proceedings in legiilation. It is a happy country where juftice, and what was your own before, can be had for ready money. It is ano ther addition to the value of money, and of ccurfe another fpur to induftry. Every land is not fo blelTed. There are countries where the princely proprietor claims to be lord of all pro perty, where what is your own fhall not only be wrefted from you; but the money you give to have it reftored ihall be kept with it; and your offering fo much, being a fign of your being too rich, you fhall be plundered of every thing that remained. Thefe times are not come here yet : Your prefent proprietors have never been more unreasonable hitherto, than barely to infill: on your fighting in defence of their property, and paying the expence vour- [P.P.] Of Governors bargaining mthAJfemblies. 425 yourfelves ; or if their eftates muft [ah ! mujfi be taxed towards it, that the beft of their lands mall be taxed no higher than the worfl of yours. Pardon this digremon, and I return to Gover nor Denny; But firft let me do Governor Ha milton the juftice to obferve, that whether from the uprightnefs of his own difpofition, or from the odious light the practice had been fet in on Denny's account, or from both; he did not at tempt thefe bargains, but parTed fuch laws as he thought fit to pafs, without any previous ftipula- tion of pay for them. But then, when he faw the aflembly tardy in the payment he expected, and yet calling upon him ftill to pafs more laws ; he openly put them in mind of the money, as a debt due to him from cuftom. ' in the courfe ' of the prefent year (fays he, in his mefTage of * July 8, 1763,) a great deal of public bufinefs hath been tranfacted by me, and I believe as many ufeful laws enacted, as by any of my pre- deceflbrs in the fame fpace of time ; yet I have not underftood that any allowance hath hitherto been made to me for my fupport, as hath been cuftomary in this province.' The houfe having then fome bills in hand, took the matter into im mediate confederation, and voted him five hundred pounds ; for which an order or certificate was accordingly drawn : And on the fame day the fpeaker, after the houfe had been with the gover nor, reported, ' That his Honour had been pleafed ' to give his aiTent to the bills, by enacting the * fame into laws. And Mr. Speaker farther re- I i i * ported, 426 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'* Speech. < ported, That he had then, in behalf of the houfe, * prefented their certificateof FivehundredPounds to the Governor; who was pleafed to fay, hewa$ * obliged to the houfe for the fame.' Thus we fee the practice of purchafing and paying for laws is interwoven with our proprietary conftitution, ufed in the beft times, and under the beft Gover nors. And yet, alas poor afTembly ! how will you fteer your brittle bark between thefe rocks ? If you pay ready money for your laws, and thofe laws are not liked by the proprietaries, you are charged with bribery and corruption : If you wait a 'while before you pay, you are accufed of detain ing the Governor's cuftomary right, and dunned as a negligent or di(honeft debtor, that refufes to difcharge a juft debt ! But Governor Denny's cafe, I {hall be told> differs from all thefe ; for the ats he was induced to pafs were, as the Prefacer tells us, f contrary * to his duty, and to every tie of honour and juf- * tice* Such is the imperfection of our language, and perhaps of all other languages, that notwith- ftanding we are furnimed with dictionaries innu merable, we cannot precifely know the import of words, unlefs we know of what party the man is that ufes them. In the mouth of an affembly- man, or true Penfylvanian, *' contrary to his duty " and to every tie of honour andjuitice," would mean ; the Governor's long refufa] to pafs laws, however jufl and necelTary, for taxing the pro prietary eftate : A refufa], contrary to the truft 3 repofed [P, P.] Proprietaries Obje&ions to a Law. 427 repofed in the Lieutenant-Governor by the royal charter to the rights of the people, whofe welfare it was his duty to pron ',te ; and to the nature of the contract made between the Governor and the governed, when the quit- rents and licence fees were eftablifhed, which confirmed what the pro prietaries call our " undoubted right" to necefTary laws. But in the mouth of the Proprietaries, or their creatures, "contrary to his duty, and to " every tie.of juflice and honour," means his paf- ing laws contrary to proprietary inftructions ; and contrary to the bonds he had previously given to oBferve thofe inuructions : Inftrudtions how ever, that were unjuft and unconstitutional -, and bonds, that were illegal and void from the be ginning. Much has been faid of the wickednefs of Go vernor Denny in paffing, and of the afTembly in prevailing with him to pafs, thofe afts. By the Prefacer's account of them, you would think the laws fo obtained were all bad ; for he fpeaks of but Jeven ; of which fix he fays were repealed, and the feventh reported to be. ' fundamentally WRONG ' and UNJUST/ 'and ought to be repealed, a- * lefs fix certain amendments were made there- ' in*.' Whereas in fadt there were nineteen of them; and feveral of thofe mufl have been good laws, for even the Proprietaries did not object to them. Of the eleven that they oppofed, only * This aft is intitled, An aft for granting to his Majefty the Aim of one hundred thoufand pounds j ftriking the fame in bills of, tredit, andfmking the bills by a tax on alieftates real and perfonal, I i.i 2 fix- 428 PREFACED Mr.. Galloway's. Speech. fix were repealed ; fo that it feems thefe good Gentlemen may themfelves befometimes as wrong in oppoling, as the affembly in enacting laws. But the words " fundamentally w R o N G and " UNJUST" are the great fund of triumph to the Proprietaries and their partizans. Thefe their fubfequent Governors have unmercifully dinned in the ears of the afTembly on all occafions ever iince ; for they make a part of near a dozen of their melTages. They have rung the changes on thofe words, till they worked them up to fay that the law was fundamentally wrong and unjuft in Jix feveral articles ; (Governor's mefTage, May 17, 1764.) inftead of ' ought to be repealed, unlefs ( fix alterations or amendments could be made * therein/ A law unjuft in fix feveral articles, muft be an unjuft law indeed. Let us therefore, once for all, examine this unjuft law, article by article 5 in order to fee whether our arTemblies have been fuch villains as they have been repre- fented. The^r/? particular in which their lordfhips propofed the ad: mould be amended was, ' That ' the real eftates to be taxed, be defined with pre-. * cffion -, fo as not to include the unfurveyed wafte ' land belonging to the proprietaries/ This was at moft but an obscurity to be cleared up. and though the law might well appear to their lordfhips uncertain in that particular; with us, who better know our own cuftoms, and that the proprietaries wafte unfurveyed land was never here conlidered among eftates real, fubjecl: to taxation ; there [P. P;] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 429 there was not the leaft doubt or fuppofition, that fuch lands were included in the words " all eftates * real and perfonal." The agents therefore*, knowing that the arTembly had no intention to tax thofe lands, might well fuppofe they would readily agree to remove the obfcurity. Before we go far ther, let it be obferved, that the main defign of the proprietaries in oppofing this act was, to pre vent their eftates being taxed at all. But as they know that the doctrine of proprietary exemption, which they had endeavoured to enforce here, could not be fupported there*; they bent their whole ftrength againft the act on other principles to procure its repeal -, pretending great willing- nefs to fubmit to an equitable tax j but that the afTembly, (out of mere malice, becaufe they had confcientioufly quitted Quakerifm for the church !) were wickedly determined to ruin them, to -tax all their unfurveyed wildernefs-lands, and at the higheft rates ; and by that means exempt them- felves and the people, and throw the whole bur den of the war on the proprietary family. How foreign thefe charges were from the truth, need not be told to any man in Penfylvania. And as the proprietors knew that the hundred thoufand pounds of paper money, ftruck for the defence of their enormous eftates, with others ; was ac tually ifTued, fpread through the country, and in the hands of thoufands of poor people, who had given their labour for it ; how bale, cruel, * [i. e. In England I fuppofe, when the laws were brought home to receive the King's affent. E.] and 430 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway r s Speech. and inhuman it was to endeavour, by a repeal of the aft, to ftrike the money dead in thofe hands at one blow, and reduce it all to wafte paper j to the utter confufion of all trade and dealings, and the ruin of multitudes, merely to avoid paying their ownjuft tax! Words may be wanting to exprefs, but minds will eafily conceive, and never without abhorrence 1 The fecond amendment propofed by their Lordfhips was, ' That the located uncultivated ' lands belonging to the proprietaries mail not be * affefled higher than the loiveft rate, at which any ** located uncultivated lands belonging to the in- * habitants mall be aflefled.' Had there been any proviflon in the act, that the proprietaries lands, and thofe of the people, of the fame value,, fhould be taxed differently, the one high> and: the other low; the act might well have been called in this particular fundamentally wrong and imjuft. But as there is no fuch claufe, this can not be one of the particulars on which the charge is founded ; but, like the firft, is merely a requi- fition to make the acl: clear -, by exprefs directions therein, that the proprietaries eftate mould not be, as they pretended to believe it would be, taxed higher in proportion to its value than the eftates of others. As to their prefent claim, founded on, that article, ' that the beft and mofl valuable of * their lands, fhould be taxed no higher than * the worft and leaft valuable of the people's,' it was not then thought of ; they made no fuch nor did any one dream that fo iniquitous a claim {P. P.] Proprietaries Objections to a law. 43* a claim would ever be made by men who had the leaft pretence to the characters of honourable and honeft. The third particular Was, < That all lands not 6 granted by the proprietaries ivithin boroughs an * towns , be deemed located uncultivated lands, ' and rated accordingly j and not as lots/ The claufe in the act that this relates to is, ' And whereas many valuable lots of ground within the city of Philadelphia, and the feveral bo roughs and towns within this province, remain unimproved ; Be it enacted, &c. That all fuch unimproved lots of ground within the city and boroughs aforefaid mall be rated and afTefTed according to their fituation and value, for and towards raifing the money hereby gran ted. '- i The reader will obferve, that the word is, all un improved lots j and that #// comprehends the lots belonging to the people, as well as thofe of the proprietary. There were many of the former j and a number belonging even to members of the then AiTembly; and confidering the value, the tax muft be proportionably as grievous to them, as the proprietary's to him. Is there among us a (ingle man, even a proprietary relation, officer, or dependant, fo infenfible of the differences of right and wrong, and fo confufed in his notions of jufl and unjuft; as to think and fay, that the act in this particular was fundamentally wrong and unjuft ? 1 believe not one. What then could their Lordfhips mean by the propofed amendment? Their meaning is eafily explained. The proprieta ries 43 2 PREFACED Mr. Galloway 'j- Speech. ries have confiderable trails of land within the bounds of boroughs and towns, that have not yet been divided into lots : They pretended to be lieve, that by virtue of this claufe an imaginary divifion would be made of thofe lands into lots, and an extravagant value fet on fuch imaginary lots, greatly to their prejudice. It was anfwered, that no fuch thing was intended by the act ; and that by lots was meant only fuch ground as had been furveyed and divided into lots j and not the open undivided lands. If this only is intended, fay their lordmips, then let the act be amended, fo as clearly to exprefs what is intended. This is the full amount of the third particular. How the act was underftood here, is well known by the exe cution of it before the difpute came on in Eng land, and therefore before their lordfhips opi nion on the point could be given -, of which full proof (hall prefently be made. In the mean time it appears, that the act was not on this account fundamentally wrong and unjuft. The fourth particular is, * That the governor's ' confent and approbation be made neceilary to ' every iffue and application of the money, to be ' raifed by virtue of fuch act.' The afonbly intended this, and thought they had done it in the act. The words of the claufe being, ' That c [the commiffioners named] or the major part of * them, or of the furvivors of them, with the con- ' fent or approbation of, the governor or com- * mander in chief of this province for the time * being ; fhall order and appoint the difpofition of 3 [P.P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law, 43 j ' the monies arifing by virtue of this act, for and ( towards paying and clothing two thoufand * feven hundred effective men,' &c. It was un- derftood here, that as the power of difpoiing was exprefsly to be with the confent and approbation of the Governor ; the commiilioners had no power to difpofe of the money without that approbation : But their lordfhips, jealous (as their ftation re quires) of this prerogative of the crown, and being better acquainted with the force and weaknefs of law expreffion ; did not think the claufe explicit enough, unlefs the words " and not otherwife " were added, or fome other words equivalent. This particular therefore was no more than another requisition of greater clearness and precifion ; and by no means a foundation for the charge of fun damentally wrong and unjuft. Thzjiftb particular was, ' That provincial com- * miffioners be named, to hear and determine ap- ( peals, brought on the part of the inhabitants, * as well as the proprietaries.' There was already fubfifting a provifion for the appointment of county commiflioners of appeal ; by whom the act might be, and actually has been (as we mall prefently fhew) juftly and impartially executed with regard to the proprietaries ; But provincial commiflioners appointed in the act it was thought might be of ufe, in regulating and equalizing the modes of arTefiment of different counties, where they were unequal ; and, by affording a fecond appeal, tend more to the fatisfaction both of the proprietaries and the people, This particular was K k k therefore 434 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 's Speech. therefore a mere propofed improvement of the act ; which could not be, and was not, in this refpect,. denominated fundamentally wrong and unjufl. We have now gone through live of the fix pro pofed amendments, without difcovering any thing on which that cenfure could be founded ; but the jixth remains ; which points at a part of the act wherein we rriuffc candidly acknowledge there is fomething, that, in their lordftiips view of it, muft juftify their judgment : The words of the pxth article are, ' That the payments by the * tenants to the proprietaries of their rents, mall * be according to the terms of their refpective ' grants ; as if fuch act had never been patted.' This relates to that claufe of the act by which the paper money was made a legal tender in ' dif- ' charge of all manner of debts, rents, fum and ' fums of money whatfoever, &c. at the rates * afcertained in the aft of parliament made in the * fixth of Queen Anne.' From the great injuftice frequently done to creditors, and complained of from the colonies, by the vaft depreciation of paper bills ; it was become a general fixed princi ple with the miniftry, that fuch bills (whofe va lue, though fixed in the act, could not be kept fixed by the act) ought not to be made a legal tender in any colony at thofe rates. The parlia ment had before patted an act to take that tender away in the four New-England colonies, and have lince made the act general. This was what their lordfhips would therefore have propofed for the amendment, But it being represented, That the 1 * /** chiet [P. P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 435 chief fupport of the credit of the bills was the le gal tender ; and that without it they would be come of no value, it was allowed generally tore- main; with an exception to the proprietaries rents, where* there was a fpecial contract for payment in another coin. It cannot be denied but that this was doing juftice to the proprietaries ; and that, had the requifition been in favour of all other cre ditors alfo, the juftice had been equal, as being general. We do not therefore prefume to impeach their lordfhips judgment, that the act, as it en forced the acceptance of bills for money at a value which they had only nominally, and not really ; was in that refpedt fundamentally wrong and un- juft. And yetwe believe the Reader will not think the affembly fo much to blame, when he confiders that the making paper bills a legal tender had been the univerfal mode in America for more than threefcore years ; that there was fcarce a colony that had not pradlrfed that mode more or lefs : That it had always been thought abfolutely necef- fary, in order to give the bills a credit, and there by obtain from them the ufes of money : That the inconveniencies were therefore fubmitted to, for the fake of the greater conveniences : That .1 ^2 ' $lts innumerable of the like kind had been ap proved by the crown : And that if the aflembly made the bills a legal tender at thofe rates to the proprietaries ; the.y made them alfo a legal tender to themfelves, and all their constituents ; many of {Poffibly this word where, means wherever. E.] K k k 2 whom 436 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'.; Speech. whom might fuffer in their rents, &c. as much in proportion to their eilates as the proprietaries. But if he cannot on thefe conliderations quite excufe the arTembly, what will he think of thofe honour able proprietaries 5 who, when paper money was iflued in their colony, for the common defence of their vaft e/tates with thofe of the people, and who mufl therefore reap at leafl equal advantages from thofe bills With the people; could neverthe- lefs wim to be exempted from their mare of the un avoidable difadvantages. Is there upon earth a man beiides,with any conception of what is honeft, with any notion of honour, with the lead tincture in his veins of the Gentleman ; butwould have blufhed at the thought -, but would have rejected with difdain. fuch undue preference, if it had been offered him ? Much lefs would he have flruggled for it, moved heaven and earth to obtain it,refolved to ruin thou- fands of his tenants by a repeal of the act, rather than mifs of it * ; and enforce it afterwards by an audacioufly wicked instruction -, forbidding aids to his king, and expofing the province to deft-ruction, unlefs it was complied with. And yet, Thefe are HONOURABLE men -f-. Here * This would have been done, and the money all -funk in the hands of the people ; if the agents, Benjamin Franklin and Robert Cbarhiy had not interpofed, and voluntarily, without authority from the aflembly fo to do, but at their own rifque ; undertaken that thofe amendments mould be made, or that they themfelves would indemnify the proprietaries from any damages they might fuftain for want thereof. An adlion which, as the prefacer fays in another cafe, " pofterity perhaps may find a name for." f It is not eafy to guefs from what fource our proprietaries have drawn their principles. Thofe who Itudy law and julttce as a fcience fcavc [P.P.] Proprietaries Objections to a Law. 437 Here then we have had a full view of the Af- femblys injuftice; about which there has been fo much infolent triumph ! But let the proprie taries and their difcreet deputies hereafter recoi led: and remember, that the fame augufl tribunal which cenfured fome of the modes and circum- ftances of that act, did at the fame time eflablifli and confirm the grand principle of the act, viz. " That the proprietary eflate ought, with other " eihites, to be taxed :" And thereby did in effect determine and pronounce, that the oppontion fo long made in various fhapes to that juft principle, by the proprietaries,, was fundamentally WRONG and UNJUST. An injuflice they were not, like the Affembly, under any neceffity of committing for the public good ; or any other neceffity, but what was impofed on them by thofe bafe paffions that ad the tyrant in bad minds ; their felfifhnefs, their pride, and their avarice. I have frequently mentioned the equitable in tentions of the Houfe in thofe parts of the ad that; were fuppofed obfcure, and how they were under- flood here. A clear proof thereof is found, as I have already faid, in the adual execution of the: act: In the execution of it before the conteft about: it in England ; and therefore before their Lord- fhips objedions to it had a being. When the re- have eftablifhed it a maxim in equity, " Qui fentit commodum,. '' fentire debet et onus." And fo confiitent is this with the common fenfe of mankind, that even our loweft untaught coblers and porters, feel the force of it in their own maxim (which they are honeft enough', ever to difjwte) Touch pot, touch penny." port: 438 PREFACE to Mr. Gdlowxy's Speecb. port came over, and was laid before the Houfe, one year's tax had been levied : and the Affembly, confcious that no injuftice had been intended to the proprietaries, and willing to rectify it if any fliould appear ; appointed a committee of members from the ieveral counties to examine into the date of the proprietaries taxes through the province, and nominated on that committee a gentleman of known attachment to the proprietaries, and their Chief Juftice, Mr. Allen; to the end that the ilricteft inquiry might be made. ffheir report \vas as follows: ' We, the committee appointed ' to inquire into, and confider the ftate of the ' proprietary taxation through the ieveral coun- * ties, and report the fame to the Houie ; have, * in purfuance of the faid appointment, carefully * examined the returns of property, and com- * pared them with the refpeclive afTeffinents there- * on made through the whole province; and ' find, Firft, That no part of the #/&rw}W wafle ' lands belonging to the proprietaries have, in any * inftance, been included in the eftates taxed. * Secondly, That fome of the located uncultivated * lands belonging to the proprietaries in feveral counties remain unafleffed -, and are not in any county affeffed higher, than the lands under like circumflances belonging to the inhabitants. Thirdly, That all lands, not granted by the pro prietaries, within boroughs and towns, remain untaxed; excepting in a few instances, and in thofe they are rated as low, as the lands which are granted in the faid boroughs and towns. The [P. P.] Proprietaries Conduct about a Law. 439 ' The whole of the proprietary tax of eighteen ' pence in the pound, amounts to 5667 4^. io*/. 'And the fum of the tax on the inhabitants for the * fame year amounts, through the feveral counties, ( to 27,1037. 12J. So 1 . And it is the opinion * of your committee that there has not been any ' injuftice done to the proprietaries, or attempts ' made to rate or afTefs any part of their eftates ' higher than the eftates of the like kind belonging * to the inhabitants are rated and afTefled ; but ' on the contrary, we find that their eftates are ' rated, in many inftances, below others. ' Thomas Leech, George Aft bridge, * Jf e pb Fox, Emanuel Carpenter, ( Samuel R ho ads, John Blackburn, ' Abraham Chapman, William Allen* The houfe communicated this report to gover nor Hamilton, when he afterwards prefled them to make the ftipulated ad: of amendment; ac quainting him at the fame time, that as in the execution of the act no injuftice had hitherto been "done to the proprietary, fo, by a yearly infpec- tion of the afleiTments, they would take care that noftQfoould be done him , for that if any mould appear, or the governor could at any time p'oint out to them any that had been done, they would immediately rectify it ; and therefore, as the act was (hortly to expire, they did not think the amendments neceffary. Thus that matter ended during that adminiftration. And had his fuccefTor, Governor Penn, per mitted it flill to ileep ; we are of opinion it had 440 PREF ACE to Mr. Galloway 'j Speech. been more to the honour of the family, and of his own difcretion. But he was pleafed to found upon it a claim manifeftly unjuft, and which he was totally deftitute of reafon to fupport. A claim, that the proprietaries beft and moft valuable lo cated uncultivated lands, mould be taxed no high er than the worft and leaft valuable of thofe be longing to *:ae inhabitants : To enforce which, as he thought the words of one of the ftipulations feemed to give fome countenance to it, he infifted on ufing thofe very words as facred ; from which he could " neither in decency or in duty," de viate ; though he had agreed to deviate from words [in] the fame report, and therefore equally facred in every other inftance. A conduct which will (as the prefacer fays in Governor Denny's cafe) for ever difgrace the annals of bis adminiftration *. Never did any adminiftration open with a more fromifing profpect [than this of Governor Penri\. He allured the people, in his firft fpeeches, of the proprietaries paternal regard for them, and their fincere difpoiitions to do every thing that might promote their happinefs. As the proprietaries had been pleafed to appoint a fon of the family to the government, it was thought not unlikely that there might be fomething in thefe profeffions -, for that they would probably choofe to have his ad-* miniftration made eafy and agreeable ; and to that end might think it prudent to withdraw thofe harm, difagreeable, and unjuft Inftructions with * For a fuller account of this difpute the reader is referred to the news papers, and votes of Aflembly. which ,;<*'-. [P. P.l Proprietaries Conduc! about a Law. 44 i L - * - - JL which moftof his predeceflbrs had been hampered: The affembly therefore believed fully, arid re joiced fincerely. They (hewed the new governor every mark of refpect and regard that was in their power. They readily and cheerfully went into every thing he recommended to them. And when he and his authority were infulted and endangered by a lawlefs murdering mob ; they and their friends took arms at his call, and formed themfelves round him for his defence, and the fupport of his go vernment. But when it was found that thofe mif- chievous inftructions {till fubfifted, and were even farther extended ; when the governor began, un provoked, to fend the houfe affronting meflages, feizing every imaginary occaiion of reflecting on their conduct; when every other fymptom ap peared of fixt deep-rooted family malice, which could but a little while bear the unnatural cover ing that had been thrown over it ; What wonder is it if all the old wounds broke out and bled afrefhj if all the old grievances, {till unredrefTed, were re collected; if defpair fucceeded of [feeing] any peace with a family, that could make fuch returns to all their overtures of kindnefs ! And when in the very proprietary council, .compofed of {launch friends of the family, and chofen for their attachment to it; it was obferved; that the old men (i Kings, chap, xii.) withdrew themfelves, finding their opinion flighted, and that all meafures were taken by the advice of two or three young men (one of whom too denies his {hare in them;) is it any won der, {ince like caufes produce like effects, if the L 1 1 affembly ', 442 PREFACED? Mr. Galloway V Speech. affembly, notwithflanding all their veneration for the firft proprietor, (hould fay, with the children of Ifrael under the fame circumftances, " What " portion have we in DAVID, or inheritance in " the fon of JESSE ? To your tents, O Ifrael !" Under thefe circumftances, and a conviction that while fo many natural fources of difference fubfifted between proprietaries and people, no harmony in government could long fubfift, (with out which neither the commands of the crown could be executed, nor the public good pro moted) the houfe refumed the confideration of a meafure that had often been propofed in former affemblies ; a meafure, that every proprietary pro- uince in America had, from the fame caufes, found themfelves obliged to take, and had actually taken, or were about to take ; and a meafure, that had happily fucceeded, wherever it was taken ; I mean the recourfe to an immediate ROYAL GOVERNMENT. They therefore, after a thorough debate 5 and making no lefs than twenty-five unanimous refolves, expreffing the many grievances this province had long laboured under, through the proprietary government -, came to the following refolution, viz. " Refolved, nemine contradicente, That this " houfe will adjourn, in order to confult their *' conftituents, whether an humble addrefs mould *' be drawn up and tranfmitted to his Majefty ; " praying that he would be gracioufly pleafed to ** take the people of this province under his im- *' mediate [P.P.] Contcft for a Royal Government. 443 " mediate protection and government j by com- " pleting the agreement heretofore made with " the fir it proprietary for the fale of the govern- *' ment to the crown,- or otherwife as to his wif- '< demand goodnefs (hall feem meet*." This they ordered to be made public ; and it \vas publifhed accordingly in all the news-papers: The houfe then adjourned for no lefs ihanjeven weeks, to give their conflituents time to con-, fider the matter, and themfelves an opportunity of taking their opinion and advice. Could any thing be more deliberate, more fair and open, or more refpedtful to the people that choie them ? During this recefs, the people in many places held little meetings with each other -, the refult of which was, that they would manifeft their fenti- ments to their reprefentatives, by petitioning the crown directly of themfelves, and requefting the afTembly to tranfmit and fupport thofe petitions. At the next meeting many of thefe petitions were delivered to the houfe with that requeft; they were figned by a very great -j~ number of the moft fubftantial * Thefe words, " by completing the agreement," fr. are omitted by the honeft prefacer, in his account of the refolve, that they might not interfere with his infinuation of the meafure's being impracticable, *' Have the proprietors, by any adl of theirs, for- * feited the leaft tittle of what was granted them by his Majefty'* " royal anceftors ? Or can they be deprived of their charter rights " without their confent ?" &c. Senfible that thefe queftions are im pertinent, if thofe rights are already fold. t The prefacer, with great art, endeavours to reprefent this number as insignificant. He fays the petitioners were but 3500, and that the province contains near three hundred thoufand SOULS ! His reader is to imagine that TWO HUNDRED AND NINETY L 1 1 2 SIX 444 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway V Speech. fubftantial inhabitants -, and not the leafc intima tion was received by the aflembly from any other of their conftituents, that the method was dijap- proved-, except in a petition from an oblcure town- hip in Lancafter county, to which there were about forty names indeed, but all evidently iigned by three hands only. What could the aflembly infer from the exprefled willingnefs of a part, and filence of the reft ; but that the mea- fure was univerfally agreeable ? They accordingly refumed the confideration of it ; And though a fmall, very fmall oppoiition then appeared to it in the houfe; yet as. even that was founded not on the impropriety of the thing, but on the fup- pofed unfuitablenefs of the time or the manner,, and a majority of nine tenths being flill for it; SIX THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED of them were applied to, and refufed to fign it. The truth is, that his number of fouls is vaftly exaggerated. The dwelling-houfes in the province in 1752 did not exceed 20,000. Political arithmeticians reckon generally but five fouls to a houfe, one houfe with another : and therefore, allowing for houfes fmce built, there are not probably more than an hundred and ten thousand fouls in the province : That of thefe, fcarce twenty two thoufand could with any propriety be petitioners. And confi- dering the fcattered fettlement of the province ; the general inat tention of mankind, efpecially in new countries, to public affairs ; and the indefatigable pains taken by the proprietaries' new allies the Prefbyterian clergy of Philadelphia, (who wrote circular letters to every congregation in the county, to deter them from petitioning, by dutiful intimations, that if we were reduced to a royal govern ment, it would be the "ruin of the province,") it is a wonder the number (near a fixth part) was fo great as it was. -But if there had been no fuch petitions, it would not have been material to the point. The affembly went upon another foundation. They had adjourned to confult their conftituents ; they returned fatisfied that the mea gre was agreeable to them, and nothing appeared to the contrary. f petition [P.P.] Contefl fora Royal Government. 445: a petition was drawn agreeable to the former re- folve, and ordered to be transmitted to hisMajefly. But the prefacer tells us, that thefe petitioners for a change, were a " number of rafh, ignorant,. " and inconfiderate people;" and generally of a low rank. To be fure they were not of the pro prietary officers, dependants, or expectants ; and thofe are chiefly the people of high rank among, us ; but they" were otherwife generally men of the beft eftates in the province, and men of reputation. The affembly, who come from all parts of the country, and therefore may be fuppofed to know them, at leafl as well as the prefacer; have given that tcftimonyof them. But what is the teftimony of the* affembly ; who in his opinion are equally rafh, ignorant, and inconfiderate with the petiti oners ? And if his judgment is right, how im prudently and contrary to their charter, have his THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND SOULS acted in their elections of affembly- men thefe twenty years pad ; for the charter requires them to cho'ofe men of moft note for virtue, wifdom, and ability ! But thefe are qualities, engroffed it feems by the Proprietary party. For they fay, ' the WISER * and BETTER part of the province had far dif- * ferent noti'ons of this meafure : They confijdered * that the moment they put their hands to thefe * petitions 'they 'might be furrendering up their ' birthright.' 1 felicitate them on the honour ^hey have' thus beftowed upon thernfelves ; on theyfrz- cere compliments thus given and accepted ; and en their having with fuch noble freedom difcarded the 446 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway *s Speech. the Travelling pretence to modefty, couched in that thread- bare form of words, " Though we fay it, " that fliould not fay it." But is it not furprifing that, during the feven weeks recefs of the afTembly, exprefsly to confult their confUtuents on the expe diency of this meafure; and during the fourteen days the Houfe fat deliberating on it after they met again j thefe their wifdoms and betternefles mould never be fo kind as to communicate the leaft fcrap of their prudence, their knowledge, or their con- fideration, to their ram, ignorant, and inconfi- derate reprefentatives ? Wifdom in the mind is not like money in the purfe, diminimed by com munication to others : They might have lighted up our farthing candles for us, without leffening the blaze of their own flambeaux. But they fuf- fered our reprefentatives to go on in the dark till the fatal deed was done ; and the petition fent to the King, praying him to take the government of this province into his immediate care : Whereby, if it fucceeds, ' our glorious plan of public liberty * and charter of privileges is to, be bartered away,' and we are to be made Haves for ever 1 Cruel par- fimony ! to refufe the charity of a little under- ftanding ; when God had given you fo much, and the Aflembly begged it as an alms ! O that you had but for once remembered and obferved the counfel of that wife poet Pope, where he fays, " Be Niggards of Advice on no pretence ; * For the worfl Avarice is that of Senfe." In [P.P.] Conteft for a Royal Government. 447 In the conftitution of our government and in that of one more, there ftill remains a particular thing that none of the other American govern ments have -, to wit, the appointment of a Gover nor by the Proprietors, inftead of an appointment by the Crown. -This particular in government has been found inconvenient ; attended with conten tions and confufions wherever it exifted ; and has therefore been gradually taken away from colony after colony, and every where greatly to the fatif- faction and happinefs of the people, Our wife firft Proprietor and Founder was fully fenfible of this ; and being defirous of leaving his people happy, and preventing the mifchiefs thathefore- faw muft in time arife from that circumftance if it was continued ; he determined to take it away, if poffible, during his own lifetime. They ac cordingly entered into a contract for the fale of the proprietary right of government to the crown; and actually received a fum in part of the confide - ration. As he found himfelf likely to die before that contract (and with it, his plan for the happi nefs of his people) could be completed ; he care fully made it a part of his laft will and teftament; deviling the right of the government to two noble lords, in truft, that they mould releafe it to the crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the aflembly now defire to have done. Surely he that formed our conftitution, muft have underftood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government; will anyone fuppofe 3 PRE.FACE to Mr. Galloway V that he would himfelf have meditated the change ; -that he would have taken fuch effectual meafures .as he thought them,, to -bring it about fpeedily, whether he mould live ,or die ? Will, any of thofe who now extol him fo highly, charge him at the fame time with the bafenefs of .endeavouring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and pri vileges-he had promifed them, and by the moft folemn charters and grants allured to them, when he engaged them to aiTifl him in the fettlement of his province ? Surely none can be fo incontinent ! And yet this proprietary right of governing or appointing a governor has all of a fudden changed its nature ; and the prefer vation of it become of fo much importance to the welfareof the province; that the aiTembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the con tract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is ftiled, an * attempt to violate the * conftitution for which our fathers planted a wil- * dernefs ; to barter away our glorious plan of < public liberty and charter privileges; a riiquing ' of the whole conftitution 5 an offering up our * whole charter rights ; a wanton .{porting with * things facred,' &c. Pleafant furely it is to hear the proprietary par- tizans, of all men, bawling for the conftitution ; and affecting a terrible concern for our liberties and privileges. They, who have been thefe twen ty years .curfing our conilitution, declaring that it was no conftitution, or worfe than none ; and that things could never be well with us till it was new I [P. P.] Conteftfor a Royal 'Government. 449 new modelled, and made exactly conformable to the Britifh conftitution : They .who have treated our diftinguiming privileges as fo many illegalities and ablurdities -, who have folemnly declared in print, that though fuch privileges might be pro per in the infancy of a colony to encourage its fettleinent, they became unfit for it in its grown ftate, and ought to be taken away : They who by numberlefs falfhoods, propagated with infi nite induftry in the mother country, attempted to procure an act of parliament for the actual de priving a very great part of the people of their privileges : They too who have already deprived the whole people of fome of their moft important rights, and are daily endeavouring to deprive them of the reft : Are thefe, become patriots and advo cates for our conftitution ? Wonderful change ! Aftonifliing converfion ! Will the wolves then protect the fheep, if they can but perfuade them to give up their dogs ? Yes -, the affembly would deftroy all their own rights, and thofe of the peo ple ; and the proprietary partizans are become the champions for liberty ! Let thofe who have faith now make ufe of it : For if it is rightly defined,., the evidence of things not feen j, certainly never was there, more occafion for fuch evidence, the cafe being totally deftitute of all other*- It has been long obferved, that men are with' that party, angels or demons, juft as they happen, to concur with or oppofe their meafures. And I mention it for the comfort of old firmer r> that M m m ire 450 PREFACED "Mr. Galloway in politics, as well as in religion; repentance and amendment, though late, {hall obtain for- givenefs, and procure favour.- Witnefs the late fpeaker,. Mr. Norris; a fteady and conftaht op- pofer of all the proprietary encroachments ; and whom, for thirty years paft, they have been there fore continually abufing, allowing him no one virtue or good quality whatfoever : But now, as he mewed fome unwillingnefs to engage in this prefent application to the crown, he is become all at once the " faithful fervant ;"- but let me look at the text, to avoid miftakes and indeed I was miflaken I thought it had been " faithful ** fervant of the public;" but I find it is only " of the hoiife." Well chofen* that expreffion, and prudently guarded* The former, from a pro prietary pen, would have been praife too much ; only for difapproving the time of the application. Could^0#, much refpecled [Mr. Norfis, j go but a little farther, and difapprove the application itfelf ; could you, but fay the proprietary govern ment is a good one, and ought to be continued ; then might all your political offences be done away, and your fcarlet fins become as fnowand wool ; then might you end your courfe with (pro prietary) honour. P - mould preach your fu neral fermon ; and S , the poifoner of other characters, embalm your memory* But thofe honours you will never receive ; for with return ing health and ftrength, you will be found in your old poft, firm for your country* [P.P.] Contejl for a Royal Government. 45 1 There is encouragement too for young Jinners. Mr.Dickenfon, whofe fpeechour prefacerhas in troduced to the world, (though long hated by fome, and difregarded by the reft of the proprie tary faction,) is at once, for the fame reafon as in Mr. Norris's cafe ; become a fage in the law $ and an oracle in matters relating to our conftitu- tion. I mail not endeavour to pluck fo much as a leaf from thefe the young gentleman's laurels. I would only advife him carefully to preferve the panegyricks with which they have adorned him : In time they may ferve to confole him, by ba lancing the calumny they mall load him with, when he does not go through with them in all their meafures : He will not probably do the one, and they will then affuredly do the other. There are mouths that can blow hot as well as cold, and blaft on your brows the bays their hands have placed there. " Experto crede Roberto." Let but the moon of proprietary favour withdraw its mine for a moment ; and that " great number of the prin- " cipal Gentkmen of Philadelphia," who applied to you for the copy of your fpeech ; mail imme diately defpife and defert you. " Thofe principal Gentlemen !" What a pity it is that their names were not given us in the preface, together with their admirable letter ! We mould then have known where to run for advice on all occafions. We mould have known who to chobfe for our future repFefentatives: For undoubtedly thefe were they, that are elfewhere called "the * WISER and BETTER part of the province." M m m 2 None 452 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway 'j Speech. None but Wifdoms could have known before hand that a fpeech which they never heard, and a copy of which they had never feen, but were then requeuing tb'fee ; was "a fpirited defence/' and * or our charter privileges ;' and that * the publi- ' cation of it would be of great utility, and give ' general fatisfaclion.' No inferior fagacity could diicover, that the appointment of a governor by the proprietor, was one of our " charter privi- " leges ;" and that thofe who oppofed the appli cation for a royal government, were therefore patriot members appearing on the fide of our pri vileges and our charter ! Utterly to confound the affembly, and mew the excellence of proprietary government j, the pre- facer has extracted from their own votes, the praifes they have from time to time beftowed on the Jirft proprietor, in their addrefles to his fons. And though addreffes are not generally the beft repofitories of hiftorical truth, we muft not in this inflance deny their authority. What then avails it to the honour of the pre- fent proprietors, that our founder and their fa ther, gave us privileges ; if they, the fons, will not permit the ufe of them, or forcibly rend them from us ? David may have been a man after God's own heart, and Solomon the wifeft of pro prietors and governors ; but if Rehoboam will be a tyrant and a , who can fecure him the affeaions of the people ! The virtue and merit of his anceftors may be very great; but his pre- fumption {P.P.] Vf a petitionbg&t&a royal Government. 453 fumption in depending upon thofe alone may be much greater. 1 lamented, a few pages ago, that we were hot acquainted with the names of thofe " principal '*' Gentlemen the wifer and better part of the pro- " vince." I now rejoice that we are likely fome time or other to know them; for a copy of a PETITION TO THE KING is now before me } which from its fimilarity With their letter, muft be of their inditing, and will probably be recom mended to the people* by their leading up the figning* On this petition I mall take the liberty of making a few REMARKS, as they will fave me the neceffity of following farther the preface ; the fentiments of this and that being nearly the fame. It begins with a formal quotation from the [af- fembly's] petition, which they own they have not feen, and of words that are not in it ; and after relating very imperfectly and unfairly the fad re lating to their application for a copy of it, which is of no importance ; proceeds to fet forth, ' That as we and all your American fubjects muil be governed by perfons authorized and approved by your Majefty, on the beft recommendation that can be obtained of them ; we cannot per ceive our condition in this refpedt to be different from our fellow-fubjects around us, or that we are thereby lefs under your Majefty's particular care and protection than they are ; fince there can be no governors of this province without your aw * your Majefty's immediate approbation and autho- * rity.' Such a declaration from the wifer part of the province is really a little furprifing. What !' \vhen difputes concerning matters of property arc daily ariling between you and your proprietaries,, cannot your wifdoms perceive the leaft difference between having the judges of thofe difputes. ap pointed by a royal governor, who has no intereft in the caufe -, and having them appointed by the proprietaries themfelves, the principal parties again ft you; and during their pleafure too ? when fupplies are neceffary to be railed for your defence, can you perceive no difference between having a royal governor, free to promote his Majefty's fer- vice by a ready affent to your laws ; and a pro prietary governor, fhackled by inftrudions, for bidding him to give that affent -, unlefs fome pri vate advantage is obtained, fome profit got, or unequal exemption gained for their eftate, or fome privilege wrefted from you ? When prerogative, that in other governments is only uied for the good of the people ; is here ftrained to the extreme, and ufed to their prejudice, and the proprietaries benefit ; can you perceive no difference ? When the direct and immediate rays of majefty benignly and mildly fhine on all around us, but are tranf- mitted and thrown upon us, through the burning- glafs of proprietary government; can yourfenli- bilities feel no difference ? Sheltered perhaps i proprietary offices, or benumbed with expecta tions, it may be you cannot. Butfurelyyou might feave known better than to tell his Majefty, ' that * there '{P.P.] Of a petitionzgzm&a royal Government. 455 * there can be no governors of this province, with- c out his immediate approbation.' Don't you know, who know fo much) that by our blefled conftitution the proprietors themfelves, whenever they pleafe, may govern us in perfon j without fuch approbation ? The petition proceeds to tell his Majefty, * that * the particular mode of government which we ' enjoy, under your Majefty> is held in the higheft * eftimation by good men of all denominations * among us ; and hath brought multitudes of * induftrious people from various parts of the * world,' &c. Really ! Can this be from pro prietary partizans ? That conftitution which they were for ever cenfuring, as defective in a legifla- live council, defective in government powers, too .popular in many of its modes ; is it now become fo excellent ? Perhaps, as they have been tinkering it thefe twenty years, till they have flopped it of fome of its moft valuable privileges, and almoft fpoiled it ; they now begin to like it. But then it is not furely thisprefent conftitution, that brought hither thofe multitudes. They came before. At leaft it was not that particular in our conftitu tion, (the proprietary power of appointing a go* vernor) which attracted them ; that fingle par ticular, which alone is now in queftion ; which our venerable founder firft, and now the aflembly, are endeavouring to change^ As to the remain ing valuable part of our conftitution, Che aflem- bly have been equally full and ftrong in expreffing their regard for it, and perhaps ftronger and fuller; for 456 PR E F A c E to Mr. Galloway'j- Speech. for their petition in that refpeft, is in the nature of a petition of right; it lays claim, though mo- deftly and humbly, to thofe privileges on the foundation of royal grants, on laws confirmed by the crown, and on juftice and equity; as the grants were the conlideration offered to induce them to fettle j and which they have in a manner purchafed and paid for, by executing that fettlement with out putting the crown to any expence. Who ever would know what our confHtution was, when It was fo much admired, let him perufe that ele gant farewel fpeech of Mr. Hamilton, father of our late governor j when, as fpeaker, he took his leave of the houfe, and of public bufinefs, in 1739; and then let him compare that conftitution with the prefent. The power of appointing public offi- cers by the reprefentatives of the people, which he fo much extols ; where is it now ? Even the bare naming to the governor in a bill, a trivial officer to receive a light-houfe duty, (which could be confidered as no more than a mere re commendation) is, in a late menage, ftiled, ' an * encroachment on the prerogative of the crown !." The fble power of raifing and difpojing of public money, which he fays was then lodged in the af- fembly -, that ineftimable privilege, what is be come of it ? Inch by inch they have been wrefled from us in times of public diitrefs; And the reft are going the fame way. I remember to have feen when-Governor Hamilton was engaged in a difpute with the aiTembly on fome of thofe points, a copy o that fpeech, which then was intended to be re> printed ^ [P.P.] Of a petitionzg&wfiia royal Government. 457 printed; with a dedication to that honourable Gentleman ; and this motto from John Rogers's verfes in the Primer : We fend you here a little book, For you to look upon ; 'That you may fee your father s face, Now he is dead and gone. Many a fuch little book has been fent by our affemblies to the prefent proprietaries: But they do not like to fee their father's face ; it puts their own out of countenance. The petition proceeds to fay, That fuch dif- agreements as have arifen in this province, we have beheld with forrow -, but as others around us are not exempted from the like misfortunes, we- can by no means conceive them incident to the nature of our government, which hath often been adminiftered with remarkable harmony : And your Majefty, before whom our late dif- putes have been laid, can be at no lofs, in your great wifdom to difcover whether they proceed from the above caufe, or mould be afcribed to * fome others/ The difagreements in queftion, are proprietary difagreements in government, relating to proprietary private interests. And are not the royal governments around us exempt from tbefe misfortunes ? Can you really, Gen tlemen, by no means conceive, that proprietary government difagreements are incident to the nature of proprietary governments ? Can they in nature be incident to any other governments ? If your wifdoms are fo hard to conceive, I am afraid N a a they 458 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway'j- Speech. they will never bring forth. But then our go vernment "hath often been adminiftered with re- " markable harmony." Very true; as often as the afiembly have been able and willing to purchafe that harmony, and pay for it ; the mode of which has already been fhewn. And yet that word of" ten feems a little unluckily chofen : The flame that is often put out, muft be as often lit. If our government hath often been adminiftered with remarkable harmony, it hath as often been admi niftered with remarkable difcord : One often is as numerous as the other. And his Majefty, if he ihould take the trouble of looking over our dif- putes (to which the petitioners, to fave them- felves a little pains, modeftly arid decently refer him) where will he, for twenty years paft, find any but proprietary difputes concerning proprie tary interefts ; or difputes that have been con* necked with and arofe from them ? The petition proceeds to aflure his Majefty, c That this province (except from the Indian ra- * vages) enjoys the moft perfect internal tranquil- lityT Amazing! What! the moft perfect tranquillity ! when there have been three atrocious riots within a few months ! When in two of them, horrid murders were committed on twenty innocent perfons j and in the third, no leis than one hundred and forty like murders were medi tated, and declared to be intended, with as many more as mould be occafioned by any oppofition ! When we know that thefe rioters and murderers have none of them been punijGhed, have never been pro- [P.P.] Of a pstition^i^a royal Government. profecuted, have not ever been apprehended ! when we are frequently told, that they intend ftill to execute their purpofes as foon as the protection of the king's forces is withdrawn ! Is our tran quillity more perfect now, than it was between the firft riot and the fecond, or between the fecond and the third ? And why ' except the Indian ra- ' vages ;' if a little intermiffion is to be denomi nated ' the moft perfect tranquillity ?' For the Indians too have been quiet lately. Almoft as well might {hips in an engagement talk of the moft perfect tranquillity between two broadfides. But ' a fpirit of riot and violence is foreign to ' the general temper of the inhabitants/ I hope and believe it is ; the aflembly have faid nothing to the contrary. And yet is there not too much of it ? Are there not pamphlets continually writ ten, and daily fold in our ftreets, to juflify and encourage it ? are not the mad armed mob in thofe writings inftigated to embrue tjieir hands in the blood of their fellow-citizens ; by firft ap plauding their murder of the Indians ; and then reprefenting the afTembly and their friends as worfe than Indians, as having privately ftirred up the Indians to murder the white people, and armed and rewarded them for that purpofe ? LIES, Gen tlemen, villanous as ever the malice of hell in vented^ and which, to do you judice, not one of you believes, though you would have the mob believe them. But your petition proceeds to fay, f That where * fuch diflurbances have happened, they have N an. z * beers 460 PREFACE to Mr. Galloway '.r Speech. ' been fpeedily quieted' By whom were they quieted ? the twofirft, if they can be faid to be quieted, were quieted only by the rioters them- felves going home quietly (that is, without any interruption ;) and remaining there till their next infurrection ; without any purfuit, or attempt to apprehend any of them. And the third, was it quieted, or was the mifchief they intended pre vented, or could it have been prevented - y without the aid of the king's troops, marched^ into the province for that purpofe ? " The civil powers " have been fupported," in fome fort. We all know how they were fupported ; but have they been fully fupported ? Has the government fuf- ficient ftrength, even with all its fupports, to venture on the apprehending and punimment of thofe notorious offenders ? If it has not, why are you angry at thofe who would flrengthen its hands by a more immediate royal authority ? if it has, why is not the thing done ? Why will the government, by its conduct, ftrengthen the fufpicions (groundlefs no doubt) that it has come to a private understanding with thofe murderers, and that impunity for their pad crimes is to be the reward of their future political fervices ? O ! but fays the petition, " There are perhaps (( cafes in all governments where it may not be " pJfible fpeedily to difcover offenders ." Proba bly; but is there any cafe in any government where it is not poffible to endeavour fuch a dif- covery ? There may be cafes where it is not fafe to do it: And perhaps the beft thing our go vernment [P.P.] Of a petition againft a royal Government. 46 i vernment can fay for itfelf is, that that is our cafe. The only objection to fuch an apology muft be, that it would juflify that part of the afTembly's petition to the crown which relates to the ijoeaknefs of our prefent government *. Still, if there is any faulty it muft be in the aflembly ; For, fays the petition, * if the executive * part of our government mould feem in any ' cafe too weak> we conceive it is the duty of the ' afTembly, and in their power to ftrengthen it.' This weaknefs, however, you have juft denied. ' Difturbances you fay have been fpeedily quieted, * and the civil power fupported/ And thereby you have deprived your infmuated charge againfl the affembly of its only fupport. But is it not a. fac~l known to you all, that the aflembly did en deavour to ftrengthen the hands of the govern ment ? That at his honour's inftance they pre pared and pafled in a few hours a bill for extend ing hither the act of parliament for difperfing rioters ? That they alfo paffed and prefented to him a militia bill -f- > which he refufed, unlefs powers were thereby given him over the lives and properties of the inhabitants, which the public good did not require ; and which their duty to * The aflembly being called upon by the governor for their ad vice on that occafion, did, in a meflage, advife his fending for and examining the magiftrates of Lancafter county and borough, where the murders were committed, in order to difcover the aftors ; but neither that, nor any of the other meafures recommended, were ever_ taken. Proclamations indeed were publiihed, but foon dif- Continued. f [Is not this the militia bill canvafled above p. 396 ? E.j their 462 PREFACE to Mr. GallowayV their conftituents would not permit them to truft in the hands of any proprietary governor ? You know the points, Gentlemen : They have been made public. Would you have had your repre- fentatives give up thofe points ? l&oyou intend to give them up, when at the next election you are made afTemblymen ? If fo, tell it us honeftly be forehand ; that we may know what we are to ex- pet when we are about to choofe you ? I come now to the laft claufe of your petition, where, with the fame wonderful fagacity with which you in another cafe difcovered the excel lency of a fpeech you never heard, you undertake to cbaracterife a petition [from the Affembly] you own you never Jaw -, and venture to allure his Majefty,, that it is ' exceeding grievous in its na- * ture -, that it by no means contains a proper re- ' prefentation of the ftate of this province ; and * is repugnant to the general fenfe of his numerous ' and loyal fubjedts in it.' Are then his Majefty's * numerous and loyal fubje&s' in this province all as great wizards as yourfelves $ and capable of knowing, without feeing it, that a petition is re pugnant to their general fenfe ? But the incon- fiftence of your petition, Gentlemen, is not fo much to be wondered at ; The prayer of it \sjlill more extraordinary, "We therefore moft hum- " bly pray, that your Majefty would be gracioufly ** pleafed wholly to disregard the faid petition of the " affembly." What! without enquiry! with out examination ! without a hearing of what the affembly might fay in fupporjt of it i from which it is fit that I mould no longer detain the reader *. * [Mr. Galloway's fpeech is of courfe here omitted. In the Pen- fylvania edition of the Preface, an epitaph followed here, E.] V. PAPERS PAPERS O N MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS* B. All the Papets under this etivifion are dlftingulfied fy the letters [ M. P. ] plwd in tbf running title at tb( btad of , they again diftinguifh by a loop at the bottom ; which, loop they often place where we place an outward curve. The remarkable terminating s which they -fomejtimes ufe, feems intended for our printed s begun from the bottom, biit from' corrupt writing inverted and put horizon tally," infteadof vertically, it is rather from bad writing than fyftem, that their n and appear like u and ay.-^-I coitld go on to'fpeak of the formation of written and printed capitals, but as this would be a work of mere curiofity, I leave it for tne reader's amwfement. E.] O o o z. 468 A REFORMED MODE OP SPELLING. R ft MARK s [on the Alphabetical fable]. o to huh r n t d Z b P m It is endeavoured to give the Alphabet a more natural Order; Beginning firft with the fimple Sounds formed by the Breath, with none or very little help of Tongue, Teeth, and Lips ; and produced .chiefly in the Windpipe. Then coming forward to thofe, formed by the Roof of the Tongue next : to the Windpipe. Then to thofe, formed more forward, by the forepart of the Tongue againft the I- Roof of the Mouth. f Then thofe, formed {till more for- J ward in the Mouth, by the Tip of the / Tongue applied firft to the Roots of the upper Teeth. JThen to thofe, formed by the Tip of the Tongue applied to the Ends or L Edges of the upper Teeth. f Then to thofe, formed dill more for- -{ ward by the under Lip applied to the L upper Teeth. f Then to thofe, formed yet more for- "j ward by the upper and under Lip open- ling to let out the founding Breath. f And laftly, ending with the Shutting j up of the Mouth, or clofing the Lips * while any Vowel is founding. o in [M.P.] Remarks [on the Alphabetical Fable.] 469 In this Alphabet c is omitted as unneceflary > k fupplying its hard Sound* and s the foft. The jod/ is alfo omitted, its Sound being fupplied by the new Letter fi jfi, which ferves other pur- pofes> affifting in the formation of other founds j thus the fi with a d before it, gives the found of the jod j and foft g, as in *' James, January, " g iant > gentle," " dfieems^ dfi anusri^ dfiyiant y ' dfi&nteli" with a /before it^ it gives the Sound ofcl>, as in "'Cherry, Chip," " tfier^ tfiip ;" and with an z before it the French found of the jod/, as in "jamais," xfiame" Thus the g has no longer two different Sounds, which oecafioried Confufionj but is, as every Letter ought to be, confined to one ; The fame is to be obferved in all the Letters, Vowels, and Confonants, that wherever they are met with, or in whatever Company, their Sound is always the fame. It is alfo intended that there be no fuper- Jluous Letters ufed in fpelling ; i. e. no Letter that is not founded j And this Alphabet, by fix new Letters, provides that there be no diflindl Sounds in the Language without Letters to exprefs them. As to the difference bet ween Jhort and long Vowels > it is naturally expreffed by a fingle Vowel where fhort, a double one where long; as for feparately taken, not being proper elements of the found. Anew letter, wanted for the fame reafonj Thefe are formed back in the mouth, Formed more forward in the mouth j the Tip of the Tongue to the Roof of the mouth. The fame ; the tip of the tongue a little loofe or feparate from the roof of the mouth, and vibrating. The tip of the tongue more forward ; touching, and then leaving, the roof. The fame ; touching a little fuller. The fame ; touching juft about the gums of the upper teet&. This found is formed, by the breath paffing between the moift end of flie tongue and the upper teeth- The fame ; a little denfer and duller. The tongue undfcr, and a little behind, the appcr teeth; touching them, butfo as to let the breath pafs between. The fame j a little fuller. Formed by the lower lip againft the upper teeth. The fame ; fuller and duller. The lips full together^ and opened at the air pants out. The fame j but a thinner found. The clofmg of the lips, while the e [here annexed] i$ founding, diftingvi ifli them ; and fhcw how few jifcw founds are prcpofed, E, ] ** Vt w"ta (y j ^ * . M-. X J:3 O * << IM a a e i u r V huh . L ijb ing en r ti di el es ez 9 ev b pi em [M. P.J EXAMPLES. 471 Examples [of writing in this Character.] So fjuenfym Endfiel) byi divyin. Uth ryizirj. tempefls fieeks e gilti Land ; (Sytfi az av ket or ^eel Britania paft^) Kalm and firiin hi clryivs *tyi feuriys blaji And) pliizd 'If almyitis ardyrs tu p H rfarm, Ryids in ty Huyrhiind and dyirekts btarm. ' r So fypiur limpid Jlrilm^ buenfauluifyfteens av ryfiiy. Barents and difendify Reens, Uyrks iff elf kliir ; and az it ryns r if if ins ; Til byi digriiS) *ty e fl ot ^ m*ri{r fiyinS) Rtflekts iitfl. flaur ^ at an its harder gross, And e nu bevn in its feer 47* A REFORMED MODE OP SPELLING. Kenjty.tyn> September 26, 1768. Diir yi hav tranjkrifib V iur alfabet^ luitfi yi T?ink my it bi av fyrvis tu T?oz y hu uifi ta akuifir an aiiuret pronifnfie/iyn y if I? at kuld bi Jixidy lift yi Ji went inkan- viinienfa) az uel az difikyltisj *tyat uuld atend T?i briyig. iur letyrs and arfyagrafi intu kamyn ius. aal our etimalodfiix uuld be loft, kanjikuentli ui iuld nat afyrteen %i fniiniy. av meni uyrds ; %t dtftinkfiyn, tu y bituiin uyrds av difyrent minify and fimilar faund uuld bi iujles y ifnles .ui liviy ryiters pyblifi nu iidifiifns* In fi 'art yi biliiv ui mifji let fiipil fpel an in *fyeer old ue y and (az ui fyindit Hfiiefl) du tyifeem aurfelves* -With eafe and with fincerity I can, in the old way, fubfcribe myfelf, Dear Sir, Your faithful and afFe&ionate Servant, . M. S. fih P.] An Inquiry into iff Ufa, &c, 473 [Anfwer to Mifs S****] Diir %i aldfl.ekfl.tin iu meek to rektifyiiy elf abet) " fyat it ull hi at ended uty inkanvi** lyt *tyat ui mii'tt pqrfektli git ovyr it in a uiiks ryitiy.. Ax to Jjoz hu du natfpel ue! 9 ifty tu difikyltiz er ki/mperd^ [w#.] l^at av titfiiy. *tyem tru fpdiy. in T?i prezent mod t and l?at av titfiiy. Tpem 7?i nu alfabet and Tpi wu fpeli-y. akardiy. to it ; ifi am kanfident tyat ty latyr uuld bi byi far *tyi liift. *tye natyrali fal into "tyi nu me%d alredi, az mytfi az ty imperfekfiyn av T?er alfabet uil admit av ; Tper prezent bad fpeliy. iz onli bad) bikaz kantreri to Tpi prezent bad ruh : ifndifr Tpi nu rub it uuld bi gud. ^/ difikylti av tyrniy to fpel uel in *fyi old, ue iz fo gret^ Tpat fiu at en it -^ fyauzands and ^a u ^ an ^ s rifitiy. an to old edfi) uityaut ever biify ebil to alutifir tt. 'Tiz> bifyidz^ e difikylti kantinuali mkriijiy. . ; az Tpi fa und \ graduali veriz mar and mor jram %i f petty : and to> farenyrz [M. Pj An Inquiry into its Ufes, &c. 475 farenifrs $ it tneks *tyi fyrniy. to pronauiis aur languedfis azriten in aur buks* ahrwfi cy " impafibil. Naua% to" tyi inkanvinienjiz" iu men- fiyn.- tyfyrft iz ; Tpai " aal aur etima- " lodfiix uuld bi laft, kanfikuentli ui kuld cc nat afar teen T?i iniinig. av meni uqrdsj' etimalodfiiz er at present veri ynfyrten; bit fytfi az *tye er, >/' old buks uuld ftil prizifrv l^em^ and etimalodfiifts uuld fyer fyind T?em. Uyrds in l?i kors av tyim^ tfiendfi T?er miiniy.s r a% tiel az Tper fpelty. and pronynfiefufn ; and ui du nat luk to etimalodfii far *tyer present mimics. If qi fiuld kql e man e Neev and e I [Dr. Franklin .ufed to lay fome little ftrefs on this circumftance, when he occafionally fpoke on the fubjeft. ' A dictionary formed ' on this model would have been ferviceable to him, he faid, even ' as an American ;' becaufe from the want of public examples of pronunciation in his own country, it was often difficult to learn the proper found of certain words, which occurred very frequently in our Englilh writings, and which of courfe every American very well underftood as to their meaning. I think I have feen a French grammar, which endeavoured to re- prefent the French pronunciation, by a refolution of it into Englifh letters; but for want of proper characters, it feemed an embarrafled bufinefs. Is not the bad fpelling obferved in French manufcripts, owing in fome degree to the great variance between their orthography and pronunciation ? E. ] P p p 2 hi 476 A REFORMED MODE OP SPELLING. hi uuld hardli bi fatisfyid uify mifi telly. him y %at uqn av %i uyrds oridfiinali d onli e lad ar fyrvant ; and %i ndyr plauman y ar Tgi inhabitant av e viledfi. It iz from prezent iufedfi onli) %i mnniy. av uyrds iz to bi dityr* mined. lur fetynd inkanviniens iz y *tyat u ^/ dif- fc tinkfii/n bituiin uqrds av different miinit}. Tpi fpeliy. falod it. .It iz tru 7?at at present y e miir ynlarrid Italian kanat rM l?i Latin buks ; erjlil red and iindyrftud byi menr. if l?i fpeliy. hud nevyr bin tfiendfied^ hi uuld nau hev faund it mytfi mor difi- fylt to riid and ryit hiz on languadfi % ; far riten uyrds uuld hev had no rilefiqn to faundsj ^e uuld onli hev flud far T?i%s ; fo fyat if hi uuld ekfpres in ryitiij. T?i yidia hi hez> huen hi jaunds Tpi uyrd Vefcovo, hi my ft iuz tyi leterz Epifcopus. Infiart+ \ [That is, fuppofing it u !1 to have kept up to its old form of Latin fpelling, and not to have changed to the prefent form of Italian fpelling, E.] huat ever 47-8 A REFORMED MoDE OF SPELLING. huatever %i difikyltiz and inkanvinienjtx nau,_ er> T?e uil hi fnor iizili fyrmaunted naii) tyan hiraftyr i and Jym tyim ar yfyyr, it tnyft bi dyn ; ar aur .ryitig. uil bikym Iji fern uty T?i Tfiyiniiz J, az to 7?i difikijlti av lyrmij. and iuziy. it. And it uuld alredi hev bin /^/f, if ui had kari- 4inud ty Sakfyn fpeliy. and ryitiy. y iuzed our forf alters. yi am^ myi diir frind, . ' ' iurs afekfiynetli) B. Franklin*. Kreven-Jlriit, Sept. 28, 1768. J Chinefe. * [Perhaps it would have been better to have had the new letter* caft upright, in order to have fuited with Roman inllead cf Italic characters : But it did not occur till too late.- If any falfe fpelling has appeared in the above, it is as fair to attribute it to the editor as io the author. E.J {M. P.] [ 479 ] i On the Vis INERTIA of Matter* In a Letter to Mr. Baxter. A CCORDING to my promife, I fend you ** in writing my obfervations on your book * : You will be the better able to conlider them ; which I defire you to do at your leifure, and to fet me right where I am wrong. I ftumble at the threshold of the building, and therefore have not read farther. The author's Vis Inertice efjential to Matter, upon which the whole work is founded, I have not been able to compre hend. And I do not think he demonftrates at all * , [It was a book, intitled An Inquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul, tukertin its Immateriality is evinced, &c. One of the chief objects of this book was to prove that a refiftance to any change is eflential to matter, confequently inconfiftent with afii-ve powers in it; and that if matter wants active powers, an immaterial being is neceflary for all thofe effects, &c. afcribed to its own natural powers. After ftating the fevera.1 proofs queitioned by Dr. Franklin, of a V i s iaerti< t or "force of inertnefs" in matter, the author adds; ' If the immateriality of the foul, the exiftence of God, and the ' neceflity of a moft particular inceflant providence in the world, * are demonftrable from fuch. plain and eafy principles ; the atheift. * has a defperate caufe in hand.' (See the 3d edit. p. i 8.) In fact, Mr. Baxter's doctrine feerns to eflablifh, rather than difprove, an activity in matter 1 ; and confequently to defeat his own conclufion,. were not that conclufion to be found from other premifes. Prima facie it feems better for Mr. Baxter's fyftern, to fuppofe matter in capable tf force or effort, even in the cafe, as he calls it, of refilling change ; which cafe appears to me no other than the fimple one, of matter not altering its Hate without a caufe, and a caufe exactly pro portioned to the effect:. E-] clearly 480 On the Vis Inertias of Matter, clearly (at lead to me he does not) that there is really fucb a property in matter. He fays, No. 2. ' Let a given body or mafs of matter be called a, and let any given celerity be called c. That celerity doubled, tripled, &c. or halved, thirded, &c. will be 2 c, 3 c, &c. or f c, 7 C) &c. refpe&ively : Alfo the body dou bled, tripled, or halved, thirded, will be 2 a, 3 a y or 7 a, 7 a, refpedtively.' Thus far is clear. But he adds, ' Now to move the body a f with the celerity c, requires a certain force to ' be impreffed upon it ; and to move it with a ce- ' lerity as 2 c t requires twice that force to be im- ' preffed upon it, &c.' Here 1 fufpeft fome miftake creeps in by the author's not diftinguim- ing between a great force applied at once, *or a fmall one continually applied, to a mafs of matter, in order to move it J. I think it is generally allowed by the philofophers, and for aught we know, is certainly true, that there is no mafs of matter, how great foever, but may be moved by any force how fmall foever * (taking friction out of the queftion j) and this fmall force continued, will in time bring the mafs to move with any velocity whatfoever. Our author himfelf feems to allow this towards the end of the fame No. 2. when he is fubdi- viding his celerities and forces : for as in conti nuing the divifion to eternity by his method of t [It would not have been inconfiflent in Mr. Baxter, to admit an augmentation of force from fucceffive applications of it ; in which cafe a fmall force often repeated, is no longer a fmall force, but becomes a large fum of forces. E.] * [See the following note. E.] {M. P.] in a Letter to Mr. Baxter. 481 i" c, f c, ^c, 7^> &c. you can never come to a fraction of velocity that is equal to o c , or no ce lerity at all ; fo dividing the force in the fame manner, you can never come to a fraction of force that will not produce an equal fraction of celerity. Where then is the mighty Vis Inertia?, and what is its ftrength -, when the greateft affignable mafs of matter will give way to, or be moved by the leajl affignable force ? Suppofe two globes equal to the fun and to one another, exactly equipoifed in Jove's balance ; fuppofe no friction in the cen ter of motion, in the beam or elfewhere : If a mufketo then were to light on one of them, would he not give motion to them both, caufing one to defcend and the other to rife? If it is objected that the force of gravity helps one globe to defcend, I anfwer, the fame force oppofes the other's rifing : Here is an equality that leaves the whole motion to be produced by the mufketo, without whom thofe globes would not be moved at all. What then does Vis Inertiae do in this cafe ? and what other effect could we expect if there were nofuch thing ? Surely if it were any thing more than a phantom, there might be enough of it in fuch vaft bodies to annihilate, by its oppolition to motion, fo trifling a force ? Our author would have reafoned more clearly, I think, if, as he has ufed the letter a for a cer tain quantity of matter, and c for a certain quan tity of celerity, he had employed one letter more, and puty* perhaps, for a certain quantity of force. This let s fuppofe to be done ; and then as it is a maxim 482 On the Vis Inertias of Matter, a maxim that the force of bodies in motion is equal to the quantity of matter multiplied by the celerity, (orjcxa)', and as the force receiv ed by and fubfifting in matter, when it is put in motion, can never exceed the force given ; So if f moves a with c, there mufl needs be required if to move a with 2 c -, for a moving with 2 c would have a force equal to 2f, which it could not re ceive from if-, And this, not becaufe there is fuch a thing as Vis Inertias, for the cafe would be the fame if that had no exiftence -, but becaufe nothing can give more than it has. And now again, if a thing can give what it has, if i^can to i a give i c, which is the fame thing as giving it if; (i.e. if force applied to matter at reft, can put it ia motion, and give it equal force ;) where then is Vis Inertia? ? If it exifted at ail in matter, mould we not find the quantity of its refiftance fubtraded from the force given ? In No. 4. our author,goes on and fays, "the body ** a requires a certain force to be imprelTed on it to exactly the fame as i a was ma487. L [M. P.] [ 487 J J Experiments, Obfervations, and Faffs, tending to jupport the opinion of the utility of long pointed Tods,forfecurmg buildings from d*.mage byftrokes of lightning J, HE prime conductor of an electric machine, * A. B. -j~ being fupported about 107 inches above the table by a wax-fland, and under it erect ed a pointed wire 77 inches high and ^ of an inch thick, tapering to a (harp point, and communicat ing with the table; When the point (being upper- moft) is covered by the end of a ringer, the con ductor may be full charged, and the electrometer c*, will rile to the height indicating a full charge: But the moment the point is uncovered, the ball of the electrometer drops, mewing the prime con ductor to be inftantly diicharged and nearly emp tied of its electricity. Turn the wire its blunt end upwards, (which repreients an unpointed bar,) and no fuch effect follows, the electrometer re maining at its ufual height when the prime con ductor is charged. Obfervation. What quantity of lightning, a high pointed rod well communicating with the earth may be ex it Read at the committee appointed to conlider t'.\e erefting con- ductars to fecure the magazines at i^urfleet, Aug.. 27, 1772.. \ [->ee te plate. JE.J * Mr. Henley's. pected On tie Ufe -tf. pointed Conduttors in peeled to difcharge from the clouds filently in a ihort time, is yet unknown; but I have reafon from a particular fad: to think it may at fome times be very great. In Philadelphia I had fuch a rod fixed to the top of rny chimney, and extending about nine feet above it. From the foot of this rod, a wire (the thicknefs of a goofe quill) cam through a covered glafs .tube in the roof, and down through the well of the ftair-cafe; the lower end connected with the iron fpear of a pump. On the .ftair-cafe oppofite to my chamber-door, the wire was divided ; the ends feparated about fix inches, a little bell on each end ; [and] between the bells a little brafs ball fufpended by a filk' thread, to play between and ftrike the bells when clouds pailed with electricity in them. After hav ing frequently drawn fparks and charged bottles from the bell of the upper wire, I was one night waked by loud cracks on the flair-cafe. Starting oip and opening the door, I perceived that the brafs ball, inflead of vibrating as ufual between the bells, was repelled and kept at a diftance from t>oth -, while the fire pafTed fometimes in very large quick cracks from bell to bell ; and fome times in a continued denfe white ftream, feeming- ly as large as my finger, whereby the whole ftair- cafe was enlightened as with funfhine, fo that one might fee to pick up a pin *. And from the * Mr. De Romas faw flill greater quantities of lightning brought down by the wire of his kite. He had '* explofions from it, the noife '* of which greatly refembled thai of thunder, and were heard (from *' without) into the heart of the city, notwiihftanding the various 84 noifes there. The fire feenat the inftantof th explofiou had the fhape [M.P.] fecuringBuMngs from Lightning. 489 apparent quantity thus difcharged, I cannot but conceive that a number* of fuch conductors mufl confidcrably lefTen that of any approaching cloud, before it comes fo near as to deliver its contents in -a general ftroke : An effect not to be expected from bars unpointed-, if the above experiment with the blunt end of the wire is deemed pertinent to the cafe. EXPERIMENT II. The pointed wire under the prime conductor continuing of the fame height, pinch it between the thumb and finger near the top, fo zsjujl to con ceal the point ; then turning the globe, the elec trometer will rife and mark the full charge. Slip the fingers down fo as to difcover about half an inch of the wire, then another half inch, and then another; at every one of thefe -motions difcovering more and more of the pointed wire -, you will fee the electrometer fall quick and proportionably, flopping when you flop. If you flip down the 'whole diftance at once, the ball falls inftantly down to the ftem. Obfervation. From this experiment it feems that a greater effect in drawing off the lightning from the clouds may be expected from long pointed rods, than " fhape of a fpindle eight inches long and five lines in diameter. 44 Yet from the time of the explofion to the end of the experiment, " no lightning was feen above, nor any thunder heard. At another " time the ftreams of fire iffuing from it were obferved to be an inch *' thick and ten feet long." See Dr. Prieftky's HiJtoryafEle8ricitj+ pages 354 6. Jirjt edition. * Twelve were propofedon and near the magazines at Purfleet, R r r from 49 o O# ^ tj of pointed Condutton in fromjhorf ones ; I mean from fuch #s mow the greateil length above the building they are fixed on. Inftead of pitching the point between thc- thumb and finger, as in the laft experiment, keep the thumb and finger each at near an inch diftance from it, but at ihefame height, the point between them. In this fituation, though the point is fairly expofed to the prime conductor, it has little or no effect ; the electrometer rifes to the height of a full charge. But the moment the fingers are taken away, the ball falls quick to the ftem. Obfervation. To explain this, it is fuppofed, that one reafon of the fudden effect produced by a long naked pointed wire is, th.at (by the repulfive power of the pofitive charge in the prime conductor) the natural quantity of electricity contained in the pointed wire is driven down into the earth, and the point of the wire made ftrongly negative > whence it attracts the electricity of the prime con ductor more ftrongly than bodies in their natural Hate would do; \.\\zfmall quantity of common mat ter in the point, not being able by its attractive force to retain its natural quantity of the eletfric fluid, againft the force of that repullion. But the finger and thumb being fubftantial and blunt bo dies, though as near the prime conductor, hold up better their own natural quantity againft the force of that repulfion ; and fo, continuing nearly in .the natural flate, they jointly operate on the electric [M.P.] fecuring Buildings from Lightning. 491 electric fluid in the point, oppofing its defcent, and aiding the point to retain it ; contrary to the repelling power of the prime conductor, which would drive it down. And this may alfo ferve to explain the different powers of the point in the preceding experiment, on the flipping down the finger and thumb to different diftances*. Hence is collected, that a pointed rod erected between two tall cbimnies, and very little higher, (an inftance of which I have feen ) cannot have fo good an effect, as if it had been erected on one of the chimneys, its whole length above it. EXPERIMENT IV. If, injlead of a long pointed wire, a large folid body, (to reprefent a building without a point) be brought under and 'as near the prime conductor, when charged j the ball of the electrometer will fall a little ; and on taking away the large body, will rife again. Obfervation. Its rifing again {hows that the prime conductor loft little or none of its electric charge, as it had done through the point : The falling of the ball while the large body was under the conductor, therefore mows that a quantity of its atmofphere was drawn from the end where the electrometer J [Perhaps their firft and principal tendency is, to repel and thereby leflen the influence of the fluid in the condugor. See the concluding note. E.] * [If I remember well, the French tranflation of this paper in M. Dubourg's edition, requires fome revifion as to thi? paragraph. E.j R r r 2 is 492 On tbeUfe ^pointed Conductors in is placed * to the part immediately over the large body, and there accumulated ready to ftrike into it with its whole undiminifhed force, as foon as with in the ftriking diftance -, and, were the prime con ductor moveable like a cloudy it would approach the body by attraction till within that diftance. The fwift motion of clouds, as driven by the winds, probably prevents this happening fo often asother- wife it might do ; for, though parts of the cloud may ftoop towards a building as they pafs, in con- fequence of fuch attraction, yet they are carried forward beyond the finking diflance before they could by their defcending come within it. EXPERIMENT V. Attach a final! light lock of cotton to the under- fide of the prime conductor, fo that it may hang down towards the pointed wire mentioned in the firft experiment. Cover the point with your finger, and the globe being turned, the cotton will extend itfelf, ftretching down towards the ringer as at a ; but on uncovering the pointy it inffcantly flies up to the prime conductor,, as at b, and continues there as long as the point is uncovered. The moment you cover it again, the cotton flies down again, extending itfelf towards the finger; and the fame happens in degree, if ( in ftead of the -finger) you uie, uncovered,, \hz.blunt end of the wire upper- moft. * ft. e. drawn for a time, to a different /*rf of the coudufior, but E.] Qhfir- [M. P.] fecuring "Buildings from Lightning. 493 Obfervation. To explain this, it is fuppofed that the cotton, by its connexion with the prime conductor, receives from it a quantity of its electricity ; which occa- lions its being attracted by thejinger that remains ftill in nearly its natural ftate. But when a point is oppofed to the cotton, its electricity is thereby taken from it, fafter than it can at a diftance be fupplied with a frem quantity from the conductor. Therefore being reduced nearer to the natural ftate, it is attracted up to the electrified prime conductor ; rather than down, as before, to the ringer. Suppofing farther that the prime conductor re- prefents a cloud charged with the electric fluid; the cotton, a ragged fragment of cloud (of which the underfide of great thunder clouds are feen to have many;) the finger, a chimney or higheft part of a building. We then may conceive that when fuch a cloud paries over a out/ajag, fbme one of its ragged under- hanging fragments may be drawn down by the chimney or other high part of the edifice; creating thereby a mere eajj com munication between it and the great cloud. .But a long pointed rod being presented to this fragment, may occafion its receding, like the cotton, up to the great cloud ; and thereby incteafe, inftead of feffenrngthe diftnnce, fo as often to make it greater than the ftriking diftance. Turning the bhixt end of a wire uppermoft, (which rcprefents the un pointed bar) it appears that -'he -fame good effect is not from that to be expected. Along pointed rod it is tha-'eiore imagined, may prevent fome *494 O n the ^f e 0/* pointed Conduffors in ftrokes ; as well as conduct others that fall upon it, when a great body of cloud comes on fo heavily that the above repelling operation on fragments cannot take place. EXPERIMENT VI. Oppofite the fide of the prime conductor place feparately, ifolated by wax (terns, Mr. Canton's two boxes with pith balls fufpended by fine linen threads. On each box, lay a wire fix inches long and 7 of an inch thick, tapering to a marp point; but fo laid, as that four inches of the pointed end of one wire, -and ?.n equal length of the blunt end of the other , may project beyond the ends of the boxes; and both at 18 inches diftance from the prime conductor. Then charging the prime con ductor by a turn or two of the globe, the balls of each pair will feparate ; thofe of the box whence the point projects moft, confiderably, the others lefs. Touch the prime conductor, and thofe of the box with the blunt point will collapfe, and join. Thofe connected with the point will at the fame time approach each other, till within about aninch, and there remain *. Obfervatton. This teems a proof, that though the fmall mar- pened part of the wire muft have had a lefs natural quantity in it before the operation, than the thick blunt part ; yet a greater quantity was driven down from it to the balls. Thence it is again inferred * [For 1 though the condu&or is difcharged, the air about it is not. E.] that [M. P.] Jecunng Buildings from Lightning. 495 that the pointed rod is rendered more negative: and farther, th it if zjlroke mujl jail from the cloud over a building, furniihed with fuch a rod, it is more likely to be drawn to that pointed rod, than to a blunt one ; as being more ftrongly negative, and of courfeits attraction ftronger. And it feerns more eligible, that the lightning mould full on the point of the conductor (provided to convey it into the earth,) than on any other part of the building, thence to proceed to fuch conductor. Which end is alfo more likely to be obtained by the length and loftinefs of the rod; as protecting moreextenfive- ly the building under it. It has been OBJECTED, that erecting pointed rods upon edifices, is to invite and draw the lightning into them-y and therefore dangerous. Were fuch rods to be erected on buildings, 'without continuing the communication quite down into the moift earth, this objection might then have weight ; but when, fuchcompleat conductors are made, the lightning is invited not into the building, bur into the earthy the fituation it aims at j and which it always feizes, every help to obtain, even from broken partial, metalline conductors. It has alfo been fuggefted, that from fuch elec tric experiments nothing certain can be concluded as to the great operations of nature ; fince it is often feen that experiments, which have fucceedtd in< final], in large have failed. It is true that in me chanics this has fometimes happened.. But whern it is confidered that we awe our firft knowledge o 496 On tie "Ufi of pointed Conductors m of the nature and operations of lightning, to ob- fervations on fuch imail experiments; and that on carefully comparing the moil accurate accounts of former facts, and the; exacted relations of thofe that have occiTu;d nc<-, the effects have furpriz- in;ly agreed -.vita the theory ; it is humbly .con- cei.v:! L -t in natural pliilolbphy, in this branch of it at ]' id,, the iuggeftion has not fo much weight; and that theftirther new experiments now adduced in recommendation of long (harp-pointed rods, may have feme claim to credit and coniide- ration. It has been urged too, that though points may have conliderable effects o"n ^fmall prime conductor v&fmalldijlances ; yet on great clouds and at great diftances, nothhrj is to be expected from them. To this it is anfvvered; that in thoCefma// experi ments it is evident the points act at a greater than the ftriking diftance ; and in the large way, their fervice is only expefted where there h fitch nearnefs of the cloud, as to endanger ajlroke-, and there, it cannot be doubted the points mult have fome ef fect. And if the quantity difcharged by a fmgle pointed rod may be fo confiderable as I have mown it j the quantity difcharged by a number, will be proportionably greater. But this part of the theory does not depend alone on /mall experiments. Since the practice of erect ing pointed rods in America, (now near 20 years*) five of them have been ftruck by lightning j viz. * [About the year 1752. E.I Mr. [M. P.] fecurlng Buildings from Lightning. 497 Mr. Raven's and Mr. Maine's in South Carolina; Mr. Tucker's in Virginia; Mr. Weft's and Mr. Moulder's in Philadelphia. Poffibly there may have been more that have not come to my know ledge. But in every one of thefe, the lightning did not fall upon the body of the houfe, but pre- cifely on the feveral points of the rods j and, though the conductors were fometim$s not fuffi^ clently large and compkat, was con veje^j into the earth, without any material damage to tjie build ings. Facts then in great, as far as we have them authenticated, juftify the opinion .that is drawn from the experiments mfmaU&s above re lated. It has alfo been objected, that unlefs we knew the quantity that might pojibly be difcharged at one ftrokefrom the clouds, we cannot be fure we have provided Jitfficient conductors ; and therefore cannot depend on their conveying away all that may fall on their points. Indeed we have nothing to form a judgment by in this cafe but paft facts > and we know of no inftance where a compkat con ductor to the moift Dearth has been inefficient, if half an inch diameter. It is probable that many ftrokes of lightning have been conveyed through the common leaden pipes affixed to houfes to carry down the water from the roof to the ground : and there is no account of fuch pipes being melted and deftroyed, as muft fometimes have happened if they had been infufficient. We can then only judge of the dimeniions proper for S s s a con- 49 S On the Ufe 0/* pointed Conductors in a conductor of lightning, as we do of thofe pro per for a conductor of rain, by pafl obfervation. And as we think a pipe of three inches bore fuf- ficient to carry off the rain that falls on a fquare of 20 feet, becaufe we never faw fuch a pipe glut ted by any fhower -, fo we may judge a conductor of an inch diameter, more than furBcient for any jftroke of lightning that will fall on its point. It Is true that if another deluge mould happen wherein the windows of heaven are to be opened, fuch pipes may be unequal to the falling quantity ; and if God for our fins mould think fit to rain fire upon us, as upon fome cities of old, it is not ex pected that our conductors of whatever fize, mould iecure our houfes againft a miracle. Probably as water drawn up into the air and there forming clouds, is difpofed to fall again in rain by its na tural gravity, as foon as a number of particles fuf- ficient to make a drop can get together ; fo when the clouds are (by whatever means) over or under charged [with the elettric fluid\ to a degree fuffi- cient to attract them towards the earth, the equi librium is reftored, before the difference becomes great beyond that degree. Mr. Lanes eleffirometer, for limiting precifely the quantity of a mock that is to be adminiftered in a medical view, may ferve to make this more eafily intelligible. The dif- charging knob does by a fcrew approach the con ductor to the diftance intended, but there remains fixed. Whatever power there may be in the glafs globe to collefl the fulminating fluid, and what ever capacity of receiving and accumulating it there [M.P.] fecuring Buildings from Lightning. 499 there may be in the bottle or glafs jar j yet neither the accumulation or the difcharge, ever exceeds the deftined quantity. Thus, were the clouds always at a certain fixed diftance from the earth, all difcharges would be made when the quantity accumulated was equal to the diftance : But there is a circumftance which by occafionally leflening the diftance, leiTens the difcharge; to wit, the moveablenefs of the clouds, and their bdtig drawn, nearer to the earth by attraction when electrified $ fo that difcharges are thereby rendered more fre quent and of courfe lefs violent. Hence whatever the quantity may be in nature, and whatever the power in the clouds of collecting it ; yet an accu mulation and force beyond what mankind has hi therto been acquainted with, is fcarce to be ex pected*. Aug. 27, 1772. B. F. * [It may be fit to mention here, that the immediate occafion of the difpute concerning the preference between pointed and blunt conductors of lightning, arofe as follows. A powder mill having blown up atBrefcia, in confequence of its being (truck with lightning, the Englim board of ordnance applied to their painter, Mr. Wilfon, then of fome note as an electrician, for a method to prevent the like accident to their magazines at Purfleet. Mr. Wilfon having advifed a blunt conductor, and it being underftood that Dr. Franklin's opinion, formed upon the fpot, was for a pointed one; the matter was referred in 1772, to the Royal Society, and by them as ufual, to a committee, who, after confultation, prefcribed a me thod conformable to Dr. Franklin's theory. But a harmlefs ftruke of lightning, having under particular circumftances, fallen upon one of the buildings and its apparatus in May 1777 ; the fubjeft came again into violent agitation, and was again referred to the fociety, and by the fociety again referred to a new committee, which c S s s 2 c i 500 Of the Difpute- about pointed Conductors. confirmed the decifion of the firft committee. As th'e difpute in the public opinion is not yet clofed, for this and for other reafons, I have been very fumrnary in my account of it. It is fuperflnou-s to add perhaps, that in the cour'fe of this controverfy, (which after occupying attention from the firft pe^fojiagee at home, has found its way abroad) Mr. Hen ly and Mr. Nairne have very much fignalized themfelve?, as Dr. Franklin's defenders ; and that our author's opinions are now Mkejy to find another principal and farther advocate in Lord Vifcount Mahon. Without going much into the general queftion,' I beg permiffior, here, to throw out a hint, on the nature and effect of blunt and pointed terminations in conductors of the electric fluid. A point of conducting matter, it may be obfcrved, attracts the fluid by virtue cnly of that fingle point. But if a mafs of fuch matter is connected with tiie fluid, the fluid becomes attracted not only by the particle of matter diametrically before it, but by thofe particles likewife that lie to the rght .Mid left of it : Juit as when three or fsur perfons fit clofe together in a row at a table, with each a taper before him,, reading; they not only receive die illumination of their own par ticular taper, but that proceeding from t\\ejide rays of their neigh bours ; fo as all of them to fee better, than if each were placed with his taper in a feparate room. But farther. When conducting bodies connected with the earth, are faid to be in their natural flate reflecting electricity, it is not meant that they are then with out electricity ; but only that they have no more than their fhare in the general diftribution of it throughout nature : Every fuch body has its portion ; greater or fmaller according to what it is able rela tively to contain. The point, and the blunt mafs therefore juft mentioned, have different collections of fluid, even in what is called their natural ft^te*; becaufe the retaining power in blunt bodies is greater, in proportion to its number of particles, than in the point f. When therefore a preternaturally charged body is prefented to fuch a Hunt body, it finds in it a confiderable collection of fluid, by which its own charge is repelled, and that at fome diftance. But when a point is prefented, the fluid of the preternaturally charged body approaches very near it, and then by its fuperior force (more eafily * [This natural- flate is a fort of mean, between the preternatural and nega tive {fates j and its exiftence is well known from many experiments to electri cians. E. ] \ [It is true alfo that when the charge thickens, the repellency of t be fluid increases for the fame, and oiher reafons ; but then, to a certain pitch, the fu- jerior force of the ujcreafed attraction balances this. .] than [M.P.] Reafons in favour of Points. 501 than in the former cafe) drives away the natural charge, in order to get at the point ; which having done, it quickly makes ufe of it as a mere conductor. In this cafe it is feen why a preternatural charge eafily pufhes into a point, to which it is placed oppofite, (in order to come to an equilibrium with the earth.) But a preternatural charge alfo eafily pufhes out of a point, with which it is connected, in order to go into the neighbouring bodies ; for a preternatural ejectric charge is (if one may be allowed the expreffion) -fo felf- repellent, as to be ever ready to burft and difperfe; and as it is of no" confequence that feme parts of the body in which it refides, are faithful to their truft, provided other parts are fo weak as to ad mit its efcape, the neighbouring bodies conteft the pofTeffion at the weaker fpot ; and by that meano draw offfo much of the charge as is preter natural, foon leavmg the fluid reduced to its natural ftandard. In the cafes therefore both of ingrefs and egrefs, the point is with, great facility ftripped of its natural charge, and beconv.'s converted, for a moment from a retainer of the fluid into a mere conductor of it.. As to the cafe of condutiors ag ainft lightning, one may be very well content to have found out a means of contriving a pafTage for the ftroke, wheie it can do no harm, which paffage it {hall prefer to the building, to which it might do harm. And a metal rod it feems, anfwers this purpofe ; being cheap with refpect to expence, and a much better inviter of the fluid than the building. But for the fame realon that we ufe a metalline rod, as being a better conductor of the fluid, than the building itfelf, it fhould feem that we ought to preter a metalline rod that is pointed ; becaui'e the point (virtually) greatly increajcsthe inviting powers of the met 1. It is not indeed to be fuppoied that we fho,ul4 conftruct $ie po;nted conductors of a wanton height ; fo as to make them interfere with lightning that: would not itfelf interfere with the building *. But, if it fhould appear, that the rods prefa ibccl for common ufe are more than fuf- ficient to conduct the largeil ftroke ever known to take place ; and' if it fhould alfo appear that^Wi?/- elevated points have a remarkable tendency not only to conducl a ftroke. when upon its paffage, pre ferably to a blunt termination ; but to fteal it away from the charged clouds filently and piece-meal, before it can come In the form of a ftroke, thereby preventing that ftroke; (and all thefe circum. fiances do very evidently appear;) then it will be found that much more danger is left by low conductors, than can poffibiy be incurred by any particularly elevated pointed ones ; and coniequently that * [Unlefs for inftance it was placed on fome principal eminence or building in a town, where it fhould ferve by that means as a fort of general prote&ion. to the town. E.J k 502 Objections to this ^Theory anf* erect. it is much fafer to exceed in the one way, than to be deficient in th other, As to the points on the feveral buildings atPurfleet, the only fault in them, (if there was any fault) feems to have been their not being high and frequent enough. There is more perhaps to befaid on thefe fubjects, but thfefe pages are the property of Dr. Franklin. E.J P. S. There is a difficulty however t6 be anfwered here with re- fpedt to the attractive influence of blunt conductors. For it may be thought that if a blunt body ads fo- powerfully upon its natural charge, it ought for the fame reafon to be proportionally inviting to a FOREIGN charge. Let then the letters ABC, in the order in 'which they ftand, refpectively reprefent the blunt body, the natural charge, and the foreign charge. The foreign charge is here allowed to be ftrongly attracted by the blunt body A ; but fmce the natural charge B intervenes between them, the repellency of that natural charge ads from a nearer poll than the attraction of A ; and *is its quantity and repellency is in the fir ft inftance proportioned (in fome ineafure) to the attraction of A, and it has the advantage of pofition; the invitation to a foreign charge is thus confiderably checked in the blunt body. As to the point, its merit lies, not in its attraction of the fluid, but in its giving little oppofition to its paflage, whether it be going in or comhig out of it. But farther : It may be thought that if a fuperior quantity of natural charge furrounds blunt bodies, compared with pointed ones ; Mr. Canton's pith -bails ought to difcover the difference. But I an- fvver that the fuperior charge in blunt bodies cannot affect the balls "by attratting them ; For attraction acts only between bodies that are difproportionately charged ; but as the balis and blunt body have .equally been communicating with the mafs of fluid in the earth, the affair of competition and proportion has been previoufly fettled between them, and they cannot now differ. -. Neither can the charge of the blunt body repel the balls; For fmce other bodies drawing proportionable (hares of fluid from the earth furround or in the prefent ftate.of things are connected with the balls; thofe other bodies muft lofe their charges, before the balls can be driven back upon them ; but thofe charges are held up in the bodies by the common rr.a'is of fluid in the earth, which is the fame force that holds up the fluid in the blunt body itfelf, (that would othervvife become dUperfed, down to acertain proportion.) However though Indies containing the natural charge, are thus feen not affected by its .different distributions, yet it may happen otherwife with ihejktid itfelf that conftitutes this charge: For fuppofe two blunt bodies, communicating with the earth, to be brought near each other ; the fluid in each body repelling that in the oppofite, and the attraction in [M. P.] Objections to this theory anfwered. 503 in each body diminifliing that in the opposite, fome of the fluid from each body muft recoil and retire into the earth ; the mafs of fluid in which earth therefore muft for the time be augmented and dif- turbed ; though in a degree fo infinitely fmalln as to be infenfible*. In like manner if feveral fointeJ conductors that before flood fepa- rate, are put by the fide of each other ; they will inftantly have more fluid colleded round'them,. than when in their feparate Itate ; (owing to the union of each other's fpare lateral influences, as men tioned above :) Which fhcws that conductors with Jingle points, or otherwise points placed fuffidently afunder f , are the fafeft for our buildings and the moft powerful for our eleiftrical machines. In which latter cafe (of the machines) the neceffity for retaining the fluid that is collected, affords a farther and ftronger reafon againft their multiplicity; fince if by any accident, points are placed in a fituation where they do not receive the fluid,, they will in general be fure to emit it. E.J * [The difference of juxta-pofition and feparation in bodies, as to the charges they will contain, is proved in Dr. Franklin's letters, p. 129, 130, and in Beccaria on -Artificial Eleftricity, art. 4575 the fame thing happening in an artificial charge, which is here affirmed concerning a natural one. E.J f- [Therefore pieces of metal with teeth like a faw t feem on feverai accounts not fo proper as long (lender points of metal. .], Suppofitions [ 54 ] Suppqfitwns and ConjeStures towards forming an Hypothefis, for the explanation of the Aurora Borealis *. i. A IR heated by any means, becomes rari- ** fied, and fpecifically lighter than other air in the fame fltuation not heated. 2. Air being made thus lighter rifes, and the neighbouring cooler heavier air takes its place. 3. If in the middle of a room you heat the air by a ftove, or pot of burning coals near the floor, the heated air will rife to the ceiling, fpread over the cooler air till it comes to the cold walls ; there, being condenfed and made heavier, it de- fcends to fupply the place of that cool air which had moved towards the ftove or fire, in order to fupply the place of the heated air which had af- cended from the fpace around the ftove or fire. \. Thus there will be a continual circulation of air in the room , which may be rendered vifible by making a little fmoke, for that fmoke will rife and circulate with the air, [N. B. Whenever an afterifk or other mark is put in the text above, a note to correfpond with it will be found at the end of the piece ; numbered as the article in the text is numbered, and the fub- jedt of it there briefly recapitulated. The notes may be read at Jeifure. E.J 5- A [M.P.] ConjeBures about theAuroraBorealis. 505 5. A fimilar operation is performed by nature on the air of this globe. Our atmofphere is of a certain height, perhaps at a medium [ ] miles : Above that height it is fo rare as 1 to be almoft a vacuum. The air heated between the tropics js continually rifing ; its place is fup- plied by northerly and foutherly winds, which come from the cooler regions. 6. The light heated air floating above the cooler and denfer, muft fpread northward and foutliward; and deiTcend near the two poles, to fupply the place o the cool air, which had moved towards the equator. 7. Thus a circulation of air J is kept up in. our atmofphere, as in the room above mentioned. 8. T'hat heavier and lighter air may move in currents of different and even opponte direction, appears fometimes by the clouds that happen to be in thofe currents, as plainly as by the fmoke in the experiment above mentioned. Alfo in opening a door between two chambers, one of whioh has been warmed, by holding a candle near the top, near the bottom, and near the middle, .y OU w ill find a ftrong current of warm air paffir-ig ou t of the warmed room above, and another of cool air entering below ; while in the middle there is little or no motion. 9. The great quantity of vapour rifing between the tropics forms clouds, which contain much electricity. Some of them fall in rain, before they come to the polar regions. 10. If T t t 506 Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 10. If the rain be received in an "folated veffel, the veffel will be electrified -, for every drop brings down fome electricity with it. 11. The fame is done by fnow or hail. * 12. The electricity fo defcending, in temperate * climates, is.received and imbibed by the earth. 13. If the clouds are not fufficiently difcharged by this gradual operation, they fometimes dif- charge themielves fuddenly by ftriking into the earth, where the earth is fit to receive their elec tricity. 14. The earth in temperate and warm.climates is generally fit to receive it, being a good conduc tor, 15. A certain quantity of heat will make fome bodies good conductors, that will not otherwife conduct. 16. Thus wax rendered fluid, and glafs foften- ed by heat, will both of them conduct. 17. And water, though naturally a good con ductor, will not conduct well, when frozen into ice by a common degree of cold j not at aih where the cold is extreme -(-. : ^ 1 8. Snow falling upon frozen ground has been found to retain its electricity ; and to cate it J to an ifolated body, when after falling, it has been driven about by the wind. 1.9, The [M.P.] Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 567 19. The humidity contained in all the equa torial clouds that reach the polar regions, mull there be condenfed and fall in fnow. 20. The great cake of ice that eternally covers thofe regions may be too hard frozen to permit the electricity, defcending with that fnow -f-, to enter the earth. 21. It may therefore be accumulated upon that ice. 22. The atmofphere being heavier ig the polar regions, than in the equatorial, will there be lower ; as well from that caufe, as from the fmal- ler effect of the centrifugal force : confequently the diftance of the vacuum above the atmofphere will be lefs at the poles, than elfewhere; and probably much lefs than the diftance (upon the furface of the globe) extending from the pole to thofe lati tudes in which the earth is fo thawed as to receive and imbibe electricity ; (the froft continuing to lat. 80 , which is ten degrees, or 600 miles from the pole; while the height of the atmofphere there of fuch denfity as to obftruct the motion || of the electric fluid, can fcarce be efteemed above [ ] miles). 23. The vacuum above is a good conductor*. . 24. May not then the great quantity of elec tricity, brought into the polar regions by the clouds, which are condenfed there, and fall in fnow; which electricity would enter the earth, T 1 1 2 but 508 Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. but cannot penetrate the ice; may it not, I fay* (as a bottle overcharged) break through that low atmofphere, and run along in the vacuum over the air towards the equator - y diverging as the de grees of longitude enlarge ; ftrongly vifible where denfeft, and becoming lefs vifible as it more di verges -, till it finds a paflage to the earth in more temperate climates, or is mingled with their up per air ? 25. Iffuch an operation of nature were really performed, would it not give all the appearances of an AURORA BOREALIS ? 26. And would not the auroras become more frequent after the approach of winter -j- ; not only becaufe more vifible in longer nights ; but alfo becaufe in fummer the long prefence of the fun may fof ten the furface of the great ice cake, and render it a conductor, by which the accumulation of electricity in the polar regions will be prevent ed ? ' 27. The atmofphere of the polar regions % be ing made more denfe by the extreme cold, and all the moifture in that air being frozen; may not any great light arifing therein, and patting through it, render its denfity in fome degree vifible during the night time, to thofe who live in the rarer air of more fouthern latitudes j and would it not ia that cafe, although in itfelf a complete and full circle, extending perhaps ten degrees from the pole, appear to fpeftators fo placed (who could fee only a part of it) in the form of afegmmt -, its chord - [M.P.] Conjectures about the Aurora Borealis. 509; chord retting on the horizon, and its arch elevated more or lefs above it as feen from latitudes more or lefs diftant ; darkijh in colour, but yztfufficiently tranjparent to permit fome flars to be feen thro' it. 28. The rays of electric matter ifluing out of a body, diverge * by mutually repelling each other, unlefs there be fome conducting body near, to receive them: and if that conducting body be at a greater diftance, they wiMjirft diverge, and then, converge in order to enter it. May not this account for fome of the varieties of figure feen at times in the motions of the luminous matter of the auroras :: fmce it is poffible, that in paffing over the atmo- fphere, from the north in all directions or meri dians, towards the equator, the rays of that mat ter may find in many places, portions of cloudy region, or moift atmofphere under them, which (being in the natural or negative ftate) may be fit to receive them, and towards which they may therefore converge : and when one of thofe receiv ing bodies is more than faturated, they may again- diverge from it, towards other furrounding malTes of fuch humid atmofphere, and thus form the crowns-^, as they are called, and other figures; mentioned in the hiftories of this cneteor ? 5 1 o Identity of the Aurora and Ele&ric Fluid. . Notes to the preceding Paper. * [If I miftake not, this paper was read to the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris, v at the meeting held immediately after E after 1779. Difccveries relative to the electricity of the atmofphere, feem the property of Dr, Franklin. Having explained the Jubftance of light ning, and the means of dif arming its fury, having furnifhed the principal facts and conjectures for determining its mode of collection and discharge, along with our clouds', it remained for him to inflruct us in the hiftory of the Aurora Borealis. He modellly calls it only a preparation towards an hypothecs ; but there are few electricians who will not fee difcovered in it fundamentals of its caufe ; and hereafter when contemplating this meteor, pay their tribute to Dr. Franklin. I find it neceflary to obferve however, that Dr. Franklin appears to have little difficulty in fuppoiing the electric fluid and the matter of the auroras, to be one and the fame ; and only inquires how the fluid comes to be found in ^Jituation fit for producing the appear ances the re exhibited. He does not therefore enumerate any of thofe articles in which they mutually correfpond ; fuch as the difFufed milky light, the filent flitting, and fometimes convulfed corrufcations of that light, the feveral varieties of colour, &c. that are alike feen in the auroras, and our lefs perfect artificial vacuums when electri fied ; together with other cjrcumftances of refemblance that are to be collected from the hypothecs itfelf. The cotwuljed corrufcations indeed in the auroras, moft refemble the repetitions of the ilroke obfervable in lightning; which how ever, being acknowledged electrical, comes to the fame thing. And the repetitions in both cafe:; may be fuppofed owing to the difcharge of one collection of the fluid along the conducting pafTage, being inftantly followed by the difcharge of another from a more diitant refervoir> fucceeding into the vacancy the firil has left, and then itfelf ruffling in turn to the conducting paffage : And, as many in number as the connected refervoirs are, fo frequent will be the repetition of the ftroke ; the firfl difcharges being neceffarily the moft violent f. But if thefe corrufcations fliould not all of them f- [Accounts are often given of ftrokes of lightning, which are faid to have di vided themfelves upon their parlage in different directions ? May not thefe appear ances niore frequently arife from the explofion and difiipation ot the firft difcovered conductors, by the firft difcharges j which makes it neceflary for foefolloiving dif charges to feek other courfes ? E.J arife / me /At (Ae/i . r fc> crJftt+TwK ana [M. P.] Of a Circulation of humid Air. 511 arife from abfolute difcharges, (and it may be fuppofed from obfer- vation that they do not,) then perhaps the fluid may be confidered at thefe moments a? under the operation of certain accidents that may attend it in its infulation\. Indeed thofe flill and detached clouds of light, fo often feen in the auroras, out of reach of the north ; are hardly to be accounted for, even allowing the theory, without fup- poiing an infulation that is in fome degree permanent. E.] [ J 7. " Thus a circulation of [humid] air is kept up in our " atmofphere." There are fome facls to be related here, which may elucidate our author's conjectures. 1. The effefl of the fun on our atmofphere is held to be powerful enough, to give an almoft inflexible direction to the lower air (or trade winds) in the northern Atlantic, to the vaft diftance of 2000 miles from the equator ; (which is near \ of the diftance to the polar ice -cake, afterwards fpoken of.) 2. The courfe of thefe trade winds about the tropic of cancer, being to the northward of eaft, implies a great vacancy made in thofe lower latitudes where thefe winds are only at eaji ; and as the air in thofe parts is moft rarified and fwelled, fuch va cancy can only happen from the air's riiing ; particularly as the fea there keeps the heat at a tolerable equilibrium, and vapour may be fuppofed to increafe the volume of air. 3. Only about ^ of the equator appears to pafs over land ; the reft extending along water t much of which water is therefore in the way of the heated air's im bibing*. 4. A fmall thin ftream of air, pafling through colder air, would quickly lofe its heat; but where a *uajt mafs of warm air rifes, (fuch as a fegment of the atmofphere,) though the outer parts of it that occahonally touch colder foreign bodies may be fpeedily cooled, yet the circumftances of the fituation andexpofure only can be expedted to cool the inner parts. Thus, the vaft mafs of waters heated by the tropical fun in theAtlantic, and driven by the tropical winds in a heap towards the bay of Mexico, (where it becomes ftill more heated from being ftationary, and this amid furrounding hot lands ;) when it comes to run itfelfofF through thegulph of Florida, carries fo much heat along with it, that Dr. Franklin found it at 8 1 % -J- [Such as the being difturbed by the neighbourhood or removal of the fluid in the regions below (which may be fuppofed moving about therein clouds or other- wife j) or the being forced to undergo a frefh diftribution from the local increafe or diminution of its quantity ; or the being affected by undulations in the atmofphere, (amounting not only to mere change of pofition in the fluid, but to an alteration of the fizeof the n-fervoirs in which it is confined 5) with perhaps various other cir cumftances. E.J * [The proportion of land to water is indeed greater in the other parts of the tropics. E.] \ [In the tropics etftiuard of the Weft Indies, at the fame feafon, it has ben found only at 77 (of Fahrenheit.) E.J in .512 Of a Circulation of humid Air. in Nov. 1776, when croffing it in his voyage from Philadelphia to France. For though the fides and bottom of this great water-current undoubtedly lofe heat, by mixing with colder waters ; yet the inner parts (not being able to cool each other) retain their heat much longer; and in fact, as Dr. Franklin has farther obferved, preferve a confiderable mare of it up to the banks of Newfoundland. - 5. "How fovtly jttuation operates here, appears from confidering that this water- current travels only at the rate of five or fix miles an hour in the gulph itfelf, and at about two miles an hour perhaps near Virginia; becoming not only flower a^ it goes on, but thinner (i. e. Shallower) and broader alfo in furface; and yet the diftance to Newfoundland is in all perhaps 1300 miles. The fame conclufion is to be drawn from the fea's remaining liquid, or at 28^ of heat*, very high up in the polar circles, and within 12 or 15 degrees of the .pole to the north : Anfi th fame appears from hot blaftin^ f winds being found at a great diftance from the places where they are formed; and the fame, from many of our cold winds. 6. The aftual warmth and moifture of the higher air in the tropics, is feen from clouds (or uncondenfed vapour) often exifting at much greater heights, than thofe at which mountains, from their fitu- ation, remain perpetually covered more or lefs with fnows ; and the fame appears alfo in the lower air in the northern regions, when ice-mountains there find means to condenfe local fogs and clouds out of the air around them. 7. The mafs of warm air coming from the equator may, from the lofs at its edges, fhrink much in general fize ; and yet, as it had filled the larger degrees of longitude at the equator, ftill occupy great proportional room in the fmaller degrees of longitude at the pole. 8. The furface of the earth in the polar circles being only about T ' T part of what the temperate and tropical zones contain, the mafs of cold air there will be -found fmaller upon comparifon than fufpecled ; and confirm feftion 6, particularly when it is confidered, that though thefe parts of the earth are placed for fuch long periods immoveably in the {hade, yet the air above them is very fluctuating, new fuc- ceflions of it pouring in on every fide from parts that are more en lightened. 9. It would be well to confider to tuhat bodies above, * [At this degree Mr. Nairne has found that/a water begins to depofit its fait, and congeal. E.] f- [As this hot air does not immediately quit the earth, I fhould conjecture that it is dry air, for -vapour would feem to snake it more buoyant, and carry it upwards from the furface. Accordingly thefe very winds are fuppofed to have become heated over dry fandy defarts ; and though in fome cafes they pafs over a narrow ,re perfect vacuum is attempted, it might be well to make "the vacuum of a broad flat fhape, fo as to afford a fhcn tranfit and much fpace. E.} f [The nearer the place of obfervation is to the origin of the aurora and the tommencemeni cfiis light, the more important it feems to remark the weather, winds, &c. and the face of the earth inthofe parts, as being made up of fea or larxl, &c. E,j J [The virtues of bodies that are magnetical, being diminifhed during heat; Mr. Canton fuppofes that the eaftern parts of the eirth being firft heated by the morning fun, the inclination of the needle is therefore ftrongeft towards the iveft during the morning ; afier the turn of the day, it becomes ftationary j and in the evening it returns eaftward, the weftern parts now poffeffing more heat, and there fore lefs attraction. And this regular variation is, as might be expedted, greater in. fommer than in winter. The irregular variation he attributes to fubterraneous heat in the earth ; which earth heating the air, might produce the aurora, which he fays " is fuppofed to be the eieftricity of the heated air above;" and he adds, " This will appear chiefly in the northern regions, as the alteration in the heat of '* thofe parts will be greateft."- See the Philof. Tranf. for 1759, p. 4 C 3- E.J H [This muft be allowed a local circumftance ; but as Mr. Winn, who obferves it, fays, that the knowledge of it has en. bled him to make ufe of or avoid the gale, would it not be well to obfcrve farther (after confirming the remark) if there is not fometimes a correspondence between the quarter of the brighter auroras, and the quarter of the furcceding gale, if any fuch takes place; as alfo between the violence of the e,ale compared with the time of the interval before its commencement. See the Piulof. Tranf. for 1774, p, 128. E.I * * ' * . wita [M. P.] Farther Hints by Dr. Franklin. 521 with one caufe of the auroras? And during our prefent imperfect knowledge, not only of the principles, but even of the events of the atmofphere ; are our conjectures to be expected exact in all their minutias ; and is not every thing to be received with candour, that is propofed with diffidence, particularly where nothing is aflumed, but to fuggeft materials ? It is however time to finifh thefe queries and comments ; which I do with the fincereft apology. It is feldom that I have been able to follow Dr. Franklin with any thing but admiration, but his own modeft invitation to gueffers has here tempted me into imprudence. And to fay the truth, as his conjectures were novel and incomplete, I wifhed to preventer moderate objections from thofc, who venerate and love him fomewhat lefs than I do ; and who may not perhaps haveadverted to the views and circumlUnces of tkeir publication. E.] * [The following paragraph ftands in the original manufcript with a fingle line drawn through it. As I conceive no other reafon for this, than its being merely a general meteorological remark, that anfes out of the fundamental principle of this fyilem of the auroras, but relates not to the aurora itfelf ; I have here in a note reilored it, to be in time carried to its proper place. 29. ' If it be true that the clouds which go to the polar regions, and carry thither the vapors of the equatorial and temperate regions, [ have their] vapors condenfed by the extreme cold of the polar regions, and fall in fnow or hail ; the winds which come from thofe regions ought to be generally dry, unlefs they gain fome humidity by fweeping the ocean in their way. And if I miftake rot, the winds between the north eaft and the north weft, are for the moft part dry, when they have continued for fome time.' Perhaps this may be a fit place to introduce another remark by Dr. Franklin, which hasjuft occurred to my notice. Mr. Wina (in the letter quoted above p. 520, and which was addrefied to Dr. Franklin) had ftated that fince he had firft made the obfervation concerning fouth or fouth welt winds fucceeding an aurora, he had f:.und it invariably obtaining in twenty-three initanees ; and he adds in a farther note, dated Jan. 2.2, 1773, a fri-ih confirming inltance. Dr. Franklin then makes the following conjecture : ' The Aurora * Borealis* though vifible almoit every night of clear weather in the * more northern regions and very high in the atmofphere ; can fcarce ' be vifible in England, but when the atmofphere is pretty clear of ' clouds tor the whole fpace between us and thofe regions ; andther.e-. * fore are feldom vifible here. This extenve clearnefs may have * been produced by a long continuance of northerly winds. When * the winds have long continued in one quarter, the return is oftea X x x 522 Height of Clouds ; wfh Conjeb ' violent. Allowing the faft io repeatedly obfervec' * perhaps this may account frr \- ' that loon follow the appear; (See the Phil. Tranf. for 1774, [P. S. A perfon, whofe nafne carries fome having doubted whether <:/?;.' lationfeen upon mountains^ I (hall confirm my affertior: evi dence of thofe employed in meaiuring .an equatorial dop.-ce on the mountains of Peru. Twenty-three days in particular v/ere fpent on Pichinca fummit, about whcfe elevation ' congelation uiually began ; and here they faw not only ice, but fnow altr; j-l daily, as alfo hail (which hail from the nature of its formation mult have been previous rain that had congealed onits pafl>ge;) and t!:- fo, s or clouds that ufually inveloped this and othd like firuatioris, necef- farily obliged them to place their fignals on 1- .ver ele\ at ms Even Cotopaxi itfelf was covered with ice and fnow; and Chimboraco (ftill higher thn,n Cotopaxi) was feen by M. Bcuguer with clouds above it, if mile from the congelation point; the height of no-moun- 1 tain M. Bouguer had feen, being fufficient to difcover what he calls " the upper* term of congelation," or ceafing of fnow, &c. The raft being eftablifhed, I would thus endeavou co account for it. It is well known that more of the fun's rays will be received upon a given furface, in proportion as that furface is prefented to the rays at right angles, inftead of obliquely : So that if a wooden pin were ftuck perpendicularly in the ground in the way of the fet- ting fun, the proportion between the length of the pin and its fha- dovv, would truly reprefent this difference ; for if the pin were re- * [Seethe plate; and the Englirfi translation of Ulloa, Vol. I. p. 230-2, 235, and 460-1 (the fcnfe of which latter paffage however feems mifinterpreted.) Phipps's voyage indeed (p. 69-71) gives an account of mountains tar within the polar circle, that were covered with ice and fnow below, but'lelt bare at tb^ top: ,But this was during autumn : and Maupertuis obferved under the polar circle, that the firft appearance of thaw in fpring time, was upon certain high points, which fhewed themfelves "like mountains after the deluge ;" (owing to the free niftion of the fun in part, alfo to drifting winds, and to the warmer air above orobaUy nol being chilled by an approach to the colder level of the earth.) But the abfence of the fnow here was clearly not for want of clouds} fcr Captain Phipps fays he never remembers obferving the Iky in thefe latitudes, without feeing it loaded ivith bard white clouds : And in Hudfon's Bay, the air is feldom or ever clear for 24 hours; . having clouds in it when the thermometer has remained 19 days below the o of Fahrenheit, and was once 43 below it, (the winds at the time chiefly blowing over cold land of immenfe extent, without their contents congealing in the courle of their vaft travels from the warmfea whence they were procured.) Clouds then appear not only abcrve the point of congelation on mountains taken vertically, but b*yond it taken horizontally at certain feafons towards the poles. '} moved, " Height of Clouds \ with Conjedures. -523 moved, the long horizontal furface now covered by the fhadow, would have no more rays to enlighten it, than before fell fingly on. the pin. Again : tranfparent air, particularly when rare, is fcarcely at all affefted by the fun's rays, though colle&ed by a burning glafs; abundantly lefs fo than even tranfparent water; Tho' both fuf- fer the rays to pafs through to heat other bodies, and then grow warm by communication with thofe other bodies *. Now all the moiflurc of the earth would probably remain for ever frozen, were it not for the fun ; for thus (to mention only one proof at prefent) it happens in the polar circles, when the fun is abfent, or even when his rays fhoot feldom and obliquely. In the tropics however, where the fun's rays fall more perpendicularly, and are withdrawn for fhorter pe riods, and where they traverfe a morter fedlion of the atmofphere ; the earth's moifture appears not only liquid, but warm. If a /mall declivity of furface appears in the tropics, that is not oppofed to the fun ; that declivity may indeed receive few rays in proportion to its furface, and thence its furface have lefs power in heating the air ; but as heat is communicated to it by contact with the neighbouring fpots of ground, and by other air that is denfe and loaded with dark exhalations and that is heated in the courfe of a continued paf- fage along an immenfe warm level of earth ; the general furface of this fmall declivity will appear but little cooler than other more level parts. If a taller eminence however occurs, fuch as a towering mountain ; whofe fides are neceflarily very oblique to the fun, and. which can find no other land near it of the fame level to commu nicate heat to it either by contact or by confiderably warming the air that is to pafs over it, and which has its own. air above both clear and rare; fuch mountain in its higher parts will be found in its original freezing condition. If therefore the warm air which Dr. Franklin fuppofes to rife from the fea at the equator, and having its humidity in a ftate of tranfparent folution, comes near fuch cold mountain ; it will grow turbid and full of vapors or clouds ; and if thofe vapors are further condenfed and chilled, they will fall in hail or fnow. But it may be afked, whether fuch mountain will not gradually affume the temperature of the rifen air that furrounds it? I an fwer, that in a courfe of time this way happen; it may already have happened in part : but the change is very flow, * [The fun (other things being alike) has the appearance of aHng moft upon bodies that are leaft able to reflect or tranfmit its rays, and its rays ceafe in part to a& as light when they begin to aft as heat. But the common theory is, that heat confifting in inteftine motion, the reflection of the fun's rays backwards and forwards multiplies the number of times of their action, and increafes this motion, and con- fequently their heat. The atmofphere however (the body in queftion) is moft heated by the fun in its lower parts, when it is fomewhat hazy. If it were clear, hi the proportion of denfity in which it furrounds our earth, rays would be tranfmitted through it perhaps for hundreds of miles. E.J X x x z for 524 Earth tends to freeze, but for the Sum for old as the world is grown, mountains of this defcription are yet but a little way thawed up. Nor is this perhaps wonderful : The heat loft by the air, when it depofits its moifture, is returned to the air in kind, when evaporation takes place upon the mountain, in confequenee of the thaw produced : Alfo when the fnow is melted, it not only thus evaporates, but often pours down along the moun tain's fide, together with the heat that thawed it ; As to the fun's, rays, the fogs intercept and carry away fome of the few directed to its furface, and ice and fnow reflect others : And bulk for bulk rare air poflefles little heat ; and what heat it has, fnow ( the body it chiefly meets with) is fuppofed not to conduct well *. How little proportional heat is communicated by the atmofphere to other bodies, is feerr by the difference found in our climates be tween the north and fouth walls of a houfe, by the coolnefs of the air itfelf in open caves and grottos, c. &c. and in particular when the earth is covered with fnow, we are told that it is very difficult for the froft of the air to penetrate the foil. On the other hand,, how exteniively though flowly, heat is communicated by contact from one particle of earth or 'water to another, will appear by fome additional remarks and corollaries ; which tend to prove that the earth's temperature generally taken depends wholly upon the fun, and that without this particular heat the earth would remain for ever frozen. 1-. Springs and caves, that are free from minerals and. tried at proper-depths, feem to correfpond with the avrage-heatx>f the climate-where they are found ; the earth at certain depths ceafing to obey the temporary changes of the fun, and only retaining its average, operation ; or in other words the flow changing maffes of the ftrata. below, deducting from or adding to the upper heat, juft in proportion as the fun's heat above exceeds or falls Ihort. 2. The fea in the. tropics is graduaHy colder as we have gone, lower down : It is ftill colder ia the cold regions, but liquid as far a^ the founding, line has gone ; Though differing left in the proportion of heat, between its furface and lower parts than in the tropics; for were the cold at bottom ever to produce congelation, the ice being^ fpecifically lighter j mult be expected to rife, and while riling would. be melted again quickly by the fea, where it ftill remained liquid,. - * '[See rnofl- particularly Dr. Franklin's- theory cf heat, p. 350- 7$ and 419-20.. of his Letters, 5th eu. If it be thought that the mountain ought to be heated by its contact with the ground found at itsrbafe; it muft be recoliedted that the earth immediately un&r its bafe .(which of tourfe is very extended) is neve? flvsne upon j- and that the p.arts r&tnd the bafe taken all together, are for very various reafons lefs warm below than if there wen: no mountain near them. As we have never pene trated into the earth's bov.-eis downwards more than one-third of the di.'tance fixed by. Ulloa for the point of congelation upwards at the equator, it is not to be expected that we can determine precifely how.high up the effett of contact ought to-, reach. E.J ana. Earth tends to freeze, but for the Sun. 525, and thence produce (what is feen) a pretty even temperature be low* ; The parts above being regulated by the mixed operation of climate, evaporation, agitation, and contact. 3. Though thefe, effects depend upon the fun, yet its light and rays do not penetrate loo fathoms into the fea, and not at all into land : consequently the heat muft be communicated by contact. -4. I conjecture that the moifture of the ground in our latitudes, by its conducting powers as to iieat, is one principal cauieof this extenilve diffulion of warmth by land : for in India during a heat of 112 in the air, ice by be ing placed in a dry pit, in high ground, and furrounded with itraw and blanketting (both bad conductors of heat,) is kept unmelted. within four or five yards of the furface. And I would afk whether the drynejs produced \>y froft is not in this refpect of the fame nature, with this drynefs of foil arifing from abfence of moifture ; and whether ice is not for various reafons a worfe conductor of heat th*an. water ?~5. Jn Siberia f the inner furface of the ground appears always, frozen ; a fact firft intimated by the want of fprings, and then dif- covered by inflection in the courfe of digging for them ; whence one may fuppofe that the medium temperature of the climate there. for a great part of the year, is below the freezing point., 6. The upper cruft of the furface however, is with them for a few. feet thawed in fummer : as with us it is only to the fame depth< frozen in winter. 7. The difference of heat between day and. night, winter and fummer, and in different latitudes, all prove the fun's omnipotence ; the greater heat and cold (as might be expected, where large maffes are in queftion) being always after, the turn. of. the feafon, &c. 8. Mines appear to keep a fimilar gradation of heat with that of the. tropical feas : the inner furface here, after the feafon,. has for fome time turned, being refpectively warmer cr colder than, the upper furface; (which fame circumftance is difcovered in the: temperature of the fea at theje times in uneven climates,, when fur rowed up by florms.) It may be difficult however on account of mineral and artificial heats, the forced circulation of, air, and the, warmth of the miners bodies, to acquire a juit notion of the tem perature of mines, and therefore it would be belt perhaps to examine, the water iffuing in them at different levels, provided it be pure J : and * [This perhaps (allowance being made for the form of the vefiel, to leave room for the affertion above) wiiJ help to explain whence it is, that if freih water is fet to freeze, the unfrozen refiduum will always remain at 32 5 though the cold is intenfe and .equally applies to the water and the ice : a fadt noticed by that very accurate and modeli experimenter, Mr. Nairne. E..J f- [The rivers of Siberia therefore have their origin in the fouth, and go-on fluid 1 - b,y means of their united ^afifs to the north* In the north probably they could not: b,ave originate;.;, or at lead hn : Pernaps there are optical difficul ties attending the laft of thefe iblutions ; and were the firft to be held the true one, fuch powerful heat being incorporated century after century with our globe, < ne might have expected the accu mulation of it by this time to have arrived at prodigious extremes ;. the cle .r unequivo; al progrefs of which could hardly have efcaped the notice of hiitory. Alterations in the furface of land excepted, from the deftru&ion of forefts, &c. perhaps the earth may now be held arrived at its maximum of heat ; but when it is coniidered that per haps '-,. part of the earth is ftiil in foreft that is yet to be cut down,, this fource of frelh heat leems not to be overlooked : The confequences attending which circumftance, in another refpect, have already been ferious in the Weft Indies ; for drought in fome cafes has fol lowed the removal of fereils, particularly the mountainous ones j becaufe the more naked foil receiving and emitting the iun's heut better than the leaves and branches of trees, when the mountains become warmer from lofing their fcreen, they ar# lefs able than formerly to precipitate vapors or clouds from the hunrd air : Hence in fome of thefe places the inhabitants are faid to be taking meafures to reliore their forefls, as in other wetter pares they are in hatte to have them removed. I thought to have clofed here, but a hint has juft occurred to me, which I cannot but relate. Volcanos even in the tropics, do not heat their fides and necks, fo as to prevent their being frozen ; ilill lefs then do they their roots : buppofe therefore a volcano in fome northern 528 A new caufe of tie Auroras conjetfured. northern country, to be fo high or cold, as to be infulated by frozen ground below. This volcano will caufe a heat perpendicularly and to great height over it in the air, not only becaufe its heat afcends, but becaufe the heated vaporized air alfo afcends : The column of air then correfponding to its bafe, being lighter than the neighbouring ones, mull: balance itfelfby being longer; and thence will Hand like a pillar above the reft. As the heat continues, may not the air then, which from the frozen face of the country is furcharged with electricity, flow in turn from the neighbouring furface to form a part of this fucceffive pillar, each particle bringing along with it its fur. charge of electricity ? And when arrived in turn at the pillar's fum- mit, will not fuch electricity have a better chance than in any other fituation, for projecting itfelf towards the vacuum above; the pillar not only being thus elevated, but the heat poffibly extending fUll above? And the longer and fiercer the fire, will not the more elec trical fluid in turn be tranfmitted ? Iceland is large, elevated, and in 65 of latitude.; why may not a volcano of this defciiption be found in Iceland, and produce an Aurora Borea'is ? The appearances of fome of our auroras about that ifland *, the frequent volcanos difperfed through it, the flufhings of their fire according with the flufhings of the aurora, and the pofiibility of feeing what happens at coniiderable elevations in that quarter; feem to incline one to the hypothefis. If our auroras have only lately appeared, the fame may be the cafe with trie volcano that has produced them ; which volcano may ceafe again, for the fame reafon that the volcano of Hecla has ceafed. And if the aurora ufuaTly is feen in the begin ning of the night, and is brighteft when thaw fucceeds after cold ; will not this correfpond with the idea that humid air is in itfelf ful- left of electricity ; and that as the thaw will be lateft in affecting the high lands and fome inclination to froft may be fuppofed to attend there after the fun firft difappears ; the heated pillar of air may thence (at leaft in certain ftages) be well electrified, though the ground below, and perhaps other parts of the furrounding air above, jnay not yet have acquired conducting powers ? Suppofe this mat ter were more obferved. Though there is but little land in the fouth, Dr. Forfter w;is not in wide feas, but within a few days fail of New Zealand, when he faw the auroras in that hemifphere : Is there no "lofty volcano then in New Zealand ? The infulation of the volcano, it will be feen is eflential to its operation ; for were it allowed conducting powers, the whole furplus of electricity would rum through the fire and minerals, to the moiftened earth and jcomnninicating feas : Hence as it would have fpoiled Dr. Franklin's idea of a furcharge, I had always kept volcanos out of the theory; not having till lately adverted to the probability of the fe&ion of * [See page 519, laft note, E.J [M.P.] A new caufe of the Auroras conjeftured. 529 their bafe being frozen throughout. However as votcatios are faid to require 'water to form their minerals into a pafle s it is worth confider- ing whence the water is to come, if froft helps * to infulate the vol cano. I know no other folution than the following. If water were once allowed a remarkably mild feafon for penetrating into the mountain (and the difference of a few inches of thaw, or a chafm formed by an earthquake attending fome neighbouring eruption, might effect this) the materials of the volcano might be put into order for an eruption ; and an opening being once formed, the water might afterwards be fupplied from without : for the Icelanders are faid by experience to expect an eruption from a volcano, whenever the ice is formed in mafles ready to drop into its crater ; and the neighbouring fummits might eafily give this fupply f. But the whole of this is to beheld as conjecture, till confirmed by better obfervation ; for which reafon it feems prudent not to venture at prefent upon any farther minutiae. It may be proper only to anti cipate a confiderable objection, relative to thejize of the aurora arc, compared with the diameter of the crater ; which perhaps is done by obferving, that when the column of heated air rifes to a certain fituation, its' repulfive force makes it expand and float on the top of the neighbouring columns ; and the electric fluid it contains (already fpread out by this operation) fpreads itfelf abundantly wider by its own farther repulfion as it advances to rarer mediums ; till at laft it arrives at the diffufion obferved when it firft exhibits light. Indeed if the top of the pillar of air were not thus fucceffively removed, the air below could no longer fucceffively rife. The facts taken notice of in the courfe of the notes upon this paper, it may be feen perhaps have other various and extenfive applications, but it will be feen alfo that fuch application^ have no claim to be found in this place. I mail therefore conclude with the following lift of references confirming what has been ftated in the poftfcript to thefe notes. Ulloa, as before quoted, and vol. I. p. 246; Philofbph. Tranf. for 1770, p. 147-9, 129, and 131 ; Prieftley's Optics, p. 426-9; Philofoph. Tranf. for 1776, p. 107; \. R. Forfter's obfervations during a voyage round the world, p. 60. (confirmed by the journal of Mr. Bayley in the Adventure floop) alfo, ibid. p. 98-99 ; Philof. Tranf. for 1775, p. 459-462, with Marline's Effay on Thermometers, p. 2 2 2, and other facts; Phipps's Voyage toward the North pole, p. 141, 142-6, 147 ; Philofoph. Tranf. for 1775, p. 253, compared with 257; Petersburg Memoirs ; * [There muft be an abfence of minerals, as well as moifture, where the infula- tion is. .] j- [See Dr. Forfter's obfervations during a voyage round the world, p. 121. com pared with p. 10; UJloa'i very fenfible theory of volcanos and earthquakes, vol. zd. p. 87 ; and the Abbe Prevot's collc&ion of voyages and continuation, Vol. 18. ch. ad. and 3d. 410 edit. E, J Y y y De 53 Concluding Remarks from M. Mairan. De Luc's Account of the mines in the Hartz foreft in Germany, alfo Bergman's Phyfical Geography ; and Muflchen brock's Introductio ad Phil. Natur. artic. 2299. E.J [ N. B. Since writing the above, M. Mairan's Traite Phyjique et Jiiftoriquc de I' furore Bcrcale, znde edit, has fallen into my hands. The theory is fingular perhaps, but the historical collection is ela borate and important. It poflibly was to fuperfede the neceffity of this theory, that Dr. Franklin has fuggeilcd a caufe for the frequent appearance of the airoras at the apprcacb of winter : and I find by Mairan's table, that out of 1441 auroras which are recorded during 1168 years, 212 were feen in the months of October, and 202 in thofe of March ; which gives the preference to October, contrary to Muflchenbroek, and conformable to Dr. Franklin,- --Mairan alfo makes it clear that the auroras were formerly very unfrequent ; info- much that the number which appeared from 1722 to 1751 inclu- fively, (amounting to 989 in only 30 years) more than doubles ac cording to his table thofe that had appeared during the fpace of 1 1 38 years before. He feems alfo to have proved that the auroras are neither perpetual, ancient, nor unufually brilliant towards the high, latitudes in this northern hemifphere ; and that they are perhaps ne ver feen in it at fo low latitudes as 36. In thefoutbern hemifphere, he confirms their appearance from Ulloa ; who fent him a very fatisfaclory account by letter, of fome that he had feen in doubling the land at Cape Home ; and Frezier alfo appears to have feen the like in the fame Situation. Refpe&ing the height of the auroras, he exhibits a computation made by various philofophers in various man ners of certain particular ones, and ftates the average of them at 1 75 leagues high (of which leagues 25 go to a degree) ; the loweft being 47 leagues, and the higheft 275 leagues : And in another place he computes the average of them at 200 leagues high, which is 8 de grees or 556 Englifh miles. See Mairan, p. 554; 547-5545 82-93; 379-3 8 9; 10 4 437 J 43 8 -44 | 5 5 6 ~7> 45- 6 >4 I *> 433~ 6 - alfo Newton's Optics, Qu. 28. To conclude ; when I firft' read the above paper in May laft, I thought I favv true principles contained in it, though I felt difficulties in their application. Upon a due consideration however of the loca lity of the auroras, the irregular periods of their appearance, and the fmall elevation of the atmofphere ; I find thefe difficulties to be in- fuperable. I have therefore applied the fame principles of " eleftri- 4 ' catty charged air, and a non-condufttng earthy" to another hypothefis; which feems to admit a nearer approximation to the truth. For va rious reafons however, I make no alterations in the notes ; which tend to eftablifh two fingular fa&s ; viz. thr.t the air is moiSt and warm at unexpected heights above, and tha: the earth is frozen at tmexpefted depths below. July 1779. N.B. Vide Addenda. E.] The [M.P.] The Author's Epitaph on Himfelf. 531 The body Of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Printer, (Like the cover of an old book, Its contents torn out, And ftript of its lettering and gilding) Lies here, food for worms ; Yet the work itfelf fhall not be loft, For it will (as he believed) appear once more, In a new And more beautiful edition, Correclad and amended By - Tne Author*. * [A news-paper, in which I have feen tKis copy of Dr. Frankliu*s epitaph on bimfelf, fays that it firft appeared in a Boflott Mfwt-paffr ciUblift$d and printed by Dr. Franklin. E. j Yyy 2 APEEN- ( 533 ) . . Qontaining additional Papers proper for infertion in the foregoing work. [G. P.] Rules for a Club formerly ejlallijhed in Philadelphia J. Previous queftion, to be anfwered at every meeting. TTAVE you read over thefe queries this morn- * - ing, in order to confider what you might have to offer the Junto [touching] any one of them ? viz. ' I. Have you met with any thing in the author * you laft read, remarkable, or fuitable to be com- * municated to the Junto ? particularly in hiftory, * morality, poetry, phyiic, travels, mechanic arts, * or other parts of knowledge. J [This was an early performance ; and carries along with ft an air of Angularity, accompanied with fuch operative good fenfe and philanthropy, as charafterizes it for Dr. Franklin's. It did not come into my poffeffion early enough for infertion in the body of the work; but it belongs to the divifion of General Politics after p. 81. as the chief ends propofed by it tend to the advancement of a State, The club for which it was written, was held (as I have fuppofed) in Philadelphia ; and if I am well informed was compofed of men confiderable for their influence ^nd difcretion ; rbr though the chief meafures of Penfylvania ufqally received their firil formation in this club,- it exifted for 30 years without the nature of its inftitution. being publicly known. E.] ' 2- What APPEND IX. * 2. What new ftory have you lately heard * agreeable for telling in converfation ? ' 3 . Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed c in his bufinefs lately, and what have you heard * of the caufe ? c 4. Have you Jately heard of any citizen's ' thriving well, and by what means ? ' 5. Have you lately heard how any prefent ' rich man, here or elfewhere, got. his eitate ? ' 6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who * has lately done a worthy action, deferving praife * and imitation ? or who has committed an error ' proper for us to be warned againft and avoid ? * [7. What unhappy effects of intemperance * have you lately obferved or heard ? of impru- ' dence? ofpaffion? or of any other vice or folly ? * 8. What happy effedts of temperance ? of ' prudence ? of moderation ? or of any other * virtue ?] ' 9. Have you or any of your acquaintance * been lately fick or wounded ? If fo, what reme- * dies were ufed, and what were their effects ? 6 jo. Who do you know that are ihortly going * voyages or journies, if one mould have occalion * to fend by them ? ' n. Do you think of any thing at prefent, in * which the Junto may be ferviceable to mankind ? * to their country, to their friends, or to them- * felves ? 12. Hath u J. P.] Rules for a Club. <, ' 12. Hath any deferving flranger arrived in ' town fincebir meeting, thr.t yea heard of ? and s what have you heard or oblbrvtd of his cha- ' rafter or merits ? and whether think you, it lies ' in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or ' dncourage him as he deierves ? c 13. Do you know of any deferving young ' beginner lately fet up, whom it lies in the power * of the Junto any way to encourage ? * 14. Have you lately obferved any defect in ' the laws of your country, [of] which it would ' be proper to move the legislature for an amend- 4 ment ? Or do you know of any beneficial law ' that is wanting ? ' 15. Have you lately obferved any encroach- * ment on the juft liberties of the people ? ' 1 6. Hath any body attacked your reputation ' lately ? and what can the Junto do towards fe- * curing it ? * 17. Is there any man whofe friendmip you ' want, and which the Junto or any of them, can ' procure for you ? ' 1 8. Have you lately heard any member's cha- ' racter attacked, and how have you defended it ? * 19. Hath any man injured you, from whom ' it is in the power of the Junto to procure re- drefs ? * 20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of ' them, affifl you in any of your honourable de- ' figns ? * 21. Have 53 APPENDIX. ' 21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in ' which you think the advice of the Junto may be * of fervice -f- ? ' 22. What benefits have you lately received ' from any man not prefent ? ' 23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opi- e nion, of juftice, and injuftice, which you would * gladly have difcuffed at this time ? ' 24. Do you fee any thing amifs in the pre- * .fent cuftoms or proceedings of the Junto, which * might be amended ? Any perfon to be qualified, to fland up, and lay his hand on his breaft, and be afked thefe quef- tions 5 viz. ' i . Have you any particular difrefpedt to any * prefent members ? Anfwer. I have not. * 2. Do you lincerely declare that you love * mankind in general ; of what profeffion or * religion foever ? Anfw. I do. ' 3. Do you think any perfon ought to be * harmed in his body, name or goods, for mere * fpeculative opinions, or his external way of * worfhip ? Anf. No. * 4. Do you love truth for truth's fake, and * will you endeavour impartially to find and re- ' ceive it yourfelf and communicate it to others ? * Anfig). Yes. f [Queries N 7 and 8 follow here, in the original. E.] 537 [ A. D. T. ] of the Conftitution of the Colonies, by Governor Pownall J -, with Remarks by Dr. Franklin. [ PRINCIPLES. ] I . T T 7Herever any Englifomen go forth without * * the realm, and make fettlements in par- tibus exteris, * Thefe fettlements as Englifli fet~ * dements, and thefe inhabitants as Englifh fub- * jec~ls, (carrying with them the laws of the land * wherever they form colonies, and receiving his * Majefty's protection by virtue of his royal char- * ter *' or commiilions of government,) ' have ' and enjoy all liberties and immunities of free * and natural fubjeds, to all intents conftrudtions ' and purpofes whatfoever ; as if they and every * of them were born within the realm -j-;' And are bound by the like allegiance as every other fubjecl: of the realm. Rem. The fettlers of colonies in America did not carry with, them the laws of the land, as being bound by them wherever they Ihould fettle. They left the realm to avoid the inconveniences and hard- fhips J [This State of the Conjlitutibn of the Colonies was printed at the clofe of 1769, and communicated to various perfons, with "a view to prevent mifchief, from the mifunderftandings between the govern ment of Great Britain and the people of America. 1 have taken the liberty of afcribing it to Governor Pownall, as his name could have been no fecret at the time. Dr. Franklin's remarks (which from their early date are the more curious) are in manufcript j and from an obfervation in reply figned T. P. appear to have been com municated to Governor Pownall. The larger type with the lower notes, mark what belongs to Governor Pownall; and the fmaller type, mixed with the larger one and figned B. F. marks what belongs to Dr. Franklin. E.] * Pratt and York. f General words in all charters. Z ZZ 538 APPENDIX. (kips they were under, where fome of thofe laws were in force : particularly ecclefiaftical laws, thofe for payment of tythes asd others. Had it been underftood that they were to carry thefe laws with them, they had better have ftaid at home among their friends, unexpofed to the rifques and tcils of a new fettlement. They car ried with them, a right tofucbpartsof the law< of the land, as they fhould judge advantageous or ufeful to them : a right to be free from thofe they thought hurtful : and a right to make fuch others, as thsy Ihould think neceflary, not infringing the general rights of Englifh- men ; And fuch new laws they were to form, as agreeable as might be to the laws of England. B, F. 2. Therefore the common law of England, and d&fuchftatutes as were enacted and in force at the time in which fuch fettlers went forth, and fuch colonies and plantations were eftablifhed, (except as hereafter excepted) together with all fuch alte rations and amendments as the faid common law may have received -, is from time to time and at all times, the law of thofe colonies and planta tions. Rem. So far as they adopt it ; by exprefs laws or by practice. B. F . 3 . Therefore all Statutes touching the right of the fuccejjion, and fettlement of the crown, with the ilatutes of treafon relating thereto -, J. All fta- tutes J [i. e.j All ftatutes refpefting the general relation between the crown and the fubjeft ; not fuch as refpeft any particular or peculiar eftablifhment of the realm of England. As for inftance : By the 13th and i4th of Car. II. c. 2. the fupreme military power is de clared to be in general, without limitation, in his Majefty, and to have alway been of right annexed ta the office of King of England, throughout all his Majefty's realms and dominions ; Yet the enaft- ing claufe, which refpe&s only the peculiar eftablifhment of the militia of England, extends to the realm of England only: So that the fu preme military power of the crown in all other his Majefty's realms and dominions ftands, as to thisftatute, on the bafis of its general power, unlimited. However, the feveral legiflatures of his Majefty's kingdom [A: D.T.] Conjlltutlon of the Colonies. 539 tutes regulating or limiting the general powers and authority of the crown, and the exercife of the ju- rifdi&ion thereof; All ftatutes declaratory of the rights and liberty of the fubjett -, do extend to all Britifh fubjedls in the colonies and plantations as of common right, and as if they and every of them were born within the realm. Rent. It is doubted whether any fettlementof the crown by parlia ment, takes place in the colonies, otherwife than by Confent of the Affemblies there. Had the rebellion in 1 745 fucceeded fo far as to fettle the Stuart family again on the throne, by aft of parliament, I think the colonies would not have thought themfelves bound by fuch Aft. They would flill have adhered to the prefent family, as long as they could. B. F. [Obf. in Reply. They are bound to the King and his fucceflbrs, and we know no fucceffion but by aft of parliament. T. P.] 4. All ftatutes enabled Jince the eftablifhment of colonies and plantations, do extend to and ope rate within the faid colonies and plantations, in which ftatutes the fame are fpecially named. Rem. It is doubted whether any aft of parliament mould of right operate in the colonies : in fail feveral of them have and do operate. B.F. 5. Statutes and cuftoms which refpecl only the fpecial and local circumjlances of the realm, do not extend to and operate within faid colonies and plantations, where no fuch fpecial and local cir- cumftances are found. (Thus the ecclejiaftical and canon law, and all ftatutes refpefting tythes > kingdom of Ireland, of his dominions of Virginia, and of the feve ral colonies and plantations in America ; have, by laws to which the King hath given his confent, operating within the precinfts of their feveral jurifdiftions, limited the powers of it and regulated the exercife thereof. Z z z 2 The 540 APPENDIX. The laws refpefting courts baron and copy holds -, The game afh ; The ffotutes refpeffiing the poor, . and fettlements j and all other laws and ftatutes having fpecial reference to fpecial and lcr.:l cir- cumflances and eftabli&ments within the realm ; do not extend to and operate within thefe fet tlements, in partibus exteris, where no fuch cir- cumftances or eftablifhnients exift.) Rem. Thefe laws have no force in America : not merely becaufe local circumftances differ ; but becaufe they have never been adopted, or brought over by Afts of Affembly or by practice in the courts. JS. F. 6. No ftatutes madeyfo^ the eftablilhment of faid colonies and plantations, (except as above de- fcribed in Articles 3. and 4.) do extend to and operate within faid colonies and plantations. Quere. Would any flatute made fince the eftablimment of faid colonies and plantations, which flatute imported to annul and abolifh the powers and jurifdidlions of their refpedtive confti- tutions of government, where the fame was not contrary to the laws, or any otherwife forfeited or abated ; or which ftatute imported to take away, or did take away, the rights and privileges of the fettlers, as Britifh fubjedts : Would fuch flatute, as of right, extend to and operate within faid colonies and plantations ? No. The parliament has no fuch power. The charters cannot be altered but by confent of both parties, The King and the Colonies, . F. [COROLLARIES [A: D.T.] Conftitutlon of the Colonies. 541 [COROLLARIES from the foregoing Principles . ] Upon the matters of fact, right and law as above flated, it is, That the Britiih fubjects thus fettled in partibus exteris without the realm, fb long as they are excluded from an intire 'union with the realm as parts of and within the fame ; have a right to have (as they have) and to be go verned by (as they are) a dljlintt Intlre 'civil go vernment ', of the like powers pre-eminences and jurifdidtions (conformable to the like rights, pri vileges, immunities, iranchifes, and civil liber ties;, as are to be found and are eftablimed in the Britim government, refpedring the Britifh fubject within the realm. Rem. Right. B. F. Hence alfo it is, That the Rights of thefubjetf as declared in the Petition of rights, That the Limitation of the prerogative by the Act for abo- lifhing the Star-chamber and for regulating the Privy-council, &c.; That the Habeas Corpus Act, The Statute of Frauds, The Bill of Rights -, do of common right extend to and are in force within faid colonies and plantations. Rent. Several of thefe rights are eftablifhed by fpecial colony laws. If any are not yet fo eftablifhed, the colonies have right to fuch laws : And the covenant having been made in the charters by the King, for himfelf and his fucceiTors, fuch laws ought to receive the royal affent as of right. S. F. Hence it is that \b.Q freeholders within the pre cincts of thefe jurifdidtions have (as of right they ought to have) zfoare in the power of making~tbofe laws which they are to be governed by, by the right 542 APPENDIX. right which they have of fending their reprefen- tatives to act for them and to confent for them in all matters of legiflation ; which reprefentatives when met in general afTembly, have, together with the crown, a right to perform and do all the like acts refpecting the matters things and rights within the precincts of their juriidiction, as the parliament hath refpecting the realm and Britim dominions. Hence alfo it is that all the executive offices, (from the fupreme civil magiftrate as locum tenens to the King, down to that of conftable and head- borough;) muft of right be eftablifhed with all and the like powers, neither more nor lefs than as denned by the conftitution and law; as in fad: J they are eftablifhed. Hence it is that the judicial offices and courts of jujlice, eftablifhed within the precincts of faid ju- rifdictions, have, as they ought of right to have ; all thofe jurifdictions and powers ' as fully and amply to all intents and purpofes whatfoever ; as the courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, within his Majefty's kingdom of England, have, and ought to have; and are empowered to give judgment and award exe cution thereupon J.' Hence it is, that by the pofTeffion enjoyment and exercife of his Majefty's Great Seal delivered to his Majcfty's Governor, there is eftablifhed within the precincts of the refpective jurifdictions Law in New-England, confirmed by the crown, Oft. 22, 1700. all [A: D.T.] Conftitution of the Colonies. 543 all the fame and like powers of Chancery (except where by charters fpecially excluded) as his Ma- jefty's chancellor within his Majefty's kingdom of England hath, and of right ought to have, by delivery of the Great Seal of England. And hence it is that all the like rights privileges and powers, follow the ufe exercife and application of the Great Seal of each colony and plantation within the precindls of faid jurifdidion ; as doth, and ought of right to follow the ufe, exercife, and application of the Great Seal. Hence alfo it is that appeals in Real affions, ' whereby the lands, tenements, and heredita- ' ments of Britim fubje&s may be drawn into ' queftion and difpofed of J;' do not lie, as of right and by law they ought not to lie, to the King in council. Hence alfo it is that there is not any law now in being, whereby the fubjett within faid colonies and plantations can be removed* from the jurifdiSllon to t 1 6th Car. I. c. 10. i * The cafe of the court erefted by Acl of Parliament 1 1 and I2th of William III. c. 7. (fince the enacting of the Habeat Corpus Aft) for the trial of piracies felonies and robberies committed in or upon the fea, or in any haven river creek or place 'where the Admiral has jurifdittion, does no way affeft this pofition : Nor doth the 14 . of the faid flatute directing that the commiflioners, of whom fuch court confifts, may iffuc their warrant for apprehending fuch pirates &c. in order to their being tried in the colonies, or fent int.o England $ any way militate with the doftrine here laid down: nor can it be applied as the cafe of a jurifdittion attually exifting, which fuperfedes. the jurisdictions of the courts in the colonies and plantations ; and as what authorifes the taking the accufed of fuch piracies &c. from tbofe juried! fiiens, and the feuding fuchyi taken to England for trial. 544 APPENDIX. to which he is amenable in all his rights, and through which his fervice and allegiance muft be derived to the crown, and from which no appeal lies in criminal caufes ; fo as that fuch fubject may be come amenable to a jurifdiclion foreign to his natural and legal reilancy ; to which he may be thereby tranfported, and under which he may be brought to trial and receive judgment, contrary to the rights and privileges of the fubject as de clared by the fpirit and intent and efpecidly by the i6th . of the Habeas Corpus A6\. And if the perfon of any fubjedl: within the faid colonies and plantations flwuld be feized or detained by any power iffuing from any court, without the jurifdidion of the colony where he then had his legal refiancy ; it would become the duty of the courts of juftice 'within fuch colony (it is un- It cannot be applied as a cafe fimilar and in point to the applica tion of an Aft of Parliament (pafled in the 35th of Hen. VIII. con cerning the trial of treafons,) lately recommended in order to the fending perfons accufed of committing crimes in the plantations, to England for trial : Becaufe this Aft of the nth & 1 2th of William, c. 7. refpefts crimes committed in places, " Where the Admiral has *' jurifdiciion" andCq/es to which the jurifdiftion of thofe provincial courts ilo not extend. In the cafe of treafons committed within the ju~ rifdiftion of the colonies and plantations ; there are courts competent to try fuch crimes and to give judgment thereupon, where the trials of filch are regulated by laws to which the King hath given his con- fent : From which there lies no appeal, and wherein the King hath given power and inftruftion to his Governor as to execution or refpite of judgment. The faid Aft of Hen. VIII. which provides remedy for a cafe which fuppofes the [A: D.T.] Conftitution of tie Colonies. 547 refpective precincts of the civil jurifdictions of faid colonies and plantations ; otherwife than in fuch manner as the faid law martial and military commiflions are annexed or fubjedt to the fupreme civil jurifdiction within his Majefty's realms and dominions of Great Britain and Ireland; And hence it is that the eftablimment and exercife of fuch commands and commiflions would be ille- Rem. The King has the command of all military force in his domi nions : But in every diftinft ftate of his dominions there mould be the confent of the parliament or afiembiy, (the reprefentative body) to the raijtng and keeping up fuch military force. He cannot even raife troops and quarter them in another, without the confent of .that other. He cannot of right bring troops raifed in Ireland and quarter them in Britain, but with the confent of the parliament of Britain : Nor carry to Ireland and quarter there, foldiers raifed in Britain, without the confent of the Irilh parliament ; unlefs in time of war and cafes of extreme exigency. In 1756 when the Speaker went up to prefent the money-bills, he faid among other things,, that ' England was capable of fighting her own battJes and defend- * ingherlelf; And although ever attached to your Majefty's perfon, * ever at eafe under your juft government ; They cannot forbear * taking notice of fome circumilances in the prefent fituation of * affairs, which nothing but the confidence in your juftice, could ' hinder frpm alarming their moft ferious apprehenfions. Subfidies * to foreign princes, when already burthened with a debt fcarceto be * borne, cannot but be feverely felt. An army ^FOREIGN TROOPS, * a thing iinprecedented, unheard of, unknown, BROUGHT INTO * ENGLAND; cannot but alarm, &c. &c.' (See the Speech.) N. B. Thefe FOREIGN TROOPS were part of the King's fubjefts, Hanoverians, and all in his fervice ; which the fame thing as * 4 [Governor P. accompanied this paper to Dr. F. with a fort of prophetic remark. After ftating that thefe theorems, and their application to exiffing cafes, were in tended to remedy the prejudice indigeftion indecifion and errors then prevailing either In opinions or conduft } he adds * The very attention to the investigation may lead * to the difcovery of fane truths refpeffing tbe&btle Britijh Empire, then little thought ' of andfcarce even fufpe&ed j and which perhaps it would not be prudent at this 4A2 548 APPENDIX. [A: D.T.] . 70 be inferted after p, 232, or p. 302- London, Nov. 28, 1768. Dear SIR*, Received your obliging favour of the i2th in- ftant. Your fentiments of the importance of the prefent diipute between Great Britain and the Colonies, appear to me extremely juft. There is nothing I wifh for more than to fee it amicably and equitably fettled. But Providence will bring about its own ends by its own means; and if it intends the downfal of a nation, that nation will be fo blinded by its pride, and other paffions, as not to fee its danger, or how its fall may be pre vented. B.eing ; born and bred in one of the countries, and having lived long and made many agreeable connexions of friendship in the other, I wifh all profperity to both : but I have talked, and writ ten fo much and fo long on the fubject, that my acquaintance are weary of hearing, and the public of reading any more of it *, which begins to make me weary of talking and writing : especially as I do not find that I have gained any point, in either country ; except that of rendering myfelf fuf- pedted, by my impartiality ; in England, of be- * [I cannot pretend to fay what is the publication promifed in this letter; unlefs probably it alludes to the one given above at p. 232; in which cafe there is a miftake in the date of thejiear. When this work is tranfHted or reprinted, this letter mult either precede the piece in queftion, or follow the Examination before die Houfe f Commons, at p, 302, JE.j ing [A : D. T.] Attempts for conciliation. ing too much an American, and in America of being too much an Engli{hman. Your opinion however weighs with me, and encourages me to try one effort more, in a full, though conciie ftate of fads,, accompanied with arguments drawn from thofe facts j to be publimed about the meet ing of parliament, after the holidays. If any good may be done I mall rejoice; but at prefent I almoft defpair. Have you ever feen the barometer fo low as of late ? The 22d inftant mine was at 28, 41, and yet the weather fine and fair., With fuicere efteem, I am,. Dear Friend, Yours 550 APPEND! X, / [A: D. T.] 70 come in after p. 356. Philadelphia, May 16, 1775. Dear Friend *, "yOU will have heard before this reaches you, * of a march ftolen by the regulars into the country by night, anid of their expedition back again. They retreated 20 miles in [6] hours. The Governor had called the AfTembly to pro- pofe Lord North's pacific plan ; but before the time of their meeting, began cutting of throats $ You know it was faid he carried the fword in one hand, and the olive branch in the other $ and it feems he chofe to give them a tafte of the fword He is doubling his fortifications at Boflon, and hopes to fecure his troops till fuccour arrives. The place indeed is naturally fo defenfible, that I think them in no danger. All America is exafperated by his condudV, and more firmly united than ever. The breach be tween the two countries is grown wider, and in danger of becoming irreparable. I had a pafTage of fix weeks ; the weather con- ilantly fo moderate that a London wherry might * [I run much rifque in the publication of the three following letters ; but I think they contain fuch Valuable facls, and ihew fo well the nature of Dr. Franklin's temper, that I ought to encounter fame difficulty rather than fuffer them to be loft. .] have [ A : D . T.] Arrival In America ; it situation. 551 have accompanied us all the way. I got home in the evening, and the next morning was unani- moufly chofen by the AfTembly a delegate to the Congrefs, now fitting. - In coming over I made a valuable philofo- phical difcovery, which I mall communicate to you, when I can get a little time. At prefent am extremely hurried. * * * * Yours moil affectionately^ B. F. [A:D.T.] 552 APPENDIX. j {A. D.T.] 70 come in after p. 364. , Philadelphia, jfajuly, 1775. Dear Friend $, * * a. j * The Congrefs met at a time when all minds were fo exafperated by the perfidy of General Gage, and his attack on the country peqple, that propo- fitions of attempting an accommodation were not much relilhed >, and it has been with difficulty that^we have carried another humble petition to the crown, to give Britain one more chance, one opportunity more of recovering the friendship of the colonies j which however I think me has ,not fenfe enough to embrace, and fo I conclude me has loft them for ever. She has begun to burn our feaport towns j fe- cure, I fuppofe, that we mall never be able to return 'the outrage in kind. She may doubtlefs deftroy them all ; but if me wiflies to recover our commerce, are thefe the probable means ? She muft certainly be diftradted j for no tradefrnan out of Bedlam ever thought of encreafing the number of his cuftomers by knocking them [on] the head , or of enabling them to pay their debts by burning their houfes, If me wimes to have us fubjedbs and that we {hould fubmit to her as our compound fovereign, J [See the note to the foregoing letter. E.] (he [ A : D . T . ] Conduffi of Britain and America. fhe is now giving us fetch miferable ipecimens of her government, that we 'fhall ever deteft and avoid it, as a complication of robbery, murder, famine, fire and pefKleiice. You will have heard before this reaches you, of the treacherous conduct * * * to the remaining people in Bofton, in detaining their goods, after ftipulating to let them go out with their effeSis ; on pretence that merchants goods were not effects ; the defeat of a great body of his troops by the 'country people at Lexington; fome other fmall advantages gained in fkirmimes with their troops ; and the action at Buhker's-hill, in -which they were twice repulfed, and the third time gained -a dear victory. Enough has hap pened, one would think, to convince your mi- nifters that the Americans will fight, and that this is a harder nut to crack than they imagined. We have not yet appljed to any foreign power for affiftance ; nor offered our commerce for their friendship. Perhaps we never may : Yet it is natural to think of it if we are prefTed. We have now an army on our eflablimment which ftill , holds yours beikged. My time was never more fully employed. In the morning at 6, I am at the committee of fafety, appointed by the aflembly to put the pro vince in a Hate of defence; which committee holds till near 9, when I am at the congrefs, and that fits till after 4 in the afternoon. Both thefe bodies proceed with the greateft unanimity, and their meetings are well attended. It will , 4 B fcarcc 554 APPENDIX. fcarce be credited in Britain that men can be as diligent with us from zeal for the public good, as with you for thoufands per annum. Such is the difference between uncorrupted aew flates, and corrupted old ones. Great frug?!ity and great induflry are now be come famiorable here : Gentlemen who ufed to entertain with two or three courfes, pride them- felves now in treating with iimple beef and pud ding. By thefe means, and the ftoppage of our confumptive trade with Britain, we mall be better able to pay our voluntary taxes for the fupport of our troops. Our favings in the article of trade Amount to near five million fterling per annum. I mail communicate your letter to Mr. Win- throp, but the camp is at Cambridge, and he has as little leifure for philofophy as myfelf. * * * Believe me ever, with fincere efleem, my dear friend, . Yours moft affectionately J [The two preceding lettfrs axe to the fame pcrfon ; the follow one is to a different correfpondsitt. ,} A:D.IYj [A: D.T.] Probability of a Jeparation* 555 fo come in after p. 366. Philadelphia, Oft. 3, 1775+. T Wim as ardently as you can do for peace, and * mould rejoice exceedingly in co-operating with you to that end. But every {hip from Britain brings fome intelligence of new meafures that tend more and more to exafperate ; and it feems to me that until you have found by dear expe rience the reducing us by force impracticable, you will think of nothing fair and reafonable. We have as yet refolved only on defenfive mea fures. If you would recall your forces and ftay at home, we mould meditate nothing to injure you. A little time fo given for cooling on both fides would have excellent effects. But you will goad and provoke us. You defpife us too much ; and you are infenfible of the Italian adage, that there is no little enemy.* \ am perfuaded the body of the Britim people are our friends ; but they are changeable, and by your lying Gazettes may foon be made our enemies. Our refpect for them will proportionally diminish ; and I fee clearly we are on the high road to mutual enmity, hatred, and deteftation. A feparation will of courfe be in evitable. 'Tis a million of pities fo fair a plan J [See the note to p. 550. E.] 4 B a as 556 APPENDIX. as we have hitherto been engaged in for increafing jftrength and empire with public felicity, mould be deftroyed by the mangling hands of a few blunder ing minifters. It will not 'be deftroyed: God will protect and profper it: You will only exclude yourfelves from any mare in it. We hear that more mips and troops are coming out. We know you may do us a great deal of mifchief, but we are determined to bear it patiently as long as we can; but if you flatter yourfelves with beating us into fubmiffion, you know neither the people nor the country. The congrefs is flill fitting, and will wait the refult of their loft petition. INDEX. INDEX, A. /J Griculture, takes place of manufactures until a country is fully -^ cultivated, 3, 165. Air, humid, the circulation of, how produced, 511. Albany plan of union. See Union. Alphabet, fcheme for reforming, 467. Table of, 470. Specimens, written in the propofed characters, 471. Correfpondence with a Lady in confidering the merits of it, 472. America, the population of, not to be judged of, according to the principles applicable to Europe, I . Marriages, why more frequent there than in Europe, 3. Why labour will long continue dear there, ibid. Argument againft an union of the Britifh colonies under one government, 21. State of toleration there, 76. Re- fle&ions on the fcheme of impofing taxes on the colonies without their confent, 120, Thoughts on American reprefentation in the Britifh parliament, 129. Forts in the back fettlements, no fe- curity againft France &c. while in poiTeffion of Canada, 15^. The wars carried on there againft the French not merely in the caufe of the colonies, 162. Preference of North America over the Weft Indian colonies ftated, 171. Their great navigable rivers favourable to inland trade, 1 76. What commodities the inland parts of, are fitted to produce, 177. The productions of, do not interfere with thofe of Britain, 182. Comparative eflimate of Englilh exports to, and to the Well India iflands, 1 86. Gb- ftru&ions to an union of the different colonies, in a revolt againft Britain, 191. Reafons given for reftraining the emiffion of paper- bills of credit there, 206. Remarks on thefe reafons, 207. The intended fcheme of a Bank there defcribed, 218. Armies* the means of fuppcrting them pointed out, 20. Atmoffhere, remarks on the height and denfity of, 515. On the cir culation of, 511. Aurora Borealis, conjectures toward forming an hypothefis for the explanation of, 504. And eleciric fluid, identity of* 51x5. By what ftages the fluid rifes, 514. Its motion in vacuo, 516. The feafons the aurora moft ufually appear in, 517. Arc and parallel rays of, 518. Queries relating to, 519. Farther hints relating^ to, by Dr. Franklin, 521. Another caufe of, qonje&ured, 527. M. Mairan's remarks upon, 529. B. 55 8 INDEX. B. Baxter, Mr. remarks on his inquiry into the nature of the humam foul, 479. Sills of Mortality, reafonirjgs formed on thofe for populous cities, not applicable to the country, i . Bijhops, the introduction of, in America, by whom, and why dif- liked, 78. Body, political and human, compared, 172. Bojian*) preface to the votes and proceedings of the town meeting of, 323. Bullion, the caufes of its variations in price, 217. C. Canada, its importance to this country compared with that of Gua- daloupe, 148. The confequeaces of leaving it in the pofleffion of France, hated, 154. Has always checked the growth of our colonies, 165. The rivers and lakes in, favourable to trade, 177. Is eafily to be peopled, without draining Great Britain of inhabitants, 200. Carriage, inland, no obftrudlion to trade, 174. Inftances, 175. China, precaution ufed there againft famine, 42. Clark, Dr. ofBoilon, his account of the French method of infti- gating the North American Indians againft the Englifh, 150, nott. Clouds, the heights of, fuggefted, with conjectures, 522. Club at Philadelphia, rules for, 533. Colonies, American, their former accnftomed mode of granting aids to government, 231. Prevailing popular opinions ought to be regarded in fovereignty, 232. That money could not be levied on the colonifts but by their own confent, an univerfal opinion, 233. The ftamp-acl an unwife meafure, 234. Its repeal highly acceptable, 235. New duties impofed on them, for the payment of crown officers there, 236. Sentiments of the colonifts on the al for abolishing the legillature of New York, 239. The im portation of Britifh felons among them, highly difagreeable, 242. Thoughts on a union of, with Great. "Britain, 246. Governor Pownal's thoughts on an equal communication of Britifh rights to America, 252. Reply to, 254. Dr. Franklin's examination before the houfe of commons on American taxation, 255. Ex ternal and internal taxation diftinguifhed, 270. The acts of the afleinblies and proceedings of the mobs, not to be confounded, 285. The laft war not undertaken merely for their defence, 288. Troops fromBrltaio not tiecetfary to defend the inhabitants againft the 559 the Indians,*29O. Mr. Strahan's queries relating to the difcontents there, 302. Replies to, 305. The duty on tea how confidered there, 306. General review of the difputes with, 323. Circum- ftances of their firft eftablifhment ftated, 358. Intended offer of, % 363. The ground of credit of, compared with that of Great Britain, 376. Governor Pownal's ftate of the conftitution of the colonies j with remarks by Dr. Franklin, 537. Corollaries from the foregoing principles, 541. The courts eftablifhed there, as ample in their jurifdidion and powers, as thole in England, 542. Colony fubjedls cannot be removed from their own courts to foreign jurifdidions, 543. They are in fuch cafes intitled to the writ of Habeas corpus, 544. Colonies, weftern, plan for fettling two in North America,. 133. Advantages of, 136. Colony governments, eftablifhment of, and diftindion among, 358, 387, note. Commerce, its influence on the manners of a people, 2.0. Fair and upon equal terms, Hated, 45.. Is beft encouraged by being left free, 52. Should not be prohibited in time of war, 54. The profits of, mutual, 55. By inland carriage, how fupported, 174. Conductors, pointed, experiments of their utility in fecuring build ings from lightning, 487. Objedions confidered, 495. Occa- fion of the difpute on the. preference between blunted and pointed, conductors, &c. 499, note. Congrefs, American, intended vindication and offer of,, to parlia- m ^ nt 357- Cora, ill policy of laying reftraints on the exportation of, 50*. 58. A country never drained of corn by exportation, 51. Countries, diftant and unprovided, a plan f&r. benefiting, 37. Scheme, of a voyage to that intent, 40. Credit, that of Great Britain, and America, compared, 376,. De pends on payment of loans, 377. Induftry, ibid. Frugality,, 378. Public fpirit, 379. Income and fecurity, 380, Profpeds of future ability, 381. Prudence, /&y. Character for honefty,, 383. D. Qalrymple, Mr. fcheme of a voyage to benefit remote regions, pro- pofed to be undertaken under his command, 40. Denny, Governor, remarks on his official conduct in Penfylvania, 42.6. Dic&en/ott, Mr. his remarks on the late views of adminiftration in framing laws over the colonies, 241* Remarks on h^s conducV 451. On his preteft, 463 . Earth*, 560 I N D E X. E. Earth, fafts (hewing it to be kept thawed only by the agency of the fun, 524. Eleftric fluid, and aurora borealis, the identity of, argued, 510. By what ftages itr'rifes, 514. Its motion in yacuo, 516. ;// defign'illuftrative of our American troubles, defcribed, 374, note. Empire, rules for reducing a great one, 343. Employment, the advantages of thofe kinds that fill up occafional vacancies of time, 48. England, the decreafe of population in, doubtful, 16. Episcopalians, conduft of the American legiflatures toward them, 77. Farmexs, remonftrance in behalf of, ^7. Felons, the tranfportation of to America, highly difagreeable to the inhabitants, 242. Flax, amount of the exportation of, from America to Ireland, 283. Forjter, Dr. his obfervations on the aurora auftralis, 513, note. Fragments, political, 48. France, in what the chief force of that kingdom coafifts, 19. Franklin, Dr. his examination before the Englifh houfe of common,?, 255. His reply to Mr. Strahan's queries, 305. His forefightof events that have ( fmce happened, 3 1 z. His examination before the privy council, 335. Avows tranfmitting the colony letters back to America, 339. His fummary account of the firft Englilh campaign in America, 365. His anfwer to Lord Howe, 370. His remarks on a proteft againft his appointment as agent for Penfylvania, 403. His preface to Mr. Galloway's fpeech, 418. His epitaph on hiinfelf, 5 3 \ . His remarks on Governor PownaPs ftate of the conftitution of the colonies, 537. Letter of his,' al- - hiding to fome promifed political work, 548. French encroachments in North America, difplay of the mifchiefs of, 135. Frugality, the advantages of, 29. ' G. Galloway, Mr. preface to his fpeech in anfwer to Mr. Dickenfoq, by Dr. Franklin, 418. Germany, why the feveral {rates of, encourage foreign manufactures in preference to thofe of each otheri 176, note. Goti, I N D E X. 5 6z filver, the exportation of, ought not. to be prohibited, 53. Greece, ancient, the fuperiority of, over Perfia, accounted for, 17. Greek empire, the cleftrudion of, difperfed manufactures over Eu rope, 1 8 1 . Guadaloupe, the fna.ll importance-of to this country compared with that of Canada, 148. Its value to Britain over rated, 201. H. Hats, the manufacture of, attempted in North America, without fuc- cefs, 190. Jionefty, often a very partial principle of co-.duft, 64. Hopkins, Governor, copy of .his report of the number of inhabitants on Rhode Ifland, .188, note. Hcive, Lord, his letter toDr. Franklin, 367. The anfwer to*, 370. Hutchinfon, Governor, caufeof the applications for his removal, 329. Account of the letters of, 339. " I. Jdlemfs, the heavieft tax on mankind, 25, 48. Encouraged by charity, 61. ^ Indians of North America, how feduced to the French intereft, 150. Their method of going, to war, 156. Their way of life, 222. A litl of fighting men in the different nations of, 228. Indian trade and affairs, remarks on a plan for the future mannge^ ment of, 222. Spirituous liquors the great inducement to Indian trade, 225. Their debts muft b,: lett to honour, 226. This trade not an American intereil, 289. Induftry, efiential to the welfare of a people, 48. Relaxed by the cheapnefs of provilions, 52. L, Labour, why it will long continue deTr in America, 3. Law, the courts of, in the colonies, as ample in their powers there^ as thofe in England, 542. No appeals lie from them in real actions, to the King in council, 543- Lightning, experiment of the utility of long pointed rods, to fecure buil-iings from, 487. Objedlions conlidered, 495. Luxuries, their influence on population, 7. M. Mairan, M. his remarks on the aurora borealis, 529. Manners, their influence on population, 13* 562 I N D E X. Mamtffflures, the advantages of, over the fale of raw materials, 45.. Are with great difficulty eitablifhed to the prejudice of .thole who are already in pofleffion of them, 179. Are feldom transplanted with eafe from one country to another, except difturbed by con- queft, &c. 1 80. Jnftance?, 181. Manufacturers, the pooreft inhabitants in a nation, 164. Npt eafily tranfpl anted from one country to another, 1 80. Marriages, where the greateir, number of, take place, i. Why more frequent in America than in Europe, 3, 170, note. Maryland, account of the paper-bills iffued there, 219. Its conduct during the laft war, defended, 274. Maffachufetts Bay, petition from the reprefentatives of, to the King, for the removal of Governor Hutchinfon and others, 331. Matter, inquiry into the fuppofed vis inertiae of, 479. Maxims, prudential, from Poor Richard's Almanack, 24. Militia, the command of, in the colonies, infeparably annexed to the office of fupreme civil magiftrate, 545. Mufcbenbroek, obfervations on his table of appearances of the ajirora borealis, 517. N. , JV>iv England, its prosperity owing to paper-credit, 208. Cir- cumitances which rendered the reftridlion of paper- currency not injurious there, 211. Bills there that carried intereft, 219* The abolition of paper-currency there ftated, 274. New York, fentiments of the colonifts on the aft for abolifhing the legislature of, 239. P. Paper-credit i cannot be circumfcribed by government, 56. Ame rican, remarks and fadls relative to, 206. Its ufes in trade, 2i2 Caufes of its depreciation in the middle colonies, 216. Account .of the Maryland bills, 219. New England bills, ibid. Bills of credit made a legal tender, the beft medium of trade in lieu of money, 220. Parable againft perfecudon, 72. Patriotism, the fpirit of, catching, 145. Peace, the victorious party may infift on adequate fecurities in the terms of, 152. Penn, Governor, remarks on his adminiftration, 440. Penfylvania, average value of Englifh exports to, in different years, 189, note. Its prosperity owing to paper-credit, 208. Rate of exchange there, 262. Annual amount of provincial taxes there, 280. Report of the committee of grievances, 387. Addreis to the 563 the freemen of, on a militia bill reje&ed by the proprietor's de puty, 396. Remarks on a petition prepared for changing the proprietary into a royal government, 418. Pecuniary bargains between the governors and affembly, 420. Remarks on the ad- miniftration of Governor Penn, 440. Remarks on the counter petition, 453. Penjylvania Almanack,- prudential maxims from, 24. ferfecittion, religious* a parable again ft, 72.. Comparative flate of, in Old and in New England, 79. Philadelphia, rules for a club formerly eftablifhed there, 533. Poor, the many provisions for the relief of, an encouragement to idlenefs, 61. Scheme of annuities for the benefit of,, 63,. note.. Annual ftate of the poor's rate, 65, note.. Poor Richard's prudential maxims, 24. Population, reflections on, i. Caufes which diminiffi a people,, .. Influence of manners on, 13. How the inhabitants of a cdtintry fubfift in the different degrees and llages of, 165. Rate of its increafe in America, 265. P.ofetions [concerning national wealth] to be examined, 44. . Poftage, the rates of, no tax, but payment for fervice done, .278*. State of, in America, 293. Poivnal, Governor, his fcheme for a barrier colony in America, 133,. note . His letter to Dr. Franklin on an equal communication of Britiih rights to America, 252, notes on, 254. His flace of the: conftitution of the colonies ; with Dr. Franklin's remarks, 537. Protefts, improperly, introduced into the affembly of Penfylvania, . 403, 463. Provi/ions, the cheapnefs of, encourages idlenefs, 52. Prujjtan edift, 315. 0, perfecuted at their firfl arrival in America, . 76, note. Quebec r remarks on the late enlargement of the province of, 106,, note. R. Reprefentatlont American, in the Britifh parliament, .thoughts on, , 129. Rhode I/land, the firft purchafe of it from the Indians, how made,, 107, note. Governor Hopkins's report of the number of inhabi-t tants on, 188, note. . 'Home, caufes of its decline inquired into, 18*. The political go* - vermaent of its provinces,, 196. . 5.. Solaria* 564 IN D E X. s. * Salaries of crown officers in America, fentiments of the colonifts on the duties laid on them for the payment of", 236. Servants in England, the molt barren clafs of the people, 15. Shirley, Governor, letters to, on the fubiect of impofing taxes on the colonies without their confent, 120. On American reprefen- tation in the Britifh parliament, 129. Smuggling, feldom eiteemed a breach oi honefly, 66, The enormity of, f la ted, 67. Spain, why thin of inhabitants, 9. Stamp afi over the colonies, an unwife meafure, 234. Its repeal highly acceptable to the colonifts, 235. Thoughts on t! is fubjeft, before the repeal, 246. Dr. Franklin's examination n, 257. Str^han, Mr. his queries to Dr. Franklin, 302. The Doctor's re plies' to them, '305. Sun, the earth kept from freezing by the adlion of, 524. T. Tariffs, not eafily fettled in Indian trade, 224. Taxation, American, letters to Gov. Shirley on, 1 20. Dr. Franklin's examination on, 255. Internal and external diftinguifhed, 270. Tea, the duty oa in America, how confidered therey 306. Thomas, Governor, his mode of trafficking with the affembly of Penfylvania, 420. Time, occafional fragments of, how to be collected, 48. Toleration in Old and New England compared, 74. Trade, inland carriage no obftruclion to, 174. The great navi gable rivers in America, favourable to, 176. View of the inland trade of Germany and Ruflia, 177. Trade, an equivalent for commodities not always neceflary in, 212. Bills of credit made legal tender, on good fecurity, the belt medium of, in lieu of money, 220. ^Will make its own rates, 225. Tranfportation of felons to America, highly difagreeable to the in habitants there, 242: V. Vacuum, natural, qualified fenfe of the expreffion, 516. Motion of the electric fluid in, ihid. Union of the American colonies, reafons and motives on which the plan of, \vas formed, 86. Reafons againft partial unions, 89. Pitta of apropo&d union, gu Members of the grand council, how INDEX. 565 how proportioned among the refpe&ive colonies, 97. Place of firft meeting, 98. Election of members, 99. Proportion of members after the firft three years, ibid. 'Meetings of the grand council, 101. Allowance to members, 103. Affent of the pre- iident general, ana h's duty, ibid. Treaties of peace and war, 104. Inuian traue and purchaies, 105 New fettlements, 108. Military eftabhihments, no. Laws and taxes, 112. iffiung of money, 113. Appointment of officers, 116. Obftruttions to their uniting againlt Britain, 191. Volcanosy certain, luppoied to produce the aurora borealis, 528. W. Wealth^ the way to, 24. Three ways for nations to acquire it, 46. Wedder burnt) Mr. remarks on his treatment of Dr. Franklin before the privy council, 338, notel 340, note. Weft Indies, the importance of, to this country, compared with that of North America, 171. Comparative ellimate of Engliih exports to thole iflands and to North America^ 1-86. Woollen manufacture very practicable in the colonies, 271. ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA, "N. B. The following lift of addenda, &c. may appear confiderable : The afterifms on the fide however (about fixteen in number) mark all that are important for the reader's attention : The reft are chiefly inferted for the benefit of the printer, in future editions. Had the copies of the author's pieces which the editor pofTeffed, always been correct, fewer difficulties of this kind would probably have occurred : And the notes alfo might have been much abridged and perfected, had the progrefs of the prefs allowed a fufficient time. For a fmall alteration to be made in the Arrangement of the pieces in this Collection, fee the Table of Contents and its Note, and alfo the notes of the Appendix. "Pagi 3. a fpace to be put after 7 ; fo alfo after 1 2 in p. 5 ;- . after 14 in p. 7; after 18 in p. 8j and after 26 & 21, in p. 9. 3. line 18. read " thereti&X. there is j" for " there that there is." 7. line 1 8. dele the before Fathers. 13. a fpace to be put after 1. 5 ; p. 17. a, paragraph and fpace at the words " Thus manners," line 17 j p. 20. a fpace at line zo ; and .p. 22. fpaces at lines 14 & 28. *>49 1. 21. after " individual," add, "" and neceffary to furnifh .g.Hi : :iig from the i.;th ver:'e. " ' (12) And Abraham faid, let not the anger of my Lord wax hot againft his fervant : lo, 1 have finked, forgi c- me I.pray taee. (13) And Ab;a- ham arofe, and went forth inio the wil er.els and diligently fought for '!*,**' ^the man and found him; and leturne.. with him to th?. tent ; and when he had entreated him kindly, he fent him :.w\ on the morrow with gifts. (14) And God fpake again untqAbraV," i..ying, for this fhy fin lhall thy feed be afflifted four nu-ndred years i;, -, -!a: r eLnd: (15) But for thy repentance will I deliver taem, and tiicy fliail come forth with po.wer, aad with gladnefs of heart, and with much fubltance.' 74. line 10; read " that- people." ' 76. line 13; read " led." " 98. line 14 ; for *' the nearer," read "near;" and line 15, read " colonies and where." 121. line 13 from the bottom of the note; read " may have con tribute^;" and line 6 from the bottom, read " in the difturbances." 129, &c. in the running title, read " Letter." *l3i. line 10 from the bottom, read "in the parliament;" and line 6 from the bottom, read " ieat around its coaifo." 139. line 1 6. dele " and much." "141. line 15. read " Hock^ockiu;" and line 4 from the bottom, read " Moh"gahela." *I42. line 7. after "fort " add, " and fupply it with provifions." 174. line 5. for " with" read " within." *205- at the bottom, add this note.- [Dr.- Franklin has often been heard to fay, that in writing this pamphlet, he received confiderable affiflance from a learned friend who was not willing to be named. E.] *22l. Infert the folio vving note. [I underltand that Dr. Franklin is the friend who affifled Governor Pownall in drawing' up a plan for a general paper currency for America, to be eflablilhed by the Britifh government. See Gov. Pown all's Adminiftration of -the Colonies, 5th edit. p. 199 & 208, &c. E.] *227- In 'the note ; omit all of the laft fix lines between the word " times," and the word " But;" and in page 22/S line 5, for " (Dr. Frankli )" read " (George Croghan.)'' 236. line 8. dele " it h;id been ;'aid." 240. line 7. from bottom, reaci fimply "and beaver ;" line 3 from bottom,. read " King;" and line 2d frcm bottom, dele " with." ' 243. line ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA. fage 243. line 13, read " ztend;" and line 3 from the bottom, for " iignify" read " fatisfy." 255. line 7 of the notes, read " expted." 287. line 19. read " efteenW." 313. line 12. read " ftead ; A&* power," and line 21 puta comma only after *' here." 316. line 7. read " fubje6b." '323. at the bottom, dele " Thefe pofts havefmce gone together." 325. line 18. read " this difpofition ;" and line 19. read " was fo prevalent." 326. line 3. re-id iimply " thatminifter ;" line 20. read " to ftarvt it;" and line 4 from the bottom read " fifteen hundred." 329. In the title here and in the fubfequent pages, dele " an-'. Examination. " 344. line 14. read " fettlers or their." 351. line ii from the bottom, read " That thus." 355. dele the loweft note with its reference, and line 1 1 re . " enow under." *357 in the title of this and the fubfequent pages fay Propofed Vindication." 368. line 8 from the bottom, read " had 500 /." 372. lineiS. read " not to be;" and line 22- read " pore e laint vafe." 374. line 6 from the bottom, read fimply " Hood a." 376. line 9 from the bottom, dele " his;" and line 7 from bot tom, read " individual, ought." 377. line 18. read " man there is;" line 25. read " mifma- nagemt;" and line 26. read ' bufinefs, and." 387. 1. 10 of the note, read " where the fundamentals of the go- ** vernment are." 427. line 2. read " charter; to." 429. line 10. read " kn*w." 444. line 8 from bottom, read " country." *452, line i. read "but their wifdoms;" and line 21. between " authority." and ' What,"infert a number of afterifms, to mark theomiffion of along fatyrical epitaph for the Pro prietors, compofed out of addreffes or me/Tages to them printed in the votes ; and page 464. dele what follows the word " omitted" in the note. 459. line i. read " eves been." 4 B '468. oa ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA. on the fide of the upper divifion, put " to" in rom.in, " huh" in italic, and dels " ^;" and en the fide of the fifth diviiiou dele the rornan .35- 4. D z, *** fuceefiflfe ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA. Page " fuccceds the maximum of cold, or the beginning of " cold fucceeds the maximum of moiflure; but if it be " true, according to Muffchenbroek, that they prevail moil " when, &c." line 3. of the fame p. 518. dele "hence." 524. line 31. at the word " regions J" coniider the following note. 524- 6. for J [I find frbm a paper by Capt. Douglas (fee the PBIl.Tranf. for 1770 ) that the Jea at fame depths in certain cold latitudes, is not only warmer than at the furfacein fynng time, but alfo in feveral trials was of equal wanr.tr. with it upon an average late in fammer. Now I cannot lufpeft from the very frnaii depth" to which (accord ing to clivers, &c.) the agiiation of ftorms is found to reach, aiat deep warm" ftrata of water are brought by^orajinto thefe climates : Nor can I attribute the fail finuily to tides, fince tides according to Dr. Franklin are waves, and waves are produced chiefly out of the waters on the fpot, by an altered pofiiion of their parts: Nor do I think we can explain much by calling in the aid of currents, for whence are thofe currents? I incline therefore to conceive feme fuch iaufe as the following. If the globe were now for the firft time made to whirl round Us axis, the earthy parts of it would eafily comply with the motion ; but the ivatry parts being of a loofer texture would be later in doing this and hence probably for a time make an orer- ivhelming current to the weftward. Thus, if a bafon with water be moved in the direction W E ; the water being left behind at E, the parts there will become dry ; and the water again being overtaken at W and rot having confiltency enough to admit a fufficient protrufion, the firft divif;on near \V will have its parts fqueezed under between and above, thofe of the next divifionj fo as toraife that ilivifion ; but with in fuch bounds as gravuy, compared wilh the force of the motion, lhall prefcribe j the fame gravhy.rendering the furface of the whole fmooth, in fome fuch line as ive. The tropical waters hawing to keep pace with a more rap d pi ejection of land however than the ref., would be later in acquiring their requifite motion, and continue longer fwelling up againft the weftern mores, and from thence run north and fouth round again to the eaHern fhores; having in tneir afcent to the hipher latitudes a motion relatively quick, and in their de'cent back again another relatively flow j and by fuch motions laying a foundation for producing another fwell with circuitous currents after the manner cf the former. -] kave it to others to fay him c waters acrofs the Mexico IT'. ..; above p. 524 i ' ., ; . r .er auihoni' ) j thitik is h.M, ;y to bs attTi' 'itcd \.^ . . . ., tradt-iuindt i becaule Uic whole aUnoi^hencal weight, i* ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA. Page 524-6. for the running title fay, "The earth kept thawed only " by the>." 526. line 9. read " at the fame degree c/'heat." 527. line 16. at the words " long fubijfted," infert the note be low.* . line 26. put a dalh after " hiilory. " line 27. put the word " forefts" into italics ; and line 30, read 'overlooked." *$28. line 13 from the bottom, dele " (at leaft in certain ftages)." *C2Q. line 26. Infert the note below f. N. B. isonly equal to 33 feet of water, and a wind-wave upon flat waters fcarce ever reaches 15 feet above the general level without gravity bringing it down again, and no unufual continuance of winds upon any (herein fact ever raifes a water fwell of 33 feet inde pendent of earthquakes and tides. Perhaps alfo an hypothefis of this kind may gain farther credit, from the currents obferved among the Weft India iflands ; where the water may befuppofed running backwards or forwards from the Mexican heap, ac cording as the fupply is more or lefs flackehed behind or the difcharge more or lefs accelerated before, by ftorms tides, &c. &c. So perhaps the current into the Me diterranean by Gibraltar with fome of the currents in other ftraights and feas (allow ing for the poiition fize, &c. of the water, and fuppofmg a current below to balance a current above,) as alfo various riplings of feas, &c. may have their (hare in explain ing and being explained by fuch a conjecture. E.] * [This aflertion may bethought carried too far; feeing the great effects pro duced during different feafons upon the earth's furface, as to heat and cold. And perhaps the eafe with which the earth appears tHfpofed to relapfe into coolnefs and froft were the fun wholly to retire; may lead fome to fufpect, that the fun's prefcnce only occafions a manifeftation of heat by fome decompofition of it from cer tain fubftances, and that during the fun's abfence this heat after a time tends again to be abforbed. Such fuppofition, if true, would help to explain feveral facts and difficulties in thefe inquiries : Room therefore is left for it, along with other like fuppofitions. E.] f [The following incidents are too curious to be omitted. Smoke frotrv Cotopaxi is feen between five and fix miles above the fea ; and Vefuvius is faid on the night of Auguft 8, 1779, to have thrown out a compleat fheet of fire in a column,, at leaft three times taller than the mountain itfelf, or near three miles above the fea ; which operation continued in full force for 25 minutes (then ceafing abruptly) ; and from thofe clouds the brigbteft forked lightning conftantjy iffued ; there/? of the Jky being free from clouds, and before the eruption, it having been a clear ftar- light night. Qu. Does t\\z projeEted fmokr. (compofed in part perhaps of moift or mineral particles) fpread, cool, and condenfe ; and while condenfing create the fame overflow of electricity that Dr. Franklin conceives to be created by condenfing vapor ; after wards difcharging its Surplus of electricity into the earth, moift air, or heated lava that is pafling up and down on all fides : And may not this fame fmoke, when in a drier, cooler, and lower a'cmofphere towards the poles, make its difcharge into the vacuum above ; thus forming a feparate origin for the auroras ? If an infulated volcano be ftill thought necefiary to the auroras, and fucb volcano be fuppofed inca pable of furni(hing the additional electricity required upon the change of folid matter into voluminous fmoke; may not this additional ele.ctricity be acquired from moift foutber/y air, during the firft ftages of the fmoke's afcending ? And may not fmoke and vapor thut often reciprocal^ promote the auroras j the vapor of iUelf at times not ADDENDA & CORRIGENDA. N. B. In the running titles of the right hand pages, from, page 513 to p. 529, infert [M. P.] not afcending high enough to reach the rarer air ; and the fmoke of itfelf not poflef- iJng all the necefT-iry eleclrieity, till aided by foutherly winds; auroras therefore that depend on fmoke from infulated -volcanos, never appearing without the appearance of humid air. Mr. Brydone however I find was told of red or blueifh lightning flashing from the eruptions of /Etna, as well as of Vefuvius; but without any noife heard like thunder, except when clouds parted near ; and alfo that the whole track of fmoke (fometimes 100 miles in extent) produced great mifchief by its eledlrical difcharges, when the air was dry and little agitated ; But that at other times the electricity defcended with torrents of rain. He himfelf only found the air of /Etna cleftrical, in a fituation where there was hardly any thing but lava and dry hot fand near : And its fmoke, when he faw it, always defcended to certain regions of the at- mofphere. If there are any auroras then produced by mere eledlrified fmoke, may not foutherly winds contribute to the eruption by pouring fnow or water into the volcano; may not the eruption by rendering the air lighter in confequence of rare faction, phlogiftication, &c. or the cold high land in its neighbourhood by making the vaporous air ihrink greatly in confequence of precipitating its vapor (as is feen in certain elevations upon ./Etna and ftill more upon the Andes) contribute to the wind.- Finally, if the infulated fmoke be negative with refpecT: to electricity, is thete any contradiftioa in fuppofing that it may occafionally receive its complement from the upper regions ; the electricity in its circuitous paflage thither for the purpofe, forming a newfpecies of auroras. See the plate fromBouguer; the London Gazette for Sept. 4, 17795 and Brydone's Tour through Sicily and Malta, Vol. I. p. 215, and ZZ7-8 j ' With the confirmation given by Sir Wm. Hamilton in the Phil. Tranf. for 1768, p. u, and 1770, p, 18. andUlloa, Vol. I. p. 231. E.] N. B. The collection in this Volume includes all thd Political Pieces by Dr. Franklin which have by any -means come into the Editor's poflefiion, and fuch of his Mifcdlaneous and Philofophicd pieces as are not tlfewhere extant in print. FINIS. 177? - ' -*--.