*B T? izs 
 
 f-W. 
 
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 REESE LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 APR 27 1893 
 Accessions No vTP P. 14- 5" CLiss 'No. 
 
WENT YEABS OF PBOTECI 
 
 HENRY V. POOR, 
 
 EDITOR OF 
 
 "MANUAL OF RAILROADS OF THE UNITED STATES." 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1888. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 H. V. & H. W. POOR, 70 WALL STREET, 
 
 [Copyright.] 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THE financial history of the United States naturally 
 divides itself into three periods : The first, the Period of 
 Construction the work of the Fathers; the second, the 
 Period of the attempted Destruction of this work; the 
 third, of its Restoration The first period, of 40 years, 
 extends from the formation of the Government in 1 789 to 
 the close of the administration of John Quincy Adams in 
 1829; the second period, of 36 years, extends from the 
 beginning of General Jackson's administration in 1829 to 
 the restoration of peace in 1865; the third period, of 22 
 years, extends to the end of 1887 ; for although the elec- 
 tion of Mr. Cleveland nominally put an end to the period 
 of Restoration, he so far has been unable to undo its dis- 
 tinctive feature, a return to the Protective policy of the 
 Fathers The object of this work is to display the period 
 of Restoration; hence its title, "Twenty-Two Years of 
 Protection." To a proper understanding of this period, a 
 competent knowledge of the events of the two preceding 
 periods, as well as of the colonial period, is a necessary 
 condition. 
 
 TWENTY-TWO YEARS OF PROTECTION. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Pages. 
 
 INTRODUCTION ............ i to 18 
 
 FIRST PERIOD, that of Construction . . . . 18 to 62 
 
 SECOND PERIOD, that of attempted Destruction, 62 to 149 
 THIRD PERIOD,, that of Restoration .... 149 to 202 
 
 TABLES OF STATISTICS ......... 203 to 220 
 
 INDEX . 221 to 222 
 
UHIVEBSIT! 
 
 TWENTY -Two YEARS OF PROTECTION. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 So late as 1826 the Government of the United States, in 
 reply to an application for permission to vessels owned by its 
 citizens to trade with the Colonies of Great Britain on this Conti- 
 nent, was informed, " that, according to the ancient maxims of 
 policy of European nations having Colonies, their trade was the 
 exclusive possession of the mother country ; that all participation 
 in it by other nations is a boon or favor not forming the subject 
 of negotiation, but to be regulated by the legislative acts of the 
 power owning the Colony." * 
 
 Existing solely for the benefit of the mother country, colonists, 
 leaving England for the purpose of escaping persecution, or of 
 benefiting their condition, took with them none of the rights or 
 immunities of Englishmen. They were little other than chattels, 
 subject to the harsh and selfish rule of a government in which 
 they had no voice. The mother country was eager to see Colo- 
 nies formed, as they opened new outlets for her products, gave 
 increased employment to her shipping, and supplied an abun- 
 dance of new material for the industries of her people ; but the 
 greatest vigilance was always exercised and care taken that the 
 colonists should engage in no industries that could interfere 
 with her own. 
 
 "While in a colonial state, the European commerce of the Americans was 
 confined to Great Britain and that part of the continent of Europe which lies 
 south of Cape Finisterre. 
 
 " The great staples of the Colonies could only be carried to the parent state, 
 and all imports from Europe came through the same channel. 
 
 " The colonial policy of the parent state was not confined to the external 
 commerce, but extended to the internal concerns of the Colonies. 
 
 " The colonists were entirely prohibited from carrying on some kinds of 
 manufactures, and in others were restricted to very narrow limits, so as not to 
 interfere with those of a similar kind in the mother country." t 
 
 * Message of the President of t e United States, Dec. 5, 1826. 
 t Pitkin/s Statistics of the United States, p. 26. 
 
The preceding extracts epitomize the early policy of England 
 in reference to the Colonies now included within the United 
 States. They were to engage in no industries that competed 
 with her own. The greatest vigilance and care was always exer- 
 cised to keep them in complete dependence upon her, materially 
 as well as politically. The vast extent of America and of its 
 natural wealth was well understood. As the increase in popula- 
 tion of the English Colonies planted in it was without example, 
 it could not fail to cross the mind of every thoughtful Englishman 
 that some day they would become a great people, with impulses 
 and articulations distinctly their own. Such consciousness, in- 
 stead of teaching its proper lesson, only served to redouble the 
 efforts of the mother country to put off as far as possible the evil 
 day. The sentiment was shared in alike by the Government and 
 the people. So early as 1670, Sir Josiah Child, an eminent Lon- 
 don merchant, in his " Essay on Plantations," said : 
 
 
 
 " I am now to write of a people whose frugality, industry, and temperance, 
 and the happiness of whose laws and institutions, promise to them long life and 
 a wonderful increase of people, riches, and power; and although no men ought 
 to envy that virtue and wisdom in others which themselves either can or will not 
 practise, but rather to commend and admire it, yet I think it the duty of every 
 good man primarily to respect the welfare of his native country ; and therefore 
 I cannot omit in the progress of this discourse to take notice of some particulars 
 wherein Old England suffers diminution by the growth of the Colonies settled in 
 New England. ... Of all the American Plantations, his Majesty has none so 
 apt for building of shipping as New England, nor comparatively so well qualified 
 for the breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the natural industry of that 
 people, but principally by reason of the Cod and Mackerel fisheries ; and in my 
 opinion there is nothing more prejudicial and in prospect more dangerous to any 
 mother country than the increase of shipping in her Colonies, Plantations, or 
 Provinces." 
 
 From the aptitude of their people, as well as from the abundance 
 of timber and commodious harbors, the New England Colonies 
 at a very early day engaged in the construction of ships for sale, 
 as well as for use by themselves. Other Colonies naturally en- 
 tered upon industries best adapted to their needs and to the con- 
 ditions which surrounded them. No sooner did accounts of their 
 manufacturing industries in their incipient stages reach England 
 than measures were at once taken for their repression. Manu- 
 factures of wool and iron, and afterwards of cotton, were those 
 guarded by England with the greatest watchfulness. Reports 
 reaching that country that the colonists were making progress 
 in the manufacture of woolen cloths, an Act was passed by 
 
Parliament, in 1699, providing that "after the first day of Decem- 
 ber, 1699, no wool, woolfels, yarn, cloth, or woolen manufactures 
 of the English Plantations in America, shall be shipped in any of 
 said English Plantations, or otherwise laden in order to be trans- 
 ported thence to any place whatsoever, under the penalty of for- 
 feiting both ship and cargo, and .500 fine for each offence ; and 
 the governors of the Plantations, and officers of customs and rev- 
 enue there, are to see this Act, as it relates to the Plantations, 
 duly executed." No manufactures of iron on any considerable 
 scale were entered upon in America until a later period. The 
 moment England discovered that any progress was being made 
 by the Colonies in them, she enacted " that from and after the 
 24th day of June, 1750, no mill or other engine for slitting or 
 rolling iron, or any plating forge to work with a tilt hammer, or 
 any furnace for making steel, shall be erected, or after such erec- 
 tion be continued, in any of his Majesty's Colonies in America ; '' 
 the existence of such manufactures tending, as Parliament de- 
 clared, to lessen the dependence of the Colonies upon Great 
 Britain. The penalty for the violation of any of the provisions 
 of this Act was .200. 
 
 As constant complaints were made to Parliament of the exist- 
 ence of manufactures in the Colonies prejudicial to those of 
 England, in 1731 an order was introduced into that body direct- 
 ing the Board of Trade to inquire and report with respect to laws 
 made, manufactures set up, or trade carried on in the Colonies 
 detrimental to the Trade, Navigation, or Manufactures of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 In 1732 the Board of Trade made its report, which was an 
 exhaustive statement of the industries at the time carried on in 
 the Colonies. " In New England, New York, and Pennsylvania, 
 the people have fallen into the manufacture of woolen and linen 
 cloths, for the use of their families only ; for the products of those 
 Colonies being chiefly cattle and grain, the estates of the inhabit- 
 ants depended wholly on farming, which co\ild noc be managed . 
 without a certain quantity of sheep; and the \rool would be 
 entirely lost were not their servants employed during the winter 
 in manufacturing it for the use of their families. . . . How- 
 ever, the high price of labor in general in America renders it 
 impracticable for the people there to manufacture their linen 
 
cloth at less than twenty per cent, more than the rate in England ; 
 or woollen cloth at less than fifty per cent, dearer than that which 
 is exported from home for sale. It is to be wished that some 
 expedient might be fallen upon to direct their thoughts from 
 undertakings of this nature ; so much the rather because these 
 manufactures, in process of time, may be carried on in greater 
 degree, unless an early stop be put to their progress by employing 
 them in naval stores. . . . Moreover, we find that certain 
 trades and manufactures set up there are detrimental to the 
 trade, navigation, and manufactures of Great Britain." The 
 people of New Hampshire, according to the Report, had no settled 
 manufactures, their trade consisting chiefly in fish and timber. 
 The chief interest of the people of Massachusetts was in their 
 shipping. They made their flax and wool into ordinary clothing 
 for their own use, but, owing to the excessive price of labor in that 
 Colony, the greater part of the clothing used was imported from 
 England. There was some hat-making in the leading towns. 
 The greater part of the leather used in the Colony was made in 
 it. They had some iron works, but their production did not equal 
 one twentieth part of the wants of the people. An Act of its 
 Assembly encouraged the manufacture of paper, which law inter- 
 feres with the profit made by the British merchant on foreign 
 paper sent thither. 
 
 There were no manufactures in New York that deserved 
 mention ; their trade consisting in furs, whalebone, pitch, tar, 
 and provisions. In New Jersey there were no manufactures of 
 any account. The chief trade of Pennsylvania being in exporta 
 tions of provisions and timber, no manufactures were established 
 in it. Their clothing and utensils for their houses were all im- 
 ported from Great Britain. By later accounts from Massachusetts 
 Bay in New England, " it appeared," said the Board, "that the 
 Colonial Assembly had voted a bounty of thirty shillings for 
 every piece of duck or canvas made in that Province. Some 
 other manufactures were carried on there, such as Brown Holland 
 for women's wear, which lessens the importation of calicoes, and 
 some other sorts of East India goods. By a paper-mill set 
 up three years ago, they make to the value of .200 sterling 
 yearly. They have also several forges for making bar iron, and 
 some furnaces for cast-iron or hollow ware, and one slitting 
 
machine and a manufactory for nails. . . . The Surveyor- 
 General of her Majesty's woods writes that they have in New 
 England six turnaces, and nineteen forges for making iron ; and 
 that in this Province many ships are built for the French and 
 Spaniards, in return for rum, molasses, and silks, which they truck 
 [sell] by connivance. Great quantities of hats are made in New 
 England, of which the Company of Hatters in London complained 
 to us that great quantities of these hats are exported to Spain, 
 Portugal, and our West Indies. They also make all sorts of iron 
 for shipping. There are several still houses and sugar bakers 
 [refiners] established in New England." No report was made of 
 the condition of the industries south of Maryland and Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 The conclusion of the Report of the Board of Trade was as 
 follows : 
 
 "From the foregoing statement it is observable that there are 
 more trades carried on and manufactures set up in the provinces, 
 on the Continent of America to the northward of Virginia, prej- 
 udicial to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, particu- 
 larly in New England, than in any other of the British Colonies; 
 which is not to be wondered at, for their soil, climate, and produce, 
 being pretty nearly the same with ours, they have no staple commo- 
 dities of their own growth to exchange for our manufactures, which 
 puts them under greater necessity, as well as under greater tempta- 
 tions, for providing for themselves at home; to which maybe added 
 in the chartered governments, the little dependence they have 
 upon the mother country, and consequently the small restraint 
 they are under in any matters detrimental to her interests. And, 
 therefore, we humbly beg leave to repeat and submit to the wis- 
 dom of this Honorable House the substance of what we formerly 
 proposed in our report on the silk, linen, and woollen manufactures 
 hereinbefore recited, namely : whether it might not be expedient 
 to give their colonies proper encouragement for turning their 
 industry to such manufactures and products as might be of service 
 to Great Britain, and more particularly to the production of all 
 kinds of naval stores." 
 
 The Report of the Board of Trade of England, though made 
 more than 150 years ago, presents the rationale of protection so 
 
conclusively that no subsequent enlargement has ever added to its 
 distinctness or force: ist, The colonists could not compete with 
 the industries of the old world, from the higher price of labor in 
 them ; and, 2d, they were under every inducement, or necessity 
 rather, of supplying themselves with all, or the greater part, of the 
 articles of their own consumption, " having no staple commodi- 
 ties of their own growth to exchange for the products of the 
 manufacturing industries of England." The whole doctrine of 
 protection is set forth in these two brief paragraphs. The labor 
 question with us to-day is precisely where it was 150 years ago. 
 Labor is and always has been higher in America than in the old 
 world, from the greater opportunities before our people who have 
 still a continent, with all its vast wealth, to reclaim and develop, 
 the means thereto alike in money and men being never more 
 inadequate than they are to-day. For the staple products of the 
 greater part of our people there is so small a demand in the old 
 world that by their exchange we can supply ourselves with only 
 a very few of the articles of consumption which we require. To 
 meet the disparity in the price of labor, upon which the whole 
 question of protection turns, legislation is invoked, and always, 
 whenever possible, has been invoked, through the whole period 
 of our history ; and always will be invoked until the price of 
 labor in America falls to a level with that of the old world. 
 
 Upon the publication of the Report of the Board of Trade 
 the Company of Hatters in London, making use of the evidence 
 brought out thereby, speedily preferred their complaints to Parlia- 
 ment ; whereupon that body, in 1732, the year in which Washing- 
 ton was born, passed an Act to " prevent the exportation of hats 
 out of any of his Majesty's Colonies or Plantations in America, 
 and to restrain the number of apprentices taken by the hat makers 
 in the said Colonies or Plantations, and for the better encouraging 
 the making of hats in Great Britain." By this extraordinary Act, 
 said Pitkin, "not only was the exportation of colonial hats to a 
 foreign port prohibited, but their transportation from one British 
 plantation to another British plantation was also prohibited under 
 severe penalties ; nor could they be laden upon any horse, cart, 
 or other carriage, to the intent or purpose to be exported or 
 transferred from one place to another ; nor was any person allowed 
 to make hats unless he had served an apprenticeship for seven 
 
years, nor could he have more than two apprentices at one time; 
 and no black or negro was permitted to work at the business of 
 making hats." 
 
 Other industries in England were not slow in preferring 
 their complaints upon every real or imaginary invasion by the 
 Colonies of their superior rights, Parliament always lending a 
 willing ear ; the established policy of the Government, as well as 
 of the people of England, being to crush out every industry in 
 America that could tend to compete with those at home, or 
 which, if allowed free scope, would have the effect to weaken 
 the dependence of the Colonies upon the mother country. 
 
 The colonists bore as best they could violations of rights, 
 the proper attributes of humanity itself. At first they could 
 make no overt resistance to the obnoxious laws. They could, 
 however, to a very great extent evade them, their distance 
 from England securing great immunity. But no measures could 
 tend more directly to defeat their own ends than those which Eng- 
 land was pursuing. Every oppressive act served to swell the 
 indictment against the oppressor, and to unite the oppressed in 
 a common resistance. 
 
 The end was now not far off. The English army officers, on 
 returning home from the French wars in America, which resulted 
 in the capture of Quebec and the acquisition of the Canadas, 
 brought with them great accounts of the wealth in the Northern 
 Provinces, as displayed in stately mansions, costly furniture and 
 luxurious living; a wealth acquired largely by their fisheries, and 
 by a commerce which extended to every country in Western 
 Europe, to the West Indies, and to the Spanish possessions in 
 America. The shipping interest in Great Britain at once took 
 alarm, and called for a vigorous enforcement of the " Navigation 
 Act," which, in 1763, by an order in Council, was thereafter to be 
 rigidly enforced. This blow was by far the most disastrous one 
 yet dealt to the Colonies. This Act, first established by the 
 Commonwealth and reaffirmed in the twelfth year of the reign 
 of Charles II., provided that: 
 
 "No goods or commodities whatever of the growth, production, or manufacture 
 of Europe, Africa, or America, should be imported into England or Ireland, or 
 into any of the Plantations, except in ships belonging to English subjects, of 
 which the master and the greater number of the crew were also English." 
 
8 
 
 Having thus secured the import trade of Asia, Africa, and 
 America to the English shipowners, this Act went on to secure 
 to them, as far as that was possible, the import trade of Europe. 
 For this purpose it further provided that : 
 
 "No goods of the growth, production, or manufacture of any country in 
 Europe should be imported into Great Britain, except in British ships, or in suet 
 ships as were the real property of the people of the country or place in which the 
 goods were produced, or from which they could only be exported, or most usuallj 
 were exported." 
 
 Such was the iron rule to which the commerce of the Colo- 
 nies, whose ships had traversed every sea, was henceforth to be 
 subjected. " By it," says McGregor in his Commercial Annals, 
 "the commerce of the Colonies was annihilated at a blow." 
 ! "By it," said Burke, in his speech upon American taxation, "the 
 commerce of the Colonies was not only tied but strangled." 
 Never was there a country so well adapted to ship-building as that 
 of the Northern Colonies. Never in any other country was there 
 such an abundance of raw material for exports, including fish, 
 which in all Catholic countries was the food of the people for 
 one-seventh of the time. Never were great opportunities more 
 efficiently utilized than by the British Colonies on this Continent. 
 For a long time, and in fact up to 1763, the Navigation Act, so 
 far as they were concerned, had been little other than a dead 
 letter. To show what the people of the infant Colonies of New 
 England could achieve under the regime of laxity or tolerance 
 alone, I cannot do better than to give an extract from Burke's 
 speech on "Conciliation with America." 
 
 "As to the wealth which the Colonies have drawn from the sea by their 
 fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar. You surely thought 
 those acquisitions of value, for they seemed even to excite your envy; and yet 
 the spirit by which that enterprising employment has been exercised ought rather, 
 in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. And pray, Sir, what 
 in the world is equal to it ? Pass by the other parts and look at the manner in 
 which the people of New England have of late carried on the whale fishery. 
 Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them 
 penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay and Davis' Straits, 
 whilst we are looking for them beneath the Arctic Circle, we hear that they have 
 pierced into the opposite region of polar cold ; that they are at the antipodes/ and 
 engaged under the frozen serpent of the South. Falkland Island, which seemed 
 too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national -ambition, is but a 
 stage and resting-place in the progress of their victorious industry. Nor is the 
 equinoctial heat more discouraging to them than the accumulated winter of 
 both the poles. We know that whilst some of them draw the line and strike the 
 harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitudes and pursue their gigan- 
 tic game along the coast of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries ; 
 
n& climate that is not witness to their toils. Neither the perseverance of Holland, 
 nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sagacity of English enter- 
 prise, ever carried this most perilous mode of hard industry to the extent to which 
 it has been pushed by this recent people, a people who are still, as it were, but 
 in the gristle, and not yet hardened into the bone, of manhood. When I contemplate 
 these things, when I know that the Colonies in general owe little or nothing to 
 any care of ours, and tha: they are not squeezed into this happy form by the con- 
 straints of watchful and suspicious government, but that, through a wise and 
 salutary neglect, a generous nature has been suffered to take her own way to 
 perfection; when I reflect upon these effects, when I see how profitable they have 
 been to us, I feel all the pride of power sink, and all presumption in the wisdom 
 of human contrivances melt and die away within me. My rigor relents, I pardon 
 something to the spirit of liberty !" 
 
 The enforcement of the Navigation Act was only one of a 
 series of measures designed to oppress and emasculate the Colo- 
 nies. None could be more effective to such ends than the de- 
 struction of their external commerce. The next was an Act in 
 1764 imposing duties upon certain articles of merchandise im- 
 ported into them, the avowed object of which was to draw into 
 the Imperial Treasury a revenue from America. At the outset 
 this Act did not excite much attention, as it was regarded in the 
 light of a provision common to the whole empire for the regu- 
 lation of commerce and trade. So soon however as copies of 
 the Act were received, and its real purpose fully realized, the 
 Colonies determined not only to resist by every means its execu- 
 tion, but this time to strike back with effect by refusing to 
 purchase or consume goods the products of English industries. 
 Non-importation Societies were everywhere formed, as well as 
 societies for the promotion and encouragement of domestic man- 
 ufactures, in order to render the country wholly independent of 
 England. Merchants, the class most affected by such retaliatory 
 measures, entered into solemn engagements not only not to 
 import goods from the mother country but to cancel orders 
 already given and to refuse to receive goods sent on commission 
 for sale. Traders followed the example set them by the mer- 
 chants. The doctrine and practice of non-intercourse entered 
 into every house and extended to the disuse of mourning, not of 
 domestic manufactures, at funerals. The sentiment must have 
 been a passionate one to control the conduct of the people in 
 one of the most solemn and sacred affairs of life. The state of 
 feeling that existed was well described in a letter written in 1764 
 from Virginia to a merchant at Bristol. " The Acts of Parlia- 
 ment have made such an impression on the minds of the North- 
 
10 
 
 ward people, and the men-of-war so strictly enforce them that 
 there is an entire stagnation of trade. Nothing do they talk of 
 but their own manufactures. The downfall of England and the 
 rise of America is sung by the common ballad-singers in the 
 streets as if in a little time we should supply ourselves with 
 most of the necessities we used before to take from England." 
 A letter written from Boston, under date of October 8, 1764, 
 to an English correspondent, was to the same effect : 
 
 "The disposition seems to continue in this and in the neigh- 
 boring governments for the people to clothe themselves with 
 their own manufactures. At Hemstead, Long Island, in the 
 Province of New York, a company of gentlemen have set up a 
 new woolen manufactory, and have given notice to gentlemen, 
 shop-keepers, and others of any of the Provinces, that by sending 
 proper patterns of any color they may be supplied with broad- 
 cloths equal in fineness, color, and goodness, and cheaper than 
 any imported. ... At Jamaica, on this Island, one Thomas 
 Popham is erecting a fulling mill, which he will complete in 
 about a month, and will carry on all the branches of a fuller and 
 dyer of cloth. There are many articles of dress manufactured 
 m this government [Massachusetts] which if worn would be a 
 great saving here, particularly knit stockings, leather for making 
 shoes, etc., especially shoes for women, which are made at Lynn, 
 and exceed in strength and beauty any that are usually imported 
 from London. The growing practice of putting on mourning at 
 funerals is already almost abolished in this town. ... It 
 is to be wished that it might become universal throughout this 
 government ; the saving to this town only, it is judged, would be 
 ,2,000 per annum." 
 
 Of the associations formed for the encouragement of home 
 manufactures, the " Society for the Promotion of Arts, Agricul- 
 ture and Economy of the City of New York," established in 
 1764, is especially noteworthy. The reasons for its formation 
 were declared to be " the declining state of trade, the vast luxury 
 introduced during the late war, the immense importations and 
 the want of sufficient staples for returns, the extreme scarcity of 
 cash, and the restrictions with which the commerce of the country 
 had been recently incumbered." One of the matters to which the 
 
11 
 
 Society gave special attention was the encouragement of the 
 manufacture of linen, which "it hoped to establish on the most 
 solid foundations, and thereby to increase the value of land, give 
 employment to the poor, save large sums of money and heavy 
 debts for English goods." At a meeting of the Society held 
 December 4, 1764, several committees were appointed, one of 
 Arts, one of Agriculture, one for Schemes of Economy, and a Com- 
 mittee of Correspondence ; the committees including the most dis- 
 tinguished and influential persons in the Colony. A fund was 
 raised to be paid out in premiums to the most successful cultiva- 
 tors of flax and manufacturers of thread and cloth from the same. 
 For five largest quantities of linen yarn spun in 1765 under the 
 direction of one person in the Province, regard being had to 
 quality, the premiums to be paid were from 10 to ^30. For 
 the best specimen of linen cloths, the premiums were from >$ to 
 ^25 ; for thread stockings, from 12 to 16. Premiums were 
 also offered for the best kinds of leather shoes, dressed deer- 
 skins for breeches, gloves, etc., etc. A premium of 10 was 
 to be given to the grower of the largest amount of hemp seed 
 per acre. Premiums were to be given for excellence in other 
 departments of agriculture and manufactures. The Committee 
 on schemes of economy were most influential in promoting the 
 disuse of mourning and hot wine at funerals; and in this they did 
 a vast amount of good, as funeral charges had been such as to 
 bring many families, and traders who sold on credit, to want. 
 
 The report made in 1765 of the operations of the New York 
 association stated that : 
 
 " Neither the natives, nor the manufacturers whom the natives 
 had for some time past been inviting from Great Britain by very 
 large encouragements, had been idle. Linens, woolens, the coarser 
 but more useful articles of iron-ware, malt spirits, paper hangings, 
 etc., were produced to the society and greatly approved, and when 
 brought to market were as greedily bought up. At the same time, 
 lest the new woolen manufacturers should come short of materi- 
 als, most of the inhabitants came to resolving not to eat any lamb, 
 and, to extend the influence of these resolutions to those who did 
 not join them in it, not to deal with any butcher that should kill 
 or expose any lamb for sale. In a word, the spirit of industry 
 
12 
 
 and frugality took the place of idleness and profuseness. The 
 most substantial and even fashionable people were foremost in 
 setting the example to their countrymen of contenting themselves 
 with homespun or old clothes, rather than make use of anything 
 British which they before used to be so madly fond of; and such 
 were the efforts of all ranks, and so prudent their measures, that 
 they now began to be convinced of what they had till then 
 thought impossible, that the Colonies would soon be able to 
 supply themselves with every necessary of life. Such foreign 
 articles as they were compelled to have they took from Ireland. 
 They even talked of prohibiting the export of tobacco from 
 Virginia." 
 
 The operations of the New York Patriotic Society have been 
 dwelt upon, on account of its extensive aims, the thoroughness of 
 its orgauization, and the generous provisions whereby it sought to 
 promote the general welfare. Similar associations were every- 
 where formed, all having similar methods, and all alike actuated by 
 the same spirit, a determined resistance to oppression and the 
 creation of a real autonomy for the country based upon the sub- 
 stantial well-being of its people. 
 
 In 1765 came an Act far more obnoxious than that imposing 
 a duty on imports, the "Stamp Act," which required the use 
 of stamps in fifty different transactions including stamps upon 
 articles of merchandise offered for sale. This Act raised the 
 temper of the Colonists to a white heat. If there had been any 
 lukewarmness in the matter of non-consumption of the products 
 of British manufactures there was none now. So universal was 
 the refusal to purchase them that relief this time came from the in- 
 tercession of English artisans and manufacturers, who upon bended 
 knees and with bated breath implored Parliament to revoke an 
 Act under the operation of which, if the Colonies could survive, 
 they must perish. As hardly any transaction was valid without 
 a stamp, and as, with rare exceptions, no one would use them, the 
 business operations of the Colonies came to an almost complete 
 standstill. As all bills of exchange required the use of stamps, 
 none were drawn, so that no remittances could be made to the 
 mother country, to which .4,000,000 were estimated to be due 
 from the Colonies for merchandise. The Act, although in opera- 
 
13 
 
 tion about six months, produced only ,3,000 or 4,000, in place 
 of some 100,000 annually, which those enacting it claimed it 
 would bring in. Burke described the process and results as 
 " shearing the wolf." Although Parliament made hot haste to 
 get rid of the Stamp Act, that for its repeal was accompanied 
 by a proviso asserting, in the most emphatic terms, the right of 
 England to tax America. Mr. Pitt, who advocated "its absolute 
 and immediate repeal as founded on erroneous principles," declared 
 at the same time that " the sovereign authority of England over 
 .the Colonies was to be asserted in as strong terms as can be 
 devised, and be made to extend to every part of legislation what- 
 soever, that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, 
 and exercise any power whatever except taking money out of 
 their own pockets without their consent." 
 
 As the home government was always in straits for money, in 
 1767 an Act was passed by the Imperial Parliament imposing 
 duties upon various articles, mostly of English manufacture, im- 
 ported into the Colonies. To the list was added the fatal article 
 "tea," the duty upon it being ^d. the pound. This Act met the 
 most determined opposition, many of the Colonies forbidding by 
 law the importation of the dutiable articles. It proved so futile 
 as far as revenue was concerned, that it was repealed in 1 770, 
 all but that part of it relating to the duty on tea; that being 
 retained, says Dowell, in his History of Taxation in England, "in 
 order to support the preamble to the Taxing Act, which recited 
 that it was expedient to raise a revenue in his Majesty's domin- 
 ions in America for the purposes stated in the Act. The ques- 
 tion of the retention of the duty was carried in tfie Cabinet by a 
 single vote, the vote that decided the question being that of North, 
 who originally had been an opponent of American taxation. He 
 acted, indeed, in accordance with the wishes of the King, but it 
 is clear that he was also not a little influenced by symptoms of 
 a relaxation of the prohibition of our manufactures in America, 
 which produced an impression in his mind that the advantageous 
 terms on which the Colonists obtained their tea from us would 
 prevail to prevent any continued resistance on their part to this 
 insignificant duty on an article in great demand, which, except 
 through us, it was difficult for them to procure." He did not suf- 
 ficiently take into consideration the old Puritan stock from 
 
u 
 
 which so many of the Colonists had sprung, and the possibility 
 that in the minds of the descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers 
 there might exist a hatred of tyranny stronger than their desire 
 for tea. 
 
 "This figment of a tax, this pepper-corn rent, lost us our 
 Colonies in America. In December, 1773, an organized party 
 of men, in the disguise of Indians, boarded the tea ships in 
 Boston harbor, threw the tea overboard and sank the ships in 
 the sea. These violent proceedings provoked the ministry, in 
 vindication of the national honor, to close the port of Boston 
 and revoke or alter the charter of Massachusetts. And the effec- 
 tive reply from America was the declaration of American Inde- 
 pendence." Dow ell on Taxation, vol. ii., p. 161. 
 
 The account, always interesting in itself, of the causes that 
 led to the separation from England of the Colonies now included 
 in the United States is the necessary condition to a proper under- 
 standing of the motives or policy that directed the action of the 
 newly created nation setting out upon its great career. Accord- 
 ing to the maxims or theory of British statesmanship they had 
 existed for the benefit of the mother country alone. The great 
 struggle on their part throughout the whole period of their colo- 
 nial life had been to secure to themselves the most valuable of 
 all kinds of independence, that gained by supplying their wants 
 by means of their own industries. It was to achieve such inde 
 pendence that they threw down the gauntlet to Great Britain 
 The result proved that they had not overestimated their strength, 
 or the justness of their cause which arrayed the nations of Europe 
 on their side. 
 
 But victory in the field by no means brought to them that 
 independence of which they had so long dreamed and for which 
 they had made such terrible sacrifices. A contest of more than 
 seven years had consumed their means, annihilated their com- 
 merce and destroyed all mechanical industries other than those 
 created by the exigencies of the war carried on by a government 
 known as the Continental Congress. This form of government 
 continued with little change upon the restoration of peace. It 
 was a government which could recommend, but not command. 
 The first thing to be provided for, peace being restored, was the 
 
15 
 
 proper adjustment of the debt, the price of their political independ- 
 ence, amounting to $135,000,000. For the payment of the principal 
 or interest of this debt Congress could not provide a dollar. It 
 could not take the first step for the regulation of trade either 
 foreign or domestic. The effect of the political independence 
 secured to the Colonies seemed at first, so far as their manufact- 
 ures were concerned, only to increase their dependence upon the 
 mother country, which, while flooding the States with her own 
 goods, took the greatest care to prevent the exportation of the 
 machinery or processes which had already secured to her the 
 wide supremacy which she so long maintained. In 1784, to give 
 one example of many, a Mr. Leonard was arrested at York, Eng- 
 land, tried and found guilty of obtaining models and plans of 
 machinery and utensils used in the manufacture of woolens 
 with an intent to send the same to America, and sentenced to 
 twelvemonths' imprisonment, and to pay a fine of ^200, and 
 to be imprisoned until the fine was paid. Peace by no means 
 changed the animus or policy of Great Britain towards America. 
 Congress, which for the time was the government, plainly saw 
 that the only way of escape from utter anarchy was the creation 
 of a government clothed with power to deal effectively with 
 other countries, in other words, " to regulate commerce 
 and trade." 
 
 Under normal conditions the first instinct of a people capable 
 of civilization is for authority in some form adequate to prescribe 
 a common rule of conduct for all. In obedience to this instinct, 
 to which anarchy of all things is most abhorrent, the Continental 
 Congress, so early as 1781, urged upon the States "the absolute 
 necessity that they should vest in it authority to levy, for the 
 use of the United States, a duty of five per cent, ad valorem, at 
 the time and place of importation, upon all goods, wares and 
 merchandise of foreign growth and manufacture which may be 
 imported into any of said States, from any foreign port, island, or 
 plantation, after May ist, 1781." As such recommendation was 
 unheeded by the States, Congress on the i8th of April, 1783, 
 again urged upon them " the establishment, by duties upon im- 
 ported merchandise, of a permanent fund, as indispensably neces- 
 sary to the restoration of public credit and the punctual discharge 
 of the public debt." The second recommendation shared the fate 
 
16 
 
 of the first. The strange spectacle was now presented of a nation 
 without the means of exercising a single attribute proper to 
 sovereignty. From its impotence Congress itself fell into such 
 general contempt that it was with the greatest difficulty that a 
 number of members necessary to constitute a quorum could be 
 kept together. The terrible condition of affairs was well set out 
 byGeneral Washington in a letter addressed, under date of April 
 i, 1786, to Mr. Jay. 
 
 "Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord 
 with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. 
 We have errors to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human 
 nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men-will not 
 adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, 
 without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist 
 long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power that will pervade the 
 whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the state govern- 
 ments extends over the several States. To be fearful of investing Congress, con- 
 stituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to 
 me the'very climax of popular absurdity and madness. . . . .Many are of the 
 opinion that Congress have too frequently made use of the humble, suppliant tone 
 of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their 
 imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a 
 perfect nullity where thirteen sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the 
 habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them, at their option. Requi- 
 sitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word through the land. If 
 you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and Invaded 
 the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then 
 's to be done? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much to be 
 feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people being disgusted with the 
 circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We 
 are apt to run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and prevent disas- 
 trous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. 
 
 " What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing ! I am 
 told, that even respectable characters speak of a inonarchial form of government 
 without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking : thence to acting is but a 
 single step, but irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for the advo- 
 cates of despotisms, to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and 
 that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and falla- 
 cious ! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the 
 consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend!" 
 
 It is difficult to conceive a more wretched and hopeless 
 condition than that to which our country was now reduced. 
 The only redeeming feature at the time was the existence of 
 the States governments, which maintained domestic order within 
 their several borders. But the States themselves had opposing 
 interests which could not fail sooner or later to draw them into 
 collision. Indeed, some had already taken measures to place 
 themselves in exceptionally favorable commercial relations with 
 European States. 
 
17 
 
 Congress having no power to " regulate trade," the country 
 immediately after the treaty of peace was flooded with English 
 goods for the payment of which small means existed except coin, 
 which was exported to such an extent as almost wholly to leave 
 the people without the ordinary equivalent of exchange. In the 
 period of eight years from the treaty of peace of 1783 the value 
 of the imports of British merchandise into the United States 
 equalled ; 17,443,280, against exports from the latter to the 
 former of ^6,643,763, as shown by the following statement : 
 
 Tears. Imports. Exports. 
 
 1785 2,308,023 893,594 
 
 1786 1,603,465 843,119 
 
 1787 2,009,111 893,637 
 
 1788 1,886,142 1,023,789 
 
 1789 2,525,298 1,050,198 
 
 1790 3,431,778 1,191,071 
 
 17,443,284 6,643,763 
 
 From the impotence of the government relief had at last to 
 come from the spontaneous action of the people. In obedience 
 to a recommendation, undoubtedly prompted by Washington, from 
 Virginia, commissioners from that State, and from the States of 
 New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware, met at 
 Annapolis, Maryland, " to take into consideration the trade of 
 the United States ; to examine into the relative situation and 
 trades of the different States ; to consider how far a uniform 
 system of commercial relations might be necessary for their 
 common interest and their permanent harmony ; and to report 
 to the several States such an act relative to this great object as, 
 when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the United States 
 in Congress assembled to provide for the same." 
 
 In consequence of the limited number of States represented 
 at Annapolis, the delegates there assembled did not think it 
 proper to proceed to the special business of their appointment. 
 In the place of this they drew up an earnest appeal to the States for 
 the appointment by each of the delegates to meet in Philadelphia 
 on the second Monday of May, 1787, "to take into consideration 
 the situation of the United States, and to devise such further 
 
18 
 
 provision as shall to them appear necessary to render the consti- 
 tution of the Federal government adequate to the exigencies of 
 the Union." In consequence of this recommendation, reinforced 
 by a resolution of Congress, a convention was held and a con- 
 stitution framed, by virtue of which the government of the United 
 States went into operation on the 4th of March, 1789. It is 
 always to be observed that in all the discussions that preceded 
 the adoption of the Constitution, whether within or outside the 
 convention that framed it, the adjustment of the relations between 
 the States was the great theme, so that "the commerce and 
 trade," whether domestic or foreign, of the country, might be 
 regulated by a rule or system uniform for all. For the general 
 frame of the new government, that of a State served as an ade- 
 quate model. The rights and privileges of the citizens were, as 
 a rule, sufficiently cared for by the States. Their union into a 
 nation was for the purpose of promoting the material or physical 
 welfare of all. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. -THflT OF CONSTRUCTION. 
 
 By the adoption of the Constitution and the formation of the 
 Government under it, the people of the United States for the 
 first time became possessed of the power for which for more than 
 a hundred years they had in vain struggled, that of " regulating 
 commerce and trade " in such a manner as would best promote 
 their common welfare, especially their manufacturing industries, 
 which throughout all their previous history had been at the mercy 
 or avarice of England. Nor were they slow in the use of the 
 newly acquired power. On the 8th of April, 1789, Mr. Madison, 
 as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House, 
 introduced a bill which speedily became a law, the preamble of 
 which recited that : " Whereas it is necessary for the support 
 of the government, for the discharge of the debts of the United 
 States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures, 
 that duties be laid upon goods, wares, and merchandise imported, 
 therefore," etc., etc. The Act provided for the imposition of 
 
19 
 
 duties on a long list of imported articles, with a view to the pro- 
 tection of similar ones of American manufacture. It was the 
 first bill reported, and the first Act passed by the first Congress 
 of the United States (with the single exception of an Act making 
 provision for the administration of oaths, a measure hecessary 
 to enable the new government to be put in motion). Upon the 
 introduction of his bill, Mr. Madison spoke as follows : 
 
 " I take the liberty at this early stage of the business to introduce to the com- 
 mittee a subject which appears to me of the greatest magnitude ; a subject which 
 requires our first attention and our united exertions. 
 
 "No gentleman here can be unacquainted with, the numerous claims upon our 
 justice, nor with the impotency which prevented the late Congress of the United 
 States from carrying into effect the dictates of gratitude and policy. 
 
 " The Union, by the establishment of a more effective government, having 
 recovered from the state of imbecility that heretofore prevented a performance of 
 its duty, ought, in its first act, to revise those principles of honor and honesty 
 that have so long lain dormant. 
 
 " In pursuing this measure I know that two points occur for our considera- 
 tion. The first respects the general regulation of commerce. . . . The second 
 relates to revenue alone. . . . 
 
 " I presume that however much we may be disposed to promote domestic 
 manufactures, we ought to pay some regard to the present policy of obtaining a 
 revenue. It may be remarked also that by fixing on a temporary expedient for 
 this purpose, we may gain more than we shall lose by suspending the considera- 
 tion of the other subject until we obtain full information of the state of our 
 manufactures. . . . Gentlemen will be pleased to recollect that those parts of 
 the Union which contribute more under one system than the other are also those 
 parts more thinly planted, and consequently stand most in need of national pro- 
 tection ; therefore they will have less reason to complain of unequal burdens. 
 
 " There is another consideration: The States that are most advanced in popu-( 
 lationand ripe for manufactures ought to have their particular interests attended j 
 to in some degree. While these States retained the power of making regulations] 
 of trade, they had the power to protect and cherish such institutions; by adopt- j 
 ing the present Constitution they have thrown this power into other hands ; they > 
 must have done this with an expectation that those interests would not be! 
 neglected here. ... It would be cruel to neglect them and divert their indus- 
 try to other channels ; for it is not possible for the hand of man to shift from one 
 employment to another without being injured by the change. There may be some 
 manufactures which, being once formed, can advance toward perfection, without 
 any adventitious aid, while others, for want of the fostering hand of government, 
 will be unable to go on at all. Legislative attention will therefore be necessary 
 to collect the proper objects for this purpose." * 
 
 The debate which followed, and which necessarily took a wide 
 range from the novelty of the occasion, and the magnitude and 
 multiplicity of the interests involved, is of the highest historical 
 importance in illustrating not only the desperate condition of 
 affairs to be remedied, but the ideas which prevailed as to the 
 functions of the new government by those who had been the 
 chief instruments in its creation, the first Congress, containing 
 large numbers of those who had been members of the Constitu- 
 tional Convention, over the deliberations of which General Wash- 
 
 * Annals of Congress, vol. i., 102 etseq. 
 
20 
 
 ington had presided. Although the members of Congress were 
 most careful to look after the interests of their constituents, not 
 a suggestion came from any quarter that the power " to regulate 
 commerce and trade," for the encouragement of domestic indus- 
 tries by the imposition of duties upon foreign products, was not 
 a function of the new government. On the contrary, on every 
 side, its exercise was declared to be the paramount duty, the 
 object being the one for which above all others the new govern- 
 ment had been formed. The bill reported by Mr. Madison passed 
 the House in which it originated by a vote of 41 to 8, the non- 
 contents being wholly from the Northern States, on the ground 
 that a great interest of those States, that of shipping, was not 
 sufficiently cared for. It passed the Senate without a division. 
 
 The first annual message of General Washington contained 
 little else than reflections upon the great and happy change 
 whereby order had taken the place of the chaos which had 
 prevailed; upon the bright and happy future before the people; 
 upon the grave responsibilities resting on those called upon to 
 administer the affairs of the new nation, with supplication for 
 Supreme guidance and support. 
 
 The second annual message, under date of January 8th, 1790, 
 of the President took a wider range. 
 
 " Among the many interesting subjects," he said, " which will 
 engage your attention, that for providing for the common 
 defense will merit particular regard. To be prepared for war 
 is one of the most effectual means of preserving peace. 
 
 "A free people ought not only to be well armed, but disciplined, 
 
 / to which end an uniform and well-digested plan is requisite, and 
 
 1 their safety and interest require that they should promote siich 
 
 manufactures as tend to render them independent for essential, 
 
 particularly military, supplies. . . . The advancement of 
 
 I agriculture, commerce, and manufactures by all means will not, 
 
 I 1 trust, need recommendation ; but I cannot forbear intimating 
 to you the expediency of giving effectual encouragement as well 
 to the introduction of new and useful inventions from abroad as 
 to the exertion of skill and genius in promoting them at home p\ 
 and of facilitating the intercourse between distant parts of the 
 country by a due attention to the Post Office and Post Roads. " 
 
21 
 
 In response to the recommendations in the message, the 
 House of Representatives on the I5th of January, 1790, passed 
 an order : " That it be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury 
 to prepare and report to this House the proper plan or plans, 
 conformably to the recommendation of the President of the 
 United States in his speech to both Houses of Congress, for 
 the encouragement and promotion of such manufactures as will 
 tend to render the United States independent of other nations 
 for essential, particularly for military, supplies." 
 
 In obedience to this order, the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 Alexander Hamilton, upon the opening in December, 1791, of 
 the Second Session of the Second Congress, submitted his Re- 
 port, which, for the comprehensiveness of its views, cogency of 
 arguments, wealth of illustration and force and purity of style 
 far surpasses any paper that ever emanated from any of the 
 Departments of our Government. It was not only received at 
 the time with universal favor, but for a long period, and until the 
 slaveholders seized the nation by the throat, carried with it all the 
 weight of an organic law. For nearly fifty years therefrom, the 
 great purpose in legislation, so far as the tariff was concerned, 
 was its adjustment to the principles set forth in his Report. 
 
 " It is now proper," said Mr. Hamilton, " to enumerate the principal circum- 
 stances from which.it may be inferred that manufacturing establishments not 
 only occasion a positive augmentation of the produce and revenue of the Society, 
 but that they contribute essentially to rendering them greater than they could 
 possibly be without such establishments. These circumstances are: 
 
 ' 1. The division of labor. 
 
 ' 2. An extension of the use of machinery. 
 
 ' 3. Additional employment to classes of the community not ordinarily 
 engaged in the business. 
 
 ' 4. The promoting of emigration from foreign countries. 
 
 ' 5. The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents and dispositions 
 which discriminate men from each other. 
 
 ' 6. The affording a more ample and various field for enterprise. 
 
 ' 7. The creating, in some instances, a new, and securing, in all, a more 
 certain and steady, demand for the surplus produce of the soil. 
 
 "Each of these circumstances has a considerable influence upon the total 
 mass of industrious effort in a community: together, they add to it a degree of 
 energy and effect which are not easily conceived. Some comments upon each of 
 them, in the order in which they have been stated, may serve to explain their 
 importance. . . . 
 
 * ' It shall be taken for granted, and the truth of the position referred to 
 observation, that manufacturing pursuits are susceptible in a greater degree of 
 the application of machinery than those of agriculture. If so, all the difference 
 is lost to a community, which, instead of manufacturing for itself, procures the 
 fabrics requisite to its supply from other countries. The substitution of foreign 
 for domestic manufactures is a transfer to foreign nations of the advantages 
 accruing from the employment of machinery in the modes in which it is capable 
 of being employed, with most utility and to the greatest extent. . . . 
 
22 
 
 "As to the additional employment of classes of the community not originally 
 engaged in the particular business. This is not among the least valuable of the 
 means by which manufacturing institutions contribute to augment the general 
 stock of industry and production. In places where those institutions prevail, 
 besides the persons regularly engaged in them, they afford occasional and extra 
 employment to industrious individuals and families who are willing to devote the 
 leisure resulting from the intermissions of their ordinary pursuits to collateral 
 labors, as a resource for multiplying their acquisitions or their enjoyments. The 
 husbandman himself experiences a new source of profit and support from the 
 increased industry of his wife and daughters; invited and stimulated by the 
 demands of the neighboring manufactories. . . . 
 
 "But though it were true that the immediate and certain effect of regula 
 tions controlling the competition of foreign with domestic fabrics was an increase 
 of price, it is universally true that the contrary is the ultimate effect with every 
 successful manufacture. When a domestic manufacture has attained to perfec 
 tion, and has engaged in the prosecution of it a competent number of persons, 
 it invariably becomes cheaper. Being free from the heavy charges which attend 
 the importation of foreign commodities, it can be afforded, and, accordingly, 
 seldom or never fails to be sold cheaper, in process of time, than was the foreign 
 article for which it is a substitute. The internal competition which takes place 
 soon does away every thing like monopoly, and by degrees reduces the price 
 of the article to the minimum of a reasonable profit on the capital employed. 
 This accords with the reason of the thing and with experience. Whence it 
 follows that it is the interest of the community, with a view Lo eventual and 
 permanent economy, to encourage the growth of manufactures. In a national 
 view, a temporary enhancement of price must always be well compensated by a 
 permanent reduction of it." 
 
 From the prominence given to Hamilton by his report, which 
 left nothing unsaid which could add to its cogency and force, 
 he has been usually called the father, in this country, of the prin- 
 ciple of protection. He was no more the father of it than was 
 Madison, who preceded him, or than Washington, who preceded 
 Madison, in its advocacy. No one of them was any more its 
 father than he was the father of the instinct of self-preservation. 
 Protection of domestic industries is but an expression of the 
 instinct of self-preservation. In some form as a foil to oppression 
 and as a means of escaping therefrom, it was the crowning passion 
 of our people throughout the whole period of their colonial life. 
 It was the instinct that inspired the first act of our newly formed 
 government. It is an instinct in obedience to which every Eng- 
 lish Colony has acted. So soon as they were allowed to establish 
 a "responsible government," or aimed at any degree of auton- 
 omy, of which Canada and the Australian Provinces may be 
 taken as striking, though by no means singular, examples, all, to 
 the infinite disgust of Old England, imposed heavy duties upon 
 articles of her manufacture, the better to allow their own people 
 to work into fabrics their raw materials at or near the spot where 
 they were raised or grown. It is the same instinct that controls 
 the European nations in their relations with England, for the 
 
23 
 
 reason, as is assumed, that she can manufacture at a lower cost 
 than themselves many of the most important articles of consump- 
 tion. They well know that political is of little account without 
 industrial or material independence, the latter being the chief 
 object for which all political organizations exist, all human affairs 
 resolving themselves in the end into questions of money. Time no 
 more absolves a government from considerations of the material 
 welfare of its people in its dealings with other nations than 
 it absolves them from considerations of their political welfare. 
 The former is really of higher importance, for it can be more 
 easily and successfully assailed. With individuals, so with govern- 
 ments : their responsibilities and duties only increase in number 
 and magnitude with the lapse of time. The moment such increas- 
 ing demands are ignored does a nation fall behind in the great 
 race, the crown of which is an abundant and well-distributed 
 material welfare. England alone of the nations has espoused the 
 doctrine of free-trade from a conviction that she excelled all 
 others in the prime conditions of cheap production, an abun- 
 dance of coal and labor at low cost, and, from the proximity of 
 both to tide-water, excelling at the same time all nations in the 
 cheapness and ease with which her products could be distributed. 
 All that in her view was wanting to secure to herself material 
 and with it political supremacy the world over, was the removal 
 of all limits to the free and untaxed distribution of her products. 
 Such has been the key-note of her foreign policy from time imme- 
 morial, the breaking down, through her superior means of produc- 
 tion and distribution, of the industries of all nations competing 
 with her own. Such is " English Free Trade." Its essence is sel- 
 fishness, pure and simple. Should it be replied that protection is 
 founded upon the same selfish instincts, it may be answered that 
 protection has this great advantage : it implies a sacrifice of a 
 present for a future and higher good. England to maintain her 
 supremacy as a manufacturing nation must treat labor as raw 
 material, the cheaper her labor the more assured her supremacy. 
 Protection assumes to take the laborer out of the category of raw 
 material, and to place him in a position in which he can indulge 
 in all the hopes and aspirations proper, to manhood. The advan- 
 tage of protection to capital is not in increased return secured to 
 it thereby, for domestic competition will always bring down the 
 
24 
 
 rate of profit of a manufacturer to that which can be realized in 
 other departments of industry, but in the stability it assures 
 to him that excessive competition shall come from his fellows 
 alone, all being in a like position as to opportunities and means, 
 success in this as in all other departments of industry depending 
 upon the degree of organization and skill brought into play. An 
 American manufacturer can with sufficient accuracy take a cen- 
 sus of the domestic industries likely to compete with his own, 
 and extend or curtail operations accordingly. He cannot take a 
 census of the industries of the world. Without some protection 
 against a competition, the extent of which he can never meas- 
 ure, he will be afloat, without rudder, compass, chronometer, or 
 chart, upon a boundless ocean. 
 
 The government of the United States was hardly set in 
 motion, when the great wars broke out which convulsed Europe 
 until the overthrow of Napoleon in 1815. The example of our 
 people in achieving their independence helped to kindle the 
 mighty flame that swept with resistless violence over the Old 
 World. The only neutral commercial nation, we became the car- 
 riers on the ocean of the belligerents, and fed their armies with 
 the products of our agriculture. As their necessities knew no 
 bounds, our means and industries were wholly absorbed in minis- 
 tering to them. It was our golden age. But such prosper- 
 ity could not fail to excite the jealousy of both England and 
 France. By both, our ships wherever found, were seized and 
 searched, and often confiscated for no offences but those alleged 
 by their captors, our flag securing no immunity either for our ships 
 or our seamen. To such invasions of our rights in 1807 we re ~ 
 plied with the Act of Embargo, by which we practically withdrew 
 ourselves from the ocean; in 1808, with the Act of Non-inter- 
 course; and, finally, in 1812, harassed and goaded by England 
 beyond endurance, with a declaration of war. In 1815 came 
 peace, to find us in a condition as destitute and wretched as at 
 the close of the War of Independence. In the long period cov- 
 ered by the Embargo, Non-intercourse, and War, our ships had 
 rotted at our wharves. The foreign demand for the products of 
 our agriculture was at an end. During this period and in fact 
 during the whole period from the formation pf our government 
 down to 1807, in the multiplicity of our employments and in the 
 
25 
 
 distractions which subsequently followed, we made very little 
 progress in the establishment of manufactures. The country 
 was not only thoroughly impoverished, and its industries demor- 
 alized, but it was again confronted with a formidable debt con- 
 tracted to carry on the war. To aggravate the situation, no 
 sooner was the war over than England poured in upon us vast 
 masses of merchandise, for which we had no means of payment. 
 The value of the imports into the country for 1813 and 1814 
 equalled only $34,970,000; for 1815 and 1816 (peace being 
 restored early in 1815) it equalled $260,144,274. The value of 
 the exports for 1815. and 1816 equalled only $110,756,299, the 
 excess in value of the imports for the two years equalling 
 $149,287,975. For the three first quarters of 1815, the value of 
 imports equalled $83,080,073, and from October ist, 1815, to 
 October ist, 1816, $155,302,700; the value of the exports for 
 the same period equalled only $134,478,205. 
 
 " This vast influx of foreign goods not only glutted the market, and subjected 
 the importer to great losses, but destroyed the hopes of the American woollen and 
 cotton manufacturer. The latter effect was viewed by British statesmen with no 
 little satisfaction, and was deemed an ample compensation for any losses sustained 
 by the English manufacturers. Mr. Brougham, referring to the losses sustained 
 by the latter, declared in Parliament that, ' it was well worth while to incur a 
 loss upon the first exportation, m order by the glut to stifle in the cradle those 
 rising manufactures in the United States which the war had forced into exist- 
 ence, contrary to the natural course of things.' American statesmen now saw 
 the necessity, as well as justice, of affording some protection to those manufact- 
 ures, which, m the hour of trial, had been called, if not forced, into existence. 
 They had felt for the sufferings of the American army, from the want of necessary 
 clothing, during the short period of the war, and they were too sensible what the 
 country owed to those who had adventured their capital and credit in a new and 
 untried business not to listen to their application to be saved from utter ruin.'' * 
 
 With disaster and distress on every side, no wonder that the 
 exercise of the power lodged by the Constitution in Congress for 
 the regulation of " commerce and trade " was demanded in em- 
 phatic terms. In obedience thereto, on the I2th of March, 1816, 
 Mr. Lowndes, member of Congress from South Carolina, and Chair- 
 man of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House, brought 
 in a bill which, when passed, became the famous Act of 1816, 
 and which constituted a new departure in the Tariff legislation of 
 the United States. Although Mr. Lowndes, as Chairman of the 
 Committee of Ways and Means, had nominally the charge of the 
 measure, the burden of its support was assumed by Mr. John C. 
 Calhoun, then a member of the House, who, next to Mr. Clay its 
 speaker, was the most commanding and influential figure in it. 
 
 *Pitkin's Statistics, 474. 
 
26 
 
 "The debate heretofore on this subject, has been," said Mr. Calhoun, "on 
 the degree of protection which ought to be afforded to our cotton and woollen 
 manufactures ; all professing to be friendly to those infant establishments, and to 
 be willing to extend to them adequate encouragement. The present motion* as- 
 sumes a new aspect. It is introduced professedly on the ground that manufact- 
 ures ought not to receive any encouragement, and will, in its operation, leave our 
 cotton establishments exposed to the competition of the cotton goods of the East 
 Indies, which, it is acknowledged on all sides, they are not capable of meet- 
 ing with success, without the proviso proposed to be stricken out by the 
 motion now under discussion. Until the debate assumed this new form, he had 
 determined to be silent; participating, as he largely did, in that general anxiety 
 which is felt, after so long and laborious a session, to return to the bosom of our 
 families. But on a subject of such vital importance, touching, as it does, the 
 security and permanent prosperity of our country, he hoped that the House would 
 indulge him in a few observations. He regretted much his want of preparation 
 he meant not a verbal preparation, for he had ever despised such, but that due 
 and mature meditation and arrangement of thought which the House is entitled 
 to on the part of those who occupy any portion of their time. But whatever his 
 arguments might want on that account in weight, he hoped might be made up in 
 the disinterestedness of his situation. He was no manufacturer ; he was not from 
 that portion of our country supposed to be peculiarly interested. Coming, as he 
 did, from the South, having, in common with his immediate constituents, no 
 interest but in the cultivation of the soil, in selling its products high, and buying 
 cheap the wants and conveniences of life, no motives could be attributed to him 
 but such as were disinterested. 
 
 "He had asserted, that the subject before them was connected with the 
 security of the country. It would, doubtless, by some be considered a rash asser- 
 tion ; but he conceived it to be susceptible of the clearest proof, and he hoped, 
 with due attention, to establish it to the satisfaction of the House. 
 
 " The security of a country mainly depends on its spirit and its means; and 
 the latter princmally on its moneyed resources. Modified as the industry of this 
 country now is, combined with our peculiar situation, and want of a naval as- 
 cendancy, whenever we have the misfortune to be involved in a war with a nation 
 dominant on the ocean, and it is almost only with such we can at present be, the 
 moneyed resources of the country, to a great extent, must fail. He took it for 
 granted that it was the duty of this body to adopt those measures of prudent 
 foresight which the event of war made necessary. We cannot, he presumed, be 
 indifferent to dangers from abroad, unless, indeed, the House is prepared to in- 
 dulge in the phantom of eternal peace, which seemed to possess the dream of 
 some of its members. Could such a state exist, no foresight of fortitude would be 
 necessary to conduct the affairs of the Republic ; but as it is the mere illusion of 
 the imagination as every people, who ever has or ever will exist, are subjected 
 to the vicissitudes of peace and war, it must ever be considered as the plain 
 dictate of wisdom, in peace to prepare for war. What, then, let us consider, 
 constitute the resources of this country, and what are the effects of war on them? 
 Commerce and agriculture, till lately, almost the only, still constitute the princi- 
 pal sources of our wealth. So long as these remain uninterrupted, the country 
 prospers ; but war, as we are now circumstanced, is equally destructive to both. 
 They both depend on foreign markets, and our country is placed, as it regards 
 them, in a situation strictly insular; a wide ocean rolls between. Our commerce 
 neither is nor can be protected by the present means of the country. What, then, 
 are the effects of a war with a maritime power with England ? Our commerce 
 annihilated, spreading individual misery, and producing national poverty; oui 
 agriculture cut off from its accustomed markets, the surplus product of the farmer 
 perishes on his hands ; and he ceases to produce, because he cannot sell. His 
 resources are dried up, while his expenses are greatly increased ; as all manufact- 
 ured articles, the necessaries as well as the conveniences of life, rise to an 
 extravagant price. The recent war fell with peculiar pressure on the growers of 
 
 * The motion referred to by Mr. Calhoun was one made by Mr. Randolph of Virginia to 
 strike out the provision in the bill fixing the minimum price of cotton goods at 25 cents the square 
 yard. In avowing his willingness to encourage, so far as was proper, manufactures of cloths, as 
 carried on in families, Mr. Randolph objected to the encouragements of manufacturing establish 
 ments to the extent and in the manner provided for in the bill. 
 
27 
 
 cotton and tobacco, and other great staples of the country; and the same state of 
 things will recur in the event of another, unless prevented by the foresight of this 
 body. If the mere statement of facts did not carry conviction to any mind, as he 
 conceived it is calculated to do, additional arguments might be drawn from the 
 general nature of wealth. Neither agriculture, manufactures, nor commerce, 
 taken separately, is the cause of wealth ; it flows from the three combined, and 
 cannot exist without each. The wealth of any single nation, or any in- 
 dividual, it is true, may not immediately depend on the three, but such wealth 
 always presupposes their existence. He viewed the words in the most 
 enlarged sense. Without commerce, industry would Tiave no stimulus; with- 
 out manufactures, it would be without the means of production; and without 
 agriculture, neither of the others can subsist. When separated entirely and per- 
 manently, they perish. . . . When our manufactures are grown to a certain 
 perfection, as they soon will under the fostering care of Government, we will no 
 longer experience these evils. The farmer will find a ready market for his surplus 
 produce; and, what is almost of equal consequence, a certain and cheap supply 
 of all his wants. His prosperity will diffuse itself to every class in the community ; 
 and instead of that languor of industry, and individual distress now incident to a 
 state of war, and suspended commerce, the wealth and vigor of the community 
 will not be materially impaired. The arm of Government will be nerved, and 
 taxes in the hour of danger, when essential to the independence of the nation, 
 maybe greatly increased ; loans, so uncertain and hazardous, may be less relied 
 on ; thus situa'ted, the storm may beat without, but within all will be quiet and 
 safe. To give perfection to this state of things, it will be necessary to add, as 
 soon as possible, a system of internal improvements, and at least such an exten- 
 sion of our navy as will prevent the cutting off our coasting trade. The advan- 
 tage of each is so striking as not to require illustration, especially after the 
 experience of the recent war. It is thus the resources of this Government and 
 people would be placed beyond the power of a foreign war materially to impair. 
 . . . It is certainly a great political evil, incident to the character of the indus- 
 try of this country, that, however prosperous our situation when at peace, with 
 uninterrupted commerce, and nothing then could exceed it, the moment that we 
 were involved in war the whole is reversed. When resources are most needed ; when 
 indispensable to maintain the honor, yes, the very existence of the nation, then 
 they desert us. Our currency is also sure to experience the shock, and becomes so 
 deranged as to prevent us from calling out fairly whatever of means is left to the 
 country. The result of a war in the present state of our naval power, is the 
 blockade of our seacoast, and consequent destruction of our trade. The wants 
 and habits of the country, founded on the use of foreign articles, must be gratified; 
 importation to a certain extent continues, through the policy of the enemy, or 
 unlawful traffic; the exportation of our bulky articles is prevented, too; the 
 specie of the country is drawn to pay the balance perpetually accumulating against 
 us; and the final result is a total derangement of our currency. . . . 
 
 "We have abundance of resources, and things naturally tend at this moment 
 in that direction. A prosperous commerce has poured an immense amount of 
 commercial capital into this country. This capital has, until lately, found occu- 
 pation in commerce; but that state of the world which transferred it to this 
 country, and gave it active employment, has passed away, never to return. Where 
 shall we now find full employment for our prodigious amount of tonnage; where 
 markets for the numerous and abundant products of our country ? This great 
 body of active capital, which for the moment has found sufficient employment in 
 supplying our markets, exhausted by the war, and measures preceding it, must 
 find a new direction; it will not be idle. What channel can it take but that of 
 manufactures? This, if things continue as they are, will be its direction. It will 
 introduce a new era in our affairs, in many respects highly advantageous, and 
 ought to be countenanced by the Government. ... In his opinion, the 
 liberty and the union of the country were inseparably united. That as the de- 
 struction of the latter would most certainly involve the former, so its maintenance 
 will, with equal certainty, preserve it. He did not speak lightly. He had often 
 and long revolved it in his mind, and he had critically examined into the causes 
 that destroyed the liberty of other States. There are none that apply to us, or 
 apply with a force to alarm. The basis of our Republic is too broad, and its 
 structure too strong to be shaken by them. Its extension and organization will 
 
28 
 
 be found to afford effectual security against their operation; but let it be deeply 
 impressed on the heart of this House and country, that while they guarded 
 against the old, they exposed us to anew and terrible danger disunion. This 
 single word comprehended almost the sum of our political dangers; and 
 against it we ought to be perpetually guarded." Abridgement of Debates, 
 v. 640, et seq. 
 
 The bill championed by Mr. Calhoun passed the House by 
 a vote of 88 to 54, and the Senate finally without a division. 
 In neither body were sectional or local issues raised ; nor the 
 question of the competency of Congress to pass a tariff law, 
 making protection the end and revenue the incident. The 
 debate turned wholly upon the fitness of the several sections of 
 the bill to accomplish the objects sought, a large number of 
 Northern members voting against it on the ground that the 
 interests of their constituents were not properly considered. 
 
 "And thus," to quote Benton, certainly an adequate authority, "was inaugu- 
 rated a new policy with respect to the imposition of duties on imports. Before 
 the war of 1812 the revenue had been the object of those duties, and protection 
 to manufactures an incident. Now this policy was reversed: protection became 
 the object, and revenue the incident; and to such a degree as to disregard revenue 
 altogether, and a surplus of $9,000,000 was actually created. Duties now became 
 excessive. No longer the 5 per centum, the 7^, the 10, 12^, 15, which formerly 
 prevailed; but all these were doubled with additions, and the introduction of 
 minimum valuations, which gave to a high duty the further advantage of being 
 calculated upon a fictitious value. It was the commencement of the long discus- 
 sion on the tariff policy, which afterwards divided and disunited the country, and 
 attained the height of an orgainzed State resistance to a tariff of protection, and 
 a conditional ordinance of secession if it were not abandoned, and that by a given 
 day." Abridgement of Debates, v. 645. 
 
 Probably no person at the time exerted a greater influence in 
 securing the passage of the Act of 1816, which marked an epoch 
 in the tariff legislation of the country, than Mr. Jefferson, who, 
 eight years previous thereto, had retired from public life. From 
 certain passages in his Notes (written previous to the formation 
 of the Constitution) on Virginia, the impression got abroad that 
 he was not favorable to the principle of protection. He was not 
 slow in disabusing the public mind. 
 
 " You tell me," he said, hi a letter addressed to Benjamin Austin, under date 
 of March 16, 1816, " I am quoted by those who wish to continue our dependence 
 on England for manufactures. There was a time when I might have been so 
 quoted with more candor. But within the thirty years which have since elapsed, 
 how are circumstances changed ! We were then in peace, our independent place 
 among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which offered the raw materials 
 in exchange for the same material after receiving the last touch of industry was 
 
29 
 
 worthy the welcome of all nations. It was expected that those, especially, to whom 
 manufacturing industry was important, would cherish the friendship of such 
 customers by every favor, and particularly cultivate their peace by every act of 
 justice and friendship. Under this prospect the question seemed legitimate, 
 whether with such an immensity of unimproved land, courting the hand of 
 husbandry, the industry of agriculture or that of manufactures, would adcl 
 most to the national wealth? And the doubt on the utility of American manu- 
 factures was entertained on this consideration chiefly, that to the labor of the 
 husbandman a vast addition is made by the spontaneous energies of the earth 
 on which it is employed. For one grain of wheat committed to the earth, she 
 renders 20, 30, and even 50 fold. Whereas the labor of the manufacturer falls in 
 most instances vastly below this profit. Pounds of flax in his hands yield but 
 pennyweights of lace. This exchange, too, laborious as it might seem, what 9 
 field did it promise for the occupation of the ocean! what a nursery for that 
 class of citizens who were to exercise and maintain our equal rights on that 
 element! This was the state of things in 1785, when the Notes on Virginia 
 were first published, when the ocean, being open to all nations, and their common 
 rights on it acknowledged and exercised under regulations sanctioned by the 
 assent and usages of all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some 
 consideration. But who in 1785 could foresee the rapid depravity which was 
 to render the close of that century a disgrace to the history of civilized society? 
 Who could have imagined that the two most distinguished in the rank of nations, 
 for science and civilization, would have suddenly descended from that honorable 
 eminence, and setting at defiance all those laws established by the Author of 
 nature between nation and nation, as between man and man, would cover earth 
 and sea with robberies and piracies, merely because strong enough to do it with 
 temporal impunity ; and that under this disbandment of nations from social order, 
 we should have been despoiled of a thousand ships, and have thousands of oui 
 citizens reduced to Algerine slavery? And all this has taken place. The British 
 interdicted to our vessels all harbors of the globe, without having first proceeded 
 to some one of theirs, there paid a tribute proportioned to the cargo, and obtained 
 a license to proceed to the port of destination. The French declared them to be 
 lawful prize, if they had touched at a port, or been visited by a ship, of the enemy 
 nation. Thus were we completely excluded from the ocean. Compare this state 
 of things with that of '85, and say whether an opinion founded on the circum 
 stances of that day can be fairly applied to those of the present. We have 
 experienced what we did not then believe, that there exists both profligacy and 
 power enough to exclude us from the field of interchange with other nations; 
 that to be independent for the comforts of life we must fabricate them ourselves. 
 We must now place the manufacturer by the side of the agriculturist. The former 
 question is suppressed, or rather assumes a new form. The grand inquiry now is, 
 Shall we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a foreign 
 nation? He, therefore, who is now against domestic manufactures must be for 
 reducing us either to a dependence on that nation, or to be clothed in skins, and 
 to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am proud to say, I am not one 
 of these. Experience has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to 
 our independence as to our comfort; and if those who quote me as of a different 
 opinion will keep pace with me in purchasing nothing foreign, where an equiva- 
 lent domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference of price, it 
 will not be our fault if we do not have a supply at home equal to our demand, 
 and wrest that weapon of distress from the hand which has so long wantonly 
 wielded it. If it shall be proposed to go beyond our own supply, the question 
 of '85 will then recur, viz. : Will our surplus labor be then more beneficially 
 employed in the culture of the earth, or in the fabrications of art? We have 
 time yet for consideration before that question will press upon us, and the 
 maxim to be applied will depend on the circumstances which shall then exist; 
 for in so complicated a science as political economy, no one maxim can be laid 
 down as wise and expedient for all times and circumstances. Inattention to 
 this is what has called for this explanation, to answer the cavils of the uncandid, 
 who use my former opinion only as a stalking-horse to keep us in eternal vassalage 
 to a foreign and unfriendly nation. 
 
 Letter to Benjamin Austin, January 9th, 181<: 
 
30 
 
 The doctrine of protection, to which peculiar emphasis was 
 given by the Act of 1816, had a twin brother, for which, if possible, 
 Mr. Calhoun had still greater regard, that of "Internal Improve- 
 ments." A bill for their promotion had been opposed by him in 
 1815 on the ground that it was prematurely introduced. 
 
 " Since that time, " said Mr. Calhoun, " the bank law has 
 passed ; the subscription been filled under auspicious circumstan- 
 ces, and the bank was about to go into operation. Now was a 
 proper moment for the House to consider whether the cause of 
 Tnternal Improvement was the proper direction -for the profits of 
 that institution. It was not his object at this period to discuss 
 the importance of National Improvement. It was sufficient to 
 say, that it was of such importance as to have been annually rec- 
 ommended to the attention of Congress by the Executive. That 
 it had not been heretofore acted on, was not to be attributed to 
 any impression derogating from the importance of the subject. 
 It arose from the want of funds, from the embarrassed state of 
 our finances, and from the critical state of our foreign relations, 
 which demanded all our attention. We had now abundance of 
 revenue, and were in a state of peace, giving leisure to Congress to 
 examine subjects connected with domestic affairs, of all which 
 Internal Improvement was not exceeded in importance by any." 
 Mr. Calhoun thereupon moved for the appointment of a special 
 committee to consider the whole subject of Internal Improve- 
 ments. Of that committee he was appointed Chairman, on the 
 23d of December, 1816. He reported a bill to appropriate the 
 dividends to arise on the share capital held by the United States 
 in the bank of the United States as a fund "for the construction 
 of roads and canals." In support of such bill, on the 4th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1817, he made an elaborate speech defending the constitu- 
 tionality of the proposed measure, enlarging most eloquently upon 
 the influence those works would exert in promoting our welfare, 
 and in uniting in fraternal bonds the widely separated portions 
 of our vast domain, liable to become alienated the one from the 
 other, and fall apart, unless adequate instruments of commerce 
 as well as of social intercourse were provided : 
 
 "What can be more important," he said, "than a perfect unity in feelings 
 and sentiments? And what can tend more powerfully to produce it than over- 
 coming the effects of distance? No country enjoying freedom ever occupied 
 
31 
 
 anything like as great an extent of country as this Republic. One hundred years 
 ago, the most profound philosophers did not believe it to be even possible. They 
 did not suppose it possible that a pure Eepublic could exist on as great a scale 
 even as the Island of Great Britain. What then was considered as chimerical 
 we now have the felicity to enjoy; and, what is most remarkable, such is the 
 happy mould of our Government, so well are the State and general powers 
 blended, that much of our political happiness draws its origin from the extent 
 of our Republic. It has exempted us from most of the causes which distracted 
 the small Republics of antiquity. Let it not, however, be forgotten, let it, said 
 he, be forever kept in mind, that it exposes us to the greatest of all calamities, 
 next to the loss of liberty, and even to that in its consequence disunion. We 
 are great, and rapidly he was about to say fearfully growing. This, said 
 he, is our pride and danger, our weakness and our strength. Little does he 
 deserve to be intrusted with the liberties of this people who does not raise his mind 
 to these truths. We are under the most imperious obligation to counteract every 
 tendency to disunion. The strongest of all cements is, undoubtedly, the wisdom, 
 justice, and, above all, the moderation of this House; yet the great subject on 
 which we are now deliberating, in this respect, deserves the most serious con- 
 sideration. Whatever impedes the intercourse of the extremes with this, the 
 centre of the Republic, weakens the Union. The more enlarged the sphere of 
 commercial circulation, the more extended that of social intercourse, the more 
 strongly are we bound together, the more inseparable are our destinies. Those 
 who know the human heart best, know how powerfully distance tends to break 
 the sympathies of our nature. Nothing, not even dissimilarity of language, 
 tends more to estrange man from man. Let us then bind the Eepublic together 
 with a perfect system of roads and canals. Let us conquer space. It is thus 
 the most distant parts of the Republic will be brought within a few days' travel 
 of the centre ; it is thus that a citizen of the West will read the news of Boston 
 still moist from the press. The mail and the press, said he, are the nerves 
 of the body politic. By them the slightest impression made on the most remote 
 parts is communicated to the whole system; and the more perfect the means 
 of transportation the more rapid and true the vibration. To aid us in this 
 great work, to maintain the integrity of this Republic, we inhabit a country 
 presenting the most remarkable advantages. Belted around, as it is, by lakes 
 and oceans, intersected in every direction by bays and rivers, the hand of in- 
 dustry and art is tempted to improvement. So situated, said he, blessed with a 
 form of government at once combining liberty and strength, we may reasonably 
 raise our eyes to a most splendid future, if we only act in a manner worthy of 
 our advantages. If, however, neglecting them, we permit a low, sordid, selfish, 
 and sectional spirit, to take possession of this House, this happy scene will 
 vanish. We will divide, and in its consequences will follow misery and 
 despotism. . . . 
 
 " He believed that the passage of the bill would not be much endangered 
 by a doubt of the power, as he conceived on that point there were not many 
 who were opposed. The mode is principally objected to. A system, it is con- 
 tended, ought to be presented before the money is appropriated. He thought 
 differently. To set apart the fund appeared to him to be naturally the first 
 act; at least he took it to be the only practicable course. A bill filled with 
 details would have but a faint prospect of passing. The enemies to any possible 
 system in detail, and those who are opposed in principle, would unite and defeat 
 it. Though he was unwilling to incorporate details in the bill, yet he was not 
 adverse to presenting his views on that point. The first great object was to 
 perfect the communication from Maine to Louisiana. This might be fairly 
 considered as the principal artery of the whole system. The next was the 
 connection of the Lakes with the Hudson River. In a political, commercial, and 
 military point of view, few objects could be more important. The next object of 
 chief importance was to connect all the great commercial points on the Atlantic, 
 Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Richmond, Charleston, and Savannah, with 
 the Western States ; and, finally, to perfect the intercourse between the West and 
 New Orleans. These seemed to him to be the great objects. There were others, 
 no doubt of great importance, which would receive the aid of Government." * 
 
 * Abridgment of Debates, 706 et seg. 
 
32 
 
 The Tariff of 1789 imposed specific duties upon a pretty wide 
 range of articles which the country was not well fitted to pro- 
 duce ; and ad valorem duties upon articles which it was fitted to 
 produce, a rule which subsequently was in great measure re- 
 versed. Upon iron rolled or hammered, and upon iron castings, 
 the ad valorem rate was /i per cent. The greater number of arti- 
 cles of woollen manufacture came in as "non-enumerated," the 
 rate upon such being 5 per cent. So with most kinds of cotton 
 goods. In 1790 and 1791 there was some increase of rates on 
 luxuries, upon wines, distilled spirits, tea, and the like. By the 
 Acts of 1794 and 1795 the duties on iron and upon a large num- 
 ber of other articles were raised to 1 5 per cent ad valorem ; on 
 cotton goods to \2\ per cent. By several Acts passed in 1804, 
 1 807, and 1 808, the ad valorem rates were raised, generally to 1 7^ 
 per cent. By the same Acts, on some kinds of manufactures of 
 iron, the duties were made specific at from i to 2 cents per pound. 
 By the Act of 1816 the duty on sheet iron was raised to 3 cents the 
 pound, upon rolled iron to 2 cents, on hammered iron to 35 per cent 
 ad valorem, and on pig iron to 50 cents the 100 pounds, the duties 
 on other articles of iron being increased so as to bear a proper 
 ratio to their assumed cost. The general rate of increase of duties 
 from 1789 to 1816 is well shown by those imposed under the sev- 
 eral changes in the laws upon " non-enumerated articles " which 
 included a large list. The rate imposed on such by the Act of 
 1 789 was 5 per cent ; by that of 1 792, 7i per rent , b j those of 
 1794-5, 10 per cent ; by those of 1797 and 1800, 12^ per cen , by 
 those of 1804, 7, and 8, 15 per cent; and by the Act of 1816, 30 
 per cent. By the Act of 1816 the duties imposed on manufactures 
 of cotton of all descriptions, or of manufactures of which cotton 
 was the material of chief value, and on cotton twist, yarn, or 
 thread, was as follows : For three years next ensuing the 3Oth day 
 of June next, 25 per cent ad valorem; and after the expiration of 
 the three years a duty of 20 per centum ad valorem, provided that 
 all cotton cloths, or cloths of which cotton is the material of chief 
 value (except nankeens imported direct from China), the original 
 cost of which at the place whence imported, with the addition of 
 20 per centum if imported from the Cape of Good Hope, or from 
 places beyond it, and of 10 per centum if imported from any other 
 place, shall be less than 25 cents per square yard, shall, with such 
 
33 
 
 addition, be taken and deemed to have cost 25 cents per square 
 yard, and shall be charged with duty accordingly ; provided also, 
 that all unbleached and uncolored cotton twist, yarn, or thread, the 
 original cost of which shall be less than 60 cents per pound, shall 
 be deemed and taken to have cost 60 cents per pound, and shall be 
 charged with duty accordingly ; and all bleached and colored yarn, 
 the original cost of which shall have been less than 75 cents per 
 pound, shall be taken and deemed to have cost 75 cents per pound, 
 and shall be charged with duty accordingly. 
 
 On woollen manufactures of all descriptions, or of which wool 
 is the material of chief value, except blankets, woollen rugs, and 
 worsted or stuff goods, shall be levied, collected, and paid, from 
 and after the 3Oth day of June next until the 3Oth day of June, 
 1819, 25 per centum ad valorem, and after that day 20 per 
 centum of the said articles. Customs Tariff Legislation, 38, 39. 
 
 The preceding statement shows how radically the Tariff of 
 1816 differed from that advocated in 1791 by Hamilton. The 
 former with the introduction of minimums and specific duties 
 marked, as Bentoa declared, an epoch in the Tariff legislation 
 of the country, as by it protection was the end, revenue the 
 incident. Had Hamilton again appeared on the stage of action, 
 he would hardly have recognized in the Tariff of 1816 a trace 
 of his own work. South Carolina, not Massachusetts, was the 
 author of a measure which in that very State was afterwards 
 denounced as the sum of all iniquities ; Calhoun, not Hamilton, 
 the instrument that gave it place on the statute book. 
 
 The Tariff of 1816, although protection was its end, failed 
 to accomplish the results predicted of it. The country had 
 become so much exhausted by the long period covered by the 
 Embargo, non-intercourse and war that capital the first con- 
 dition was wanting to the successful prosecution of any new 
 industry. Had capital been abundant our people had neither the 
 training nor the machinery nor appliances necessary to compete 
 successfully with the manufacturers of the old world, thoroughly 
 trained, thoroughly equipped with an abundance of capital always 
 at command. As it was, disaster followed close upon all attempts 
 to set up manufacturing establishments for ourselves. Of this, 
 the evidence presented at the numerous conventions called 
 
34 
 
 throughout the Northern States only too well attest. One of the 
 most important of these conventions was that held at Harrisburg 
 in 1818. The woollen and iron industries being those which were 
 suffering the most, the Middle and Western States were especially 
 aroused to the necessity of a greater decree of protection, with- 
 out being able, for a long time, to unite upon any definite plan for 
 their restoration. In 1819 the Act of 1816 was so amended as to 
 postpone until 1826 the reduction, as provided in the former Act, 
 of the duty on certain articles named therein. It was not until 
 1824, pending the administration of Mr. Monroe, that any deci- 
 sive steps were taken to increase in an important degree the 
 protection afforded by the Act of 1816. On the Qth of January, 
 1824, Mr. Tod of Pennsylvania, in behalf of the committee of the 
 House on manufactures, introduced a bill for the amendment of 
 the Act of 1816, by adding largely upon certain articles to the 
 duties provided by that Act. In support of his bill, Mr. Tod 
 spoke substantially as follows : 
 
 "There is nothing new in principle proposed in the measure before the 
 House, nothing but to extend and equalize a system which experience had shown 
 to be most beneficial, and to give to other departments of domestic industry, and 
 other oppressed portions of the community, something of that protection which 
 our laws had so liberally and wisely given to the cultivators of cotton and sugar, 
 and to all the interests of navigation. One object of the bill was that, as to certain 
 manufactured articles, the raw materials of which exist in abundance at home, 
 we should, by legislative provision, give to our own workmen not the exclusive 
 supply and command of even our own market, but barely give them a part of the 
 business of furnishing our own people with the plain, rough necessaries of life. 
 Another object of equal importance was, that, instead of continuing to support 
 the agriculturists of Europe in almost everything, we may be compelled, by using 
 more home manufactured articles, to give to the farmers of our own country some 
 market for their products. Another object, not inferior in magnitude to either 
 of the former two, was to give to the country that strength and power which arise 
 from possessing within itself the means of defense, and to rescue it from the dan- 
 gers and disgrace of habitual reliance upon foreign nations for the common, daily 
 necessaries of life. 
 
 "The duties proposed were upon two distinct classes of articles. The first 
 class embraced silks, linens, cutlery, spices, and some other things of less impor- 
 tance, most of which did not interfere with any home manufacture, or with 
 manufactures for which the country was then prepared. But the most important 
 duties proposed in the bill were for the purposes of protection, and were upon 
 iron, hemp, lead, glass, wool, and woolen goods. After noticing briefly the 
 natural advantages of the country for producing these articles, he referred to the 
 condition of the country at the time of the enactment of the Tariff of 1816, which 
 was but a short time after the return of peace. The most important of our 
 manufactures were then but just beginning. They were yet to gain skill in 
 management, system, habit, all the indispensable requisites which experience 
 only could give. Probably nine-tenths of the owners were in debt, and only 
 getting slowly out of it by the weekly profits of their business. In a word, they 
 were in every respect ' infant manufactures.' To expect that under such circum- 
 stances our countrymen should be able to rival in cheapness the old established 
 foreign manufactures, was to expect what had never yet happened in any country. 
 
35 
 
 So that what in 1816 was called a moderate protecting duty would scarcely have 
 been adequate protection against a fair and liberal European competition, but was 
 absolutely nothing against the little tricks of oppression by which wealthy foreign 
 manufacturers could afford to throw away cargoes of their goods at reduced prices, 
 or at no prices, in order to break down a growing rival, and indemnify themselves 
 by fleecing the whole country afterward. The Tariff of 1816 had been inadequate. 
 Under it the newly erected manufactures of earthenware had been the first to dis- 
 appear. They and their workmen were now no more talked of than if they had 
 never existed. In the same way went the most of our glass factories, our manu- 
 factures of white and black lead, our woollens, our hemp. Domestic iron, he said, 
 had lingered a while longer, and still held a feeble existence, dwindling every 
 year, and gradually sinking under foreign importations. All the devastations and 
 losses of the war had been nothing compared with the devastations. and losses of 
 manufacturing capital under the Tariff of 1816. " Tariff Legislation, xlii. 
 
 The preceding abstract of Mr. Tod's speech iterated for the 
 hundredth time the whole argument for protection. No measure 
 that preceded it ever awakened in Congress such profound inter- 
 est or received so careful a consideration. The members from 
 the shipping States, led by Mr. Webster, were most determined 
 in their opposition, on the ground that the interests of their 
 constituents were not sufficiently cared for. The extreme North 
 and the extreme South were now nearly a unit upon the measure. 
 Tt was carried by the grain-growing sections of the country, for 
 the products of which no adequate foreign demand existed, and 
 which were determined to build up a domestic market of their 
 own. The North, dependent largely upon shipping, cared little 
 at the time for domestic markets. The South had adequate 
 markets for its products in the old world. The bill passed 
 the House by a vote of 107 to 102, and the Senate by a vote 
 of 25 to 22. General Jackson, then a member from Tennessee 
 of the United States Senate, was an ardent supporter of it. 
 He was at the same time running for the presidency, the 
 election to take place in the latter part of 1824. He repre- 
 sented a great grain - growing and cattle - producing State, one 
 possessing also such extensive deposits of iron ore and coal as to 
 fit it to become a great manufacturing community. In the presi- 
 dential canvass the highly protective platform upon which he 
 ran was calculated to lose him an important section of the 
 country, the south-eastern and Gulf slaveholding States, which 
 from the peculiarity of their products, for which the principal 
 markets were in the old world, were already inclining toward the 
 doctrine of " free trade," now for the first time publicly announced 
 .as the creed of a particular section of the country. Although 
 
36 
 
 aware of his position upon the Tariff, as shown by his votes pend- 
 ing its discussion in the Senate, some of his ardent admirers in 
 Virginia hoped to reclaim him from the error, of his way, and for 
 that purpose, through one of their number, addressed him the fol- 
 lowing note : 
 
 " WARBENTON, YA., April 21st, 1824. 
 
 " DEAR SIR : Being one of the six members of the Virginia Assembly in the 
 caucus last winter, who voted for you as a fit and proper person to be supported 
 by the people of the State for the presidency of the United States, and having 
 since heard that you are in favor of the 'protecting duty policy,' I take the 
 liberty of desiring you to inform me whether you intend voting for the Tariff Bill 
 now before Congress. I wish to have information on the subject as soon as your 
 convenience will permit, that I may answer the Fredericksburg Committee who 
 invite my co-operation in getting up a ticket for ' the Hero of New Orleans. ' In 
 this country you have many friends, and some think your support will be better 
 in Petersburg than in any of the contiguous counties. We are an^-Tariff here ; 
 and candor requires me to say that should you be the advocate of a measure to 
 which our interest is evidently opposed, the zeal with which you have been 
 hitherto supported will be relaxed. 
 
 "lam, etc., 
 
 " L. H. COLMAN. " * 
 
 To this letter General Jackson replied with commendable 
 promptness and frankness. 
 
 " WASHINGTON CITY, April 26th, 1824. 
 
 " SIB : I have had the honor this day to receive your letter of the 21st instant, 
 and with candor shall reply to it. My name has been brought before the nation 
 by the people themselves, without any agency of mine ; for I wish it not to be 
 forgotten that I have never solicited office, nor when called upon by the con- 
 stituted authorities, have ever declined where I conceived my services would be 
 beneficial to my country. But as my name has been brought before tha nation for 
 the first office in the gift of the people, it is incumbent on me, when asked, 
 frankly to declare my opinion upon any political or national question pending 
 before and about which the country feels an interest. 
 
 "You ask me my opinion on the Tariff. I answer that I am in favor of a 
 judicious examination and revision of it; and so far as the Tariff before us 
 embraces the design of fostering, protecting, and preserving within ourselves the 
 means of national defense and independence, particularly in a state of war, I 
 would advocate and support it. The experience of the late war ought to teach us 
 a lesson, and one never to be forgotten. If our liberty and republican form of 
 government, procured for us by our revolutionary fathers, are worth the bl9od 
 and treasure at which they were obtained, it surely is our duty to protect and 
 defend them. Can there be an American patriot who saw the privations, 
 dangers, and difficulties experienced for the want of a proper means of defense 
 during the last war, who would be willing again to hazard the safety of our 
 country if embroiled ; or rest it for defense on the precarious means of national 
 resources to be derived from commerce, in a state of war, with a maritime power 
 which might destroy that commerce to prevent our obtaining the means of 
 defense, and thereby subdue us? I hope there is not; and, if there is, I am sure 
 he does not deserve to enjoy the blessing of freedom. 
 
 " Heaven smiled upon and gave us liberty and independence. That same 
 Providence has blessed us with the means of national independence and national 
 defense. If we omit or refuse to use the gifts which He has extended to us, we 
 deserve not the continuation of His blessings. He has filled our mountains and 
 our plains with minerals, with lead, iron, and copper, and given us a climate and 
 
 * Parton's Life of Jackson, iii. 34. 
 
37 
 
 goil for the growing of hemp and wool. These being the grand materials of our 
 national defense, they ought to have extended to them adequate and fair protection, 
 that our own manufactories and laborers may be placed on a fair competition with 
 those of Europe ; and that we may have within our own country a supply of those 
 leading and important articles so essential to war. Beyond this, I look at the 
 Tariff" with an eye to the proper distribution of labor and revenue ; and with a 
 view to discharge our national debt. I am one of those who do not believe that 
 a national debt is a national blessing, but rather a curse to a republic ; inasmuch 
 as it is calculated to raise around the administration a moneyed aristocracy 
 dangerous to the liberties of the country. 
 
 "This Tariff I mean a judicious one possesses more fanciful than real 
 dangers. I will ask what is the real situation of the agriculturalist ? Where has 
 the American farmer a market for his surplus products ? Except for cotton he 
 has neither a foreign nor a home market. Does not this clearly prove, when there 
 ' is no market either at home or abroad, that there is too much labor employed in 
 agriculture f and that the channels of labor should be multiplied f Common sense 
 points out at once the remedy. Draw from agriculture the superabundant labor, 
 employ it in mechanism and manufactures, thereby creating a home market for 
 your bread stuffs, and distributing labor to a most profitable account, and benefit 
 to the country will result. Take from agriculture, in the United States, six 
 hundred thousand men, women and children, and you at once give a home market 
 for more bread stuffs than all Europe now furnishes us. In short, sir, we have 
 been too long subject to the policy of the British merchants. It is time we should 
 become a I'Mle more Americanized, and, instead of feeding the paupers and 
 laborers of Europe, feed our own, or else in a short time, by continuing our present 
 policy, we shall all be paupers ourselves, 
 
 " It is, therefore, my opinion that a careful Tariff is much wanted to pay our 
 national debt, and afford us the means of that defense within ourselves on which 
 the safety and liberty of our country depend ; and last, though not least, give a 
 proper distribution to our labor, which must prove beneficial to the happiness, 
 independence, and wealth of the community. 
 
 " This is a short outline of my opinions, generally, on the subject of your 
 inquiry, and believing them correct, and calculated to further the prosperity and 
 happiness of my country, I declare to you, I would not bailer them for any office 
 or situation of a temporal character that could be given me. 
 
 " I have presented you my opinions freely, because I am without concealment, 
 and should indeed despise myself, if I could believe myself capable of acquiring 
 the confidence of any by means so ignoble. 
 
 " I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 " ANDREW JACKSON. " * 
 
 " Did Henry Clay ever deliver a speech, or Horace Greeley 
 write an editorial," exclaims General Jackson's biographerf more 
 completely pervaded with the spirit of the protective policy than 
 this letter of Andrew Jackson's. The General really exhausted 
 the subject. Not a word escaped him." In after times, when a 
 different kind of talk better suited the General, the Tariff he 
 wanted was always a judicious one, the one which he conceived 
 the best suited to advance his political schemes, whether going 
 on in the old way or turning upon his trail. But the judicious 
 Tariff of 1824 was a Tariff with a circumstance, everything drawn 
 out in the most carefully considered language, so that no double 
 
 * Parton's Life of Jackson, ill. 35. 
 t Parton, iii. 36. 
 
38 
 
 meaning could be possible. But the General knew well how prone 
 people are to forget the past, and how easily they are befogged 
 by a new set of "glittering generalities." 
 
 The article, in the creed of the Fathers, next in importance to 
 Production was that of Distribution, of Internal Improvements. 
 The most eloquent effort of Mr. Calhoun, 
 
 "When in the morn and liquid dew of youth," 
 
 and before slavery had seized him in its iron grasp, chilling every 
 noble aspiration of his nature, was that in which he pressed their 
 claim upon the consideration of the Federal Government. From 
 the outset the markets whether at home or abroad for the prod- 
 ucts of the country lay within a narrow belt fronting the Atlantic 
 seaboard. To reach them cheaply and expeditiously was an object 
 always present to the minds of the people. For nearly 150 years 
 after the first colonists knded on our shores, by far the greater 
 number of them lived in sight of tide-water or of navigable rivers. 
 These supplied to them the place of earth roads for which the 
 soil was ill adapted and which a scattered population were too 
 poor to construct. It was only when the summit of the Alle- 
 ghenies was reached, and the vast expanse that lay beyond was 
 disclosed, that the importance of improved highways to connect 
 this New World with the Atlantic slope was imperatively felt. 
 Of the two great rivers which watered it, one had its outlet 
 under the burning sun of the tropics, the other in the region of 
 polar cold, both held by powers hostile to our own. 
 
 The first to realize fully the importance of works to render the 
 Atlantic ports the outlet for our exports, and thus correct a strange 
 oversight of nature which failed to give to the great water-courses 
 of the continent a direction coincident with the convenient routes 
 of its commerce and travel was General Washington. As it is in 
 Virginia that the waters of the Atlantic approach most nearly 
 the navigable tributaries of the Mississippi, and as its people 
 moved inland more rapidly than those of any other colony, it was 
 natural that there the project of uniting the two by a canal should 
 first be entertained. From his early employment as surveyor of 
 lands, Washington became more familiar than any other of his 
 time with the region lying at the head-waters of the Potomac. 
 In 1754, he commanded a military expedition to the Monongahela 
 
39 
 
 River, which resulted in the capture of the hostile force against 
 which it was directed. It was from his familiarity with the route 
 
 Hhat Braddock was to take in his proposed attack on Fort Du- 
 quesne that he was invited to join the expedition and become 
 a member of the military family of the general-in-chief. In what- 
 ever he was engaged, the subject of navigable water-lines from 
 the western waters to the seaboard constantly occupied his 
 thoughts. The breaking out of the War of Independence, with- 
 out weakening his interest in them, rendered it impossible for 
 
 "him to prosecute his great purposes. So soon as a moment's leis- 
 ure came to him, which happened when detained at Newburgh 
 in command of such troops as were retained under arms after the 
 close of the war, he made an extended tour of the State of New 
 York with the same purpose with which he had so carefully exam- 
 ined the country between the waters of the Potomac and those 
 of the Ohio. Of this excursion he gave in a letter addressed, 
 under date of Oct. 12, 1783, to the Marquis de Chastellux, a 
 French nobleman greatly interested in American affairs, the 
 following account : 
 
 " I have lately made a tour through the Lakes George and Champlain as far 
 as Crown Point; then returning to Schenectady, I proceeded up the Mohawk 
 Kiver to Fort Schuyler, crossed over to Wood Creek, which empties into the 
 Oneida Lake and affords the water communication with Ontario; I then trav- 
 ersed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and 
 viewed the Lake Otsego and the portage between that lake and the Mohawk River 
 at Canajoharie. Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking 
 a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these 
 United States, and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and 
 importance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence who has dealt his 
 favors to us with so prpfuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough 
 to improve them ! I shall not rest contented until I have explored the Western 
 country, and traversed^ those lines (or great part of them) which have given 
 bounds to a new empire." 
 
 Deeply as Washington was impressed with the natural provi- 
 sion, far to the north of Virginia, for a great route of internal 
 navigation, in the remarkable depression in the continent between 
 the Great Lakes and the Hudson, he could at the time have but 
 a very inadequate idea of the importance of the results that were 
 to flow from it. Through it was constructed the first great public 
 work of the country, the Erie Canal, a work which co'mmuni- 
 cated a mighty impulse to the nation, gave to the North the 
 monopoly of its commerce, and established upon the line coinci- 
 
40 
 
 dent with it, and extending across the continent, the seat of future 
 empire. 
 
 Upon the disbanding of the army Washington upon his return 
 home again resumed the subject which had already engrossed so 
 much of his attention, and was instrumental in procuring a charter 
 from the States of Virginia and Maryland for a canal to connect 
 the Ohio with the navigable waters of the Potomac. He became 
 the first president of the company that was formed, and secured 
 to it valuable grants both in lands and money. He again crossed 
 the mountains for the purpose of making a more careful examina- 
 tion of the country and the practicability of his enterprise. On 
 his return he presented to the Governor of Virginia the results of 
 his observations, in one of the most sagacious papers that ever 
 came from his pen. 
 
 " I need not remark to you," said Washington in the communication referred 
 to, "that the flank and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, and 
 formidable ones too ; and how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to 
 bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part 
 of it which lies immediately west of us, with the Middle States. For what ties, 
 let me ask, should we have upon these people (in the Mississippi Valley)? How. 
 entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not appre- 
 hend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of 
 throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for 
 their trade and alliance? What, when they gain strength (which will be sooner 
 than most people conceive, Trom the emigration of foreigners, who will have no 
 predilection for us, as well as the removal of our own citizens), will be the conse- 
 quence of having formed close connections with both or either of those powers in 
 a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. 
 
 " The Western States (I speak now from my own observation) hang upon a 
 pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked 
 down the Mississippi till the Spaniards, very impoliticly, I think, for themselves, 
 threw difficulties in the way; and they looked that way for no other reason than 
 because they could glide quietly down the stream, without considering, perhaps, 
 the difficulties of the voyage back again and the time necessary to perform it, and 
 because they had no other means of coming to us but by land transportation and 
 unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the 
 present settlers ; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase 
 of population, and the little flour which the necessities of the Spaniards compel 
 them to buy, they have no incitement to labor. But smooth the road and make 
 easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured 
 upon us, how amazingly our exports will increase, and how amply we shall 
 be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it." 
 
 Was it strange that in such an august presence the Fathers 
 should have caught the spirit and have followed the example of 
 their Great Chief? If in after times such sentiments became 
 great p'olitical crimes, we must still, in their extenuation, "par- 
 don something to the spirit of liberty " ! 
 
 The improvement of waterways and the construction of 
 
41 
 
 roads, at one time an absorbing subject with our people, naturally 
 proceeded at a slow rate, from the vast magnitude of the under 
 taking, the want of adequate means, and the jealousies naturally 
 arising between different sections of the country. The States felt 
 that they could not afford to await the dilatory action of the 
 Federal Government and began great works for themselves, 
 prompted largely by the local advantages which they were to 
 secure, the Erie Canal being undertaken chiefly for the advan- 
 tages it was to confer on the city of New York ; the Pennsylvania 
 Canals for those they were to confer on Philadelphia, and the Bal- 
 timore & Ohio Railroad for those it was to confer upon the 
 city of Baltimore. Private corporations soon came in, first to 
 supplement, and then to supplant, the action alike of the Federal 
 Government and of the States ; so that there is now very little 
 trace, except in the Pacific Railroads, of the interposition of the 
 former in the matter of public works. 
 
 The third article of the creed of the Fathers, and that which 
 completed their work in providing for the material welfare of 
 the people, was the Bank of the United States. At this late 
 day, when the industrial organization of an inconsiderable village 
 is by no means complete without a bank it is useless to dwell 
 upon the enormous benefit, at the formation of the Government, 
 and in the chaotic condition of affairs which often prevailed, 
 of a bank with an adequate capital, and with branches in every 
 important city in the Union. The bank is almost as important 
 as an instrument of exchange as is the railroad. No other 
 work of the Fathers was better conceived. As the Constitution 
 restored political and social order, so the bank speedily brought 
 business order and method out of the terrible disorder which 
 
 had prevailed. 
 
 k 
 
 The Fathers having well laid out their work, nothing remained 
 but to keep it abreast with the progress of events. But it was 
 not from their solicitude in promoting the outward, the external, 
 welfare of the people, in which they were so eminently successful, 
 that they chiefly challenge admiration and respect. The age 
 in which they lived was the one in which, in idea at least, 
 humanity first put forth its claims that institutions were to 
 
42 
 
 exist for its welfare alone ; their fitness to be depending upon the 
 uses they served, upon the influences they were calculated to 
 exert in raising man from the lowest point of consideration 
 to that to which he was entitled by virtue of the divine spark 
 within every soul. No body of men were ever so entirely under 
 the control of these lofty and inspiring sentiments as were the 
 Fathers of the Government of the United States. They were 
 legislating for a continent, and through it for the world. Fully 
 conscious of the novelty as well as the greatness of their undertak- 
 ing they invoked in their aid whatever lesson the Old World had 
 to teach of the value of prudence, toleration, self-sacrifice and 
 heroism in affairs and in life. In search for models, for examples, 
 for the government they were to frame, all the Republics of the 
 Old World were passed in review, Athens, the Amphictyonic 
 Council, the ^Etolian League, the Achaian League, the Republics 
 of Carthage and Rome ; and, in modern times, those of Switzer- 
 land, Genoa, Florence, Venice, and the Netherlands; that of the 
 English Commonwealth, with its disastrous end notwithstanding 
 its glorious achievements, being too near and too little understood 
 to be available for their work. The Old Testament itself was 
 carefully studied to see what light the legislation there narrated 
 could throw upon their great task. Invoking in their aid all who 
 in the past had signalized themselves in the cause of freedom 
 and order, all whose work in the service of humanity had become 
 idealized by the lapse of time, such companionship could hardly 
 fail to raise the Fathers to a level with the lofty characters they 
 were constantly contemplating. Graciousness and urbanity dis- 
 tinguished them in all the relations of life. They were gentle- 
 men. It was natural that the great mass of the people should 
 in some degree catch the spirit and demeanor of the examples 
 before them, and that with the removal of the causes all party 
 distinction and party strifes should cease. 
 
 -V 
 
 Mr. Madison, who was elected ki 1812 by a vote of 128 out 
 of a total of 218, was followed by Mr. Monroe, who, in 1816, was 
 elected by a vote of 183 out of a total of 223 ; and, in 1820, by the 
 unanimous voice of the electoral college, representing the unani- 
 mous voice of the nation, his name being as dear to Massachu- 
 setts as to Virginia. It seemed as if our golden age, our political 
 
43 
 
 millennium had come, no root of bitterness remaining, the different 
 sections vying with each other in abundant offices of mutual sym- 
 pathy and good-will. No ground for party divisions existing, one 
 of the old names was wholly dropped out, while that of " Repub- 
 lican " a term which in all history has been applied to those 
 laboring for the general welfare insensibly became the fitting 
 title of every American citizen. 
 
 In this era of "good feeling" slavery did indeed remain, 
 otherwise the picture of perfect harmony and well-being would 
 have been without a blemish ; but slavery then was an evil which, 
 with the Fathers at least, was in time to disappear through the 
 working of the beneficent principle set forth in the Declaration 
 of Independence and embodied in the Constitution. Their minds 
 were softened, rather than hardened, by the contemplation of a 
 great wrong of which they were to be rid as speedily as it 
 could be done through the operation of natural causes. They 
 "lived by faith." The state of feeling which existed so late as 
 1818 is well set forth in the following extract from an argument 
 made by the Honorable Roger B. Taney, afterwards Chief 
 Justice of the United States. 
 
 " A hard necessity, indeed, compels us to endure the evils of slavery for a time. 
 It was imposed upon us by another nation while yet we were in a state of colo- 
 nial vassalage. It cannot be easily or suddenly removed. Yet while it continues 
 it is a blot on our national character, and every real lover of freedom confidently 
 hopes that it will be effectually, though it must be gradually, wiped away, and 
 earnestly looks for the means by which this necessary object may be attained. 
 And until it shall be accomplished, until the time shall come when we can point 
 without a blush to the language held in the Declaration of Independence, every 
 friend of humanity will seek to lighten the galling chain of slavery, and better to 
 the utmost of his power the wretched condition of the slave.* 
 
 But this " Era of Good Feeling, " so fair to view, and apparently 
 so firmly based upon community in ideas and interests, rested 
 on the most shadowy foundations. It was but a film skimming 
 the most loathsome cancer that ever eat at the heart of a nation. 
 Even this film, so soon as the Fathers ceased to direct affairs, 
 was ruthlessly torn aside by the South itself. So long as they 
 stood at the helm, the proper thing, North and South, was to 
 repeat the doctrines of the Humanitarians which led to the 
 French Revolution, and in no small degree to our own, to be 
 embodied in our Declaration of Independence, which, when ut- 
 
 * Roger B. Taney, in defence of Rev. Mr. Gruber. Parton's Life of Andrew Rackson, iii. 483. 
 
44 
 
 i 
 
 tered, was a genuine outcome of the highest instinct of humanity. 
 Singularly enough, we seemed to have exhausted ourselves by its 
 utterance. Hardly the first attempt was made by the new nation 
 to keep step to its lofty notes. It became all the more a passion 
 to listen to them, as this seemed in some measure to atone for all 
 lack of exertion to make them a rule of conduct in the affairs of 
 life. The effect was to make us a nation of hypocrites, the taint 
 striking far deeper at the South, as the proof there was always 
 before the eyes of its people. There could be no more fitting 
 commentary upon the wide gulf which separated promise from 
 performance, than the fact that the author of the immortal decla- 
 ration of the right of every human being " to life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness " left his own slaves, like his other chattels, 
 to be sold at the auction block. Under no conditions, even when 
 the improvidence of slavery was fully seen and acknowledged, was 
 there moral force enough at the South to put an end to it. But 
 by a singular accident in history, slavery became highly profitable. 
 Large districts in the United States, inhospitable to the white 
 laborer, were found to be peculiarly well adapted to the culture of 
 cotton. As few other districts throughout the world were so well 
 fitted therefor, the United States had the virtual monopoly of 
 its production. Into these districts, so soon as the cotton gin 
 removed the last obstacles to its profitable cultivation, great 
 numbers of slaves were poured. The supply of this demand was 
 of itself a new industry to the old Slave States. From that time, 
 slavery threw off its old deprecatory tone for one of vigorous 
 aggression. It had no alternative. Beneath all the ease and com- 
 posure with which the Southern people affected at all times to 
 regard slavery, they were always fully conscious of the feeble 
 tenure by whicn it was held. It was against the moral sense of 
 mankind, the law of nations, the civil law of most countries claim- 
 ing to be civilized or Christian; while slave labor had been 
 everywhere regarded as improvident and wasteful to the highest 
 degree. It was consequently inevitable that the Southern people 
 should assume the free North to be hostile to it. They fully 
 agreed with the North as to the influence of protection in stimu- 
 lating domestic industries ; but no industry sought to be protected 
 could take root but in the free States. Their lines of aggression 
 and defense were very simple. At the formation of the Govern- 
 
45 
 
 ment the country in area and numbers was divided into two very 
 nearly equal parts, Free and Slave. So long as such equilibrium 
 could be maintained, slavery was measurably secure. Protection 
 tended to disturb it in favor of the North ; protection consequently 
 was unconstitutional. Internal Improvements tended in the same 
 way to disturb it ; these consequently were unconstitutional. A 
 Bank tended to subvert it ; consequently Congress was incompe- 
 tent to create one. The test of the constitutionality of every 
 measure for congressional action was Will it increase the number 
 and wealth of the Free more rapidly than that of the Slave States ? 
 If the reply was in the affirmative, then the measure was uncon- 
 stitutional. Every industry, aspiration, or achievement was to be 
 reduced to the standard of slavery. Liberty was never to establish 
 a precedent, for fear that it might rise above the low and degraded 
 level prescribed for all. If an Act of Congress is unconstitutional, 
 the necessary inference is that it carries no sanction for its obser- 
 vance ; or, t'o state the rule in the concise language in which it 
 was formulated in the tamous Kentucky resolutions of 1798, 
 
 "The government created by this compact (the Constitution of the United 
 States ) was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers del- 
 egated to itself, since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitu- 
 tion, the measure of its powers ; but that, as in all other cases of compact among 
 parties having no common judge, each party had an equal right to judge for itself 
 as well of the infractions as of the mode and measure of redress." 
 
 So armed, any State might remain in the Union, or leave it at 
 its own sovereign will and pleasure, and all this parallel with the 
 Era of Good Feeling. One of the first to proclaim in Congress 
 this doctrine of secession was Mr. John Randolph, of Virginia, a 
 member of the House of Representatives, the occasion being a 
 proposition to make appropriations for surveys for an extended 
 system of road and canals. Upon this proposition Mr. Randolph, 
 on the 3 ist of January, 1824, spoke as follows : 
 
 "Permit me now to recall the attention of the committee to the original 
 design of this Government. It grew out of the necessity, indispensable and 
 unavoidable, in the circumstances of this country, of some general power, capable 
 of regulating foreign commerce. Sir, I am old enough to remember the origin of 
 this Government ; and, though I was too young to participate in the transactions 
 of the day, I have a perfect recollection of what was public sentiment on the 
 subject. And I repeat, without fear of contradiction, that the proximate as 
 well as the remote cause of the existence of the federal government, was the 
 regulation of foreign commerce. Not to particularize all the difficulties which 
 grew out of the conflicting laws of the States, I refer to but one, arising froir 
 
46 
 
 Virginia taxing an article which Maryland then made duty-free ; and to that very 
 policy may be attributed, in a great degree, the rapid growth and prosperity of 
 the town of Baltimore. If the old Congress had possessed the power of laying 
 a duty of ten per cent, ad valorem on imports, this Constitution would never have 
 been called into existence. 
 
 " But we are told that, along with the regulation of foreign commerce, the 
 States have yielded to the General Government, in as broad terms, the regulation 
 of domestic commerce, I mean the commerce among the several States, and 
 that the same power is possessed by Congress over the one as over the other. It 
 is rather unfortunate for this argument, that, if it applies to the extent to which 
 the power to regulate foreign commerce has been carried by Congress, they may 
 prohibit altogether this domestic commerce, as they have heretofore, under the 
 other power, prohibited foreign commerce. 
 
 "But why put extreme cases ? This Government cannot go on one day with- 
 out a mutual understanding and deference between the State and General Govern- 
 ments. This Government is the breath of the nostrils of the States. Gentlemen 
 may say what they please of the preamble to the Constitution; but this Constitution 
 is not the work of the amalgamated population of the then existing confederacy, 
 but the offspring of the States; and however high we may carry our heads and 
 strut and fret our hour ' dressed in a little brief authority,' it is in the power of 
 the States to extinguish this Government at a blow. They have only to refuse to 
 send members to either branch of the legislature, or to appoint electors of Presi- 
 dent and Vice-President, and the thing is done. . . . 
 
 11 1 say that this Government, if put to the test a test it is by no means cal- 
 culated to endure as a government for the management of the internal concerns 
 of this country, is one of the worst that can be conceived, which is determined by 
 the fact that it is a government not having a common feeling and common interest 
 with the governed. I know that we are told and it is the first time the doctrine 
 has been openly avowed that upon the responsibility of this House to the people, 
 by means of the elective franchise, depends all the security of the people of the 
 United States against the abuse of the powers of this Government. 
 
 " But, sir, how shall a man from Mackinaw, or the Yellow Stone River, 
 respond to the sentiments of the people who live in New Hampshire ? It is as 
 great a mockery a greater mockery than it was to talk to these colonies about 
 their virtual representation in the British Parliament. I have no hesitation in 
 saying that the liberties of the colonies were safer in the custody of the British 
 Parliament than they will be in any portion of this country, if all the powers of 
 the States, as well as of the General Government, are devolved on this House. 
 
 "It is not a matter of conjecture merely, but of fact, of notoriety, that there 
 does exist on this subject an honest difference of opinion among enlightened men; 
 that not one or two, but many States in the Union see, with great concern and 
 alarm, the encroachments of the General Government on their authority. They 
 feel that they have given up the power of the sword and the purse, and enabled 
 men, with the purse in one hand and the sword in the other, to rifle them of all 
 they hold dear . . . We now begin to perceive what we have surrendered; 
 that, having given up the power of the purse and the sword, everything else 
 is at the mercy and forbearance of the General Government. We did believe 
 there were some parchment barriers no ! what is worth all the parchment bar 
 riers in the world that there was, in the powers of the States, some counterpoise 
 to the power of this body ; but, if this bill passes, we can believe so no longer. 
 
 "There is one other power which may be exercised, in case the power now 
 contended for be conceded, to which I ask the attention of every gentleman who 
 happens to stand in the same unfortunate predicament with myself, of every 
 man who has the misfortune to be, and to have been born, a slaveholder. If 
 Congress possess the power to do what is proposed by this bill, they may not only 
 enact a sedition law for there is precedent but they may emancipate every slave 
 in the United States, and with stronger color of reason than they can exercise the 
 power now contended for. And where will they find the power ? They may 
 follow the example of the gentlemen who have preceded me, and hook the power 
 upon the first loop they find in the Constitution. They might take the preamble, 
 perhaps the war-making power; or they might take a greater sweep, and say, with 
 some gentlemen, that it is not to be found in this or that of the granted powers, 
 but results from all of them, which is not only a dangerous, but the most danger- 
 
47 
 
 ous doctrine. Is it not demonstrable that slave labor is the dearest in the world, 
 and that the existence of a large body of slaves is a source of danger. Suppose 
 we are at war with a foreign power, and freedom should be offered them by Con- 
 gress, as an inducement to them to take a part in it; or, suppose the country not 
 at war, at every turn of this federal machine, at every successive census, that 
 interest will find itself governed by another and increasing power, which is bound 
 to it neither by any common tie of interest or feeling. And if ever the time shall 
 arrive, as assuredly it has arrived elsewhere, and, in all probability, may arrive 
 here, that a coalition of knavery and fanaticism shall, for any purpose, be got up 
 on this floor, I ask gentlemen who stand in the same predicament as I do, to look 
 well to what they are now doing, to the colossal power with which they are no\v 
 arming this Government. The power to do what I allude to is, I aver, more hon- 
 estly inferable from the war-making power than the power we are now about to 
 exercise. Let them look forward to the time when such a question shall arise, 
 -and tremble with me at the thought that that question is to be decided by a major- 
 ity of the votes of this House, of whom not one possesses the slightest tie of common 
 interest or of common feeling with us." 
 
 The great political doctrine of the South, equally a political 
 dogma with its Northern allies, is fully set forth in the preceding 
 extracts. First, the right of any State to secede, upon its own 
 motion, as the proper remedy for any real or fancied grievance ; 
 second, that the Government of the United States, " as a govern- 
 ment for the management of the internal concerns of the country, 
 is one of the worst that can be conceived, which is determined by 
 the fact that it is a government not having a common policy and 
 a common interest with the governed." To the Southern people, 
 so soon as they came to a full consciousness of the situation, the 
 rule of the majority became a menace and a terror, as it was 
 assumed that such rule would be directed by a spirit of liberty, 
 and that when so guided it was inevitable that in the end it should 
 actively antagonize slavery. If allowed free scope, its generous 
 instincts would in time ripen into precedents to control the action 
 of the South as well as its own. 
 
 It is remarkable that at that early day the manner by which 
 slavery was to be finally extinguished by the exercise of the war- 
 making power lodged in the Constitution should have been clearly 
 foreseen and pointed out by Mr. Randolph, who, with all his 
 eccentricities, had the widest and clearest vision of any of his 
 class, to which he added perfect frankness and fearlessness in 
 the expression of his convictions. 
 
48 
 
 In 1824, Mr. John Quincy Adams was elected President of 
 the United States, the rule of safe precedent being followed, 
 he having been Secretary of State under Mr. Monroe, as Mr. 
 Monroe had been under Madison, Madison under Jefferson, 
 and Jefferson under Washington. He was by no means the 
 only candidate for the high place to which he aspired. His 
 most powerful rival was General Jackson, put forward on ac- 
 count of his great military renown. Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, 
 Secretary of the Treasury under Mr. Monroe, was also put 
 forward as a sort of dark horse by a small number of Con- 
 gressmen and a comparatively little knot of politicians in the 
 State of New York, afterwards known as the "Albany Re- 
 gency," which, next to Tammany Hall, has been the most potent 
 influence in corrupting the political morals of the country. Mr. 
 Clay, of Kentucky, a brilliant orator, an earnest advocate of the 
 doctrine of protection to domestic industries, and who had repeat- 
 edly been Speaker of the House of Representatives, was also in 
 the field. They all ran as Republicans, and all but Mr. Crawford 
 as high tariff men. General Jackson received the largest number 
 of votes in the electoral college, but not a majority. In the 
 failure of that body to elect, the choice devolved upon the House 
 of Representatives voting by States. Through the influence of 
 Mr. Clay, the States of Kentucky and Missouri voted for Mr. 
 Adams, thereby securing his election. In the new administration, 
 Mr. Clay was made Secretary of State. In his election to the 
 presidency Mr. Adams assumed that in him was to be continued 
 the old regime, his great ambition and duty being to tread in its 
 steps, and transmit in all its integrity its very lineaments, as 
 well as its principles and policy, to his successors. 
 
 " Ten years of peace at home and abroad," said Mr. Adams in his Inaugural 
 Address, "have assauged the animosities of political contention, and blended into 
 harmony the most discordant elements of public opinion. There still remains one 
 
49 
 
 effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the 
 individuals throughout the nation who have heretofore followed the standards 
 of political party. It is that of discarding every remnant of rancor against 
 each other, of embracing as countrymen and friends, and of yielding to talents 
 and virtue alone that confidence which, in times of contention for principle, was 
 bestowed only upon those who bore the badge of party communion. 
 
 " The collisions of party spirit, which originate in speculative opinions or 
 in different views of administrative policy, are, in their nature, transitory. Those 
 which are founded on geographical divisions, adverse interests of soil, climate, 
 and modes of domestic life, are more permanent, and therefore, perhaps, more 
 dangerous. It is this which gives inestimable value to tLe character of our 
 Government, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual 
 admonition to preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the rights of each indi- 
 .vidual State in its own government, and the rights of the whole nation in that of 
 the Union. Whatever is of domestic concernment, unconnected with the other 
 members of the Union or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the admin- 
 istration of the State governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and 
 interests of the federative fraternity, or of foreign powers, is of the resort of this 
 general Government. The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, 
 though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights 
 of the State governments is the inviolable duty of that of the Union; the govern- 
 ment of every State will feel its own obligation'to respect and preserve the rights 
 of the whole. The prejudices everywhere too commonly entertained against dis- 
 tant strangers are worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests are allayed by 
 the composition and functions of the great national councils, annually assembled 
 from all quarters of the Union at this place. Here the distinguished men from 
 every section of our country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests 
 of those by whom they are deputed, learn to estimate the talents, and do justice 
 to the virtues, of each other. . . . 
 
 "Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of the 
 Federal Constitution, and their results, as indicating the first traces of the path 
 of duty in the discharge of my public trust, I turn to the administration of my 
 immediate predecessor, as the second. It has passed away in a period of pro- 
 found peace : how much to the satisfaction of our country, and to the honor of 
 our country's name, is known to you all. The great features of its policy, in 
 general concurrence with the will of the legislature, have been to cherish peace 
 while preparing for defensive war; to yield exact justice to other nations, and 
 maintain the rights of our own; to cherish the principles of freedom and of equal 
 rights wherever they were proclaimed; to discharge, with all possible promptness, 
 the national debt; to reduce, within the narrowest limits of efficiency, the mui- 
 tary force ^tc improve the organization and discipline of the army; to provide 
 and sustain a school of military science ; to extend equal protection to all the 
 great interests of the nation. . . . 
 
 " In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate pre- 
 decessor, the line of duty for his successor is clearly delineated. To pursue to 
 their consummation those purposes of improvement in our common condition, in- 
 stituted or recommended by him, witt embrace the whole sphere of my obligations. 
 To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inaugu- 
 ration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced 
 that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages to people this 
 continent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union; 
 that in which the beneficent action of its Government will be most deeply felt 
 and acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works are 
 among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads and aque- 
 ducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have survived 
 thousands of years after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism, 
 or become the spoil of barbarians." 
 
 It is impossible to tell at this late day whether the language of 
 Mr. Adams in his inaugural address was due to sublime egotism, 
 or sublime optimism, or to sublime ignorance ; or whether it was 
 
50 
 
 a master-stroke of policy for disarming opposition. The response 
 was a yell of scorn and defiance from the whole South, and from 
 no small number at the North, who were already tiring of " Aris- 
 tides the Just," and who, for the first time, saw in a "solid 
 South " good material out of which to frame a new and great 
 National party. But such party was still in the dim distance. At 
 present the assaults upon the administration were purely personal. 
 The thing most dwelt upon was the appointment by the new 
 President of Mr. Clay as Secretary of State; the appointment 
 being, as Mr. Randolph declared in his seat in the Senate, " the 
 consummation of an unholy bargain between a Puritan and a black- 
 leg. " The result of such a declaration was a hostile meeting on 
 the field of honor. The English language was ransacked in search 
 of epithets wherewith to assail the luckless administration. But 
 no political issue was yet raised. All were still Republicans. The 
 only opponent of Mr. Adams remaining in the field to contest the 
 next election was, if possible, more earnest than himself in sup- 
 port of the doctrines of Protection and Internal Improvements, 
 The only party names, if they may be termed such, in use, during 
 the whole of Mr. Adams' term of office, was that of " Administra- 
 tion " for the "ins" and " Opposition" for the "outs!" 
 
 At the meeting of the first Congress after Mr. Adams' election 
 a small majority of the House was nominally in his favor, a 
 Speaker friendly to his administration being elected by a few 
 votes. The House however was so nearly balanced between 
 friends and foes that a working majority could not~be co*unted on 
 for any important measure. At the meeting of the Congress 
 elected in 1826, the "opposition" carried the House by a consid- 
 erable number, Mr. Andrew Stevenson of Virginia, one of the 
 bitterest opponents of Protection and Internal Improvements, 
 being made Speaker. Of the Committee of Ways and Means of 
 the House, Mr. John Randolph, with whom the reader has already 
 been made acquainted, was made chairman, an appointment 
 which carried with it the leadership of the opposition in that 
 body. Both were pronounced secessionists, and both were bit- 
 terly hostile to the work of the Fathers. It was the beginning 
 of the end. 
 
 In the contests which necessarily arose between slavery and 
 freedom, the Southern people, from their domestic training, came 
 
51 
 
 fully armed for the strife, the Northern with naked hands. The 
 whole life of the former had been one of war, a state of slavery 
 being always war ; and the experience gained in it could be in- 
 stantly transferred to the broader field of the nation. The 
 Northern people, thoroughly loyal, and absorbed in their various 
 avocations, gave little attention to the administration of the 
 Government, so long as they could turn their industries to a satis- 
 factory account^. They never thought of overhauling the ship of 
 state until full preparations were made for scuttling her by the 
 rebel crew, who had, by sufferance as it were, been allowed to 
 gain complete possession. At the North there was infinite di- 
 versity of life, of calling, of opinion, a diversity the inseparable 
 condition of a high civilization. At the South the people from 
 the outset obeyed one instinct, that of self-preservation. It was 
 the relations that the two peoples sustained to the Government 
 that marked the mighty difference between them. At the South 
 allegiance was due to the State as the paramount authority. 
 When a Southern member of Congress came to Washington, 
 nominally to assist in the administration of affairs, his first duty 
 was not to the Federal but to his State Government. He might 
 feel called upon to embarrass the action of the general Gov- 
 ernment, even to its overthrow. His constant purpose was to 
 administer it according to his construction of its nature. The 
 most effective means for carrying out such purposes was to 
 control its legislation at the source, appointment of Southern 
 men .to the chairmanship of the committees which originate 
 the most important matters for action by the House. They 
 succeeded so well that from the election of Mr Stevenson 
 as Speaker, in 1827, Southern men and slaveholders fiTjd the 
 office until the election of Mr. Winthrop in 1849. C' these, 
 Virginians notorious for their secession proclivities filled the 
 office for twelve out of the twenty-two years. 
 
 On^the 30th of January, 1828, a new tariff bill was reported by 
 the Committee on Manufactures of the House, to correct and 
 supplement that of 1824. Its general purpose was sufficiently sef 
 forth in the remarks made by Mr. Mallary of Vermont, chairman 
 of the committee, and of those made by Mr. Stevenson of Penn- 
 sylvania, also a member of the committee. In the course of his 
 remarks, Mr. Mallary said : 
 
52 
 
 " In a country like the United States, where all may engage in what employ- 
 ment they choose, there can never be a monopoly by any body of manufacturers. 
 The extent of the country, the favorable positions everywhere afforded, the indus- 
 try and enterprise of the people, will always be a safeguard against the least 
 danger. You might as well maintain that the farmers are monopolists, the 
 mechanics are monopolists, as to lay the same charge against the manufacturer. 
 I maintain that the tendency of protecting domestic manufactures is to prevent a 
 most dangerous and powerful monopoly, a moneyed aristocracy, that would be 
 resistless, overwhelming. I mean distinctly the mercantile interest on the sea- 
 board. If this<nation, great and extensive as it is and will be, were composed of 
 farmers and merchants alone, what would be the consequence? The sea-board 
 would be the place of exchange for domestic and foreign productions. This would 
 be effected at a few points favorable by nature. Profits an'Q gain would from 
 necessity be confined to a few. The farming interests must sustain all the charges 
 and expenses of transportation of its productions, which are heavy and bulky, 
 while the merchant would at all times secure to himself his reward, whatever may 
 be the sacrifices and losses of the farmer. On the sea-board, therefore, all the 
 moneyed capital of the nation would concentrate. The interior would be in 
 dependence, debt, and bondage. I am not insensible to the importance of foreign 
 commerce; but that alone never did and never can make a nation of extensive 
 territory prosperous. History proves the fact. To be sure, large cities have 
 sprung into existence by trade; nations or states possessing small domain, like 
 Venice and Genoa, may have become rich and powerful by foreign commerce. 
 
 " A country as extensive as France, or Germany, or Russia, or the United 
 States, never could have wealth, competence, and the ordinary comforts of life 
 universally distributed without the aid of Domestic manufactures. There might 
 be a Hanseatic league of cities, rich and powerful, showing defiance to the 
 proudest monarchs, while the countries which supported them would remain poor, 
 depressed, and miserable. 
 
 " We have been presented with arguments from a high commercial source to 
 prove the folly of the protective system. N"o clearer demonstration could be 
 afforded than- they give of the value of domestic manufactures. Take woollens: 
 We have been informed from this source that the consumption of the United 
 States is $72,000,000. On this amount it is said, the protection by duties equals 
 $27,000,000. Merchants' profits, operating also as a further protection, $13,680,000. 
 These charges are pretended to operate on the amount consumed, whether for- 
 eign or domestic. If we imported the $72,000,000, duty free, $13,680,000 must 
 be left in the hands of the merchant and those with whom he is immediately con- 
 nected. Take cottons: We consume, perhaps, $50,000,000. Here would be 
 $9,000,000 more in profits. Suppose all exchanges of the products of manufac- 
 ture and agriculture were made by the merchants on the sea-board, perhaps 
 $50,000,000 or $100,000,000 a year would fall to their share and those concerned. 
 From their own statements and reasonings we can at once see the danger of a 
 most overwhelming monopoly, had the system of protecting domestic manufac- 
 tures never been adopted, or if it should be abandoned. The charge of monopoly 
 against manufacturers should never spring from such a source. It is therefore 
 Bound policy to adopt such measures as will divide the moneyed capital of the 
 nation. Instead of its remaining confined to few places on the sea-board, the 
 good of the nation requires that it should be distributed. The protection and 
 security of domestic manufactures will produce this great beneficial result. 
 
 " If foreigners choose to embark in the manufacturing establishments of the 
 country, their private interests at once become identified with the general 
 interests of the nation. The capital is fixed. Their profits are not derived from 
 daily adventure and speculation, but from investments more durable than life. 
 The capital of the foreign merchant may be withdrawn on the sailing of any 
 Liverpool or Havre packet. The manufacturer has his capital fastened firmly in 
 the country. 
 
 "In a memorial from Charleston, South Carolina, distinguished for its can- 
 dor and ability, a rule is laid down, to which I will refer. It is that 'if a 
 nation will not buy, it cannot sell.' It would seem to follow that if a people can- 
 not sell, they cannot buy. Now apply this rule to six or seven millions of the 
 people of this Union. What is the condition of the agricultural States not en- 
 
53 
 
 gaged in the growing of cotton, rice, and tobacco? The whole amount exported 
 from the United States in 1826, to Great Britain, was about $20,400,000. Of this 
 $19,039,000 was in cotton, rice, and tobacco, leaving $1,361,000 from those parts 
 of the United States whore those three great articles are not produced. We ex- 
 ported in all, to France, $9,130,000; in cotton alone, $8,170,000, leaving $1,130,000 
 from the United States of everything else. ]S"ow, sir, if we cannot sell, we 
 cannot buy. 
 
 " I know that it is often said and urged that we endanger the market for the 
 great staples of the South by pursuing the policy of protecting domestic manu- 
 factures. Let this be the subject of a fair and candid consideration. Let us look at. 
 it with rigid impartiality. ' England may retaliate,' is the proposition. Why ? For 
 what reason ? It is now seen that, as a nation, we, in the direct trade, take from 
 her five or six millions more than she takes from us. So far there is no reason of 
 complaint. Three-fourths of what she does take is a raw materal cotton, without 
 . which she could scarcely exist. She takes it from us only because the world, 
 besides, does not and cannot supply her wants. 
 
 "In 1825 England manufactured to the value of $260,000,000, exported 
 $133,000,000. In 1827 the manufacture of cotton fabrics will not fall short of 
 $300,000,000. 
 
 " By a statement I offer, it appears that, in 1827, England used 851,000 bales; 
 631,000 from the United States, 220,000 from all the rest of the world. To sup- 
 pose that England would attempt to punish us for a tariff that might exclude five 
 or six millions of her manufactures, by excluding three-fourths of the whole 
 quantity of the cotton she uses, would be strange indeed. What was her policy 
 as to wool ? This is an article produced by her own people, upon which a multi- 
 tude of her farmers depend. It is estimated that they annually produce 144,000,000 
 pounds. She uses 160.000,000 pounds, and exports only $27,000,000 of the fabric. 
 Yet England reduced the duty on foreign wool to a nominal amount. Why ? To 
 aid manufactures. It was to enable her subjects to rival all other nations. To 
 refuse to take our cotton, then, would be a singular contradiction to her whole 
 policy. If, then, she, to aid an export of $27,000,000 of woollen fabrics, will suffer 
 the wools of other nations to come into her own market, can any one suppose 
 that she would exclude a raw material she cannot produce when her exports of a 
 fabric amount now to $150,000,000 ? No, sir; I maintain that the interests of the 
 cotton-growing States are doubly secured by promoting the manufacture in the 
 United^States. 
 
 "Again, it is urged that all duties on imports are taxes on consumers. Thfs 
 may be true as to those articles which we exclusively procure from abroad. It is 
 untrue as to such articles as are produced by domestic industry, nearly or wholly 
 sufficient to supply the demand. It is supposed that we produce cotton fabrica- 
 te the value of $50,000,000. A great proportion are valued at 16 cents and under, 
 the square yard. The duties and charges would be about 10 cents. Remove the 
 protection, and according to the rule that duties are a tax on the consumer, we 
 should be furnished with the fabric at four cents the running yard. The absurdity 
 is apparent. Take a fabric valued at 9 cents the square yard; the duties and 
 charges would be about the same I have before stated. According to the rule r 
 this fabric could be afforded to the consumer for nothing. 
 
 " Take nails ; the duty is 5 cents. The average price may be 7 cents in market. 
 The consumer, by the rule laid down, should have them for 2 cents per pound. 
 
 1 will mention but one article more I mean cheese. The duty is 9 cents per 
 pound. The average value in market not ever 7 cents. If duties on the foreign 
 article are a tax on the consumer, he is, in equity and good conscience, entitled to 
 
 2 cents for every pound he eats. 
 
 The following extracts are from the speech of Mr. Stevenson : 
 
 " The committee were convinced that the most destructive principle of the 
 tariff of May 23, 1824, was that it imposed only part of the duty on woollens, 
 on the 30th 'June, 1824, and held out an extraordinary premium to importation 
 from that time to the 30th June, 1825, when an additional duty of 3^ per cent, 
 was to take effect. The consequence was, that instead of the usual average 
 supply of eight and a half millions, there were upward of twelve millions of 
 
54 
 
 woollens imported in 1825, and this produced mainly the great depression of 1826, 
 and the destruction of some factories and great losses to others, but from which 
 they are now recovering, as the importations are again reduced to about eight 
 million, exclusive of carpetings. If legislation were as intelligent as commerce 
 is vigilant, much national evil might be avoided. 
 
 " The first article in the bill is what is usually termed hammered bar-iron. 
 The present duty on the ton of 2,240 pounds is $18, which the committee propose 
 to raise to $22.40. Boiled-iron the committee propose to raise from $30 to $37 
 a ton. as the quantity of this article imported in 1827 greatly exceeded that in 
 1826. Pig-iron to be increased from $10 per ton to $12.50. It may be satisfactory 
 to show the probable quantity of iron used in the United States ; how much of 
 this is imported, and how much is produced at home : 
 
 " For the year ending 30th September, 1827, the quantity of hammered bar- 
 iron imported over and above that re-exported was 21,730 tons; the cost abroad, 
 81,199,525. Of rolled bar-iron, 7,095 tons, cost abroad, $333,780; total, 29,635 
 tons; cost, $1,533,305. The quantity of pig-iron imported was 1,756 tons, equal 
 to 1,171 tons hammered bar-iron; cost, $46,881. The average cost abroad of the 
 whole quantity of hammered bar-iron imported last year was $52.20 per ton; of 
 rolled, bar, and bolt, $42.22. Eight-tenths of the hammered, bar, and bolt iron 
 comes from Sweden and Norway; nearly all the balance from Russia. The rolled, 
 bar, and bolt iron comes almost exclusively from England. The Russia old sable 
 is very superior iron, and costs abroad about $62 per ton. New sable costs about 
 $57, charges included ; the freight to the United States about $10 per ton; the 
 duty $18 per ton, and sells at from $95 to $100 per ton. Swedish iron costs 
 in Gottenburg, charges of shipment included, about $57 per ton; freight to 
 the United States, $7 per ton; duty, $18 per ton; and sells at from $94 to $98 
 per ton. Nearly all the rolled-iron comes from England ; it costs, with charges 
 of shipment, about $44 per ton; freight, from $2.50 to $3 per ton; duty, $30 per 
 ton; and sells at about $82; it is of very inferior quality. 
 
 " Pig-iron, of the quality imported, which is the best, costs abroad about 
 $28 per ton; freight, $3 per ton; duty, $10 per ton; and sells at $50 per ton. 
 The greater part conies from Scotland, and is of very good quality. 
 
 "I have stated the quantity of rolled and hammered iron and pigs imported 
 to be equal to 30,000 tons. Let us now see the quantity produced in the United 
 States. Pennsylvania, the centre of the Union, and its bond, stands foremost in 
 the production of this invaluable metal. A very accurate estimate gives 22,600 
 tons of bar and rolled iron, and 14,000 tons of castings , as her annual product, 
 equal to 48,000 tons of pig-metal. New York produces, if all in pig-metal, equal 
 to 13,500 tons; Virginia, 10,500 tons; Ohio, 5,000; Kentucky, 4,500; Maryland, 
 3,000; North Carolina, 1,800; the six New England States, 1,200 tons; and the 
 rest of the States, 4,500. 
 
 "There is, in fact, about 303,000 tons of ore converted into iron in the United 
 States; its product is equal to 101,000 tons of pig-metal or 67,000 tons of hammered 
 bar-iron. The consumption of iron in castings and bars in the United States is, 
 therefore, equal to what would make 97,000 tons of hammered bar-iron. For 
 all legislative purposes it may be set down that about three-tenths of what is 
 nsed is imported. The importations into the principal ports on the sea-board 
 during the year .ending September 30, 1827, were as follows: of rolled and 
 hammered bar-iron into Boston, 7,480 tons; New York, 14,627 tons; Phila- 
 delphia, 1,030 tons; Baltimore, 452 tons; Charleston, 423 tons; Savannah, 26 
 tons; and New Orleans, 441 tons; 4,465 tons are imported into the smaller 
 sea-ports of the New England States, and 691 tons into those of the rest of 
 the Union, making the total importations equal to 29,635 tons. The principal 
 importations of iron, it appears, are into the Eastern cities and into New York. 
 
 " On the subject of iron, Pennsylvania has heavy claims in any arrangement 
 of a tariff, her product being nearly equal to that of all the other States, and 
 more than the whole importation. Should the small additional duty prevail, it 
 cannot, on the principles advanced, increase the price. It will only stimulate the 
 works to greater activity, by a more ready sale for their product. . . . 
 
 " I come now to the article of steel, a modification of iron most valuable as 
 well as wonderful in its properties. It has become absolutely necessary in war 
 and in peace. It is required in almost all the arts of life, and its manufacture 
 should be established, even at the national expense. During the late war it was 
 
55 
 
 impossible to procure what was essential for the defense of the nation, in form- 
 ing arms, and it rose in price from 15 to 75 cents per pound. It was the special 
 policy of England, who engrossed the principal manufacture, to prevent its intro- 
 duction into this country, even by smuggling. During the last year the quantity 
 imported, more than the re-exportation, was 2,273,376 pounds, and its cost abroad 
 $280,000. Of this five-tenths came from Great Britain; two-tenths from Trieste of 
 Austria; and the greater part of the remainder from Holland." 
 
 Referring to wool and woollens, Mr. Stevenson said| 
 
 " The laws impose 15 per cent, duty on wool invoiced as costing abroad not 
 over ten cents per pound ; and 30 per cent, on such as is invoiced as costing over 
 10 cents per pound. The foreign cost of the wool imported, deducting what was 
 re-exported, in the year ending 30th September, 1827, costing not over 10 cents, 
 was $174,788; the dutiable charges on the same, equal to 1% per cent., being 
 $13,109. Add to this 10 per cent, as the laws direct on ad valorem imports, 
 making $18,790. And the actual amount, on which a duty of 15 per cent, was 
 assessed, was $206,687; the duty being $31,003. The foreign cost of wool, 
 imported for the same period, deducting that re-exported, and costing over 10 
 cents, was $233,739; 7> per cent, dutiable charges, and the 10 per cent, added to 
 this, gives the sum on which 30 per cent, was assessed, and gives the real duty, 
 $74,313. The whole foreign cost of imported wool in 1827 was $408,527, and the 
 actual duty $105,316. 
 
 " In fixing the duties on the more costly woollens, the committee place them 
 comparatively high. In this they believe they oppress no one. If the proud or 
 vain wish to gratify themselves, let them pay for this indulgence; they would 
 probably piize the garment more for being costly. If their purse could not 
 afford a fine coat, they could descend in the scale, and buy one at a lower 
 price. This would not be a sacrifice of comfort, but of pride. 
 
 " The common native wool of our country being eminently suited to make 
 blankets, the committee proposed to increase the duty from 25 to 35 per cent., 
 with a view to enable the manufacturer to work on native wool ; but if eight-cent 
 wool may come in, it will be used, and the foreign wool-growers will have the 
 whole benefit instead of our farmers. 
 
 " Hemp is also an article of necessity, and of great importance to the West, 
 particularly to Ohio and Kentucky. The Russia hemp is, it is true, so high 
 at present as to operate as a bounty; but this is not to be permanently relied 
 on. We should, whenever we can, secure the interest of the farmer, for he is 
 the foundation on -which rest all other interests. Besides, hemp is essential 
 for our ships of commerce and for our navy. The importation for the last year, 
 principally from Russia, amounted to 11,263,392 pounds, and cost $635,854. . . . 
 
 " I meet the friends of protection on an expanded scale. Hemp, iron, spirits, 
 wool, and woollens are equally entitled to protection. The iron we have recom- 
 mended is necessary in war and in peace. The cannon and the ball that defend 
 your land should be a native here. The ax and the plowshare that subdue the 
 forest and turn the soil should be the product of your country. The steel that 
 edges the sword and points the bayonet of your defense should be national 
 metal." 
 
 In 1828 General Jackson was again in the field as candidate 
 for the presidency. In order to draw him out upon the great 
 questions then at issue, the Tariff and Internal Improvements, 
 the Senate of the State of Indiana early in 1828 adopted the 
 following preamble and Resolution : 
 
 "Whereas, the friends of General Jackson in the Western States advocate 
 his election to the presidency of the United States on the ground of his being 
 friendly to Internal Improvements and the advocate of a judicious tariff for the 
 
56 
 
 protection of American manufactures; and whereas, the friends of the same dis- 
 tinguished individual in Virginia, the Carolinas, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, 
 and Mississippi, advocate his claims to the first office in the nation on account of 
 his opposition to the above measures or system of policy ; therefore, for the pur- 
 pose of enabling the citizens of Indiana to ascertain what are the real sentiments 
 of General Jackson, and to give them an opportunity to vote understanding ly, 
 at the next presidential election, in reference to these great interests ; 
 
 "Resolved, By the Senate that his Excellency the Governor be requested to 
 address a respectful letter to General Andrew Jackson, inviting him to state im 
 plicitly whether he favors that construction of the Constitution of the United State* 
 which authorizes Congress to appropriate money for the purpose of making Interna 
 Improvements in the several States ; and whether he is in favor of such a system oj 
 protective duties for the benefit of American manufactures as will, in all cases 
 where the raw material and the ability to manufacture it exists in our country, 
 secure the patronage of our own manufactures to the exclusion of those of foreign 
 countries ; and whether, if elected President of the United States, he will, in his 
 public capacity, recommend, foster, and support the American system. 
 
 " Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be requested, as soon as he 
 receives the answer of General Jackson to the letter contemplated in the preced- 
 ing Resolution, to cause the same to be published, together with the Resolutions, 
 in the newspapers printed at Indianapolis." * 
 
 The Governor of the State, communicating the action of the 
 Senate of the State to General Jackson, received the following 
 reply :- 
 
 " HEBMITAGE, February 28, 1828. 
 
 " SIB, I have had the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 30th 
 ultimo, inclosing Resolutions of the Senate of Indiana, adopted, as it appears, 
 with a view of ascertaining my opinions on certain political topics. The respect 
 which I entertain for the executive and Senate of your State excludes from my 
 mind the idea that an unfriendly disposition dictated the interrogatories which 
 are proposed. But I will confess my regret at being forced, by this sentiment, 
 to depart, in the smallest degree, from the determination on which I have always 
 acted. Not, sir, that I would wish to conceal my opinion from the people upon 
 any political or national subjects ; but as they were in various ways promulgated 
 in 1824, I am apprehensive that my appearance before the public at this time 
 may be attributed, as has already been the case, to improper motives. 
 
 " With these remarks, I pray you, sir, respectfully to state to the Senate of 
 Indiana, that my opinions, at present, are precisely what they were in 1823 and 
 '24, when they were communicated, by letter, to Dr. Coleman, of North Carolina, 
 and when I voted for the present tariff and appropriations for Internal Improve- 
 ment. As that letter was written at a time when the divisions of sentiment on 
 this subject were as strongly marked as they now are, in relation both to the 
 expediency and constitutionality of the system, it is inclosed herein; and I beg 
 the favor of your Excellency to consider it a part of this communication. The 
 occasion out of which it arose was embraced with a hope of preventing any 
 doubt, misconstruction, or any further inquiry respecting my opinion on the sub- 
 jects to which you refer, particularly in those States which you have designated 
 as cherishing a policy at variance with your own. To preserve our invaluable 
 Constitution, and to be prepared to repel the invasions of a foreign foe, by the 
 practice of economy, and the cultivation within ourselves of the means of national 
 defence and independence, should be, it seems to me, the leading objects of any 
 system that aspires to the name of American, and of every prudent administra- 
 tion of our Government. 
 
 "I trust, sir, that these general views, taken in connection with the letter 
 inclosed and the. votes referred to, will be received as a sufficient answer to the 
 mquiries suggested by the Resolutions of the Senate. I will further observe to 
 
 *Nile' Register, 33, 429. 
 
57 
 
 your Excellency, that my views of constitutional power and American policy were 
 imbibed in no small degree in the times and from the sages of the Revolution ; 
 rind that my experience has not disposed me to forget their lessons ; and, in con- 
 clusion, I will repeat that my opinions remain as they existed in 1823 and '4, 
 uninfluenced by the hopes of personal aggrandizement; and that I am sure they 
 will never deprive me of the proud satisfaction of having always been a sincere 
 and consistent Republican. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your most obedient servant, 
 
 "ANDREW JACKSON." 
 ""To Governor Ray, Indiana." 
 
 The bill for the Tariff of 1828 was reported on the 3Oth of 
 January, 1828, one month before the date of General Jackson's 
 letter to Governor Ray, so that he wrote in full view of the pen-, 
 dency of that bill. 
 
 The Internal Improvement measures to which General Jackson 
 referred, being those for which as a member of the Senate he 
 voted at the session of Congress for 1824, were as follows : For 
 a road from Memphis, Tennessee, to Little Rock, Arkansas ; a, 
 road in Florida ; a bill to procure necessary surveys for a general 
 system of roads and canals ; to improve the navigation of the 
 Mississippi, Ohio, and Missouri Rivers ; for a road in Missouri ; to 
 subscribe to the stock of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Co. ; 
 to extend the Cumberland Road to Zanesville ; to subscribe to 
 the stock of the Portland and Louisville Canal Co. The measures 
 upon which he voted covered every possible exercise of power, so 
 far as Internal Improvements were concerned : the construction 
 of highways within the States ; the improvement of the naviga- 
 tion of rivers; the appropriation of large sums f$r surveys of 
 extensive systems of public works, and subscriptions to the share 
 capital of canal companies created by the governments of States, 
 works which were never intended to be used as post-roads, and 
 which were never used as such. His principles in reference to all 
 such matters, as well as in reference to the tariff "and to Con- 
 stitutional Power and American Policy," were imbibed in the time 
 and from the sages of the Revolution ; " and my experience has 
 not disposed me to forget their lessons " ! 
 
 As^the Tariff of 1828 met with violent opposition at the South, 
 secession being already there freely ninted at as the proper 
 resort, Mr. Madison, then venerable alike for his character as for 
 his years, always alive to the welfare of his country, felt called 
 upon to interpose his great authority to allay the threatened storm 
 by addressing two communications to John C. Cabbel, an honored, 
 
58 
 
 citizen of Virginia, the first under date of September i8th, the 
 second under date of October 3<Dth, 1828. In the first he said : 
 
 " The meaning of the phrase ' to regulate trade' must be sought in the general 
 use of it ; in other words, in the objects to which the power was generally under- 
 stood to be applicable when the phrase was inserted in the Constitution. 
 
 " The power has been understood and used by all commercial and manufact- 
 uring nations, as embracing the object of encouraging manufactures. It is be-* 
 lieved that not a single exception can be named. 
 
 " This has been particularly the case with Great Britain, whose commercial 
 vocabulary is the parent of ours. A primary object of her commercial regulations 
 is well known to have been the protection and encouragement of her manu- 
 factures. 
 
 " Such was understood to be a proper use of the power of the States most 
 prepared for manufacturing industry, whilst retaining the power over their foreign 
 trade. 
 
 " Such a use of the powers by Congress accords with the intention and expec- 
 tation of the States in transferring the power over trade from themselves to the 
 Government of the United States. This was emphatically the case in the East- 
 ern, the more manufacturing members of the confederacy. Hear the language 
 held in the Convention of Massachusetts. 
 
 "By Mr. Dawes, an advocate for the Constitution, it was observed, 'Our 
 manufactures are another great subject which has received no encouragement 
 by national duties on foreign manufactures, and they never can by any authority 
 in the old confederation.' Again, ' If we wish to encourage our own manufactures, 
 to preserve our own commerce, to raise the value of our own lands, we must give 
 Congress the powers in question. ... If Congress have not this, it is anni- 
 hilated for the nation ; a policy without example in any other nation, and not 
 within the vision of a solitary one in our own. 
 
 " That the encouragement of manufactures was an object of the power to regu- 
 late trade is proved by the use made of the power for that object in the first session 
 of the first Congress under the Constitution ; when among the members present 
 were so many who had been members of the Federal Convention which framed the 
 Constitution, and of the state conventions which ratified it ; each of these classes 
 consisting also of members who had opposed and who had espoused the Constitu- 
 tion in its actual form. It does not appear from the printed proceedings of 
 Congress on that occasion that the power was denied by any of them. And it may 
 be remarked that members from Virginia, in particular, as well of the Anti-federal 
 as the Federal p^rty, the names then distinguishing those who had opposed and 
 those who had approved the Constitution, did not hesitate to propose duties and to 
 suggest even prohibitions in favor of several articles of her production. By one a 
 duty was proposed on mineral coal in favor of Virginia coal pits ; by another, a 
 duty on hemp was proposed, to encourage the growth of that article ; and by 
 a third, a prohibition even of foreign beef was suggested as a measure of sound 
 policy. 
 
 " A further evidence in support of the constitutional power to protect and 
 foster manufactures by regulations of trade, an evidence that ought of itself to 
 settle the question, is the uniform and practical sanction given to the power by 
 the General Government for nearly forty years ; with a concurrence or acquies- 
 cence of every State government, throughout the same period ; and, it may be 
 added, through all the vicissitudes of party which marked the period, no novel 
 construction, however ingeniously devised, or however respectable and patriotic 
 its patrons, can withstand the weight of such authorities, or the unbroken current 
 of so prolonged and universal a practice. And well it is that this cannot 6* done 
 without the intervention of the same authority which made the Constitution. If 
 it could be so done, there would be an end to that stability in government and in 
 laws which is essential to good government and good laws, a stability the want of 
 which is the imputation which has at all times been levelled against Republicanism, 
 with most effect, by its most dexterous adversaries. The imputation ought never, 
 therefore, to be countenanced, by innovating constructions, without any plea of 
 a precipitancy, or a paucity of the constructive precedents they oppose; without 
 any appeal to material facts newly brought to light ; and without any claim to 
 
59 
 
 a better knowledge of the original evils and inconveniences for which remedies 
 were needed, the very best keys to the true object and meaning of all laws and 
 constitutions. 
 
 " And may it not be fairly left to the unbiassed judgment of all men of experi- 
 ence and intelligence to decide which is most to be relied on for a sound and safe 
 test of the meaning of a constitution, a uniform interpretation by all the successive 
 authorities under it, commencing with its birth, and continued for a long period, 
 through the varied state of political contests; or the opinion of every new legis- 
 lature, heated as it may be by the strife of parties or warped, as often happens, by 
 the eager pursuit of some favorite object or carried away, possibly, by the power- 
 ful eloquence or captivating address of a few popular statesmen, themselves, per- 
 haps, influenced by the same misleading causes f If the latter test is to prevail, 
 every new legislative opinion might make a new constitution, as the foot of every 
 new chancellor would make a new standard of measure." * 
 
 , In his second communication, under date of October 30, 1828, 
 Mr. Madison said : 
 
 "The theory of 'Let us alone' Free Trade supposes that all nations 
 concur in a perfect freedom of commercial intercourse. Were this the case, 
 they would, in a commercial view, be but one nation, as much as the several 
 districts composing a particular nation; and the theory would be as applicable 
 to the former as to the latter. But this golden age of free trade has not yet 
 arrived, nor is there a single nation that has set the example. No nation can, 
 indeed, safely do so, until a reciprocity at least be ensured to it. Take for a 
 proof the familiar case of the navigation employed in foreign commerce. If 
 a riation, adhering to the rule of never enterposing a countervailing protection 
 of its vessels, admits foreign vessels into its ports free of duty, whilst its own 
 vessels are subjected to a duty in foreign ports, the ruinous effect is so obvious 
 that the warmest advocate for the theory in question must shrink from a universal 
 application of it. 
 
 " It is an opinion in which all must agree, that no nation ought to be unneces- 
 sarily dependent on others for the munitions of public defense, or for the materials 
 essential to a naval force, where the nation has a maritime frontier or a foreign 
 commerce to protect. To this class of exceptions to the theory, may be added the 
 instruments of agriculture and of the mechanic arts which supply the other 
 primary wants of the community. The time has been when many of these were 
 derived from a foreign source, and some of them might relapse into that depen- 
 dence, were the encouragement of the fabrication of them at home withdrawn. 
 But, as all foreign sources must be liable to interruptions too inconvenient to be 
 hazarded, a provident policy would favor an internal and independent source as 
 a reasonable exception to the general rule of consulting cheapness alone. 
 
 " There are cases where a nation may be so far advanced in the prerequisites 
 for a particular branch of manufactures, "that this, if once brought into existence, 
 would support itself ; and yet, unless aided in its nascent and infant state by 
 public encouragement and confidence in public protection, might remain, if not 
 altogether, for a long time unattempted or attempted without success. Is not our 
 cotton manufacture a fair example? However favored by any advantageous 
 community, raw material, and machinery, which dispense in so extraordinary 
 proportion with manual labor, it is quite probable that without the impulse given 
 by a war cutting off foreign supplies, and the patronage of an early tariff, it might 
 not even yet have established itself ; and pretty certain that it would be far short 
 of the prosperous condition which enables it to face, in foreign markets, the 
 fabrics of a nation that defies all other competitors. The number must be small 
 that would now pronounce this manufacturing boon not to have been cheaply 
 purchased by the tariff which nursed it into its present maturity. 
 
 "Should it happen, as has been suspected to be an object, though not of 
 a foreign government itself, of its great manufacturing capitalists, to strangle in 
 
 *NUes' Register, Dec 97 ' 828, p. 285. 
 
60 
 
 the cradle the infant manufactures of an extensive customer, or an anticipate* 
 rival, it would surely in such a case be incumbent on the suffering party so far to 
 make an exception to the ' Let Alone ' policy as to parry the evil by opposite 
 regulations of its foreign commerce. 
 
 " It is a common objection to the public encouragement of particular branches 
 of industry, that it calls off laborers from other branches found to be more profita- 
 ble, and the objection is in general a weighty one; but it loses that character in 
 proportion to the effect of the encouragement in attracting skilful laborers from 
 abroad. Something of this sort has already taken place among ourselves, and 
 much more of it is in prospect; and, as it has taken or may take place, it form> 
 an exception to the general policy in question." * 
 
 In his first communication Mr. Madison considered the mean- 
 ing properly attached to the phrase "to regulate trade." All 
 nations agreeing that it covered the encouragement of domestic 
 industries, such power, the proper attribute of the old State 
 governments, being transferred by them on adoption of the Cons- 
 titution to the Government which included all. If it were not 
 possessed by the Federal Government it was not possessed by any, 
 an incredible assumption. In support of the meaning attached 
 to it by the Fathers was the uniform practice of the Congress and 
 the Courts, the precedents created having all the force of an 
 organic law. " No novel construction, however ingeniously devised, 
 can withstand," said Mr. Madison, " the weight of such authorities, 
 or the unbroken current of so prolonged and universal a practice. 
 It is well that this cannot be done without the intervention of the 
 same authority which made the Constitution. If it could be so 
 done, there would be an end to that stability in government and 
 in laws which is essential to good government and good laws, a 
 stability the want of which is the imputation which has at all 
 times been levelled against Republicanism with most effect by its 
 most dexterous adversaries." 
 
 In his second communication, Mr. Madison proceeded at great 
 length to vindicate the doctrine of protection, then assailed at the 
 South by the " Let Us Alone" theory, "which assumes all nations 
 to concur in a perfect freedom of commercial intercourse. But 
 this golden age has not yet arrived, nor is there a single nation 
 that has yet set the example." To follow him at length in his 
 vindication of the doctrine of protection, would be to go again 
 over the ground so many times traversed ; and Mr. Madison is 
 here cited not so much in its vindication as to show us what 
 was the opinion of the framers of the Constitution, and the 
 
 * Niles' Register, December 27, 1828, p. 288. 
 
61 
 
 uniform policy of the Government thereby created. Mr. Madison 
 may have been mistaken as to the utility of such policy, as may 
 have been Washington, Hamilton, and Jefferson, who preceded 
 him, and Monroe, Calhoun, and Jackson, who succeeded him ; 
 but he was not mistaken in his testimony to its uniform accept- 
 ance by the Fathers, and the uniform practice of it down to the 
 date of the preceding communication, which was forty years after 
 the adoption of the Constitution. Protection is to stand in the 
 end, not upon opinion or general consent, but upon its results, 
 under proper, conditions and for such a length of time as shall 
 add thereto the force of demonstration. The chief object of 
 the Act of 1828 was to give a largely increased protection 
 to the manufacture of wool, this being a kind of industry in 
 which the domestic manufacturer encountered the greatest 
 difficulties in competing with England. The Act provided 
 that, 
 
 " On manufactures of wool, or of which wool shall be a component part, 
 (except carpetings, blankets, worsted stuff goods, bombazines, hosiery, mitts, 
 gloves, caps, and bindings,) the actual value of which, at the place whence im- 
 ported, shall not exceed 50 cents per square yard, shall be deemed to have cost 
 50 cents the square yard, and be charged thereon with a duty of 40 per centum 
 ad valorem, until June 30, 1832, and from that time a duty of 45 per centum. 
 
 " Manufactures of wool, except flannels and baizes, the actual value of, &c., 
 shall not exceed 33^ cents per square yard, pay 14 cents per square yard. 
 
 '* Manufactures of wool, &c., actual value exceeding 50 cents per square yard, 
 not exceeding $1 the square yard, shall be deemed to have co? $1 the square 
 yard, and be charged thereon with a duty of 40 per centum ad valorem to June 30, 
 1829, and from that time a duty of 45 per centum ad valorem. 
 
 " Manufactures of wool, &c., value exceeding $1, not $2.50 per yard, shall be 
 deemed to have cost $2.50 per square yard, and be charged with a duty thereon 
 of 40 per centum to June 30, 1829, and from that time a duty of *5 per centum. 
 
 "Manufactures of wool, &c., value, &c., exceeding $2.50, not $4 per square 
 yard, shall be deemed to have cost a* the place whence imported $4 per square 
 yard, and a duty of 40 per centum shall be levied, <fec., until June 30, 1829, and 
 from that time a duty of 45 per centum. 
 
 " Manufactures of wool, &c., the actual value of whicli, &c., shall exceed $4 
 per yard, a duty of 45 per centum ad valorem until June 30, 1829, and from that 
 time a duty of 50 per centum. "Customs-Tariff Legislation, 38, 39. 
 
SECOND PERIOD- THAT OF THE ATTEMPTED IN- 
 STRUCTION OF THE WORK OF THE FATHERS. 
 
 The presidential election of 1828 resulted in the choice of 
 General Jackson as President of the United States, he having 178 
 votes to 83 for Mr. Adams. The two were the only candidates 
 in the field, but both ran as Republicans, and both as advocates of 
 a high protective tariff and of the construction by t the Federal 
 Government of an extensive system of internal improvements, the 
 question of the constitutionality or expediency of the Bank of the 
 United States not being then raised. Both were favorable to a 
 liberal construction of the Constitution as to the powers conferred 
 upon Congress. 
 
 In his inaugural address the new President said : 
 
 "In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in regard to the 
 rights of the separate States, I hope to be animated by a proper respect for 
 those SOVEREIGN members of our Union ; taking care not to confound 
 the powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to 
 the Confederacy. 
 
 "The management of the public revenue that searching operation in all 
 governments is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours, and it 
 will, of course, demand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude. Under 
 every aspect in which it can be considered, it would appear that advantage must 
 result from the observance of a strict and faithful economy. 
 
 "With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of import, with a view to 
 revenue, it would seem to me that the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, 
 in which the Constitution was formed, requires that the great interests of agri- 
 culture, commerce, and manufactures, should* be equally favored; and that per- 
 haps the only exception to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement 
 of any products of either of them that may be found essential to our national 
 independence. 
 
 "Internal Improvements, and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they can 
 be promoted by the constitutional acts of the Federal Government, are of high 
 importance." 
 
 It was reserved for General Jackson to be the first of the 
 Presidents of the United States to announce, in his inaugural 
 address, in his unequivocal terms, the doctrine that the States 
 were SOVEREIGN. The development of this dogma, so authorita- 
 tively laid down, forms the history of the country for the next 
 thirty-five years. The assertion was a concession in the outset, 
 
63 
 
 to the position taken by three States, Virginia in the resolutions 
 of 1798, and subsequently by Georgia and South Carolina. The 
 assumption of Mr. Randolph, in 1824, has already been referred 
 to. In 1825 the doctrine was announced in a formal and au- 
 thoritative manner by Mr. Troup, then Governor of the State of 
 Georgia, in a communication addressed by him to the Legislature 
 of that State : 
 
 " One movement of Congress unresisted by us," said the Governor, "and all 
 is lost. Temporize no longer; make known your resolution that this subject [the 
 Creek Indians ] shall not be touched by them but at their peril; but for its sacred 
 guarantee by the Constitution we never would have become parties to that instru- 
 ment ; at this moment you would not make yourselves parties to any Constitution 
 without it ; of course you will not be a party to it from the moment the General 
 Government shall make that movement. 
 
 " If this matter be an evil, it is our own; if it be a sin, we can implore the 
 forgiveness of it; to remove it we ask not either their sympathy or assistance 
 [that of the United States]. It may be our physical weakness ; it is our moral 
 strength. If like the Greeks and Romans the moment we cease to be masters we 
 are become slaves, we thenceforth minister like the modern Italians to the luxury 
 and pleasures of our masters. Poets, painters, musicians and sculptors we may be; 
 the moral qualities, however, which would make us the fair partakers of the grand- 
 eur of a great empire would be gone. We would stand stripped and desolate under 
 a fervid sun and upon a generous soil, a mockery to ourselves, and the very con- 
 trast of what with a little firmness and foresight we might have been. I entreat you, 
 therefore, most earnestly, now that it is not too late, to step forth, and having 
 exhausted the argument to stand by your arms I"* 
 
 Here was the true ring of Southern eloquence, and a true 
 picture at the time of Southern ideas and Southern life. The 
 people of Georgia must be either masters or slaves ! There was 
 na intermediate ground of freedom. Of a society in which, by a 
 mutual interchange of kind offices, all are alike equal and humane, 
 they had not a conception. 
 
 In this assertion of State Rights and denial of the authority 
 of the Federal Government, South Carolina followed the same 
 year by the subjoined resolutions : 
 
 > " 1. Resolved, That Congress does not possess the power, under the Consti- 
 tution, to adopt a general system of Internal Improvement as a national 
 measure. 
 
 "2. Resolved, That a right to impose and collect taxes does not authorize 
 Congress to lay a tax for any other purposes than such as are necessarily em- 
 braced in the specific grants of power, and those necessarily implied therein. 
 
 " 3. Resolved, That Congress ought not to exercise a power granted for par- 
 ticular objects, to effect other objects the right to effect which has never been 
 conceded. 
 
 " 4. Resolved, That it is an unconstitutional exercise of power on the part of 
 Congress to tax the citizens of one State to make roads and canals for the citizens 
 of another State. 
 
 *Niles' Register, 28, 240. 
 
64 
 
 "5. Resolved, That it is an unconstitutional exercise of power on the part 
 of Congress to lay duties to protect domestic manufactures."* 
 
 In 1827, the State of Georgia, by a vote of her Legislature, 
 reiterated the position taken by her governor two years previous 
 
 " If the subject of domestic manufactures depended upon the question of 
 expediency, we should have nothing to say, for that is a matter purely within the 
 power of Congress; and although we should greatly deplore the adoption and 
 continued prosecution of a policy obviously grinding down the resources of one 
 class of States to build up and advance the prosperity of another of the same 
 confederacy, yet it would be ours to submit under the terms of our compact. All 
 argument is vain against interest supported by power. But we do most solemnly 
 believe that such policy is contrary to the letter and spirit of the Federal Constitu- 
 tion." After this assertion, the committee proceeded to state their reasons for 
 this construction of the Constitution, and conclude with the following Resolution: 
 
 "Resolved, That his Excellency, the Governor be, and he is hereby requested 
 
 * iO cause the foregoing report to be laid before Congress at its next session, and 
 
 ,hat he forward a copy of the same to each of the other States, to be laid be fore 
 
 heir respective legislatures for the concurrence of such as may approve of the 
 
 principles therein avowed, and as due notice to those who may dissent from the 
 
 same, that Georgia, as one of the constructing parties to the Federal Constitution, 
 
 and possessing equal rights with the other contracting parties, will insist upon the 
 
 construction of that instrument contained in said report, and will submit to no 
 
 other." American Annual Register, 1827, 140. 
 
 In 1827 the State of South Carolina again 
 
 " Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States is a compact between 
 the people of the different States, with each other, as separate, independent sover- 
 eignties, and that for any violation of the letter or spirit of that compact by the 
 Congress of the United States, it is not only the right of the people, but of the 
 legislatures who represent them, to every extent not limited, to remonstrate 
 against violations of the fundamental compact. 
 
 " Resolved, That the Acts of Congress known by the name of the tariff laws, 
 the object of which is not the raising of revenue, or the regulation of foreign 
 commerce, but the promotion of domestic manufactures, are violations of the 
 Constitution in its spirit, and ought to be repealed. 
 
 " Resolved, That Congress has no power to construct roads and canals in 
 the States, for the purposes of internal improvements, with or without the assent 
 of the States in whose limits those internal improvements are made ; the authority 
 of Congress extending no further than to pass the "necessary and proper laws" 
 to carry into execution their enumerated powers. 
 
 American Annual Register for 1827, 136, 137. 
 
 On the i gth of December, 1828, after the passage of the 
 Tariff Act of that year, and in reply thereto, and after the 
 election to the Presidency of General Jackson, who earnestly 
 idvocated the measure, and for whom South Carolina voted, 
 the Legislature of that State adopted the following protest: 
 
 " The senate and house of representatives of South Carolina, now met and 
 sitttrg in general assembly, through the honourable William Smith, and the 
 honourable Robert Y. Hayne, their representatives in the senate of the United 
 
 *NUe' Register, 29, 293. 
 
65 
 
 States, do, in the name and on behalf of the good people of the said common- 
 wealth, solemnly protest against the system of protecting duties lately adopted by 
 the federal government, for the following reasons : 
 
 " 1 . Because the good people of this commonwealth believe that the powers of 
 congress were delegated to it in trust for the accomplishment of certain specified 
 objects which limit and control them, and that every exercise of them for any 
 other purposes is a violation of the constitution, as unwarrantable as the undis- 
 guised assumption of substantial independent powers, not granted or expressly 
 withheld. 
 
 " 2. Because the power to lay duties on imports is, and in its very nature can 
 be, only a means of effecting the objects specified by the constitution ; since no 
 free government, and, least of all, a government of enumerated powers, can of 
 right impose any tax ( any more than a penalty ) which is not at once justified by 
 public necessity, and clearly within the scope and purview of the social compact; 
 and since the confining appropriations of the public money to such legitimate and 
 constitutional objects is as essential to the liberties of the people as their unques- 
 tionable privilege to be taxed only by their own consent. 
 
 "3. Because they believe that the tariff law passed by congress at its last 
 session and all other acts, of which the principal object is the protection of manu- 
 factures or any other branch of domestic industry if they be considered as the 
 exercises of a supposed power in congress to tax the people at its own good will 
 and pleasure, and to apply the money raised to objects not specified in the consti- 
 tution, is a violation of these fundamental principles, a breach of a well-defined 
 trust, and a perversion of the high powers vested in the federal government for 
 federal purposes only. 
 
 "4. Because such acts, considered in the light of a regulation of commerce, 
 are equally liable to objection since, although the power to regulate commerce 
 may, like other powers, be exercised so as to protect domestic manufactures, yet 
 it is clearly distinguished from a power to do so eo nomine, both in the nature of 
 the thing and in the common acceptation of the terms ; and because the confound- 
 ing of them would lead to the most extravagant results, since the encouragement 
 of domestic industry implies an absolute control over all the interests, resources, 
 and pursuits of a people, and is inconsistent with the idea of any other than a 
 simple consolidated government. 
 
 " 5. Because from the cotemporaneous exposition of the constitution, in the 
 numbers of the Federalist, (which is cited only because the supreme court has 
 recognized its authority,) it is clear that the power to regulate commerce was 
 considered by the convention as only incidentally connected with the encourage- 
 ment of agriculture and manufactures ; and because the power of laying imposts, 
 and duties on imports, was not understood to justify, in any case, a prohibition of 
 foreign commodities, except as a means of extending commerce by coercing 
 foreign nations to a fair reciprocity in their intercourse with us, or for some other 
 bona fide commercial purpose. 
 
 "6. Because that whilst the power to protect manufactures is nowhere 
 expressly granted to congress, or can be considered as necessary and proper to 
 carry into effect any specified power, it seems to be expressly reserved to the 
 states, by the tenth section of the first article of the constitution. 
 
 " 7. Because even admitting congress to have a constitutional right to protect 
 manufactures by the imposition of the duties, or by the regulations of commerce, 
 designed principally for that purpose, yet a tariff of which the operation is grossly 
 unequal and oppressive is such an abuse of power as is incompatible with the 
 principles of a free government, and the great ends of civil society, justice, and 
 equality of rights and protection. 
 
 " 8. Finally, because South Carolina from her climate, situation, and peculiar 
 institutions, is, and must ever continue to be, wholly dependent upon agriculture 
 nd commerce, not only for her prosperity, but for her very existence as a state 
 because the abundant and valuable products of her soil ; the blessings by which 
 Divine Providence seems to have designed to compensate for the great disadvan- 
 tage under which she suffers in other respects, are among the very few which can 
 be cultivated with any profit by slave labor; and if, by the loss of her foreign com- 
 merce, these products should be confined to an inadequate market, the fate of this 
 fertile state would be poverty and utter desolation. Her citizens in despair would 
 emigrate to more fortunate regions, and the whole frame and constitution of her 
 civil polity be impaired and deranged, if not dissolved entirely. 
 
66 
 
 
 
 " Deeply impressed with these considerations, the representatives of the good 
 people of this commonwealth, anxiously desiring to live in peace with their fellow- 
 citizens, and do all that In them lies to preserve and perpetuate the union of the 
 states, and the liberties of which it is the surest pledge but feeling it to be their 
 bounden duty to expose and to resist all encroachments upon the true spirit of the 
 constitution, lest an apparent acquiescence in the system of protecting duties 
 should be drawn into precedent, dp, in the name of the commonwealth of South 
 Carolina, claim to enter upon the journals of the senate their protest against it as 
 unconstitutional, oppressive, and unjust." 
 
 The State of Georgia on the I2th of January, 1829, protested 
 against the Act of 1828, as follows : 
 
 " PROTEST, 
 
 " To the Senate of the United States, by the State of Georgia, against the Tariff. 
 
 11 From a painful conviction, that a manifestation of the public sentiment, in 
 the most imposing and impressive form, is called for by the present agitated state 
 of the southern section of the union : 
 
 " The general assembly of the state of Georgia have deemed it their duty to 
 adopt the novel expedient of addressing, in the name of the state, the senate of 
 the congress of the United States. 
 
 " In her sovereign character, the state of Georgia protests against the act of the 
 last session of congress, entitled ' An act in alteration of the several acts imposing 
 duties on imports,' as deceptive in its title, fraudulent in its pretexts, oppressive 
 in its^exactions, partial and unjust in its operations, unconstitutional in its well- 
 known objects, ruinous to commerce and agriculture; to secure a hateful monop- 
 oly to a combination of importunate manufacturers. 
 
 " Demanding the repeal of an act which has already disturbed the union, and 
 endangered the public tranquillity, weakened the confidence of whole states in the 
 federal government, and diminished the affection of large masses of the people of 
 the union itself and the abandonment of the degrading system which considers 
 the people as incapable of wisely directing their own enterprise which sets 
 up the servants of the people, in congress, as the exclusive judges of what pursuits 
 are most advantageous and suitable for those by whom they were elected; the 
 state of Georgia expects, that, in perpetual testimony thereof, this deliberate and 
 solemn expression of her opinions will be carefully preserved among the archives 
 of the senate, and in justification of her character to the present generation and 
 posterity; if, unfortunately, congress, disregarding this protest, and continuing to 
 pervert powers granted for clearly denned and well understood purposes to effect- 
 uate objects never 'intended, by the great parties by whom the constitution was 
 framed, to be entrusted to the controlling guardianship of the federal government, 
 should render necessary measures of decisive character for the protection of the 
 people of the state, and the vindication of the constitution of the United States." 
 
 In December, the following resolutions were passed : 
 
 " Resolved, That this legislature concur with the legislature of the state of 
 South Carolina in the resolutions adopted at their December session in 1827, in 
 relation to the powers of the general government and state rights. 
 
 * ' Resolved, That his excellency the governor be requested to transmit copies of 
 this preamble and resolutions to the governors of the several states, with a request 
 that the same be laid before the legislatures of their respective states ; and also to 
 our senators and representatives in congress, to be by them laid before congress 
 for consideration." 
 
 The preceding protests of the States of South Carolina and 
 Georgia are of the highest historical importance, being the great 
 
land-marks in the controversy touching the relative powers of 
 the government of the States and of the United States ; they, 
 with, the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, were the armory 
 from which, in after-times, General Jackson drew copiously the 
 weapons wherewith to assail the paramount sovereignty of the 
 United States. 
 
 It was inevitable that a matter, the retirement, upon their own 
 motion, of States from the Confederacy, which had assumed such 
 vast proportions, should early be forced to the attention of Con- 
 gress. The opportunity soon came through the presentation, on 
 the 2Qth of December, 1829, by Mr. Foot, a member from Con- 
 necticut of the Senate of the United States, of the following res- 
 olutions : 
 
 "That the committee on Public Lands be instructed to inquire into the expe- 
 diency of limiting, for a certain period, the sales of the Public Lands to such 
 lands only as have heretofore been offered for sale, and are subject to entry at the 
 minimum price. And also whether the office of Surveyor-General may not be 
 abolished without detriment to the public interests." 
 
 Never were propositions so simple followed by such momentous 
 results. The resolutions, on order of inquiry, expressed no opinion. 
 There were at the time more than 70,000,000 acres of public lands 
 unsold, but which had already been surveyed. Well might further 
 surveys be delayed until those upon the market, or a portion of 
 them, had been disposed of. Never were inquiries more innocent 
 in their intention, or more innocent in themselves. Instead of 
 considering them as matters of ordinary routine, and upon their 
 merits, they were at once made the occasion of a violent attack 
 upon the North, and upon the alleged motives which prompted 
 them. 
 
 Said Mr. Hayne of South Carolina in opening the debate : 
 
 " There are two great systems, and two great parties in relation to the settle- 
 ment of the public lands, One system was that which we had pursued of selling 
 the land at the highest price. Another was that of Great Britain, France, and 
 Spain, of granting their lands for a penny or a peppercorn. He described the 
 opposite results of these systems. That of the United States produced poverty 
 and universal distress, and took away from the settler all the profits of labor. It 
 drained the new States of all their money in the same manner as the South, by 
 the operation of the tariff, was drained to enrich more favored sections of the 
 Union. The South could sympathize with the West. If the opposite system had 
 been pursued, who could tell how much good, how much improvement, would 
 have taken place, which has not, in the new States? The important question was 
 as to the future. He did not wish for a permanent fund in the treasury, believing 
 it would be used for corruption. But there was another purpose to which it w*s 
 
68 
 
 supposed the public land could be applied ; viz. so as to create and preserve in 
 certain quarters a population suitable and sufficient for manufacturing estab- 
 lishments. It was necessary to create a manufactory of paupers, and these would 
 supply the manufactories of rich proprietors, and enable them to amass great 
 wealth." 
 
 That the great champion of secession could, in his place in 
 the Senate, seriously use such language, shows how infinite was 
 the divergence between the two sections of the country, and how 
 irreconcilable the breach between them. The debate on the part 
 of the South naturally passed from its sufferings to their proper 
 remedy, that of secession from the confederacy of any aggrieved 
 member of it. 
 
 The attack on the North excited intense indignation, the brunt 
 of the battle in the Senate falling upon Mr. Webster, who replied 
 that the public lands, having been acquired by the blood and 
 treasure of the nation, should be retained by it, instead of being 
 added to the States in which they might be situated. He denied 
 that the Western settlers had any cause of complaint from any 
 quarter, or that there had ever been any design to oppress them. 
 With regard to the doctrine of secession, he was aware that the 
 disunion talk of Mr. Hayne had been loud elsewhere, but this 
 was the first time it was ever heard in the Senate of the United 
 States; the "consolidation" which Mr. Hayne so much depre- 
 cated was the consolidation of the Fathers, a consolidation in 
 which was involved our prosperity, liberty, safety, and our existence 
 as a nation,-^-the consolidation of General Washington. 
 
 Mr. Hayne in reply said, that 
 
 " The Senator from Massachusetts, in denominating what he is pleased to 
 call the ' South Carolina doctrine,' has attempted to throw ridicule upon the idea 
 that a State has any constitutional remedy, by the exercise of her * sovereign 
 authority,' for the oppression to which she may be subjected by a gross, palpable, 
 and deliberate violation of the Constitution. He [Mr. Webster] calls it an idle or 
 ridiculous notion that would make our Union a mere rope of sand. Now, sir, as 
 the gentleman has not condescended to enter into any examination of the ques- 
 tion, and has been satisfied by throwing the weight of his authority into the scale, 
 I do not deem it necessary to do more than to throw mine into the opposing scale, 
 the authority on which South Carolina relies, and there for the present I an? 
 willing to leave the controversy. 
 
 " The South Carolina doctrine, that is to say, the doctrine contained in an 
 exposition reported by a committee of its Legislature, in December, 1828, and, 
 published by their authority, was the good old Republican doctrine of 1798, the 
 doctrine of the celebrated Virginia Resolutions of that year, and of Madison's 
 Report of 1799. It will be recollected that the Legislature of Virginia, in Decem- 
 ber, 1798, took into consideration the Alien and Sedition laws, then considered by 
 all Republicans as a gross violation of the Constitution of the United States, and 
 on that day passed among others the following resolutions : . . . ' that in case 
 of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers not granted by 
 
69 
 
 the said compact (the Constitution) the States, who are parties thereto, have the 
 right and are in duty hound to interpose for arresting the progress of evil, and 
 for maintaining within their limits the authorities, rights, and liberties appertain- 
 big to them.' " 
 
 Mr. Hayne supplemented the Virginia resolutions by the 
 Kentucky resolutions of 1799, to which reference has already been 
 made. 
 
 To this argument, Mr. Webster admitted that unconstitu- 
 tional laws were not binding. " But whose prerogative was it," 
 said Mr. Webster, "to decide whether a law was unconstitu- 
 tional or not? " He denied the proposition that a State has a 
 constitutional right to annul a law supposed to be unconstitu- 
 tional. Under the Constitution there was no mode in which a 
 State Government as a member of the Union could interpose 
 and stop the progress of the General Government, by force of 
 her own laws, under any circumstances whatever. The Constitu- 
 tion and the laws made under it are supreme, and it is declared 
 that the Judicial Power should extend to all cases arising within 
 the Constitution and the laws of the United States. These two 
 provisions covered the whole ground. They were the key-stone 
 of the arch. With these it was a Constitution ; without them 
 it was a mere Confederacy. 
 
 I have not attempted in any degree to paint the scenes of this 
 great drama, or the lineaments of the characters who took part 
 in it ; only to state the question at issue. It was certainly the 
 occasion in which, in this country, oratory took its loftiest flight. 
 On either side passion was supreme. The South, always poor 
 and wretched, could find no other cause than the tariff enacted for 
 the benefit of the manufactures of the North. Cotton, tobacco, 
 and rice, products of the South, were the great staples for export. 
 These could be exchanged for foreign products only upon the 
 payment of heavy custom duties. Emancipated from bondage 
 to the North, the South for the first time would come to her own 
 and enjoy all the blessings which a fertile soil and genial climate 
 could bestow. In painting the blissful scenes in store for hei 
 people, Southern oratory exhausted every image and every illus- 
 tration that imagination could invent. The North, enraged at 
 the unprovoked assault, in repelling the imputations thrown 
 upon her people, had greatly the advantage, not only of conscious 
 
70 
 
 rectitude, but in the majesty of their theme, the progress of a 
 mighty people consecrated to liberty and to the arts of humanity 
 and peace, the fruit of w ose tree was to be for the healing of 
 the nations. 
 
 At this crisis Mr. Madison, 
 
 " Clarum tt venerabile nomen" 
 
 felt called upon again to leave a retirement so agreeat^e and 
 proper to his great age, to arrest the infection and to preserve, if 
 possible, the work of the Fathers, in which, perhaps he had of all 
 the chiefest place, by the publication of an elaborate sketch of 
 the reasons that led to the adoption of the Constitution, which he 
 followed up by showing what must be its powers to accomplish 
 the purposes of its founders, the creation of a Nation. From 
 his argument I will give but a single paragraph. 
 
 " The Constitution of the United States being derived from the same source 
 as the Constitutions of the States, it has, within each State, the same authority 
 as the Constitution of the State; and is as much a Constitution, in the strict 
 sense of the term, within its prescribed sphere, as the Constitutions of the States 
 are within their respective spheres; but with this obvious and essential differ- 
 ence, that being a compact among the States in their highest sovereign capacity, 
 and constituting the people thereof one people for certain purposes, it cannot be 
 altered or annulled at the will of the States individually, as the Constitution of a 
 State may be at Us individual will." * 
 
 It is useless to repeat further the arguments on either side. 
 The die was already cast. The result was a great impulse to the 
 cause of secession, a solid South, and a North, at the time, ready 
 to follow a solid South. From 1828 no power could for a moment 
 withstand the tendency which, so far as the Southern States were 
 concerned, could have no other end but the overthrow of the 
 government of the United States. General Jackson himself was 
 the Phaeton that drove the steeds. He had that singular mixture 
 of cunning, audacity, and apparent frankness always most effec- 
 tive to catch the popular ear, to which he added boundless pro- 
 fessions of consideration for the welfare of the poor, whose pas- 
 sions he raised to the highest pitch by describing the wrongs 
 they suffered from paper money and manufacturing aristocrats. 
 The only appeal at the time open to the North was to the 
 ultima ratio, which, though long delayed, in the end rendered 
 full justice to her cause. 
 
 * North American Rev., xxxi. 638. 
 
71 
 
 In his first annual address, November 8th, 1829, General 
 Jackson alluded to the subject of the Tariff in the following 
 terms : 
 
 "]S"o considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress in the 
 condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation 
 of the Tariff has not proved so injurious to the former or beneficial to the latter as 
 was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, 
 while domestic competition, under a delusive excitement, has increased the pro- 
 duction much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequence has 
 been low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our own 
 manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and are prudently man- 
 aged will survive the shock, and ultimately be profitable, there is no good reason 
 to doubt." 
 
 Language could not be more completely discharged of all 
 meaning than in the above paragraph. The General had good 
 reason to pause, having warmly advocated the Tariffs of 1824 and 
 1828, and having received notice from two States that they would 
 quit the Confederacy unless the obnoxious features of both were 
 removed. Incapable of conviction upon any matter whatever 
 where a principle was involved, he measured every subject by the 
 bearing it had upon his personal ambitions or aims. Upon the 
 Tariff he had to palter till he could better see the future drift of 
 opinion and events. 
 
 The only allusions made in his first annual message to the 
 hostile attitude of the South was the following : 
 
 "In deliberating, therefore, upon these subjects [the modifications of the 
 Tariff], local feeling and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determina- 
 tion to promote the great interest of the whole. All attempts to connect them with 
 the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discounte- 
 nanced. Our actions should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Leg- 
 islation subject to such influences can never be just, and will not long retain the 
 sanction of the people, whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, 
 nor insensible to the spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to pur 
 political compact and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political 
 ascendancy, the North, the South, the East, and the West should unite in dimin- 
 ishing any burden of which either may justly complain." 
 
 As in his inaugural, the General had declared the States to be 
 sovereign powers, an appeal to the magnanimity of such sovereigns 
 to behave like gentlemen was certainly in place, and was the only 
 power in the premises which as President he could exert. 
 
 There was one subject however upon which he could speak in 
 no uncertain tones, and that was the Bank of the United States, 
 the charter of which had still about eight years to run : 
 
72 
 
 " The charter of the Bank of the United States," said the President, " expires 
 in 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for the renewal of their 
 privileges. In order to avert the evil resulting from precipitancy in a measure 
 involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that 
 I cannot in justice to the parties interested too soon present it to the deliberate 
 consideration of the legislature and the people. But the constitutionality and 
 expediency of the law creating this Bank are well questioned by a large portion of 
 our fellow-citizens, and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the great 
 end of establishing a uniform currency." 
 
 This announcement created all the astonishment that a clap 
 of thunder might in a clear sky. It was received with mingled 
 feelings of indignation, ridicule, and contempt. The Bank never 
 before stood higher in public esteem. Its eminent services and 
 its importance to the business operations of the country were 
 acknowledged by all. Not a suggestion came from any quartei 
 that the Bank was not being managed for the highest welfare of the 
 people. The question of its constitutionality was, it was assumed, 
 forever put to rest by the charter of the second bank and the 
 decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States in reference 
 to both banks. A person who under such conditions should at- 
 tack it would at the North be regarded as little better than a 
 madman. Yet events soon showed that the attack, considering 
 the object in view, political power and a re-election to the presi- 
 dency, was a master-stroke of policy. Already nearly the whole 
 South was united in the purpose to take away from the Govern- 
 ment all constructive powers, to discharge it of every attribute 
 but those attaching to a police. The South had no grudge 
 against the Bank. She would gladly have seen it preserved, but 
 for the liberal construction of the Constitution which its existence 
 implied. It was as useful, and in' part more useful, in the business 
 operations of the South than those of the North, as the latter 
 had great numbers of Banks of competent capital. But the South 
 would gladly do without it, provided its sacrifice could be made 
 the stepping-stone, and form the precedent for the discharge from 
 the Constitution of all doubtful powers. To assail it, consequently, 
 the President well knew would be to secure without peradventure 
 nearly one-half of the votes of the electoral college. He could* 
 well trust to party manipulation to secure enough at the Noith 
 to give him a majority. His forecast was verified to the letter. 
 Upon the bank issue he triumphantly carried the South, and wi*h 
 the superhuman cunning which was his crowning attribute be 
 
73 
 
 succeeded in arraying enough in the North, particularly in the 
 great cities, against the rich to be elected for his second term by 
 a majority greater than that of any President except .Washington, 
 and Monroe at his second election, receiving 219 out of the 287 
 votes of the electoral college. His attack upon the Bank was by 
 far the most brilliant stroke of his life. 
 
 By the usual courtesy this part of the message of the Presi- 
 dent relative to the Bank was referred to a committee, a great 
 majority of .which was friendly to the administration, which 
 speedily submitted its report, which among other things said: 
 
 "There are few subjects, having reference to the policy of an established 
 government, so vitally connected with the health of the body politic, or in which 
 the pecuniary interests of society are so extensively and deeply involved. Nc 
 one of the attributes of sovereignty carries with it a more solemn responsibility 
 or calls in requisition a higher degree of wisdom, than the power of regulating 
 the common currency, and thus fixing the general standard of value for a great 
 commercial community composed of confederated States. 
 
 "Such being, in the opinion of the Committee, the high and delicate trust 
 exclusively committed to Congress by the Federal Constitution, they have pro- 
 ceeded to discharge the duty assigned to them with a corresponding sense of its 
 magnitude and difficulty. 
 
 " The most simple and obvious analysis of the subject, as it is presented by 
 the Message of the President, exhibits the following questions for the decision of 
 the National Legislature : 
 
 "1. Has Congress the constitutional power to incorporate a Bank, such as 
 that of the United States ? 
 
 "2. Is it expedient to establish and maintain such an institution ? 
 
 "If the concurrence of all the departments of the government at different 
 periods of our history, under every administration, and during the ascendency of 
 both the great political parties into which the country was divided, soon after the 
 adoption of the present constitution, shall be regarded as having the authority 
 ascribed to such sanctions by the common consent of all well-regulated commu- 
 nities, the constitutional power of Congress to incorporate a Bank may be 
 assumed as a postulate no longer open to controversy. In little more than two 
 years after the government went into operation, and at a period when most of the 
 distinguished members of the Federal Convention were either in the executive 
 or legislative councils, the Act incorporating the first Bank of the United States 
 passed both branches of Congress by large majorities, and received the deliberate 
 sanction of President Washington, who had then recently presided over the delib- 
 erations of the Convention. The constitutional power of Congress to pass the 
 Act of Incorporation was thoroughly investigated, both in the executive cabinet 
 and in Congress, under circumstances in all respects propitious to a dispassionate 
 decision. There was, at that time, no organization of political parties; and the 
 question was, therefore, decided by those who, from their knowledge and experi- 
 ence, were peculiarly qualified to decide correctly, and who were entirely free 
 from the influence of that party excitement and prejudice which would justly 
 impair, in the estimation of posterity, the authority of a legislative interpretation 
 of the constitutional charter. No persons can be more competent to give a just 
 construction to the Constitution than those who had a principal agency in framing 
 it; and no administration can claim a more perfect exemption from all those 
 influences which sometimes pervert the judgments even of the most wise and 
 patriotic, than that of the Father of his Country during the first term of his 
 service. 
 
 " Such were the circumstances under which all the branches of the National 
 Legislature solemnly determined that the power of creating a National Bank was 
 vested in Congress by the Constitution. The Bank, thus created, continued its 
 
74 
 
 operations for twenty years, the period for which its charter was granted; during 
 which time public and private credit were raised from a prostrate to a very 
 elevated condition, and the finances of the nation were placed upon the most solid 
 foundation. . . . 
 
 " The Committee will now present a hrief exposition of the state of currency 
 at the close of the war; of the injury which resulted from it, as well to the govern- 
 ment as to the community; and their reasons for believing that it could not have 
 been restored to a sound condition, and cannot now be preserved in that condition, 
 without the agency of an institution such as the Bank of the United States. 
 
 " The price current appended to this report will exhibit a scale of deprecia- 
 -ion in the local currency, ranging through various degrees to 20, and even to 25, 
 per cent. Among the principal Eastern cities, Washington and Baltimore were 
 the points at which the depreciation was greatest. The paper of the Banks in 
 those places was from 20 to 22 per cent, below par. At Philadelphia, the depre- 
 ciation was considerably less, though even there it was from 17 to 18 per cent. In 
 New York and Charleston, it was from 7 to 10 per cent. But, in the interior 
 of the country where Banks were established, the depreciation was even greater 
 than at Washington and Baltimore. In the Western part of Pennsylvania, and 
 particularly at Pittsburgh, it was 25 per cent. These statements, however, of 
 the relative depreciation of bank paper at various places, as compared with specie, 
 give a very inadequate idea of the enormous evil inflicted upon the community by 
 the excessive issues of bank paper. . . . 
 
 " But the principal loss which resulted from the relative depreciation of bank 
 paper at different places, and its want of general credit, was that sustained by the 
 community in the great operations of commercial exchange. The extent of these 
 operations, annually, may be safely estimated at $60,000,000. Upon this sum, 
 the loss sustained by the merchants and planters and farmers and manufacturers 
 was probably not less than an average of 10 per cent, being the excess of the rate 
 of exchange between its natural rate in a sound state of the currency, and beyond 
 the rate to which it has been actually reduced by the operations of the Bank of 
 the United States. It will be thus perceived that an annual tax of $6,000,000 
 was levied from the industrious and productive classes, by the large moneyed capi- 
 talists in our commercial cities who were engaged in the business of brokerage. 
 
 "But no adequate conception can be formed of the evils of a depreciated 
 currency, without looking beyond the relative depreciation at different places to 
 the general depreciation of the entire mass. It appears from the report of 
 Mr. Crawford, the Secretary of the Treasury, in 1820, that, during the general 
 suspension of specie payments by the local Banks in the years 1815 and 1816, the 
 circulating medium of the United States had reached the aggregate amount of 
 $110,000,000, and that in the year 1819 it had been reduced to $45,000,000, being 
 a reduction of 59 per cent in the short period of four years. The Committee are 
 inclined to the opinion, that the severe and distressing operation of restoring 
 a vicious currency to a sound state, by the calling in of bank paper and the curtail- 
 ment of bank discounts, had carried the reduction of the currency, in 1819, to a 
 point somewhat lower than was consistent with the just requirements of the com- 
 munity for a circulating medium; and that the bank discounts have been gradually 
 enlarged since that time, so as to satisfy those requirements. It will be assumed, 
 therefore, that the circulating medium of the United States has been $55,000,000 
 for the last ten years, taking the average. 
 
 "Even upon this assumption, it will follow that the national currency has 
 been 100 per cent more valuable for the last ten years than it was in 1816. In 
 other words, two dollars would purchase no more of any commodity in 1816 than 
 one dollar has been capable of purchasing at any time since 1817. 
 
 " The Committee have given this part of the subject an attentive and careful 
 examination ; and they cannot estimate the pecuniary losses of the Government, 
 sustained exclusively for the want of a sound currency and an efficient system of 
 finance, at a sum less than $46,000,000. If they shall make this apparent, the 
 House will have something like a standard for estimating the individual losses 
 of the community. 
 
 " The Government borrowed, during the short period of the war, $80,000,000, 
 at an average discount of 15 percent; giving certificates of stock amounting to 
 $80,000,000 in exchange for $68,000,000 in such bank paper as could be obtained. 
 In this statement, treasury notes are considered as stock at 20 per cent discount. 
 
75 
 
 Upon the very face of the transaction, therefore, there was a loss of $12,000,000, 
 which would in all probability have been saved if the treasury had been aided by 
 such an institution as the Bank of the United States. But the sum of $68,000,000 
 received by the Government was in a depreciated currency, not more than half 
 as valuable as that in which the stock given in exchange for it has been and will 
 be redeemed. Here, then, is another loss of $34,000,000, resulting incontestably 
 and exclusively from the depreciation of the currency, and making, with the sum 
 lost by the discount, $46,000,000. 
 
 " A very grave and solemn question will be presented to Congress when they 
 come to decide upon the expediency of renewing the charter of the present Bank. 
 That institution has succeeded in carrying the country through the painful process 
 necessary to cure a deep-seated disease in the national currency. The nation, 
 after having suffered the almost convulsive agonies of this necessary remedy, 
 is now restored to perfect health. In this state of things, it will be for Congress 
 to decide whether it is the part of wisdom to expose the country to a degree of 
 suffering almost equal to that which it has already suffered, for the purpose of 
 bringing back that very derangement of the currency which has been remedied 
 by .a process as necessary as it was distressing. 
 
 11 If the Bank of the United 'States were destroyed, and the local institutions 
 left without its restraining influence, the currency would almost certainly relapse 
 into a state of unsoundness. The very pressure which the present Bank, in wind- 
 ing up its concerns, would make upon the local institutions, would compel them 
 either to curtail their discounts when most needed, or to suspend specie payments. 
 It is not difficult to predict which of these alternatives they would adopt, under 
 the circumstances in which they would be placed. The imperious wants of a 
 suffering community would call for discounts, in language which could not be 
 disregarded. The public necessities would demand, and public opinion would 
 sanction, the suspension, or at least an evasion, of specie payments. 
 
 " But, even if this desperate resort could be avoided in a period of peace and 
 general prosperity, neither reason nor experience will permit us to doubt that a 
 state of war would speedily bring about all the evils which so fatally affected the 
 credit of the Government and the national currency during the late war with 
 Great Britain. We should be again driven to the same miserable round of 
 financial expedients, which, in little more than two years, brought a wealthy 
 community almost to the very brink of a declared national bankruptcy, and 
 placed the Government completely at the mercy of speculating stock-jobbers. 
 
 " The Committee feel warranted, by the past experience of the country, in 
 expressing it as their deliberate opinion, that, in a period of war, the financial 
 resources of the country could not be drawn into efficient operation, without 
 the aid of a national bank, and that the local banks would certainly resort to 
 a suspension of specie payments. The maxim is eminently true in modern 
 times, that money is the sinew of military power. In this view of the subject, it 
 does appear to the Committee that no one of the institutions of the country, 
 not excepting the Army or Navy, is of more vital importance than a National 
 Bank. It has this decided advantage over the Army and Navy : while they 
 are of scarcely any value except in war, the Bank is not less useful than 
 either of them in war, and is also eminently useful in peace. It has another 
 advantage still greater. If, like the Army or Navy, it should cost the nation 
 millions annually to sustain it, the expediency of the expenditure might be 
 doubted. But when it actually saves to the Government and to the country, 
 as the Committee have heretofore attempted to show, more millions annually 
 than are expended in supporting both the Army and Navy, it would seem that, 
 if there were any one measure of national policy, upon which all the political 
 parties of the country should be brought to unite, by the impressive lessons of 
 experience, it is that of maintaining a National Bank." 
 
 ( 
 
 The attack of Jackson upon the constitutionality of the 
 Bank again drew Madison from his retirement, to preserve, if 
 possible, some trace of the fabric of the Fathers which he had 
 contributed so much to erect. 
 
76 
 
 " The charge of inconsistency between my objection to the constitutionality 
 of such a bank in 1791, and my assent in 1817, turns," said Mr. Madison in a letter 
 to Charles J. Ingersoll, under date of June 25, 1831, " on the question how far 
 legislative precedents expounding the Constitution ought to guide succeeding 
 legislatures, and to overrule individual opinions. 
 
 "Some obscurity has been thrown over the question, by confounding it with 
 the respect due from one legislature to laws passed by preceding legislatures. But 
 the two cases are essentially different. A constitution being derived from a supe- 
 rior authority is to be expounded and obeyed, not controlled or varied, by the 
 subordinate authority of a legislature. A law, on the other hand, resting on no 
 higher authority than that possessed by every successive legislature, its expediency 
 as well as its meaning is within the scope of the latter. 
 
 "The case in question has its true analogy in the obligation arising from 
 judicial expositions of the law on succeeding judges; the Constitution being a 
 law to the Legislator, as the law is a rule of decision to the judge. And why 
 are judicial precedents, when formed on due discussion and consideration, and 
 deliberately sanctioned by reviews and repetitions, regarded as of binding influ- 
 ence, or rather of authoritative force in settling the meaning of a law ? It must 
 be answered, 1st, because it is a reasonable and established axiom, that the good 
 of society requires that the rules of conduct of its members should be certain and 
 mown, which would not be the case if any judge, disregarding the decisions of 
 lis predecessors, should vary the rule of law according to his individual interpre- 
 ation of it. Misera est sermtus ubi jus est aut vagum aut incognitum. 2d, 
 oecause an exposition of the law publicly made and repeatedly confirmed by the 
 constituted authority, carries with it by fair inference the sanction of those who, 
 having made the law, through their legislative organs, appear under such circum- 
 stances to have determined its meaning through their judiciary organ. 
 
 " Can it be of less consequence that the meaning of a Constitution should be 
 fixed and known, than that the meaning of a law should be so ? Can, indeed, a law 
 be fixed in its meaning and operation, unless the Constitution be so ? On the 
 contrary, if a particular Legislature, differing in the construction of the Constitu- 
 tion from a series of' preceding constructions, proceed to act on that difference, 
 they not only introduce uncertainty and instability in the Constitution, but in the 
 laws themselves ; inasmuch as all laws preceding the new construction and incon- 
 sistent with it are not. only annulled for the future, but virtually pronounced 
 nullities from the beginning. But it is said that the Legislator, having sworn to 
 support the Constitution, must support it in his own construction of it, however 
 different from that put on it by his predecessors, or whatever be the consequences 
 of the construction. And is not the judge under the same oath to support the 
 law? Yet has it ever been supposed that he was required or at liberty to disregard 
 all precedents, however solemnly repeated and regularly observed ; and, by giving 
 effect to his own abstract and individual opinions, to disturb the established course 
 of practice in the business of the community? Has the wisest and most conscien 
 tious judge ever scrupled to acquiesce in decisions in which he has been overruled 
 by the mature opinions of the majority of his colleagues, and subsequently to 
 conform himself thereto, as to the authoritative expositions of the law? And is it 
 not reasonable that the same view of the official oath should be taken by a Legis- 
 lator acting under the Constitution, which is his guide, as is taken by a judge 
 acting under the law, which i his ? 
 
 " There is in fact, and in common understanding, a necessity of regarding a 
 course- of practice, as above characterized, in the light of a legal rule of interpret- 
 ing a law; and there is a like necessity of considering it a constitutional rule of 
 interpreting a constitution. . . . 
 
 " It was in conformity with the view here taken of the respect due to deliber- 
 ate and reiterated precedents, that the Bank of the United States, though on the 
 original question held to be unconstitutional, received the (my) executive signature 
 in the year 1817. The act originally establishing a bank had undergone ample 
 discussions in its passage through the several branches of the Government. It had 
 been carried into execution throughout a period of twenty years, with annual 
 legislative recognitions; in one instance, indeed, with a positive ramification of it 
 into a new State; and with the entire acquiescence of all the local authorities, as 
 well as of the nation at large, to all of which may be added, a decreasing prospect 
 of any change in the public opinion, adverse to the constitutional of such an 
 
77 
 
 institution. A veto from the executive under these circumstances, with an admis- 
 sion of the expediency and almost necessity of the measure, would have been a 
 defiance of all the obligations derived from a course of precedents amounting to 
 the requisite evidence of the national judgment and intention. * 
 
 To this argument of Mr. Madison for continuity in affairs as 
 essential to all growth and prosperity, and which can only be 
 secured through the decisions of the courts, giving to the rules 
 and habits of society the sanction of law, General Jackson, in 
 his message vetoing the bill for the extension of the charter of 
 the Bank, replied : 
 
 " The Supreme Court ought not to control the co-ordinate authorities of this 
 Government. The Congress, the Executive, and the Court must each for itself 
 be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution. Each public officer who takes an 
 oath to support the Constitution swears that he will support it as he understands 
 it, and not as it is understood by others. It is as much the duty of the House of 
 Representatives, of the Senate, and of the President, to decide upon the constitu-. 
 tonality of any bill or resolution which may be presented to them for passage orj 
 approval, as it is of the supreme judges, when it may be brought before them for 
 judicial decision. The opinion of the judges has no more authority over Congress 
 than the opinion of Congress has over th&judges; and on that point the President 
 is independent of both. The authority of the Supreme Court must not, therefore, 
 be permitted to control Congress or the Executive, when acting in their respective 
 capacities ; but to have only such influence as the force of their reasoning may 
 deserve." 
 
 The kind of government prefigured in these words of General 
 Jackson was what has actually proved to be first anarchy, 
 then despotism. 
 
 No sooner was it seen that the Bank of the United States, 
 the charter of which expired in 1811, was not to be extended, 
 than all the States vied with each other in the rage for the 
 creation of local or State Banks. At a session early in 1814 
 of the Legislature of the State of Pennsylvania, forty-two banks 
 having an aggregate capital of $17,000,000 were chartered. 
 Of the whole number thirty-four went into operation. They 
 were soon swept away in the general ruin which followed, but not 
 until, according to a report in 1819 of a Committee of the Legis- 
 lature of that State, they, with subsequent creations due to the 
 mania which seized upon almost every member of the commu- 
 nity, "had inflicted upon the Commonwealth an evil more disas- 
 trous than any ever experienced by its citizens." t The example, 
 at the time, of Pennsylvania may be taken for that of all the 
 States. 
 
 * Mies' Register, July 16, 1831. 
 
 t Considerations on the Currency by Albert G-allatin. 
 
78 
 
 In 1812 came the war with Great Britain. In 1814 all the 
 Banks of the country, with the exception of those of New Eng- 
 land, suspended payment. The expenses of the war could only 
 be met by loans made payable in bank-notes greatly depreciated 
 and rapidly sinking in value. Specie was not to be had. The 
 decline in the value of the bank-note currency was much more 
 rapid in the outset than in that of the Continental Congress. For 
 the latter, the whole wealth of the nation was assumed to be 
 pledged, and it derived an additional value from being made legal- 
 tender. The notes of the State Banks had no such support. 
 They might be, and a great many of them were, issued without 
 any provision for their redemption. The amount of their notes 
 outstanding in 1811, as estimated by Mr. Gallatin, equalled 
 $22,700,000; those of the Bank of the United States, $5,400,000 : 
 making a total of $28,100,000. The amount of notes of the State 
 Banks outstanding in 1816 was estimated by Mr. Crawford, Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury, at the time of his report upon the " cur- 
 rency," under date of Feb. 12, 1820, made in obedience to a 
 resolution of the House of Representatives passed March ist, 
 1819, at $110,000,000. These notes were depreciated all the way 
 from 10 to 30 per cent., and were constantly declining in value. 
 No wonder that the nation stood appalled at the thought of the 
 volcano beneath its feet, which might at any moment burst forth 
 and overwhelm government and people in a common ruin. By 
 universal consent, the only mode of escape was another Bank of 
 the United States. The memory of the advantages secured by 
 the former was still fresh in the minds of all. 
 
 The second Bank was chartered with a capital of $35,000,000, 
 a large increase over that of the old. When the new Bank went 
 into operation, it seemed as if the fountains of the great deep 
 had been broken up. In the frenzy for paper money, it was as 
 if a vast mob, guided by the most lawless impulses, had taken 
 possession of the land, had subverted all law and order, and 
 well-nigh its moral and material prosperity. The new Bank 
 went manfully to work ; .but the very foundations for a proper 
 system of currency had to be laid. The paper money of the 
 State Banks had driven the greater part of the specie out of 
 the country. As speedily as possible, and in less than two 
 years, the Bank brought back $7,311,750 from Europe, to serve 
 
79 
 
 
 
 as its reserves, at a loss, including interest, of $525,247. It 
 could not, however, hope for permanent success, unless the mone- 
 tary condition was in a measure restored. For that purpose, it 
 undertook to help such Banks as were deserving of aid. One 
 great obstacle in the way of resumption by the State Banks 
 was their indebtedness to the Government, arising out of a 
 deposit of the public money and unpaid proceeds of loans, the 
 only means for the discharge of which was their depreciated 
 paper. The tJnited States Bank assumed such debts to the 
 amount of $10,807,410, of which $3,336,491 were in the form 
 of special deposits, giving a credit to the State Banks sufficient 
 for the realization of their assets. By such measures, progress 
 was steadily made ; so that by 1820 most of the Banks in the 
 Eastern States had resumed. The United States Bank at the 
 same time undertook to extend large accommodations to Southern 
 and Western States which were without any adequate system of 
 their own ; in consequence of which it made very heavy losses. 
 It also made a loss soon after it went into operation of $1,671,221, 
 by the mismanagement of the Baltimore branch. The total losses 
 made within two years after it went into operation were estimated 
 at $3,500,000. These, together with the extensions of loans it 
 was compelled to make, so very seriously crippled it that grave 
 apprehensions were at one time felt that it would be compelled 
 to suspend. It, however, weathered the storm, and gradually 
 worked itself into a satisfactory position. It could, however, 
 by no means arrest the passion for new Banks, particularly 
 in the Southern and Western States, which still continued to 
 create them by scores, only to disappear after an ephemeral 
 existence, but not till after they had flooded the country with 
 worthless paper. A brief sketch of the banking system or 
 operations of the State of Kentucky will suffice for all. In 
 1815 that State caught the prevailing mania, and increased 
 the capital of the Bank of Kentucky to $3,000,000, with power 
 to create thirteen branches, of which seven went speedily into 
 operation. In 1818, forty-three new Banks were chartered, the 
 greater part of which went into operation. These, for some time, 
 made a show of paying specie ; but soon they all suspended, as 
 well as the Bank of Kentucky, which again undertook to resume 
 in 1819, and continued nominally to pay specie for about a year. 
 
80 
 
 In the general crash which followed, the common expedient, 
 " stay-laws," was resorted to. To its credit, the Court of Ap- 
 peals the highest legal tribunal in the State pronounced 
 these laws unconstitutional. The people, however, were by no 
 means to be balked. Through the legislature, which they con- 
 trolled, they established a new Court of Appeals, composed of 
 judges known to be in favor of sustaining the laws. The State 
 at once divided into two most rancorous parties. That favorable 
 to the stay-laws and the new Court remained dominant until 1826, 
 when the opposing party got the upper hand, reversing the action 
 of the one preceding it ; but not until almost infinite mischief had 
 been done, both to the moral and material welfare of the State. 
 By the time that reason had resumed its sway, the Banks had 
 almost wholly disappeared. Not a trace of them was to be found 
 in 1830. Mr. Gallatin, in his pamphlet on the currency, puts the 
 number of banks which failed in this State between 1811 and 
 1830, at forty-three. He was able to ascertain the capital of 
 only nineteen, which amounted in the aggregate to $6,297,730. 
 The total capital of all the Banks probably equalled $10,000,000. 
 Their circulation and deposits at one time probably equalled their 
 capital. Such was the paper-money debauch in that State. A 
 corresponding exhaustion followed. In all this, Kentucky only 
 stood for an example of Western and Southern States ; and 
 shows the perilous sea upon which the second Bank of the 
 United States was launched, and from which it barely escaped 
 complete shipwreck. 
 
 It was in view of such a history that the Committee of Ways 
 and means, in 1830, replied to General Jackson's attack upon 
 the Bank of the United States. Its members had been witnesses 
 of all the terrible scenes they described. The loss to the Fed- 
 eral Government in the depreciation of the State Bank currency, 
 which it was compelled to use in all its operations, was estimated 
 at $54,000,000. The loss to the public was probably twenty-fold 
 greater, taking into consideration the entire demoralization which 
 followed in all the business operations of society. According to 
 Mr. Crawford, Secretary of the Treasury for the time, the notes 
 of the State Banks were reduced from $110,000,000 in 1816 to 
 $45,000,000 in 1819. So terrible had been the waste, so complete 
 the dislocation of all industries, that it was not until 1826, or 
 
81 
 
 until fifteen years had elapsed from the expiration of the char- 
 ter of the old Bank, that the financial condition of the country 
 seemed fully restored. 
 
 When beginning upon this subject I by no means intended to 
 give so much space to it ; but there seemed to be no stopping-place 
 till the story was fully told. It was necessary to show the wan- 
 tonness of General Jackson's attack upon the second Bank. It 
 helps to a proper understanding of the disastrous results, the 
 necessary consequences of such attack. Like conditions are 
 always to be followed by like results. Those which followed 
 the destruction of the second Bank were far more disastrous 
 than those which followed that of the first, and from a similar 
 cause, the creation of vast numbers of State Banks nominally 
 to fill the place of that going out of existence. 
 
 With Mr. Madison, that continuity in affairs essential alike to 
 moral and material welfare, was that determined or recorded by 
 the courts, giving the sanction of iaw to the customs and habits 
 of society. This is the way in which the greater part of the 
 laws of all civilized countries came to be. Such was the mode of 
 growth of the greatest and most perfect of all legal systems, the 
 Roman civil law, which was little else than the Responses Pruden- 
 tium. Every organic law is but a skeleton, to be subsequently 
 filled out as convenience or interest may require. The degree of 
 freedom allowed or exercised in supplementing such rule marks 
 that of the capacity of a people for civilization, for progress. 
 Precedents, to become and remain law, must reflect their highest 
 sense of duty as well as of utility. Slavery, being a violation' of 
 both, is purely tribal. Incapable of establishing or obeying pre- 
 cedents, the master knows no law but his own will. He had 
 consequently the keenest sense of the danger of allowing pre- 
 cedents founded upon justice and utility to become the rule of 
 conduct for the nation. As they might become such by becom- 
 ing law for the greater part of it, a retirement therefrom might 
 be his only alternative. It was the one which he always kept 
 steadily in view. 
 
 In his attack upon the Bank, which he finally destroyed, 
 General Jackson was overturning not his own work, but that of 
 the Fathers. He soon followed it by a crushing blow at his own. 
 
82 
 
 Pending the first session of the Congress whose election was 
 simultaneous with his, he vetoed, May 27, 1830, a bill making an 
 appropriation for the Maysville and Lexington Road, on the 
 ground that there was no constitutional warrant therefor. At 
 the same session, and for the same reason, he vetoed a bill author- 
 izing an appropriation for a subscription to the share capital of 
 the Washington turnpike-road company. Several other bills of 
 the kind passed at the same session he practically vetoed by his 
 refusal to sign them pending the session of Congress, they falling 
 with its adjournment. One of the bills so indirectly vetoed was 
 that providing for a subscription to the share capital of the Port- 
 land and Louisville Canal Company, a bill precisely the same 
 in kind as the one for which he voted when in the Senate, in 
 1824. He chose to kill it in this way to avoid the shame of an 
 open denial of his own work. 
 
 As appropriations to aid in the construction of highways and 
 canals had long been the settled policy of the Government, the 
 precedents reaching as far back as the administration of Mr. 
 Jefferson, $5,000,000, as stated by General Jackson himself, hav- 
 ing been expended therefor in public works, appropriations to 
 them having become a part of the routine work of legislation ; 
 and, as no propositions were so universally popular as those for 
 highways, constructed alike to facilitate the movement of persons 
 and the products of the soil, the veto of further appropriations 
 in view of the pledges so recently given to the Senate of the 
 State of Indiana, and upon which General Jackson ran for the 
 presidency, created an astonishment and indignation to which 
 language was wholly incompetent to give expression. Never 
 before did untruthfulness and hypocrisy in a high public station 
 stand out in so glaring a light. One would have supposed that 
 they would have been fatal not only to all future aspirations, but to 
 all present power. Such was the conviction of every fair-minded 
 person. But instead of being a blunder or mistake, so far as the 
 purpose of the General was concerned, political aggrandizement, 
 it was the master-stroke of his life. By declaring that Congress 
 did not possess the power under the Constitution to vote money 
 for public works, he rendered the South, which had now come to 
 have but one political maxim or principle, the restriction of the 
 power of Congress to the express letter of the Constitution, solid 
 
83 
 
 in his support. If public works were to be undertaken by the 
 Government, the means therefor were to come from increased 
 duties on imports. As there was hardly a limit to the extent to 
 which such works might be carried, there might be none to the 
 rates of duties to be imposed. The North looked complacently 
 on all this from a consciousness that its ability to compete with 
 foreign manufactures would be in ratio to the degrees of the rates 
 imposed. At the South it was the uncertainty as to the amount 
 of burdens to be borne that caused the doctrine of Internal 
 Improvements to be held in such extreme aversion. No incidental 
 and compensating advantages resulted to her as to the North. 
 She would have gladly retained the Bank, could she have done so 
 without the disagreeable precedent created thereby. She could 
 not deny the constitutionality of duties upon imports, as the 
 expenses of the Government must be defrayed from some source. 
 She could only qualify this right by declaring that duties should 
 be levied for revenue alone. But Internal Improvements was 
 a monster whose magnitude could never be measured, even in 
 imagination, and for whose remorseless maw the wealth of a whole 
 nation might not suffice. 
 
 But how was the North, angry and defiant as the South 
 was placid and content, to be placated ? The way, so difficult 
 to ordinary apprehension, was a very easy one : give to it 
 political plunder ; to the South, political power. This, in fact, 
 had already been partially done. Every office in the country 
 had been, or was, put up for sale, the price being entire 
 political subserviency to the fortunes of the Great Chief. No 
 qualifications were asked or wanted. The successful aspirant 
 was always the one the loudest mouthed, and who could com- 
 mand the most votes. Calhoun, although approving the Internal 
 Improvement veto, was so nauseated at the scenes of profligacy 
 and barbarity displayed on every hand that he declared, in his 
 place in the Senate, that " the public offices were reserved for 
 those only who have qualified themselves therefor by a political 
 prostitution fitting them for admission into a Magdalen asylum." * 
 
 From this vast phalanx of newly created office-holders went 
 up the mighty cry, " Hurrah for Jackson! " a cry which, in its 
 unity and passion, so completely drowned individual remonstrance, 
 
 * Benton's Abridgment of Debates, xii. 100. 
 
84' 
 
 no matter how earnestly made, that the whole country seemed to 
 have but one voice. But this great master of the human passions 
 invoked in his aid a still mightier power than the instinct for 
 plunder, the element of barbarism lurking in every human 
 heart. No matter how far a nation may be advanced in the estab- 
 lishment of order, a certain portion of its people are always, at 
 times, willing to see the rules of society relaxed as the condition 
 of the enjoyment of a certain degree of license. Of this the 
 French Revolution affords a striking example. There is a ten- 
 dency with every people, at times when their moral fibre becomes 
 greatly relaxed, to demand that life shall be discharged from duty. 
 Such was the sentiment to which General Jackson appealed with 
 itremendous effect. The chances of an aspirant for political pro- 
 motion were in ratio to the degree of violence with which he 
 assailed the work of the Fathers, and discharged himself of that 
 personal decorum which had been their striking attribute. So 
 well was his work done, that General Jackson, who when he first 
 ran for the presidency had only 99 out of the 261 votes in the 
 electoral college, was re-elected in 1832 by 219 out of 286 votes. 
 
 As the period approached at which the national debt was to 
 be substantially discharged, a modification of the Tariff became 
 necessary, so as to reduce the revenue to current expenditures. 
 It was inevitable that the occasion should be that of a great 
 struggle to' determine whether for the fu f ure protection or reve- 
 nue alone should be the rule. Early in the session of 1832 sev- 
 eral Tariff bills were introduced into the house ; one by Mr. 
 McDuffee, chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, em- 
 bodying in behalf of a majority of the Committee the views of 
 the South, by providing for a system of ad valorem duties at the 
 rate of 12^ per cent, upon all goods to be imported into the 
 United States after the 3Oth of June, 1834. A bill was also De- 
 ported in the interest of protection by two members of the 
 Committee, Mr. Ingersoll, of Connecticut, and Mr. Gilmore, 
 of Pennsylvania. Mr. Verplanck, from New York, also a member 
 of the Committee, reported a bill of his own. A bill was also 
 reported to the House by Mr. John Quincy Adams, chairman of 
 the Committee of the House on Manufactures. Upon the re- 
 quest of the House, a report and bill were submitted to it by 
 
85 
 
 Mr. McLane, Secretary of the Treasury. The Secretary's bill 
 recommended that the duty on wools be reduced to 5 per cent; 
 on woolen goods, to 20 per cent.; and that minimums on such 
 goods be abolished, except on the coarsest kinds. After a great 
 deal of wrangling and discussion, the House concentrated upon 
 the bill recommended by the Secretary, which, with important 
 modifications, was finally passed. It provided, among other things 
 that foreign wool, the value of which should not exceed 8 cents 
 per pound, should be duty free ; that if its value exceeded 8 cents, 
 the duty should be 4 cents per pound and 40 per cent, ad valorem. 
 That the duty on kerseys not exceeding in value 35 cents the 
 square yard should be 5 per cent, ad valorem; that on stuffed 
 goods, shawls, and other manufactures of silk and worsted, should 
 be 10 per cent.; on worsted yarn, 20 per cent.; on woolen yarn, 
 4 cents per pound and 50 per cent, ad valorem ; on mitts, gloves, 
 binding, blankets, hosiery, and carpets and carpetings, 25 per cent., 
 except Brussels, Wilton, and treble-ingrained carpeting, upon 
 which the duty was to be 63 cents the square yard ; and on all 
 other ingrained and Venetian carpeting, 35 cents the square yard ; 
 on blankets whose value should not exceed 75 cents each the duty 
 was to be 5 per cent, ad valorem ; on flannels, bockings, and baizes, 
 the duty was to be 16 cents the square yard; on coach laces, 35 
 per cent. ; and on merino shawls, and all other manufactures of 
 wool and ready-made clothing, 50 per cent, ad valorem. All 
 manufactures of cotton were to pay twenty-five per cent, ad valo- 
 rem, excepting cotton, twist, yarn, and thread, the duty on which 
 was to remain as fixed in 1824; all manufactures of cotton, how- 
 ever, not dyed, printed, colored, or stained, not exceeding in value 
 30 cents the square yard, to be valued at that rate : and, if dyed, 
 printed, colored, or stained, not exceeding in value 35 cents the 
 square yard, to be valued at the same rate. Nankeens from 
 China were to pay 20 per cent, ad valorem. On hammered iron 
 the duty was fixed at 90 cents per 112 Ibs. ; on rolled iron, $30 
 per ton. Teas imported from China, or any place beyond the 
 Cape of Good Hope, in 'American vessels, and all coffee, was to be" 
 duty free. The duty on brown sugar was reduced to two and a 
 half cents per pound. 
 
 The bill passed the House by a vote of 132 to 65, and the 
 the Senate by a vote of 32 to 16. Although' some reduction from 
 
86 
 
 the Tariff of 1828 was made in the rates, chiefly upon manufact- 
 ures of iron and wool, the measure was distinctively a protective 
 one. The opposition to it came largely from New England and 
 Pennsylvania, on the ground that the interests of these States 
 had not been sufficiently considered. Of the 65 votes in oppo- 
 sition, 34 votes came from the New England and the Middle 
 States. From South Carolina, three members voted for the bill. 
 Of the delegation from Virginia, eleven voted in favor and eight 
 against the bill. Of the delegation from Noitfh Carolina, seven 
 voted in favor and four against it. 
 
 It was rarely that a great measure passed with such unanim- 
 ity, a considerable majority of the members from the Southern 
 Atlantic and Gulf States voting in its favor. But never was a 
 bill passed which excited such gloomy apprehensions for the 
 future. 
 
 Mr. McDuffie, in reporting his bill, spoke as follows : 
 
 " The people of the South are firmly impressed with the belief that, under any 
 system of duties, while the revenue is derived almost exclusively from imports, 
 their proportion of the burdens imposed by Federal taxation will be much greater 
 than it ought to be according to the principle of the Constitution which regulates 
 the apportionment of direct taxes. Under these circumstances, they think they 
 have a right to insist that the aggregate burden of taxation shall be as light as 
 possible, and that not a dollar shall be expended by the Government that can be 
 avoided by a rigid economy. If there were no such products in the United States 
 as cotton, tobacco and rice, would not the protecting system be downright 
 nonsense, a mere impotent monument of human folly ? How could the people of 
 the United States obtain foreign manufactures when they had nothing wherewith 
 to pay for them ? And what could be more absurd and stupid than to prohibit 
 the importation of articles which could not possibly be imported, even if there 
 were no prohibition ? 
 
 "It is against domestic and not foreign industry that the manufacturers call 
 for protection. But why is it that they need this very high and extravagant 
 protection ? It is because foreign manufactures are purchased with the produc- 
 tions of the Southern States, and because these are produced by slave labor, whicM 
 is four times as cheap in the operation of agriculture as the white labor of tne 
 Northern States. This is the true and only cause why the manufacturers require 
 the Government to interpose its powerful arm to keep down competition. It is, 
 when properly considered, the greatest of all absurdities to suppose that it is 
 against the English manufactures that this protection is demanded. This is a 
 mere flimsy disguise, to cover the fraud and conceal the outrage perpetrated 
 against the planters. I confidently believe that the contributions exacted from the 
 planting States of this Union by the action of this disguised and irresponsible 
 despotism of confederated interests is in no degree less oppressive and disastrous 
 than the exactions levied by the most insatiable of the Roman emperors from the 
 conquered and dependent provinces of the empire. I mean not to cast any special 
 reproach upon the manufacturing confederacy, which constitutes the existing 
 majority in this country; I speak nothing but the plain truths of philosophy 
 when I say that, on such a question as that which we are now considering, they 
 cannot, in the nature of things, have any more sense of moral responsibility than 
 an infuriated mob. And it is worthy of special remark here, that the despotism 
 of an irresponsible majority never existed in any country in a form so dangerous 
 and so difficult to be resisted as it does at this moment in this confederacy." 
 
87 
 
 Mr. Wilde, also a member of the committee of Ways and 
 Means, addressed the House as follows : 
 
 " What are we promised as the fruits of these unequal and oppressive taxes ? 
 Protection to American industry; preventing a drain of specie; independence of 
 foreign nations ; creating a home market. It may be remarked, in passing, that 
 the dominion of prejudice, and the cunning of empiricism, may be detected in the 
 very mode of stating all those propositions by which the credulity of the many is 
 made subservient to the avarice of the few. Protection ! Domestic industry ! What 
 a judicious selection of those 'rabble-charming words,' which, as old South says, 
 'carry so much wild-fire wrapped up in them.' How ingenious the combination 
 for purposes of delusion. Verba ligant hominem ut taurorum cornuafunes. Pro- 
 tect domestic industry! Surely! who can refuse ? Protection is a delightful task. 
 It is, besides, a political duty. The appeal is irresistible. But if one kind of 
 industry alone is protected, it must be at the expense of all the rest. If all are 
 protected alike, none are benefited. If some, only, are protected at the expense of 
 others, it is both pernicious and unjust. But it is alleged that every branch of 
 industry is to be indemnified in some one of the following ways : By rendering us 
 independent of foreign markets ; by preventing a drain of specie ; by promoting 
 the national defence ; by creating a home market. It will appear, I think, that 
 into some one or other of these pretences the whole of every argument in favor of 
 the system may be resolved." 
 
 Mr. John Bell, of Tennessee, who voted for the bill, referred 
 in the following manner to the sectional differences which already 
 forboded the most disastrous consequences : 
 
 "I claim to be heard as the advocate of higher interests than those which 
 were the immediate subject of consideration. The interests of domestic peace, of 
 free government, of liberty itself, are involved in the question. The rules of the 
 House furnish me with an impressive idea upon this occasion. We are sitting in 
 Committee of the Whole upon the state of the Union, actually deliberating upon 
 a measure for the safety of the Union. 
 
 " In the midst of the greatest abundance of all the necessaries and even com- 
 forts of life that God, in his providence, ever decreed to be the rewards of virtue 
 and industry; in possession of a country of the richest variety of soil and of 
 climate; in an age when art has almost outstripped herself in multiplying the 
 means of enjoyment; when, as a people, all these blessings may be truly said to be 
 ours, or within our reach, what is our actual condition in other respects, and what 
 the adverse destiny to which that condition tends and must inevitably fix upon us, 
 if we do not avert it by the wisdom and moderation of our councils ? Discontents, 
 jealousies, and rancorous sectional hates have arisen, and are encouraged. Fos- 
 tered by these unhappy feelings, disaffection to the Government itself makes a 
 slow but steady progress in the hearts of thousands of honest and patriotic 
 citizens. A want of confidence in the mutual justice and forbearance of brethren 
 of the same political family manifests itself. Confidence in our system, conse- 
 quently, in every quarter has diminished, and is diminishing. The value of the 
 Union itself, and the consequence of its disruption, begin to be canvassed even in 
 public debate in this hall. 
 
 In advocacy of the bill, Mr. John Davis spoke as follows : 
 
 " Can any one review this history, and then affirm that the principal object in 
 giving a power in the Constitution to regulate trade was not to countervail 
 foreign regulations and to aid American labor ? What was the result of the wise 
 policy adopted by the first Congress ? I cannot do more ample justice to it than 
 by quoting the language of a distinguished friend at a public festival : * The dead 
 corpse of public credit sprang upon its feet.' The act which laid the foundation 
 
88 
 
 of the great American policy infused the vital principle into the drooping, 
 disheartened spirits of all laborers. It restored a discontented community to 
 tranquillity, and caused peace and happiness to pervade this wide-spread country, 
 and from that day to this no people on earth have been blessed with' such 
 continued and eminent prosperity. What a contrast between free trade and the 
 American policy is here presented! 
 
 " I confess I never expected to hear the people of this country denounced on 
 this floor as tyrants. I never expected to hear the doctrine advanced that a 
 Government ruled by a majority of the people was worse and more to be 
 dreaded than a despotism. If I entertained these sentiments, I too should desire 
 a dissolution of the Union; for whoever maintains that a majority in a free 
 government shall not rule maintains that a despotism is better than a free govern- 
 ment." 
 
 In the Senate, when the bill came there for consideration, Mr. 
 Clay responded as follows : 
 
 " Eight years ago, it was my painful duty to present to the House of Congress 
 an unexaggerated picture of the general distress pervading the whole land. We 
 must all yet remember some of its frightful features. We all know that the peo- 
 ple were then oppressed and borne down by an enormous load of debt ; that the 
 value of property was at the lowest point of depression ; that ruinous sales and 
 sacrifices were everywhere made of real estate ; that stop laws and relief laws and 
 paper money were adopted to save the people from impending destruction ; that 
 a deficit in the public revenue existed, which compelled Government to seize 
 upon and divert from its legitimate object the appropriation to the sinking fund, 
 to redeem the national debt; and that our commerce and navigation were 
 threatened with a complete paralysis. In short, sir, if I were to select any term 
 of seven years since the adoption of the present Constitution, which exhibited a 
 scene of the most wide-spread dismay and desolation, it would be exactly that 
 term of seven years which immediately preceded the establishment of the Tariff 
 of 1824. 
 
 " I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect 
 sketch of the existing state of the unparalleled prosperity of the country. On a 
 general survey, we behold cultivation extended, the arts flourishing, the face of 
 the country improved, our people fully and profitably employed, and the public 
 countenance exhibiting tranquillity, contentment, and happiness. And, if we 
 descend into particulars, we have the agreeable contemplation of a people out of 
 debt; land rising slowly in value, but in a secure and salutary degree; a ready 
 though not extravagant market for all the surplus productions of our industry ; 
 innumerable flocks and herds browsing and gambling on ten thousand hills and 
 plains, covered with rich and verdant grasses; our cities expanded, and whole 
 villages springing up, as it were, by enchantment ; our exports and imports in- 
 creased and increasing; our tonnage , foreign and coast-wise, swelling and fully 
 occupied ; the rivers of our interior animated by the perpetual thunder and light- 
 ning of countless steamboats; the currency sound and abundant; the public 
 debt of two wars nearly redeemed; and, to crown all, the public Treasury over- 
 flowing, embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the 
 objects which shall be liberated from impost. If the term of seven years were 
 to be selected of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the 
 establishment of their present Constitution, it would be exactly that period of 
 seven years which immediately followed the passage of the Tariff of 1824. 
 
 " This transformation of the condition of the country from gloom and distress 
 to brightness and prosperity has been mainly the work of American legislation 
 fostering American industry, instead of allowing it to be controlled by foreign 
 legislation cherishing foreign industry." 
 
 The Tariff of 1832 was to take effect after March i, 1833. 
 To it the people of South Carolina, meeting through delegates in 
 general Convention held November 27, 1832, replied by 
 
89 
 
 "AN ORDINANCE, 
 
 " To NULLIFY certain Acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to 
 be Laws Laying Duties and Imposts on the Importation of Foreign Com- 
 modities. 
 
 " WHEREAS, the Congress of the United States, by various acts, purporting 
 to be acts laying duties and imposts on foreign imports, but in reality intended 
 for the protection of domestic manufactures, and the giving of bounties to classes 
 and individuals engaged in particular employments, at the expense and to the 
 injury and oppression of other classes and individuals, and by wholly exempting 
 from taxation certain foreign commodities, such as are not produced or manufact- 
 ured in the United States, to afford a pretext for imposing higher and excessive 
 duties on articles similar to those intended to be protected, hath exceeded its 
 just powers under the Constitution, which confers on it no authority to afford 
 such protection, and hath violated the true meaning and intent of the Constitu- 
 tion, which provides for equality in imposing the burdens of taxation upon the 
 several States and portions of the Confederacy ; And, Whereas, the said Con- 
 gress, exceeding its just power to impose taxes and collect revenue for the pur- 
 pose of effecting and accomplishing the specific objects and purposes which the 
 Constitution of the United States authorizes it to effect and accomplish, hath 
 raised and collected unnecessary revenue, for objects unauthorized by the Consti- 
 tution; 
 
 " We, therefore, the people of the State of South Carolina in Convention 
 assembled, do declare and ordain and it is hereby declared and ordained, that the 
 several acts and parts of acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to 
 be laws for the imposing of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign 
 commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United 
 States, and more especially an act entitled ' an act in alteration of the several 
 acts imposing duties on imports,' approved on the nineteenth day of May, one 
 thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight, and also an act entitled ' an act to 
 alter and amend the several acts imposing duties on imports,' approved on the 
 fourteenth day of July one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, are unau- 
 thorized by the Constitution of the United States, and violate the true meaning 
 and intent thereof and are null, void, and no law, nor binding upon this State, 
 its officers or citizens; and all promises, contracts, and obligations made or 
 entered into, or to be made or entered into with purpose to secure the duties 
 imposed by the said acts, and all judicial proceedings which shall be hereafter 
 had in affirmance thereof, are and shall be held utterly null and void: 
 
 " And it is further ordained, that it shall not be lawful for any of the consti- 
 tuted authorities whether of this State or of the United States to enforce the 
 payment of duties imposed by the said acts within the limits of this State; but 
 it shall be the duty of the Legislature to adopt such measures and pass such acts 
 as may be necessary to give full effect to this ordinance, and to prevent the 
 enforcement and arrest the operation of the said acts and parts of acts of the 
 Congress of the United States, within the limits of this State, from and after 
 the 1st day of February next, and the duty of all other constituted authorities, 
 and of all persons residing or being within the limits of this State, and they are 
 hereby required and enjoined to obey and give effect to this ordinance and such 
 acts and measures of the Legislature as may be passed or adopted in obedience 
 thereto. 
 
 " And it is further ordained, that in no case of law or equity, decided in the 
 Courts of this State, wherein shall be drawn in question the authority of this 
 Ordinance or the validity of such act or acts of the Legislature as may be passed 
 for the purpose of giving effect thereto, or the validity of the aforesaid acts of 
 Congress, imposing duties, shall any appeal be taken or allowed to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of the record be permitted or 
 allowed for that purpose, and if any such appeal shall be attempted to be taken, 
 the Courts of this State shall proceed to execute and enforce their judgments, 
 according to the laws and usages of the State, without reference to such at- 
 tempted appeal, and the* person or persons attempting to take such appeal may 
 be dealt with as for a contempt of the Court. 
 
 " And it is further ordained, that all persons now holding any office of 
 honor, profit or trust, civil or military, under this State, (members of the Legislat- 
 
90 
 
 ure exceptedj shah, within such time, and in such manner as the Legislature 
 shall prescribe, take an oath, well and truly to obey, execute, and enforce this 
 ordinance, and such act or acts of the Legislature, as may be passed in pursuance 
 thereof, according to the true intent and meaning of the same, and on the neg- 
 lect or omission of any such person or persons so to do, his or their office or 
 offices, shall be forthwith vacated, and shall be filled up, as if such person or 
 persons were dead or had resigned ; and no person hereafter elected to any office 
 of honor, profit or trust, civil or military, (members of the Legislature excepted), 
 shall until the Legislature shall otherwise provide and direct, enter on the execu- 
 tion of his office, or be in any respect competent to discharge the duties thereof, 
 until he shall, in like manner, have taken a similar oath; and no juror shall be 
 impanelled in any of the Courts of this State, in any cause in which shall be in 
 question this ordinance or any act of the Legislature, passed in pursuance thereof, 
 unless he shall first, in addition to the usual oath, have taken an oath that he will 
 well and truly obey, execute, and enforce this ordinance, and such act or acts of 
 the Legislature as may be passed to carry the same into operation and effect, ac- 
 cording to the true intent and meaning thereof : 
 
 "And we, the people of South Carolina, to the end that it may be fully 
 understood by the Government of the United States, and the people of the 
 co-States, that we are determined to maintain this, our ordinance and declaration, 
 at every hazard, do further declare that we will not submit to the application of 
 force, on the part of the Federal Government, to reduce this State to obedience ; 
 but that we will consider the passage by Congress of any act authorizing the 
 employment of a military or naval force against the State of South Carolina, her 
 constituted authorities or citizens ; or any act abolishing or closing the ports of 
 this State, or any of them, or otherwise obstructing the free ingress and egress of 
 vessels to and from the said ports ; or any other acts on the part of the Federal 
 Government, to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harrass her com- 
 merce, or to enforce the acts hereby declared to be null and void, otherwise than 
 through the civil tribunals of the country, as inconsistent with the longer contin- 
 uance of South Carolina in the Union : And that the people of this State will 
 thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to maintain or 
 preserve their political connection with the people of the other States, and will 
 forthwith proceed to organize a separate Government, and do all other acts and 
 things which sovereign and independent States may of right do." 
 
 The ultimatum of South Carolina was issued Nov. 24, 1832, 
 eight days before the meeting of the second session of the 22d 
 Congress. The ultimatum provided that, from and after the ist 
 day of February, 1833, the Tariff Acts of May iQth, 1828, and of 
 July I4th, 1832, should not be enforced within the limits of South 
 Carolina. Pretty short shrift this. But South Carolina, armed 
 to the teeth, well understood the importance of dealing a crushing 
 blow against an enemy wholly unprepared. From the famous 
 protest of 1828, which was the first notice of her "intention 
 to quit," she had been steadily preparing for the fight, by 
 enrolling and arming the whole of her white population capable 
 of bearing arms. As she had no domestic manufactures of any 
 kind, the arms for her soldiers had to come mainly from the 
 North, and were brought to her ports with the same freedom 
 as beef, pork, or flour, the only difference in the announcement 
 in the newspapers being indulgence in a little facetice to relieve 
 the ordinary monotony of a commercial chronicle ; for example : 
 
91 
 
 " The peaceable remedy, Twenty-one twenty pounders are being put on 
 board the brig 'Lawrence' and other vessels, bound to Charleston, South Carolina, 
 for the benefit and behoof of the nation of South Carolina, They are intended, 
 no doubt, to shoot the tariff with. A shipment of small arms was made a few 
 days since for the same destination." * 
 
 The historian of the State, William Gilmore Simms, an author 
 of no mean reputation, referring to the military preparation of 
 South Carolina at the time to meet the "recreant North," said: 
 
 " Meanwhile the preparations of the State went on; troops were organized; 
 large supplies of cannon and other weapons of war, with the necessary munitions, 
 were bought; and a call was made for volunteers, even out of the limits of the 
 State, it was understood that more than fifty thousand men had volunteered to 
 maintain South Carolina. To attempt to' coerce a State into the confederacy 
 must be the signal for the subversion of it. Free States are not to be cemented 
 into sisterly harmony by blood and fire ! Fortunately for the country, the crisis 
 was such as to compel a pause in the action of the stronger power in Congress. 
 A compromise measure was introduced, by which the tariff was to undergo such 
 a degree of modification, within a limited period of time, that Mr. Calhoun and 
 the representatives from South Carolina declared themselves satisfied! " t 
 
 The ultimatum of the State of South Carolina calling on the 
 part of Congress for instant action, on the 2/th of December, 
 1832, a bill to meet her demands was introduced into the House of 
 Representatives of the United States by the Committee of Ways 
 and Means, of which Mr. McDuffie, a member from South Caro- 
 lina, was chairman. This bill continued to occupy the attention 
 of the House until the 25th of February, 1833, when Mr. Clay's 
 Compromise Bill, introduced February 12, 1833, into the Senate, 
 was substituted therefor. The provisions of Mr. Clay's bill as it 
 finally passed were that 
 
 " From and after the 31st of December, 1833, in all cases where duties are 
 imposed on foreign imports by the act of 14th July, 1832, or by any other act 
 which shall exceed twenty per cent, on the value thereof, one-tenth part of 
 such excess shall be deducted ; from and after the 31st day of December, 1835, 
 1837, and 1839, respectively, a further deduction of one-tenth of such excess 
 shall be made; and from aud after the 31st of December, 1841, a further reduc- 
 tion of one-half of the remainder of such excess; and from and after the 31st of 
 December, 1842, the residue of such excess shall be deducted. So much of the 
 second section of the act of the 14th of July, aforesaid, as fixes the rate of duty 
 on all milled and fulled cloth known by the name of plains, kerseys, or Kendall 
 cottons, of which wool is the only material, the value whereof does not exceed 
 35 cents a square yard, at 5 per cent, ad valorem, is repealed. And said articles 
 are subjected to the same duty as is provided for other manufactures of wool, 
 viz., 50 per cent, ad valorem, and this duty is liable to the deductions mentioned 
 above. 
 
 " From and after the 3st of December, 1842, all duties upon imports shall be 
 collected in ready money, and all credit abolished. Said duties to be assessed 
 upon the value of said goods at the port where the same shall be entered." J 
 
 * Mies' Register, Jan. 19, 1 833. t Simms' History of South Carolina, 421 - 412. 
 t Customs-Tariff Legislation, Ixxxvi. 
 
92 
 
 The " Compromise Bill " made numerous changes in duties 
 imposed on specific articles ; but such changes did not affect the 
 general principle or purposes of the Act of 1832, which took 
 effect only in the qualified manner described. Mr. Clay intro- 
 duced his bill with the following, among other remarks : 
 
 "In presenting the modification of the tariff laws which I am now about to 
 submit, I have two great objects in view. My first object looks to the tariff. . . . 
 When I look to the variety of interests which are involved, to the number of 
 individuals interested, the amount of capital invested, the value of the buildings 
 erected, and the whole arrangement of the business for the prosecution of 
 the various branches of the manufacturing art, which have sprung up under the 
 fostering care of this government, I cannot contemplate any evil equal to the 
 sudden overthrow of all those interests. History can produce no parallel to the 
 extent of the mischief which would be produced by such a disaster. The repeal 
 of the Edict of Nantes itself was nothing in comparison with it. That condemned 
 to exile and brought to ruin a great number of persons. The most respectable 
 portion of the population of France were condemned to exile and ruin by that 
 measure. But in my opinion, sir, the sudden repeal of the tariff policy would 
 bring ruin and destruction on the whole people of this country. There is no evil, 
 in my opinion, equal to the consequences which would result from such a catas- 
 trophe. 
 
 " I believe the American system to be in the greatest danger, and I believe it 
 can be placed on a better and safer foundation at this session than at the next. I 
 hear, with surprise, my friend from Massachusetts say, that nothing had occurred 
 within the last six months to increase its hazard. I entreat him to review that 
 opinion. Is it correct ? Is the issue of numerous elections, including that of the 
 highest officer of the government, nothing ? Is the explicit recommendation of 
 that officer, in his message at the opening of the session, sustained, as he is, by a 
 recent triumphant election, nothing? Is his declaration in his proclamation, 
 that the burdens of the South ought to be relieved, nothing ? Is the introduction 
 of the bill in the House of Representatives during this session, sanctioned by the 
 head of the treasury and the administration, prostrating the greater part of the 
 manufactures of the country, nothing ? Are the increasing discontents, nothing? 
 Is the tendency of recent events to unite the whole South, nothing f What have 
 we not witnessed in this chamber ? Friends of the administration bursting all 
 the ties which seemed indissolubly to unite them to its chief, and, with few excep- 
 tions south of the Potomac, opposing, and vehemently opposing, a favorite 
 measure of that administration, which three short months ago they contributed 
 to establish ? Let us not deceive ourselves. Now is the time to adjust the ques- 
 tion in a manner satisfactory to both parties, Put it off until the next session, 
 and the alternative may, and probably then would be, a speedy and ruinous reduc- 
 tion of the tariff, or a civil war with the entire South. 
 
 " It is well known that the majority of the dominant party is adverse to the 
 Tariff. There are many honorable exceptions, the Senator from New Jersey 
 [Mr. Dickerson] among them. But for the exertions of the other party, the 
 Tariff would have been long since sacrificed. Now, let us look at the composition 
 of the two branches of Congress at the next session. In this body we lose three 
 friends of the protective policy, without being sure of gaining one. Here, judging 
 from the present appearances, we shall, at the next session, be in the minority 
 In the House it is notorious that there is a considerable accession to the number 
 of the dominant party. How, then, I ask, is the system to be sustained against 
 numbers, against the whole weight of the administration, against the UNITED 
 SOUTH, and against the increased impending danger of civil war f 
 
 "I have been represented as the father of this system, and I am charged 
 with an unnatural abandonment of my own offspring. I have never arrogated 
 to myself any such intimate relation to it. I have, indeed, cherished it with 
 parental fondness, and my affection is undiminished. But in what condition 
 do I find this child? It is in the hands of the Philistines, who would strangle 
 
93 
 
 ft. I fly to its rescue, to snatch it from their custody, and to place it on a bed 
 of security and repose for nine years, where it may grow and strengthen, and 
 become acceptable to the whole people. I behold a torch about being applied 
 to a favorite edifice, and I would save it, if possible, before it was wrapped in 
 flames, or at least preserve the precious furniture which it contains."* 
 
 Never was there a spectacle better fitted to touch the heart 
 than that presented by Mr. Clay, when the cruel exigencies of 
 a " solid South " compelled him to lead the way to the sacrifice ol 
 the great work to which his life had been consecrated. His 
 vision took in a continent. Instinct with every generous and 
 lofty impulse, he would make it the choice abode of the race. The 
 boundless wealth which nature had bestowed upon it was upon its 
 own soil to be wrought into fabrics to minister in the highest 
 degree to the comfort or wants of its people. He sought tc 
 create a nationality purely American. Welcoming to our shores 
 the oppressed and needy from all lands, he would, through com- 
 munity of interests, fuse them all into one people. Never was 
 there a grander theme ; never one better fitted to awaken the 
 loftiest emotions of which man is capable. It was that to which 
 Mr. Clay devoted his great genius, which transfigured with its 
 own light whatever it touched. But at the very moment when the 
 great end of his life seemed to have been accomplished and placed 
 on the firmest foundation, through the results which had been 
 achieved in a prosperity which had no example, he found himself 
 suddenly confronted with the menace of its total overthrow. It 
 was the excellence of its work which demanded its destruction. 
 If allowed free way, it would build up a great nation of free work 
 men, whose robust articulations would assuredly some day assail 
 every form of cruelty and oppression. With what dread and des- 
 pair, even at that early day, did he contemplate a " solid South," 
 deaf alike to all appeals of humanity, and for that very reason so 
 potent an element of political power. All that the intriguers at 
 the North had to do to seize the government was to obey the 
 requisitions of the "solid South." Pitted against such odds, what 
 was there for such a generous and impulsive nature as that of 
 Mr. Clay, but disastrous defeat? Running in 1832 for the presi- 
 dency, against General Jackson, he received only 49 out of 277 
 votes. The resuk of the election at the same time was to increase 
 greatly the majority in both Houses of Congress opposed to the 
 
 Benton's Thirty Years in the Senate, i. 313. 
 
94 
 
 Tariff. " How then I ask," said Mr. Clay in tones of despair, " is 
 the system of protection to be sustained against the whole weight 
 of the administration, against the united South, and against the 
 impending dangers of civil war ? " 
 
 What wonder that Mr. Clay should seize the moment when a 
 little, at least, might be saved ? The tariff of 1832, against which 
 the ultimatum of South Carolina was especially levelled, passed 
 the House by a vote of 132 to 65, and the Senate by a vote of 32 
 to 16. The same Congress was still in existence. From its inde- 
 pendence, or sense of consistency at least, something might still 
 be presumed. The utter subserviency to the will of the Great 
 Chief of the Congress which was to follow was the only question. 
 In view of all this, the highest duty of Mr. Clay seemed to be to 
 save what he could by a bill for the gradual reduction of duties, 
 under the shade of which the manufacturer might prepare for the 
 future, or go wholly out of the business, with enough in hand to 
 enable him to enter upon some new industry not so exposed to 
 the assaults of the Government. What else could he do ? The 
 time had not come when the menace of cannon was to be met 
 with still greater alacrity by cannon. The North had to drain to 
 the very dregs the bitter cup of humiliation and insult, before she 
 could be aroused to imbrue her hands in fraternal blood. Perhaps 
 it was better at the time that the United States should, with 
 lowered fasces and averted eye, in token of its weakness and 
 humiliation, retire before this little despot at the South. By the 
 passage of the Compromise Bill the Government of the United 
 States abdicated its right to be. 
 
 The response to the Ordinance of Secession of South Carolina 
 was a proclamation by President Jackson, and the Force Bill, 
 authorizing him to exert the whole power of the Government 
 for the enforcement in the recalcitrant States of the laws 
 enacted for the collection of the revenues. The proclamation 
 was an earnest appeal to its people to behave like gentlemen,^ 
 and denied their right to turn their backs upon the rest of the 
 country at their own will and pleasure. The General reiterated 
 what had been asserted a thousand times, that " the Constitution, 
 and the laws made under it, were the supreme laws of the land, 
 and that the judges in every State were bound thereby, anything 
 
95 
 
 in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not- 
 withstanding." The President, or his advisers, supported such 
 premise by an argument of immense magnitude, exhausting 
 alike reason and the history of the formation and administration 
 of our Government in its support. The purpose of its formation 
 was declared to be a more perfect union than that secured by 
 the Articles of Confederation. To remedy its defects, "the people 
 of the United States formed the Constitution, acting through the 
 State Legislatures in making the compact, to meet and discuss 
 its provisions, and acting in separate conventions when they 
 ratified those provisions ; but the terms used in its construction 
 show it to be a government in which the people of all the States 
 collectively are represented. We are ONE PEOPLE. 
 The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a gov- 
 ernment, not a league ; and whether it be formed by compact 
 between the States or in any other manner, its character is 
 the same. It is a government in which all the people are rep- 
 resented, which operates directly upon the people individually, 
 not upon the States ; they retained all the power they did not 
 grant. But each State having expressly parted with so many 
 powers as to constitute, jointly with the other States, a single 
 nation, cannot, from that period, possess any right to secede ; 
 because such secession does not break a league, but destroys 
 the unity of a nation ; and any injury to that unity is not only 
 a breach which would result from the contravention of a compact, 
 but it is an offence against the whole Union." Page after page, 
 precisely to the same effect, from the proclamation might be 
 given. But a constitution is nothing without an interpreter. 
 The greatest variety of meaning may be honestly given to each 
 one or all the clauses it contains. There can be no doubt that 
 the interpretation given to the Constitution by South Carolina, 
 that being made by the States as parties thereto, it might be 
 unmade by the action of any one of them ; in other words, that 
 the Kentucky resolutions (the same with those of Virginia), 
 drawn by Jefferson, were the correct interpretation of it, was 
 honestly entertained. Indeed, no other interpretation could be 
 given to it, either by Virginia or South Carolina. In neither 
 did society exist in the proper sense of the word, as an organi- 
 zation in which the welfare of all who compose it is alike the 
 
96 
 
 end of every scheme or polity it may undertake. Such, to some 
 extent at least, was the ground-work of society as it existed in 
 the North. The South always kept in reserve the alternative 
 to the aggressions of freedom, the right to retire wholly from 
 its influence. The process was a necessary sequence from prem- 
 ies too well established to be assailed. In view of the future, of 
 the fact that freedom had appropriated to itself the greater 
 and better part of the continent, and that it breeds more 
 rapidly than slavery, it was as inevitable that South Carolina 
 should in time undertake to cut herself off from all its impulses 
 as that her people should take their daily food. To the thought- 
 ful mind the ultima ratio was always in the dim distance. What 
 would have been the result of a resort to it in 1832 is a fruitless 
 conjecture. Perhaps the incarceration, or the blood, of a few of 
 the greatest offenders would have averted the ocean of blood and 
 treasure that was at last poured out in vindication of the Union. 
 But how could this be done when the greatest offender of all 
 wielded the destinies of the nation ? It was he that showed the 
 way by divesting the Government of every attribute of sovereignty, 
 by declaring that the will of every officer of the Government was 
 to be his own law. In the words already given, the Collector of the 
 Port of Charleston, a " public officer," was the proper interpreter 
 of the meaning of the Constitution in everything coming within 
 the line of the duties assigned to him, being wholly absolved from 
 all obligations in reference thereto, to follow the authority of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States. If of a courteous turn, he 
 might listen to an order of the Court, affecting his own conduct, 
 as dictum, nothing more. Such rule was fully affirmed by Gen- 
 eral Jackson himself more than a year after the date at which 
 his great gospel of license was proclaimed. As he was attacked 
 at the South with the utmost bitterness on account of the doc- 
 trine of consolidation alleged to be contained in his proclamation, 
 on the 2 ist of September, 1833, he authorized the following pub- 
 lication in his organ, Washington Globe, of his construction of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 " The proclamation, then, in the passages objected to, has merely spoken the 
 facts of history, the language of the Constitution and of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, There is no speculative opinion advanced, no theory proposed. And 
 we have endeavored to show that nothing in these generalities tended in the 
 slightest degree to justify the inferences drawn from them, and which have been 
 
97 
 
 substituted as the principles of the proclamation. But we are authorized to be 
 more explicit, and to say positively that no part of the proclamation was meant to 
 countenance the consolidating principles which have been ascribed to it. On the 
 contrary, its doctrines, if construed in the sense they were intended, and carried 
 out, inculcate that the Constitution of the United States is founded in compact, 
 that this compact derives its obligation from the agreement entered into by the 
 people of each of the States, in their political capacity, with the people of the 
 other States ; that the Constitution, which is the offspring of this compact, has its 
 sanction in the ratification of the people of the several States, acting in the capac- 
 ity of separate communities; that the majority of the people of the United States, 
 in the aggregate, have no power to alter the Constitution of the general govern- 
 ment ; but that change or amendment can only be proposed in the mode pointed 
 out in the Constitution, and can never become obligatory unless ratified by the 
 people of three-fourths of the States, through their respective legislatures or State 
 conventions; that, inasmuch as the sovereign power of the people in each State 
 has imparted to the Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pur- 
 suance thereof, paramount obligation over State legislation, or any constitution or 
 form of State government which may be instituted by the people of such State ; 
 and inasmuch as the people of each State have bound themselves, by compact 
 with the rest, to abide by one paramount authority until changed according to 
 the provisions of the Constitution, so declared to be paramount, no constitution, 
 law, or ordinance, of any one State is valid to defeat the Constitution and laws of 
 the States, or to sever the mutual obligations which bind the States together; 
 that in the case of a violation of the Constitution of the United States, and the 
 usurpation of powers not granted by it on the part of the functionaries of the 
 general government, the State governments have the right to interpose to arrest the 
 
 evil, UPON THE PRINCIPLES WHICH ABE SET FORTH IN THE VIRGINIA EESOLU- 
 
 TIONS OF 1798, AGAINST THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS." Washington Globe, 
 Sept. 21, 1833. 
 
 Never did man draw a more perfect picture of himself than 
 did General Jackson in the preceding paragraph. It is of two 
 parts, the first a succinct statement of the doctrine of the 
 Fathers and of the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. It is an admirable specimen of 
 rhetorical jingle. An exaggerated idea of his devotion to the 
 Constitution was the side of the shield which the North was to 
 read. The other was the full affirmation of the doctrines of the 
 Virginia and Kentucky resolutions, in devotion to which General 
 Jackson never faltered. No matter what his own views upon all 
 great questions upon which the country divided, he never failed in 
 riding two horses, never failed to dissemble his meaning so that 
 he could always agree with the party, or meet the occasion, that 
 most imperatively confronted him. When he said, " I am for 
 the Constitution under all conditions," what did the North care 
 for the brief paragraph stuck in at the end of his splendid apos- 
 trophe to the Union ? They knew nothing and cared less about 
 "the resolutions of 1798." What did the South care about an 
 unmeaning homily on the transcendent power and value of the 
 Union, when assured that every petty State might by a simple 
 
98 
 
 wave of the hand wholly arrest its action ? Such a conclusion, 
 they well knew, was inevitable from the discharge by the General 
 of the Supreme Court as a factor in our national system. Power 
 *nust be lodged somewhere. Where a conflict of jurisdiction arose 
 either party had an equal right to decide for itself. If the rights 
 of the States were invaded, they must resist. So must the United 
 States. It was anarchy pure and simple. The Attorney-General 
 of the United States who stood by approving such a construction 
 of the Constitution a construction which discharged Government 
 of all power was Roger Brooke Taney, afterwards, for his ser- 
 vility in this instance, advanced to the more responsible post of 
 Secretary of the Treasury, to become the supple tool of the 
 President in the removal of the Government deposits from the 
 United States Bank. 
 
 But the real reply to the Ordinance of Secession of South 
 Carolina was a complete turning back by the United States upon 
 its traditional policy, the encouragement of domestic industries, 
 such encouragement having been the main purpose for which its 
 Government was framed, and the passion of the colonists during 
 the whole period of their dependent life. For forty-four years 
 the chief care of Congress had been so to adjust the principles 
 of the Act of 1789 as to render our industries independent of 
 those of foreign lands. The results achieved had fully justified 
 the policy that had been so unremittingly pursued. A nation is 
 not made in a day. The War of the Revolution put an end to 
 our political dependence upon England. It was not until after 
 the close of the second war with that power that we could free 
 ourselves from her malign influence. Losing control of us as a 
 colony, she still waged relentless war upon every act or impulse 
 that could tend to make us a nation. So numerous and formidable 
 were the obstacles thrown in our way, that it was not until 1816, 
 when, for the first time, our articulations became comparatively 
 free, that protection could be made the end rather than the inci- 
 dent in the Tariff legislation of the country. From that year 
 up to 1824 the period was one of experiment, and, on the whole, 
 one of great disaster. It was inevitable that such should be the 
 case. We had to learn to walk before we could essay to run. 
 The Tariff of 1824 was designed to give the proper effect to 
 
99 
 
 that of 1816. With the experience which had been gained, 
 and the increased protection afforded, the country, from 1824, 
 entered upon a career of prosperity without example in its 
 history ; a prosperity which was only to be matched by that 
 of the " TWENTY-TWO YEARS OF PROTECTION " established 
 under the happy regime of freedom. 
 
 According to the Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 the number of banks in operation in the United States in 1820 
 was 308; their share capital equalling $137,110,611; their note 
 circulation equalled $44,863,344; their deposits, $35,950,479; the 
 two equalling $80,813,823. In 1830 their number had increased 
 to 330; their share capital, to $145,192,268; their circulation, to 
 $61,323,928; their deposits, to $55,559,928; the two last sums 
 equalling $116,883,856. The increase in their number within 
 the ten years was 24, the rate of such increase being 6 per cent. 
 The increase in their share capital equalled $8,081,657, the rate 
 of increase being 7 per cent. Their circulation, including notes 
 and deposits, increased $36,070,033, the rate of increase being 45 
 per cent. For the years 1831, 1832, and 1833, no statements, by 
 the Department, of the affairs of the banks appear to have been 
 made. In 1830 began General Jackson's attack on the United 
 States Bank. As this was regarded as its knell, each State 
 began to take into consideration the subject of filling the vacuum 
 soon to be created in the currency. The notes outstanding of 
 the Bank of the United States in 1830 equalled $12,924,145 ; its 
 deposits, $16,045,782; the two sums equalling about one-quarter 
 of the whole circulation of the country. As each State went to 
 work on its own account, paying no attention to what other 
 States were doing, it was inevitable that the provision made 
 should be far greater than that required, In 1834, so great was 
 the impulse that had been given, the number of banks had been 
 increased from 330 to 508, the increase being 54 per cent, in the 
 short period of four years, the rate for the period of ten years 
 previous to 1830, the greater part of it being one of unexampled 
 prosperity, having been only 6 per cent. In the four years 
 the amount of the share capital of the banks increased from 
 $145,192,268 to $200,005,944, the rate of increase being 38 per 
 
100 
 
 cent. Their notes and deposits increased from $116,883,85610 
 $186,773,810, the increase equalling $69,889,956, the rate of in- 
 crease equalling 60 per cent. In 1836, the share capital of the 
 banks had increased to $251,875,292, the increase equalling 
 $51,869,348, the rate of increase equalling 26 per cent. Their 
 note circulation increased from $103,692,445 to $149,185,890; 
 their deposits, from 83,081,365 to $127,397,185 ; the aggregate of 
 the two being $276,583,075, the increase in the two years being 
 $89,809,265, the rate of increase equalling very nearly 60 per cent. 
 Their loans and discounts, which in 1830 equalled $200,005,944, had 
 increased in 1834 to $365,163,864, and'in 1836 to $525,115,702, 
 the increase in the six years equalling $324,664,388. The rate of 
 increase equalled 162 per cent. 
 
 Statement showing the amount of Share Capital, Loans and Discounts, Note 
 Circulation, and Deposits of the Banks, the amount of Imports and Exports 
 of the United States, from 1830 to 1847, inclusive. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Share 
 Capital. 
 
 Loans and 
 Discounts. 
 
 Note 
 Circulation. 
 
 Deposits. 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 1830 
 
 $145,192,268 
 
 $200,451,214 
 
 $61,323,928 
 
 $55,559,928 
 
 $70,876,920 
 
 $73,849,508 
 
 1834 
 
 200,005,944 
 
 365,163,834 
 
 103,692,4451 83,081,365 
 
 126,521,332 
 
 104,336,973 
 
 1835 
 
 231,250,337 
 
 457,506,080 
 
 140,301,038' 115,104,440 
 
 140,897,742 
 
 121,693,577 
 
 1836 
 
 251,875,292 
 
 525,115,702 
 
 149,185,890 
 
 127,397,185 
 
 189,980,035 
 
 128,663,046 
 
 1837 
 
 290,772,091 
 
 485,631,687 
 
 116,338,910 
 
 84,691,184 
 
 140,989,217 
 
 117,419,376 
 
 1838 
 
 317,635,778 
 
 492,278,015 
 
 135,170,995 
 
 90,240,146 
 
 113,717,404 
 
 108,486,616 
 
 1839 
 
 327,132,512 
 
 462,896,523 
 
 106,968,572 
 
 75,696,857 
 
 162,092,132 
 
 121,028,416 
 
 1840 
 
 363,629,227 
 
 386,487,662 
 
 107,290,214 
 
 64,890,101 
 
 107,141,519 
 
 132,085,946 
 
 1841 
 
 313,608,959 
 
 323,957,569 
 
 83,734,011 
 
 62,408,870 
 
 127,946,177 
 
 121,851,803 
 
 1842 
 
 260,171,797 
 
 254,544,9371 58,563,608 
 
 56,168,628 
 
 100,162,087 
 
 104,691,534 
 
 1843 
 
 228,861,948 
 
 264,905,814 
 
 75,167,646 
 
 84,550,785 
 
 86,338,398 
 
 112,461,973 
 
 1844 
 
 210,872,056 
 
 288,617,131 
 
 89,608,711 
 
 88,020,646 
 
 108,435,035 
 
 111,200,146 
 
 1845 
 
 206,045,969 
 
 312,114,404 
 
 105,552,427 
 
 96,913,070 
 
 117,254,564 
 
 114,654 ; 606 
 
 1846 
 
 196,894,309 
 
 311,282,945 
 
 105,519,766 
 
 91,792,533 
 
 121,691,797 
 
 113,648,622 
 
 1847 
 
 203,070,622 
 
 344,476,542 
 
 128,506,091 
 
 103,226,157 
 
 154,998,928 
 
 158,648,622 
 
 The effect of such an enormous increase of paper money 
 within the short space of six years, the greater part of it pure 
 fiction, representing only the needs or cupidity of the issuers, was 
 an extravagance of expenditure never before seen in this country ; 
 nor in any other, with the exception of England during the exist- 
 ence of the South Sea Bubble, and of France during that of the 
 
101 
 
 Mississippi Scheme. There were, literally, not sufficient objects 
 of expenditure within reach of the people. To provide them, 
 vast importations of foreign goods were made ; the amount of 
 these increasing from $70,876,920, in 1830, to $189,980,035 in 
 1836, the increase equalling $119,103,115, the rate of increase 
 equalling 170 per cent. After the spirit of speculation had ex 
 hausted every kind of merchandise, it turned to real property 
 which, as the saying was, "was soon run out of sight." Attention 
 was next turned to the public lands. Of these there were pur- 
 chased in 1835, chiefly on speculation, 12,364,478 acres; the 
 amount paid therefor being $15,999,804. In 1836 the purchases 
 amounted to 20,074,870 acres, the amount paid therefor being 
 $25,167,833. For the two years the purchases equalled 32,439,548 
 acres, the amount paid therefor being $41,167,637. The amount 
 of purchases in 1830 equalled 1,929,733 acres, the price being 
 $2,433,422. In 1831, 2,777,856 acres were purchased for the sum 
 of $3,557,023, payment therefor, as well as for the greater part 
 of that sold in 1835 and 1836, being made in the notes of the 
 banks. The enormous importations of merchandise over exports, 
 the fury of speculation witnessed on every hand, the nation itself 
 being given up to the wildest debauch so that the prices of a 
 great many articles of consumption were placed beyond the reach 
 of those depending upon their labor for their means of subsist- 
 ence, created at last a wide-spread alarm. The only course 
 which seemed open to the Government was to demand specie for 
 all its dues, particularly in the payment of sales of the public 
 lands; and an order to that effect was issued July nth, 1836. 
 This " Specie Circular," as it was termed, had no effect in check- 
 ing speculation so long as the banks continued to pay specie. 
 For the four years ending with 1836, the value of the imports of 
 foreign merchandise equalled $598,385,326; that of the exports 
 for the same period equalled $472,112,927; the excess of imports 
 equalling $128,272,354. Another potent element of disturbance 
 soon to be felt was the proceeds, still in the State banks, of the 
 sale of the lands, which, upon the removal of the deposits from 
 the United States Bank, became the depositories of the public 
 moneys. As there was no use for the immense sums entrusted 
 to them, Congress ordered that they be withdrawn and handed 
 
102 
 
 over, ratably, to the States for safe-keeping, to be returned 
 whenever they were wanted to defray the expenses of the Gen- 
 eral Government. The amount ordered to be so deposited was 
 $37,468,859; the deposits to be made in four equal instal- 
 ments, the first on January I, the second on April i, the third 
 on June i, and the last on October i, 1837. They were all to be 
 made in specie or its equivalent. The banks were now placed 
 between three fires, one from speculators in the public lands, 
 from whom specie was now demanded ; one from the States, the 
 new depositories of the public moneys ; and one from abroad, to 
 meet the enormous importation of merchandise in excess of 
 exports. By desperate efforts, the banks managed to pay over 
 to the States the first two instalments, amounting to $18^735,430. 
 By this time they had become so exhausted that, in view of the 
 third instalment soon to become due, no alternative was left to 
 those of the City of New York, upon which the whole brunt fell, 
 but to suspend specie payments on the loth of May, 1837. All 
 the other banks in the country immediately followed their ex- 
 ample. By the time that the United States Bank, to destroy 
 which was Jackson's great achievement, ceased to exist, the vast 
 fabric which was to take its place lay a hopeless and inert ruin. 
 The fourth instalment was never paid to the States. 
 
 The suspension of specie payment in 1837 was wholly unlike 
 most bank suspensions on a large scale, which may be, and often 
 are, caused not so much by an exhausted condition of their cus- 
 tomers, as by some temporary complication or panic, resumption, 
 \vithin a few days, being a matter of course. The suspension of 
 the Banks of the United States in 1837 was the signal for the 
 whole country to go into liquidation. Within the six short years 
 from the date of the attack of General Jackson upon the United 
 States Bank the country, from a condition of unexampled pros- 
 perity, became completely bankrupt. It was a period in which 
 there were no foreign complications. The seasons throughout 
 had been propitious. Not a single natural condition of prosperity 
 was wanting. The terrible disasters suffered in it arose solely 
 from the eruption into the fair fields of civilization of hordes 
 of barbarians, whose chief source of pride is to level at a blow 
 structures which civilization, for long years and perhaps for ages, 
 
103 
 
 had patiently toiled to erect. To describe the scenes of devasta- 
 tion and ruin which marked the track of the invaders would be 
 the labor of years. As I am writing an appeal to the nation for 
 . use in a political canvass, I can only indicate, not narrate. Full 
 extracts have been given from the Report of the Committee of 
 the House upon the occasion of General Jackson's first attack 
 upon the second Bank, in order to show the consequences which 
 would inevitably flow from the discharge by the General Govern- 
 ment of all care over the currency. From the moment it was 
 seen that the first Bank was not to be extended, hundreds of 
 irresponsible State institutions were immediately erected to 
 supply its place. A deluge of worthless paper money was the 
 necessary result, followed by disasters up to that time unparalleled 
 in every department of industry, and in the operations of the Gov- 
 ernment as well. The loss in money by the Government alone, 
 suffered in the period which elapsed between the two Banks 
 equalled $54,000,000. The loss from the same cause suffered 
 by the people must have been tenfold greater. It was in view 
 of such terrible disasters that the Committee of the House, on 
 bended knee, entreated the President to pause, as similar condi- 
 tions would be certain to be followed by similar results. As well 
 might the sages of Rome have sought to stay the hands of the 
 barbarian when directed against her fairest works. Terrible as 
 were the disasters of the period between the first and second 
 Bank, they fell into insignificance when compared with those 
 which followed the destruction of the second. If those of the 
 first resulted in a loss equal to $500,000,000, those of the second 
 could not have been less than $1,000,000,000, to say nothing of 
 the terrible effect upon the moral sense of the people. It was 
 as if the country had been wasted by fire and sword. We can 
 picture to ourselves some of the disasters which were suffered, 
 by asking what would be the result if it became certain that 
 the present volume of the currency, say $2,000,000,000, includ- 
 ing the gold and silver notes of the Government, were to be 
 reduced to $800,000,000 within the short period of four years. 
 Would not every person with affairs in the land be palsied with 
 terror ? Would not the vast fabric of our material prosperity, 
 so carefully and painfully reared, instantly fall to the ground, a 
 
104 
 
 shapeless mass ? Study the tabular statements last preceding, 
 covering the years of contraction and woe. The loans and dis- 
 counts of banks are the surest guide of the state and volume 
 of trade. From $5*25,1 15,702 in 1836 they fell to $254,544,937 
 in 1842, the decrease equalling $270,570,765, the decline being 
 continuous from year to year. What an infinite amount of loss 
 and suffering do these figures disclose ! The whole of it was 
 a sacrifice to the slave power, the purpose being to destroy 
 the authority of the General Government, by denying it to be 
 competent to perform such an inconsiderable act as the charter- 
 ing of a Bank! So deep was the wound that it was not until 1843 
 that any signs of the recovery and improvement began to show 
 themselves. It was not until 1847 that the financial condition 
 of the country was, in a measure, restored. Whatever the degree 
 of recovery, the country could never be what it had been before. 
 The precedent of secession established, the manufacturer had 
 not only to contemplate a constantly decreasing rate of protection, 
 but to run the chance of reading, any morning, the announcement 
 that some one of the States, in a sudden huff, had quitted the 
 Union. 
 
 One of the most striking illustrations of the monetary history 
 of the time, as well as of the character of the people whom Gene- 
 ral Jackson led so gallantly to the attack of the United States 
 Bank, is that afforded by the State of Mississippi. That young 
 but ambitious member of the Confederacy, aroused by the Gene- 
 ral's attack, thought it becoming her interest and dignity to 
 provide a system of her own. In 1830 she chartered the Planters' 
 Bank of Mississippi, which went into operation in 1832. In 1833, 
 desirous of giving the Bank the means of making a respectable 
 show in the world, and to enable it to aid in "developing the 
 resources of the State," she issued bonds to it to the amount of 
 $2,000,000, bearing interest at the rate of 6 per cent. These 
 were sold in New York at a premium of 13.25 per cent., realizing 
 an advance of about $250,000. Great success appeared to attend 
 this operation ; for, with the premium obtained on the bonds, the 
 Bank was for a time enabled to pay the interest accruing on them 
 
105 
 
 and magnificent dividends. On the ist of January, 1834, its 
 paid-up capital was reported to be $2,666,805 '> f which, it ap- 
 pears, the public held $464,065. Its loans and discounts, at that 
 time, equalled $5,461,464 ; its circulation, $1,510,426; its deposits, 
 $545,353 ; its specie, $113,220. Encouraged by all this, nine new 
 Banks were chartered that year which, with the Planters' Bank, 
 reported on the first day of January, 1835, a paid-up capital of 
 $5,890,162; loans and discounts, to the amount of $10,379,651; 
 circulation, $2,418,475; deposits, $1,888,762; specie, $359,302. 
 Other Banks followed in rapid succession. All suspended pay- 
 ment in 1837. The disasters of that year pressing heavily upon 
 the cotton interests of the State, an ingenious way was devised 
 to relieve it by chartering, in 1838, the Union Bank of Mississippi, 
 with a capital of $15,500,000. Of this amount the State took 
 $5,000,000, issuing a like amount of her bonds therefor. Of the 
 balance, $10,000,000 was taken by the planters of the State, who 
 paid therefor in their own notes, nominally secured by mortgages 
 on real estate. The money raised on the State bonds was all 
 that ever went into the concern. This $5,000,000 of State bonds 
 were sold at par to a syndicate of Dutch bankers. The terms 
 upon which the planters took their stock were that each should 
 have a cash credit with the Bank to the amount of half the 
 amount of their subscriptions. As the Bank was established to 
 supply their needs, their credits were drawn so soon as the checks 
 therefor could be presented, their holders forming a pretty long 
 cue. It was not long, consequently, before every dollar of the 
 Dutchmen's money was distributed " where it would do the most 
 good." Never before or since had such a mighty stream of gold 
 been poured into the State. The genie of the fable was again let 
 loose. All the sister banks did their best to rival the young giant 
 rising in their midst. At the close of 1839, the amount of paid- 
 up banking capital of the State, according to the Report of the 
 Secretary of the Treasury of the United States for 1841, equalled 
 $30,379,403 ; the loans and discounts, $48,333,728 ; note circu- 
 lation, $15,171,639; deposits, $8,691,601 ; specie, $867,977. The 
 free white population of the State at that time numbered about 
 170,000. The paid-up capital per head of population equalled 
 $180; loans and discounts, $285 ; circulation, including deposits, 
 
106 
 
 $140. Had all been gold, the touch of Midas could hardly have 
 effected more.* 
 
 While all were gazing in silent wonder upon this meteor which 
 swept with dazzling brilliancy across the horizon, came a sudden 
 crash, and, for the moment, total darkness. Light returning, a few 
 fragments, a few pieces of blackened scoriae, picked up here and 
 there, were all "that remained. The money which was provided 
 by the State Bonds issued on account of the Planters' and Union 
 Bank, and which was hardly a mouthful for the rapacious and 
 barbarous crew by which it Was seized, was all that was ever 
 provided for the vast system which was raised, and which soon 
 fell a huge and shapeless wreck, leaving the people of the State 
 very much as they came into the world. Their condition at the 
 time beggars description. Society was broken up from its very 
 foundations. The $48,000,000 of loans were never paid; the 
 $23,000,000 of notes and deposits were never redeemed. Every- 
 body was in debt, without any possible means of payment. Lands 
 became worthless, for the reason that no one had any money to 
 pay for them. The only personal property left was slaves, to 
 save which, such numbers of people fled with them from the 
 
 *The following statement, copied from the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury for 1841, 
 will show the number, amount of paid-up capital, loans and discounts, note circulation, deposits 
 and specie, of the Banks of the State of Mississippi, from Jan. 1, 1834, to Jan. 1, 1840, inclusive: 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 No. of 
 Banks. 
 
 Share Capital. 
 
 Loans and 
 Discounts. 
 
 Note 
 Circulation. 
 
 Deposits. 
 
 Specie. 
 
 1834 
 1835 
 1836 
 1837 
 1838 
 1839 
 
 1 
 10 
 13 
 18 
 26 
 26 
 
 $2,666,805 
 5,890,162 
 8,764,550 
 12,872,815 
 19,231,123 
 30,379,403 
 
 $5,461,464 
 10,379,651 
 19,124,977 
 24,351,414 
 28,999,984 
 48,333,728 
 
 $1,510,426 
 2,418,475 
 4,490,521 
 5,073,425 
 7,472,334 
 15,171,639 
 
 $545,353 
 1,888,762 
 6,401,518 
 5,345,384 
 4,638,669 
 8,691,601 
 
 $113,220 
 359,302 
 659,470 
 1,369,457 
 766,360 
 867,977 
 
 The following statement will show the extent of the banking operations in this State on Jan. 
 1, 1840, compared with those of the States of New York, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Free 
 Popul'n. 
 
 "oj2 
 
 II 
 
 Share 
 Capital. 
 
 Loans and 
 Discounts. 
 
 Note 
 Circulation. 
 
 Deposits. 
 
 Specie. 
 
 N6w York 
 Massachusetts 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 170,000 
 2,400,000 
 730,000 
 l,700,00i 
 
 26 
 98 
 117 
 49 
 
 $30,379,403 
 37,101,460 
 34,478,110 
 23,750,338 
 
 $48,333,728 
 79,313,188 
 56,643,172 
 44,601,930 
 
 $15,171,639 
 24,198,000 
 10,892,249 
 13,749,014 
 
 $8,691,601 
 30,883,179 
 8,784,516 
 12,902,250 
 
 $867,977 
 6,857,090 
 1,455,230 
 3,113,990 
 
 The amount of loans and discounts of the Banks of Mississippi equalled $285 per head of free 
 population; their circulation/including deposits, $140 per head. Those of the Banks of the State 
 of New York equalled $30 per head; their circulation, including deposits, equalled $23 per head. 
 
107 
 
 State that the common return upon legal processes against 
 debtors was in the very abbreviated form of " G. T. T.," gone to 
 Texas, a State which in this way received a mighty accession 
 to her population. 
 
 The interest falling due on the bonds issued to the Union 
 Bank not being paid, Messrs. Hope & Company, of Amsterdam, 
 as agents of the bondholders, addressed, on the 22d of May, 1841, 
 a courteous communication to the Governor of the State ; calling 
 his attention thereto, and respectfully urging him to take proper 
 action in the premises. This communication received from him 
 a prompt and characteristic reply, informing Messrs. Hope & 
 Company that his State, in her sovereign capacity, had repudiated 
 payment of her bonds ! 
 
 The bondholders were not silenced by this communication, for 
 the reason that it was not believed that the action of the Governor 
 would be sanctioned by the people. To get rid of their importu- 
 nities, which were as annoying as they were urgent, the legisla- 
 ture, in 1841, formally took up the matter, and referred it to a 
 Committee of its own body; which reported, on the loth of 
 February, 1842, the payment of the bonds to be incompatible 
 with the honor and dignity of the State. We have room here to 
 give only the last paragraph of the Committee's report : 
 
 " The Committee, iii coming to the foregoing conclusion, are aware that 
 they differ from many worthy men in opinion. But they cannot believe that if 
 this subject be examined free from all party influences, and determined by an 
 application of law and morals to the facts, amy other conclusions can be arrived 
 at than those which they have adopted. Entertaining, as we believe, mistaken 
 views as to the true principles of this government, as well as of the facts in this 
 case, men have taken the liberty of slandering the State, both at home and 
 abroad, on account of the stand she has taken. It was so at the memorable era 
 when ur fathers leagued together and pledged ' their lives, their fortunes, and 
 their sacred honor' to resist an unconstitutional invasion of their rights as 
 British subjects. They, also, were slandered. Every opprobrious epithet was 
 heaped upon them that the ingenuity or malice of their enemy could invent. 
 Many of their fellow-citizens, under mistaken views of the principles upon 
 which they acted, denounced them as disorganizes, agrarians, and rebels, and 
 joined their enemies to force them into submission to an unconstitutional law. 
 The result of the memorable and eventful contest that ensued is now known. 
 The decision of the civilized world has been had as to the correctness of the 
 principles and conduct of that much-abused and slandered but noble race of men. 
 Through scenes of toil and blood they maintained the position they assumed, 
 and have transmitted to their posterity their principles, together with the rich 
 inheritance of liberty, secured by a well-regulated and constitutional government. 
 Their names are stamped on the page of ftnmortality, and their memory is 
 embalmed in the hearts and affections of a grateful people ; and distant genera- 
 tions will pronounce with exultation the names of Washington, Jefferson 
 Madison, Hancock, Franklin, and a host of worthies who struggled together 
 through that gloomy period in our history. The people of Mississippi have 
 
108 
 
 taken a similar stand. They are not controlled by selfish or mercenary motives 
 The low and grovelling consideration of dollars and cents has nothing to do with 
 the merits of this question. Their honest obligations they will fulfil, should they 
 have to divest themselves of the comforts and necessaries of life to do so. 
 Higher and holier motives than mere pecuniary acquisitions actuate them. They 
 have determined that they never will submit to an invasion of their Constitution 
 by either foreign or domestic foes. The rights secured to them under that sacred 
 instrument they will maintain at all hazards ; and, relying on the correctness of 
 their principles and the justness of their cause, they will with confidence and 
 cheerfulness submit to the verdict of posterity." 
 
 Glowing as was the eloquence of this Report, it was fairly 
 eclipsed in a speech delivered in the halls of Congress by Missis- 
 sippi's favorite son, Honorable Jake Thompson, then a member of 
 the House, a man whom his people ever delighted to honor, and 
 who, from one elevation after another, became under Buchanan, 
 as Secretary of the Interior, one of his cabinet, and serving during 
 his whole term, and till the outbreak of the Rebellion, as one of 
 the chief administrators of the nation. In 1842, it became con- 
 venient for the United States to borrow a few millions. The 
 question was as to the mode. In the debate which took place in 
 the House upon the subject, the firm of Prime, Ward, & King, of 
 New York, was referred to as having expressed opinions unfavor- 
 able to the negotiation of a loan in Europe, in consequence of the 
 discredit thrown upon American securities by the action of the 
 State of Mississippi. This insinuation brought her gallant son to 
 his feet. He gloried in the act of repudiation, and indignantly 
 hurled back upon its authors the foul stigma sought to be cast 
 upon the fair fame of his State. 
 
 "From the late action of the State of Mississippi," he said, "I feel a 
 renewed, a deeper confidence in the intelligence, the honor, the firmness, andj 
 patriotism of that people. Frowned upon at home by those who denied their 
 power to inquire into their rights, denounced and misrepresented by their 
 enemies from abroad, they have gone on in the even tenor of their way, seek- 
 ing truth and asserting right. And I am now prepared to say to the friends 
 of liberty, of the rights of freemen, of constitutional government, everywhere, 
 Stand firm! be of good cheer! Here is a people who will extend to you sympa- 
 thy and succor and effective aid. Doubt not their courage, their honor, or their 
 willingness. Let the hour and the necessity come, and Mississippi will go for- 
 ward and take as bold a stand in asserting the rights of mankind, in resisting 
 oppression, in vindicating the integrity of constitutions, as any other State in the 
 Union. . . . 
 
 " Mississippi has passed through some severe trials. While the credit system 
 was considered a blessing, and others were sipping of its delicious and intoxicat- 
 ing poison, she slaked her thirst with eager haste, and drained the cup to its very 
 dregs. Exhilaration followed ; for the hour there was 'the feast of reason and 
 the flow of soul.' The hectic flush upon her cheek was mistaken for the rich 
 crimson of health and beauty. The life currents coursed rapidly through her 
 veins, and gave a charm to being, which cast its rainbow tints on all surrounding 
 nature. She walked in grandeur, the wonder, the admiration, the envy of alL 
 
109 
 
 The excitement grew higher and higher. Flattered and caressed on all sides, she 
 was deemed the fairest of the fair, the loveliest of the lovely, the proudest of the 
 proud. Wherever her citizens travelled abroad, they were the * observed of al 
 observers.' Each one was considered a hero of princely fortune and princely 
 liberality. The dealer in the cities hasted to make his acquaintance, laughed at 
 bis wit, aided and connived at him in his prodigality and irregularity, and quailed 
 at his frown. But the fatal hour came, foretold and foreseen, indeed, by some 
 of the wise and considerate, but well-nigh forgotten by all in the general intoxi- 
 cation. Her overstrained nerves gave way, and prostration ensued. Then were 
 seen the awful contortions of the limbs and the wild flushings of the eye which 
 betokened madness and presaged death. The alarmed executive called together 
 the legislative doctors, and bade them in their wisdom consult, and speedily admin- 
 ister the healing balm, or dissolution was inevitable. They did consult, and they 
 determined that, as the patient was sinking, more stimulant must be procured 
 and speedily applied. The Constitution, the bulwark of the freedom of the 
 citizen, intended to guard his rights in this hour of trial and temptation, stood in 
 the way! With more benevolence than wisdom, they leaped its barriers, and 
 drenched the sufferer with a copious draught of the noxious poison. The disease 
 grew worse, the pain increased, and the wri things were more distressing. At last 
 the physician's skill and the physician's medicine were exhausted, and no further 
 reliance was placed on artificial means. The patient was told that she must 
 trust for recovery to the strength and vigor of her constitution and natural 
 resources. From that hour she felt more calm and easy, and recovery com- 
 menced. The improvement has been slow, but progressive, still she feels debili- 
 tated and enfeebled ; but all look forward to an early and complete restoration. 
 The only precaution required in her condition is a total abstinence from that 
 intoxicating poison which caused her disaster. In recurring to the past, she feels 
 mortified and chagrined at her excesses; and, in returning to a state of sound- 
 ness, her first and highest duty is to herself. Restore a bleeding, prostrate 
 Constitution, which has been trampled under feet. She will 
 
 " ' To her own self be true ; 
 And it will follow, as the night the day, 
 She cannot then be false to any man. ' 
 
 " I said I felt prouder of Mississippi this day than I ever felt before. I have 
 seen her people tried, and I know them. Too proud to acknowledge themselves 
 insolvent, too firm and too proud to submit to a violation of their rights, regard- 
 less of the strokes of calumniators, they take their stand, and appeal, as our 
 ancestors did, to a candid world and an impartial posterity for support. Every 
 true-hearted Mississippian feels proud of his State. She has forty thousand free- 
 men who are ready to risk all, to sacrifice every thing, for her honor and her 
 rights. Warmed by a Southern sun, fanned by a Southern breeze, fed upon a 
 generous soil, our hearts are entwined around our noble State, and we ' grapple her 
 to our bosom with hooks of steel.' We love Mississippi, our sovereign mistress, to 
 whom we owe fealty and obedience ; for her we would live, and for her sake we 
 would not refuse to die. It is praise enough to satisfy the ambition of a common 
 man, tread where he may, to feel and to say, ' Mississippi is my home.' " * 
 
 But the end was not yet. The holders of the bonds issued to 
 the Union Bank, by dint of importunity, obtained authority to try 
 the question of their constitutionality in the highest legal tri- 
 bunal of the State. This court affirmed the constitutionality of 
 the Act issuing them, and that they were binding obligations on 
 the State. As no execution could issue against her, all that the 
 bondholders took by their proceedings was a bootless decision in 
 their favor. The holders of the bonds issued by the Planters' 
 
 * Cong. Globe, Appendix, 3d sess. 27 Cong:., p. 177 
 
110 
 
 Bank, the constitutionality of the issue of which was never ques 
 tioned, were equally persistent in their efforts for redress. They 
 obtained from the legislature of the State, so late as 1853, twelve 
 years after default in payment of interest, an Act referring the 
 question of their payment to the people. These " rose in their 
 majesty," to quote the language which reported their great 
 achievement, and voted that the bonds should not be paid ! 
 Having exhausted all remedies open to them in the legislature of 
 the State, as well as in the courts of conscience and law, the 
 unlucky holders of both classes of bonds, seeing nothing in store 
 for them but continued losses and insults, slowly and sullenly 
 retired from the contest.* 
 
 It was fitting, when Jacksonism had borne its perfect fruit, 
 that Jefferson Davis, the favorite son of Mississippi, should be 
 President of the new Southern Republic. It might have been 
 fitting for Mr. Cleveland to take a son of that State, a member 
 of his own cabinet, to be one of the justices of the Supreme Court 
 of the United States ; provided that the person so appointed had 
 seized the occasion of making an appeal to his own people, en- 
 treating them, although very many years had elapsed, to recon- 
 sider their action in repudiating debts contracted under the broad 
 seal of the State, for which the full nominal amount had been 
 received, and which their own courts had decided to have been 
 legally issued. How pleasantly could he have referred to his 
 own preferment as the signal of a new "era of good feeling/' 
 which overlooked all boundaries and sectional differences in ap 
 pointments to offices of the highest dignity and trust, and urged 
 upon his people the propriety of some recognition of a long- 
 neglected duty ; that if they were unable to pay the whole amount 
 due on both classes of bonds, the interest added to the prin- 
 cipal making a total of over $20,000,000, they should pay some 
 small pittance, a " widow's mite," as it were, a symbol alike of 
 their poverty and their shame. 
 
 In consequence of the warning thrown out by General Jack- 
 son in his first annual message, the managers of the Bank of the 
 
 *The story of the repudiation by the State of Mississippi of her debts will be found fully set 
 forth in volume 10 of the Democratic R#viw, which also gives the Honorable Jake Thompson's 
 speech . 
 
Ill 
 
 United States, early in the session (which began December 5, 
 1831) of the 22d Congress, applied for an extension of its charter. 
 A bill for this purpose passed both Houses of Congress by large 
 majorities. It was promptly vetoed (July 10, 1832) by General 
 Jackson, who declared the Bank to be unconstitutional, and its 
 existence incompatible with the liberties of the country, and that 
 it was insolvent and an uasafe depository of the public moneys. 
 He consequently followed his veto by an order that such moneys 
 be removed therefrom. The House of Representatives of the 
 United States, by a vote of no to 46, declared the Bank to be 
 solvent, and that it was a safe depository of the government funds. 
 Mr. Duane, at the time Secretary of the Treasury, refused to be 
 the instrument for their removal. Thereupon he was superseded 
 by Mr. Taney, who eagerly executed the orders of his imperious 
 master. 
 
 The deposits in the Bank of the United States at the time 
 of the veto equalled $22,671,431; its notes in circulation, 
 $21,355,724; the total being $44,027,155, a sum equalling at 
 the time fully one-third of the entire paper or symbolic money 
 of the country. 
 
 I have described the overthrow of the work of the Fathers by 
 which they sought, by means of a National Government, vested 
 with adequate powers to establish and maintain order, to encour- 
 age domestic industries, and to provide for the facile distribution 
 of their products by means of improved highways, and by the 
 provision for sound currency and convenient paper or symbolic' 
 money, the latter being a prime condition of national prosperity 
 and wealth. I must refer very briefly to perhaps a still more 
 disastrous overthrow, that of the courteous manners and deco. 
 rous deportment which characterized them alike in their public 
 and private life ; for to overthrow the courtesies of life is to es- 
 tablish the worst form of barbarism. 
 
 On the 3d of April, 1832, Mr. Stanberry, a member of the 
 House of Representatives from Ohio, received a note from Sam 
 Houston, conveyed through Mr. Cave Johnson, a member of 
 Congress from Tennessee, as follows : 
 
112 
 
 "WASHINGTON CITY, April 3, 1832. 
 
 "SiB, I have seen some remarks in the 'National Intelligencer' of the 2d 
 instant, in which you are represented to have said : ' Was the late Secretary of 
 War removed in consequence of his attempt fraudulently to give to Governor 
 Houston the contract for Indian rations ? ' 
 
 "The object of this note is to ascertain whether my name was used (by you) 
 in debate; and, if so, whether your remarks have been correctly quoted. 
 
 " As the remarks were inserted in anticipation of their regular place, I hope 
 you will find it convenient to reply without delay. 
 
 " I am, your most obedient servant, 
 
 "SAMUEL HOUSTON. 
 " Hon. William Stanberry, M. C." 
 
 To this note Mr. Stanberry replied as follows : 
 
 " HALL OF REPRESENTATIVES, April 4, 1832. 
 
 ** SIB, I received this morning, by your hands, a note signed Samuel 
 Houston, quoting from the * National Intelligencer ' of the 2d instant a remark 
 made by me in the House. The object of the note is ' to ascertain whether Mr. 
 Houston's name was used by me in debate, and whether my remarks were 
 correctly quoted.' 
 
 " I cannot recognize the right of Mr. Houston to make this request. 
 " Very respectfully, yours, etc., 
 
 "WILLIAM STANBERRY. 
 " The Hon. Cave Johnson." * , 
 
 The reply to this note was an assault, by Houston, upon 
 Stanberry, who brought the matter before the House of which 
 he was a member, by addressing to its Speaker the following 
 note : 
 
 " To the Honorable Andrew Stevenson, 
 
 " Speaker of the House of Representatives : 
 
 " SIB, I was waylaid in the street, near to my boarding-house, last night, 
 about eight o'clock, and attacked, knocked down by a bludgeon, and severely 
 bruised and wounded, by Samuel Houston, late of Tennessee, for words spoken 
 in my place in the House of Representatives, by reason of which I am confined 
 to my bed, and unable to discharge my duties In the House and attend to the 
 interests of my constituents. I communicate this information to you, and request 
 that you will lay it before the House. 
 
 " "Very respectfully yours, 
 
 "WILLIAM STANBERRY, 
 
 " Member of the H. of R. from Ohio. 
 "APBIL 14, 1832." 1 
 
 Upon this appeal the House ordered Houston to be brought 
 before it. Houston was a man of colossal frame ; Stanberry, of 
 a small and feeble one. According to the testimony of Mr. 
 Buckner, a member of the Senate from the State of Missouri, 
 who stood by witnessing the assault approvingly, Stanberry was 
 
 Congressional Debates, rol. viii., part ii., page 2571. 
 t Congressional Debates, 1830-31, p. 2511. 
 
113 
 
 beaten till he was senseless, and, as Buckner testified, apparently 
 dead. Upon appearing at the bar of the House, Houston was 
 permitted to make his own defense, which he did at very great 
 length ; claiming that, in assaulting Stanberry, he was simply 
 vindicating the inalienable right of every free-born American 
 citizen, when his honor was assailed, to take the law into his 
 own hands ; that to deny this right would be to take from him 
 everything that rendered life valuable or dear. Of his defense, 
 two paragraphs must suffice : 
 
 "SiR, Whatever gentlemen may have imagined, so long as that proud 
 emblem of my country's liberties, with its stars and stripes |[pointing to the 
 American flag over the portrait of Lafayette], shall wave in this Hall of 
 American legislators, so long shall it cast its sacred protection over the per- 
 sonal rights of every American citizen. 
 
 " Sir, when you shall have destroyed the pride of American character, you 
 will have destroyed the brightest jewel that Heaven ever made. You will have 
 drained the purest and the holiest drop which visits the heart of your sages in 
 council and your heroes in the field. You will have annihilated the principle 
 that must sustain that emblem of the nation's glory, and elevate that emblem 
 above your own exalted seat. These massy columns, with yonder lofty dome, 
 shall sink into one crumbling ruin. Yes, sir, though corruption may have done 
 something, and iuxury may have added her seductive powers in endangering 
 the perpetuity of our nation's fair fame, it is these privileges which still induce 
 every American citizen to cling to the institutions of his country, and to look to 
 the assembled representatives of his native land as their best and only safeguard. 
 
 "But, sir, so long as that flag shall bear aloft its glittering stars bearing 
 them amidst the din of battle, and waving them triumphantly above the storms 
 of the ocean, so long, I trust, shall the rights of American citizens be preserved 
 safe and unimpaired, and transmitted as a sacred legacy from one generation to 
 another, till discord shall wreck the spheres, the grand march of all time shall 
 cease, and not one fragment of all creation be left to chafe on the bosom of 
 eternity's waves!" * 
 
 In spite of the lofty and impassioned eloquence of his defense, 
 which filled thirteen closely packed pages of the Debates, the 
 whole of it exactly of a kind with the extracts given, a vindica- 
 tion of the innate right of every American citizen, when his honor 
 is assailed, to reply with a bowie knife or a bludgeon, the House 
 determined, by a vote of 106 to 89, that a breach of its privileges 
 had been committed, and that Houston receive a reprimand from 
 the Speaker of the House ; which seemed to be, when delivered, 
 an approval rather than a condemnation of the act. The " repri- 
 mand " was followed by an attempt to exclude Houston from the 
 privilege of its floor, he having been formerly a member of it 
 from the State of Tennessee ; though long previous to the as- 
 sault he had been a resident of Texas, a foreign State, which 
 
 Congressional Debates, 1831, 1832, p. 2822. 
 
114 
 
 he was then seeking to wrest from Mexico. But the House deci 
 ded by a vote of 101 to 90 that he should continue to have the 
 privilege of its floor, and be one of their number for all purposes 
 save legislation. 
 
 Mr. Stanberry, getting little satisfaction and less sympathy 
 from his peers, determined to see what he could get in the 
 Courts of the District in which the crime had been committed. 
 In the trial which followed, Houston was found guilty, and or- 
 dered to pay a fine of $500 and costs, and to be imprisoned until 
 the fine was paid. Thereupon General Jackson interposed as 
 follows : 
 
 " I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United States of America, to the Marshal 
 of the District of Columbia, greeting: 
 
 "Whereas, at a session of the Circuit Court of the United States, held in and 
 for the county of Washington and district of Columbia, in the year 1832, a certain 
 Samuel Houston was convicted of an assault and battery, and sentenced to pay a 
 fine of five hundred dollars and costs of prosecution : 
 
 " Now be it known that I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United States 
 of America, in consideration of the premises, divers good and sufficient reasons 
 me thereunto moving, have remitted, and do hereby remit tmto him, the said 
 Samuel Houston, the fine aforesaid, in order that he may be discharged from 
 imprisonment. 
 
 " In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name, and caused the 
 seal of the United States to be affixed to the presents. Done at the city of Wash- 
 ington, this third day of July, A. D., 1834, and of the Independence of the United 
 States the fifty-eighth." 
 
 "ANDREW JACKSON." 
 " By the President. 
 
 " John Forsyth, Secretary of State." 
 
 Jackson not only remitted the fine imposed upon Houston, and 
 ordered his discharge from arrest, but he highly approved of the 
 assault ; remarking to a friend, that " after a few more examples 
 of the same kind, members of Congress would learn to keep civil 
 tongues in their heads." His task was now complete. He had 
 sapped to the core the principles that underlie the material and 
 moral welfare of a nation. Nothing was left to his followers but 
 to continue his work, until the North, girding up her strength, 
 with one mighty blow hurled them from the capital, to restore to 
 it the principles, the work, and the lineaments of the Fathers.* 
 
 We have been made familiar with the old parties, Republican 
 and Federal. The difference between them arose largely from the 
 
 *The story of Houston's assault upon Stanberry and of the proceedings of Congress relating 
 thereto, is fully told by Parton in his Life of General Jacksoa. 
 
115 
 
 existence of slavery, which naturally rendered those among whom 
 it existed more or less impatient of the restraint of law and averse 
 to a government of paramount powers. Such were some of the 
 reasons why Madison and Monroe opposed the first Bank of the 
 United States. They were, however, men who could learn, and 
 could change their opinions when they saw a better way. When 
 experience had taught the value of a National Bank, they surren- 
 dered their constitutional scruples to considerations of the 
 general welfare. Jefferson so far abated his opposition as to 
 approve a bill for a branch of the Bank. Madison and Monroe, 
 who were witnesses to the terrible disasters which followed the 
 winding up of the first Bank, eagerly urged the creation of the 
 second. Monroe, one of the Fathers who vetoed, on constitu- 
 tional grounds, a bill making appropriations for Internal Improve- 
 ments, afterwards, from a conviction of their utility, became one 
 of their strongest advocates. All the Presidents down to Jack- 
 son followed the light of experience, and allowed whatever was 
 useful to become an institution. With them the Constitution 
 was always invoked in the interests of freedom, never in sup- 
 port of slavery. Nothing consequently could be more natural 
 and harmonious than the progress and development of the 
 country during the era of good feeling and down to the triumph 
 of Jackson in 1828. So long as freedom and the promotion of 
 the common good was the common end, South Carolina and 
 Massachusetts walked hand in hand. In 1816 the great champion 
 of the Tariff and Internal Improvements was Mr. Calhoun. As 
 there was but one party, one of the old party names had to be 
 dropped out. Which should it be, Republican or Federalist ? 
 Federal, of course, as such name expressed an attribute of a 
 party, rather than a party. Republican is a generic name, under 
 which, whatever the personal differences, the great purpose of all 
 is the common good of all. When the people so came together, 
 the word "Federal" dropped from its inherent weakness and 
 inadequacy. 
 
 Party names follow party organizations to express their at- 
 tributes and principles. It was hard to tell, when running for 
 the Presidency in 1824, in what Mr. Adams and General Jackson 
 differed. Both ran upon High Tariff and Internal Improvement 
 platforms, both were equally advocates of a liberal construction 
 
116 
 
 of the Constitution. During Mr. Adams' administration there 
 were, properly speaking, no party names. Of the two sections 
 into which the great Republican party divided, one was the Ins, 
 the other the Outs, or Administration and Opposition. After 
 Jackson came in, and for a considerable time thereafter, party 
 names still expressed the relative position of the two great 
 sections, Jackson and Anti-Jackson. His followers were Jack- 
 sonians ; his opponents, Anti-Jacksonians. When he had been 
 sufficiently long in power to develop principles and a line of 
 conduct wholly antagonistic to those of the Fathers, it became 
 necessary to find an adequate expression therefor. The Bank, 
 Internal Improvements, and the Tariff had been assailed and 
 virtually overthrown. A Government of paramount powers, 
 which had been erected with such infinite patience and care, was 
 thoroughly shaken. By what name were their destroyers to be 
 called ? The conditions fully supplied, the occasion for the formal 
 assumption of the new name soon presented itself by the as- 
 sembling in 1832 of the supporters of the administration in a 
 National Convention, the first of the kind ever held, for the 
 nomination of a person to run for the Vice - Presidency on 
 the ticket with General Jackson, the election to take place 
 near the close of the year. The Convention met at Baltimore, 
 May 2 ist, 1832. By it, all the States being fully represented, 
 Mr. Van Buren was nominated, by a vote of 208, to 16 for 
 Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, and 49 for Philip P. Barbour 
 of Virginia. Other than that of the nomination of a candidate 
 for the Vice-Presidency, the only act of the Convention was the 
 passage of the following resolution : 
 
 "Resolved, That each State be entitled, in the nomination to be made of 
 a candidate for the vice-presidency, to a number of votes equal to the number to 
 which they will be entitled in the electoral colleges, under the new appointment, 
 in voting for President and Vice-President ; and that two-thirds of the whole 
 number of the votes in the Convention shall be necessary to constitute a choice." 
 
 Not a single reference was made to the great question upon 
 which the country was excited almost to frenzy. In turning for 
 further light to the correspondence between the committee of 
 the Convention appointed to convey to Mr. Van Buren the fact 
 of his nomination, and his anWer, I find the following : 
 
117 
 
 " BALTIMORE, May, 22, 1832. 
 "MABTIN VAN BUEBN, ESQ: 
 
 "Sir, At a republican convention, assembled in this place by previous 
 appointment, you have been nominated as a candidate for the vice-presidency, 
 and presented to the people as a suitable person to fill that high and responsible 
 office. That convention has constituted us the organ of communication to you 
 of this distinguished mark of their confidence. It gives us pleasure to inform 
 you that, though there were other worthy and favorite individuals of the demo- 
 cratic party, sharing largely in their regard, and dividing with you their confi- 
 dence; yet, when the clear and ascertained will of the respective delegates 
 indicated you as the preferred object of their wishes, every voice in the convention 
 united in the choice. 
 
 " If the great republican party throughout the union shall continue faithful 
 to the principles they have so long maintained, and be animated by the same 
 zeal and unanimity which characterized their representatives in the convention, 
 and in a peculiar manner marked the result of their proceedings, we have every 
 reason to congratulate you and our illustrious President, that there is in reserve 
 for your wounded feelings a just and certain reparation. . . . 
 
 " The decided expression of the wishes of the republican party, evinced 
 through their representatives in the convention, induces us to calculate with 
 confidence on your acceptance of the nomination which we are appointed to 
 make known to you." 
 
 Signed by the President and 
 Vice-President of the Convention. 
 
 To this communication Mr. Van Buren replied, among other 
 things, as follows : 
 
 "KINDEBHOOK, August 3d, 1832. 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, I have had the honor to receive your communication advising 
 me of my nomination, by the convention recently assembled at Baltimore, as a 
 candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States. ... I cannot 
 but regard this spontaneous expression of confidence and friendship from the 
 delegated democracy of the Union as laying me under renewed obligations of 
 gratitude to them, and of fidelity to the great interests for whose advancement 
 they were assembled. . . . It is to be hoped, however, that nothing will occur 
 to impair the harmony and affection which have hitherto bound together in one 
 political brotherhood the republicans of the North and the South, the East and 
 the West; and which, by cementing their union and securing their concerted 
 action, have heretofore contributed so largely to the welfare of the nation. 
 
 (Signed) "MARTIN VAN BUREN."* 
 
 Letters informing a candidate of his nomination, with the 
 reply, are little else than verbiage. But the correspondence in 
 this case has great significance in the use, both in the notification 
 and reply, of Republicanism and Democracy as synonymous terms. 
 The officers of the convention had not yet outgrown the old, nor 
 had they fully come to a consciousness of the new. As it was 
 the first time that the word "Democracy" was ever heard of in 
 this country as the name of a national party, it was natural that 
 they should see but little difference in the meaning of the two words. 
 It was a very different thing with Van Buren, who had already taken 
 
 *Niles' Register, 42, 456, 4661. 
 
118 
 
 in the full meaning of the situation. It was natural that that 
 gentleman should be willing that they should remain in such a 
 frame of mind, as the pleasant memories attached to the word 
 Republican might be turned to good account to enable him the 
 better to carry out his schemes, which, notwithstanding the great 
 lapse that had taken place in the moral and political sense of the 
 nation, still required a mask. In the first convention he had but 
 one purpose, to secure the support of the South. He well 
 understood the dread which her politicians had of " Northern 
 Majorities," and his only care at the moment was to disarm 
 them. By the " two-thirds vote " the South, always more than 
 a third of the Electoral College, had only to say when a nominee 
 was presented, "I am content," or "I forbid." Before her the 
 candidates for presidential honors were passed in solemn review, 
 each striving to outbid all others for her favor by discharging 
 himself of every attribute of manhood and political integrity, the 
 one the most completely emasculated being certain to receive the 
 coveted prize. From the adoption of the "two-thirds rule," the 
 Presidency of the United States was as much put up at auction 
 for sale as was the Purple by the Praetorian Guards of Imperial 
 Rome, the struggle between the bidders being to see which could 
 bring to the northern faction that supported him the greatest 
 amount of political plunder, the South surrendering, in great 
 measure, political plunder, in consideration of the surrender to 
 her of political power. The enormous influence which she was 
 enabled to wield by securing for herself the more important com- 
 mittees of Congress has been already shown. In this way she 
 controlled legislation at its very source. Only one thing was 
 wanting to make her position apparently impregnable, the con- 
 trol of the conditions by which a person was to be nominated for 
 the chief magistracy of the nation. This she fully accomplished 
 through the "two-thirds rule." She could now talk and bully, 
 denounce " the rule of majorities" as the most dreaded of des- 
 potisms. It was in vindication, at the time, ot the North that 
 Mr. John Davis, of Massachusetts, as already quoted, replied : 
 " I never expected to hear the doctrine advanced, that a govern- 
 ment ruled by a majority of the people was worse and more to be 
 dreaded than a despotism. If I entertained these sentiments, I 
 too should desire its destruction ; for whoever maintains that a 
 
119 
 
 majority in a free government shall not rule, maintains that a des- 
 potism is better than a free government." The first act of the 
 first democratic party, in its first convention held in the United 
 States, was to destroy the rule of the majority, or, in the words 
 of Mr. Davis, to establish a despotism ! 
 
 Between the time at which Van Buren was nominated for the 
 Vice-Presidency and that at which he was nominated for the 
 Presidency, a great advance had been made by the destroyers. 
 The policy of the administration of General Jackson had been 
 well outlined, but it still wanted an authoritative statement. In 
 1832 the Bank had been assailed, but the bill for the extension of 
 its charter had not been vetoed. The Compromise Act, by which 
 the United States recognized the paramount authority of the 
 States, had not yet been passed. By 1835, the doctrine of Pro- 
 tection had gone ; Internal Improvements had gone ; the Bank 
 had only a few months to live. The paramount authority of the 
 National Government had gone. These were the trophies to be 
 displayed at the next Democratic Convention to be held at Balti- 
 more, May 5th, 1835, for the nomination of Mr. Van Buren for 
 the Presidency, the first resolution of which was 
 
 " That the Federal Government is one of "limited powers," derived solely 
 from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown therein ought to be strictly 
 construed by all the departments and agents of the Government, and that it is 
 inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers." 
 
 The first Democratic Convention ever held in the United 
 States, by the two-thirds rule, established Despotism ; the sec- 
 ond, by assailing successfully the paramount authority of the 
 Union, Treason. A government of limited powers, as defined 
 by the second Convention, was precisely the kind of government 
 which South Carolina and Georgia had declared that of the 
 United States to be, and which they proved it to be by forcing 
 it, at the instance of South Carolina, to abandon the Tariff bill 
 of 1832, under the threat of putting in force the ordinance of 
 Secession. 
 
 Among the resolutions of the Convention of 1835, which fol- 
 lowed the one already given, and which always thereafter, as on 
 the present occasion, had the post of honor, were those referring 
 to the Bank and to Internal Improvements, both quietly resting 
 in their graves. That in reference to the Bank was : 
 
120 
 
 "Resolved, That Congress has no power to charter a United States Bank; 
 that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of 
 the country, dangerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of the 
 people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of 
 a concentrated money power, and above the laws and the will of the people." 
 
 In reference to Internal Improvements: 
 
 " Resolved, That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Govern- 
 ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improve- 
 ment. . . ." 
 
 In reference to the Tariff : 
 
 " Resolved, That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government 
 to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the 
 interest of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country." 
 
 The President and Vice-Presidents of the Convention of 1835 
 were instructed to convey to Mr. Van Buren the fact of his 
 nomination, which they did by the following letter : 
 
 " MAT 23, 1835. 
 
 "SiR, A convention of Republican Delegates from various parts of the 
 Union, for the purpose of selecting suitable candidates for the offices of presi- 
 dent and vice-president, assembled in Baltimore on the 20th instant, and unani- 
 mously agreed to present to their country your name for that of President of the 
 United States. We have been requested to communicate to you this nomination, 
 and ask your acceptance of the same. We take pleasure in performing this duty, 
 and respectfully solicit an answer at such time as may suit your convenience to 
 give one. 
 
 " With sentiments of high esteem and respect, we have the honor to be, 
 your obedient servants." 
 
 (Signed) "ANDREW STEVENSON, President, and others." 
 
 The committee appointed to convey to Mr. Van Buren the 
 fact of his nomination still imagined themselves Republicans, no 
 recognition of "Democracy" appearing in their communication. 
 To this Mr. Van Buren replied: 
 
 "WASHINGTON, May 29th, 1835. 
 
 " GENTLEMEN, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter 
 of the 23d instant. . . . When my name was first associated with the ques- 
 tion of General Jackson's successor, more through the ill-will of opponents than 
 the partiality of friends, I determined to wait for the development of the views 
 of the republicans of the Union, and to pursue that course only which their 
 unbiassed judgment should finally recommend. I deemed that course to be due 
 to the administration, of which I was a member, to the best interests of the 
 country, and to the indivisibility of a political party, by the original organiza- 
 tion of which the overthrow of republican principles in the United States was 
 prevented, and upon the ascendency of which we can alone depend for their pre- 
 servation. . . . 
 
 " Under these circumstances, the DEMOCRACY of the nation, in convention 
 assembled, having, as you inform me, with a degree of unanimity that I cannot 
 too highly appreciate, pronounced me worthy of so great a trust, I cannot hesi- 
 
121 
 
 tate in making their wishes the rule of my conduct. I do, therefore, with a deep, 
 and I hope abiding sense of the honor conferred upon me by their preferences, 
 accept the nomination which has bcn tendered to me by the convention. . . . 
 Thomas Jefferson has taught us, that to preserve that common sympathy between 
 the States, out of which the Union sprang, and which constitutes its surest foun- 
 dation, we should exercise the powers which of right belong to the general 
 government in a spirit of moderation and brotherly love, and religiously abstain 
 from such as have not been delegated by the Constitution.* 
 
 (Signed) "M. VAN BUREN." 
 
 What were the Republican principles in reference to which 
 Mr. Van Buren was so voluble, and of which it was his mission 
 to prevent the overthrow ? One which really included all, for 
 the questions of Protection, the Bank, and Internal Improvement 
 were all sequences of it, was that the Government of the 
 United States was one of limited powers. What was his object? 
 To carry the South, the North still dreaming that in voting for 
 him she was still voting for good old-fashioned Republican prin- 
 ciples. While he took good care to deceive the North, he took 
 equal care to be well understood at the South. So far as the 
 North was concerned, it was too early to throw off the mask. 
 Time was required in which to construct the new party to em- 
 body and reflect the new ideas and principles which were soon 
 to completely supplant the old. He was compelled for the moment 
 to hold up Republicanism to the admiration of the people, to as- 
 sume that it was to be his life work to vindicate it, until he could 
 land them safely in the Democratic party. Of the genesis of this 
 new party the Honorable John P. Kennedy, a most competent 
 authority, in a speech delivered at Hagerstown, Maryland, on 
 the 27th of September, 1848, gives the following account: 
 
 "The Jackson party were content with their name ' Jacksonian,' because 
 it expressed no fixed principles, and allowed them to embrace or reject whatever 
 doctrines the turn of the political wheel might lift up or overthrow; it enabled 
 them to follow their leader into whatever political latitude his view of their 
 means of success might prompt him to steer. 
 
 " When Mr. Van Buren succeeded General Jackson, the party, being under a 
 new leader, could no longer retain the name ' Jacksonian,' by which they had 
 been content to be known, and there was not potency enough in that of the new 
 President to allow them to substitute his. The Van Buren party could not hope 
 to work a spell by that designation. So, sir, at his [Mr. Van Buren's] suggestion, 
 as I have reason to believe, they cunningly enough took up the then unappropri- 
 ated name of the 'Democratic Party,' without the slightest reference to its sig- 
 nificance in relation to their principles, even with a consciousness of the absurd 
 masquerade in which it presented them, and boldly determined to outface the 
 world's ridicule upon its incongruity, and to wear it in spite of the derision of 
 enemies or honest shame of friends. It was a cunning part of this device to cast 
 upon the opponents of this new Democratic Party the correlative term which, in 
 
 * Niles' Register, 48, 267, 258. 
 
122 
 
 old times, had existed of the Federal Party; and accordingly, sir, the whole line of 
 newspaper batteries by which the new party was defended, opened upon the 
 Whigs an incessant fire, in which every gun was loaded with the charge of 
 Federalism. From that period we are to date the birth of this extraordinary 
 nondescript, the new Democracy, and the miracle of Mr. Madison's identification 
 and the identification of his friends with the old Federal party of 1816. " 
 
 Never was there a more life-like portrait drawn, nor by abler 
 hands. Every man in the United States at all familiar with its! 
 history will recognize the authoritative force and value of Mr. 
 Kennedy's statement. Many years a member of Congress, he was 
 one of the most distinguished on the long roll of those who united 
 to resist the great barbarian invasion of our fair inheritance, to 
 turn back which, with powder and ball, the North in the end had 
 to put into the field more than 2,000,000 oi her citizen soldiery, 
 all drawn from the pursuits of peace. When we consider the 
 infinite slaughter of the War of the Rebellion, which carried 
 mourning into every family in the land, the waste of great States 
 and cities by fire and sword, what crime could be greater than 
 that of those who, in the interest of slavery, taught that the Na- 
 tional Government was held together by a rope of sand, that any 
 State might defy it at will, that lawlessness was better than order, 
 slavery than freedom ? 
 
 The Compromise Bill passed the House of Representatives 
 by a vote of 119 to 85, and the Senate by a vote of 29 to 16. 
 From that moment the Constitution, as a rule of conduct for 
 the States, was not worth the paper it was written upon. The 
 following extract from a speech delivered April I2th, 1836, in 
 the Senate of the United States, by Mr. Calhoun, in the debate 
 upon a bill reported by him, to prevent the passage through the 
 mails of Incendiary Matter, post-masters, at their own discretion, 
 to determine what was Incendiary r , shows the value to the South 
 of the precedent established by the Compromise Bill. In the course 
 of his remarks, Mr. Calhoun said : 
 
 " To refuse to pass this bill would be virtually to co-operate with the aboli- 
 tionists, would be to make the officers and agents of the post-office department in 
 effect their agents and abettors in the circulation of their incendiary publications, 
 in violation of the laws of the States. It is your unquestionable duty, as I have 
 demonstrably proved, to abstain from their violation ; and by refusing or neglect- 
 ing to discharge that duty, you would clearly enlist, in the existing controversy, 
 on the side of the abolitionists against the Southern States. Should such be your 
 decision, by refusing to pass this bill, I shall say to the people of the SOUTH, 'Look 
 to yourselves, you have nothing to hope from others.' But I must tell the Senate, 
 
123 
 
 Be your decision what it may, the SOUTH will never abandon the principles of this 
 bill. If you refuse co-operation with our laws, and conflict should ensue between 
 your and our law, the Southern States will never yield to the superiority of yours. 
 We have a remedy in our hands, which, in such events, we shall not fail to apply. 
 We have high authority for asserting that, in such cases, ' State interposition is 
 the rightful remedy', a doctrine Jirst announced by Jefferson adopted by the 
 patriotic and republican State of Kentucky, by a solemn resolution in 1798, and 
 finally carried out into successful practice on a recent occasion, ever to be remem- 
 bered, by the gallant State which I, in part, have the honor to represent. In this 
 well-tested and efficient remedy, sustained by the principles developed in the report 
 and asserted in this bill, the slave-holding States have an ample protection. Let 
 it be fixed, let it be riveted in every Southern mind, that the laws of the slave- 
 holding States for the protection of their domestic institutions ARE PARAMOUNT to 
 the laws of the general government in regulation of commerce and the mail, and 
 that the latter must yield to the former in the event of conflict; and that, if the 
 government should refuse to yield, the States have a right to interpose, and we 
 are safe. With these principles, nothing but concert would be wanting to bid 
 defiance to the movements of the abolitionists, whether at home or abroad, and to 
 place our domestic institutions, and, with them, our security and peace, under 
 our own protection, and beyond the reach of danger." 
 
 For such incendiary matter as this, hurled defiantly at him 
 from the floor of the Senate, the President had not a word of 
 censure or rebuke. It was only the doctrine of the Virginia 
 and Kentucky resolutions, as dear to him as to Calhoun and 
 Hayne. He only fired up when notice to quit, or to reign over 
 a fragment of a dismembered empire, was served upon him. He 
 was valorous enough when he found Calhoun poaching upon his 
 own domain. It was then that Calhoun became a desperate 
 traitor, for whom no punishment could be too severe. 
 
 Upon the passage of the Compromise Act the South Carolina 
 Convention, which had passed the ordinance of secession, again 
 assembled for the purpose of considering the action which it 
 became its dignity to take. The Committee of the Convention 
 to which was referred the action of Congress reported among 
 other things that : 
 
 " We cannot be insensible to the benefits to be derived from the united efforts 
 of the whole South, aided by other States having interests identified with our 
 own, in bringing about the late adjustment of the Tariff; promising, we trust, 
 for the future, that union of sentiment and concert in action which are necessary 
 to secure the rights and interests of the Southern States. On the whole, in what- 
 ever aspect the question is contemplated, your committee find, in the late modifi- 
 cation of the Tariff, cause for congratulation and triumph. If we have not yet 
 succeeded in the complete establishment of the great principles of FREE TRADE 
 and constitutional liberty, such progress has been made towards the accomplish- 
 ment of the former as must serve to rekindle our hopes, and to excite us to fresh 
 exertion in the glorious work of reforms in which are engaged." 
 
 The Committee thereupon submitted the following Ordinance, 
 which was adopted by the Convention : 
 
124 
 
 "ORDINANCE. 
 
 " Whereas, The Congress of the United States, by an Act recently passed, has 
 made such a reduction and modification of the duties upon foreign imports as 
 amounted substantially to an ultimate reduction of the duties to the revenue 
 standard ; and that no higher duties shall be laid than may be necessary to de- 
 fray the economical expenditures of the Government : 
 
 " It is therefore ordained and declared, That the ordinance entitled ' an ordi- 
 nance to NULLIFY certain Acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting 
 to be laws laying duties on the importation of foreign commodities,' and all acts 
 passed in pursuance thereof, be henceforth deemed and held to have no force or 
 effect, provided that the act entitled ' an act further to alter and amend the militia 
 laws of this State,' passed on the 20th day of December, 1832, shall remain in 
 full force." * 
 
 When the news of the humbling of the United States reached 
 South Carolina, her people were carried off their feet in a parox- 
 ysm of exultation and joy. Their Gascon blood fairly boiled over 
 in celebrating their great victory : 
 
 " Never was there a prouder instance of the might of just principles, backed 
 by a high courage," claimed one of her leading journals. " This little State, in 
 the mere panoply of courage and high principles, has foiled the swaggering giant 
 of the nation. 30,000 Carolinians have not only awed the wild West into respect, 
 but compelled Pennsylvania stolidity into something like sense, New York cor- 
 ruption into something like decency, Yankee rapacity into a sort of image of 
 honesty." t 
 
 The people of the State were well entitled to all the bravado 
 they could put on. They had defied and humiliated the great 
 North, broken down her vast industries, established the doctrine 
 of free trade, and a precedent of resistance by the application of 
 which they could readily right all their wrongs. Throughout the 
 whole controversy, South Carolina as a sovereign State dealt 
 with the United States on equal terms, referring to the statutes 
 of the latter, not as laws, but as acts purporting to be laws. 
 
 The National Democratic conventions, if they may be called 
 such at this early stage, of 1832 and 1835, went no further than 
 resolutions for the expression of the principles or views of its 
 members. That of 1840 repeated the resolutions of the preced- 
 ing conventions, emphasis being always given to that declaring 
 the National Government to be one of limited powers ; this being 
 followed by others declaring that it was not competent for the 
 Government to charter a Bank, or to make appropriations for 
 Internal Improvements. Then came the usual straddle on the 
 Tariff, that by it all interests were to be equally favored. In 
 
 * Niles' Register, 44, 87. t Niles' Register, March 23, 1833, 68. 
 
125 
 
 addition, an elaborate address was issued to the nation, setting 
 forth fully for the first time the principles of " Democracy " 
 the word "Republican" being now and henceforth thrown wholly 
 overboard. " Democracy " thenceforth was the all in all. The 
 address to the people of the United States drawn up by Isaac 
 Hill, of New Hampshire, chairman of the committee charged 
 with its preparation, set forth the principles of " Democracy " as 
 follows : 
 
 "The convention of delegates representing the democracy of the United 
 States, having unanimously resolved to recommend the present chief magistrate 
 as a candidate for re-election, deem it proper and respectful to the people, clearly 
 and distinctly to state the principles on which the administration of the Govern- 
 ment, under his direction, has been conducted, and the manner in which they 
 have been maintained, as furnishing the clearest evidence of what will be his 
 future course, if sustained by the suffrages of those who believe them the only 
 sure foundation of their freedom, prosperity, and happiness. 
 
 " These principles have never changed, and can never change. They are 
 coeval with the democratic party. They constitute its existence and identity; 
 and no citizen, however eminent or illustrious, should be considered worthy of its 
 support whose invariable attachment has not been manifested by a life of devo- 
 tion, through every vicissitude of hope and discouragement, victory and defeat. 
 To this test every candidate for the support of the democracy should be brought, 
 and by this he should be judged. 
 
 " The most weighty and prominent of these great fundamental principles are: 
 that the will of the people is the only legitimate source of power. That all power 
 thus derived is a trust, to be exercised only for the public good. That agents so 
 entrusted with its exercise are responsible to the people for the faithful perform- 
 ance of their duties. That this responsibility should be as direct and immediate 
 as possible. That the due execution of this trust can only be secured by a general 
 diffusion of the right of suffrage, through the medium of which alone the people 
 can retain a proper control over their agents, and by its free exercise, unawed by 
 power, uninfluenced by corruption, by a sacred regard of the representative to the 
 instructions of his constituents, and a strict construction of the Constitution, 
 which, while it secures the rights of the majority, equally defends and protects 
 those of the minority, and by conforming on all occasions to the principles laid 
 down in Madison's report on the alien and sedition laws, principles which consti 
 tute the only safeguards of personal rights, the only bulwarks of the citadel GJ 
 freedom." * 
 
 The first part of the address consisted of mere platitudes 
 that the people are the source of all power, that to all the right 
 of suffrage should be given, and that the people are to hold their 
 servants to strict account. But how were the liberties of the 
 people, to enable them to exercise such supreme authority, to be 
 preserved ? By " a strict construction of the Constitution con- 
 fining it on all occasions to the principles laid down in Madison's 
 Report upon the Alien and Sedition laws, principles which con- 
 stitute the only safeguards of personal rights, the only bulwarks 
 of the citadel of freedom." 
 
 Nilte' Register, 58, 182. 
 
126 
 
 If we can get at the principles set forth by Mr. Madison in 
 his report, we can then enter into the very arcana of " Democracy." 
 But first " the Alien and Sedition laws." 
 
 The act concerning " Aliens " was as follows : 
 
 " Be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the President of the United States, 
 at any time during the continuance of this Act, to order all such aliens as he 
 shall judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or shall have 
 reasonable grounds to suspect are concerned in any treasonable or secret machi- 
 nations against the Government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the 
 United States, within such time as shall be expressed in such order; which order 
 shall be served on such alien by delivering him a copy thereof, or leaving the 
 same at his usual abode, and returned to the office of the Secretary of State, by 
 the marshal, or other person to whom the same shall be directed. And in case any 
 alien, so ordered to depart, shall be found at large within the United States after 
 the time limited in such order for his departure, and not having obtained a license 
 from the President to reside therein, or, having obtained such license, shall not 
 have conformed thereto, every such alien shall, on conviction thereof, be impris- 
 oned for a term not exceeding three years, and shall never after be admitted to 
 become a citizen of the United States. Provided always, and be it further enacted, 
 that if any alien, so ordered to depart, shall prove to the satisfaction of the Presi- 
 dent, by evidence to be taken before such person or persons as the President shall 
 direct, who are for that purpose hereby authorized to administer oaths, that no 
 injury or danger to the United States will arise from suffering such alien to reside 
 therein, the President may grant a license to such alien to remain within the 
 United States for such time as he shall judge proper, and at such place as he 
 shall designate. And the President may also require of such alien to enter into 
 a bond to the United States, in such penal sum as he may direct, with one or 
 more sufficient sureties, to the satisfaction of the person authorized by the Presi- 
 dent to take the same, conditioned for the good behavior of such alien during 
 his residence in the United States, and not violating his license, which license 
 the President may revoke, whenever he shall think proper."* 
 
 It will be observed that this law applied wholly to foreign 
 refugees who were suspects. At the time, in consequence of the 
 revolutionary state of Europe, vast numbers of criminals and 
 unscrupulous adventurers flocked to our shores, which, being 
 "the land of liberty," gave them the impunity denied at home to 
 plot against all order and law, against society itself. Washington 
 while President suffered infinite annoyance from them, in spite 
 of the great authority attached to his person and name. His 
 successor, a weak and irritable old man, was fairly driven to in- 
 voke the protection of the laws. All foreigners might still remain 
 in the country with entire safety on showing that they were well 
 disposed toward it. In case they were sent away, they might take 
 their effects with them. Considering the troublous state of the 
 times, the impudent assumptions and unscrupulous conduct of 
 the refugees, and the inexperience of the nation, certainly the 
 
 * Annals of (5) Congress, iii. 2743. 
 
127 
 
 'Alien laws " were very natural and innocent expedients. They 
 were laws which every person coming to this country for the purpose 
 of bettering his condition by honest industry must have heartily 
 approved. They were aimed at precisely that class of foreigners 
 who recently, in cold blood, threw their deadly explosives among 
 the policemen at Chicago. Cases might arise in which such per- 
 sons could not be seasonably restrained by the slow processes of 
 the law. To meet such emergencies, the President was vested 
 with extraordinary powers. If we could to-day get rid of the ill- 
 disposed and criminal classes by the means proposed by the 
 Alien laws, the only complaints would arise from the offenders 
 themselves. 
 
 The "Sedition Laws" were as follow : 
 
 " And be it further enacted, That if any person shall write, print, utter, or pub- 
 lish, or shall cause or procure to be written, printed, uttered, or published, or shall 
 knowingly and willingly assist or aid in writing, printing, uttering, or publishing, 
 any false, scandalous, or malicious writing or writings against the Government of 
 the United States, or either House of Congress of the United States, or the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, with intent to defame the said Government, or either 
 House of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring them, or either of 
 them, into contempt or disrepute; or to excite against them, or either or any of 
 them, the hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition 
 within the United States; or to excite any unlawful combinations therein, for 
 opposing or resisting any law of the United States, or any act of the President of 
 the United States, done in pursuance of any such law, or of the powers in him 
 vested by the Constitution of the United States, or to resist, oppose, or defeat 
 any such law or act; or to aid, encourage, or abet any hostile designs of any for- 
 eign nation against the United States, their people or Government, then such 
 persons, being thereof convicted, before any court of the United States having 
 jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not exceeding two thousand 
 dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years. 
 
 "And be it further enacted, That if any person shall be prosecuted under 
 this act, fcr the writing or publishing any libel aforesaid, it shall be lawful for 
 the defendant, upon the trial of the cause, to give in evidence, in his defense, the 
 truth of the matter contained in the publication charged as a libel. And the jury 
 who shall try the cause shall have a right to determine the law and the fact, 
 under the direction of the court, as in other cases. 
 
 " And be it further enacted, That this act shall continue and be in force until 
 the third day of March, one thousand eight hundred and one, and no longer." * 
 
 The " Sedition Laws " were little other than laws for the pun- 
 ishment of libels, the person arraigned having the right to justify, 
 the jury being the judges of both law and fact. 
 
 Both the Alien and Sedition Laws created great excitement 
 among the slave States, as infringements upon the natural rights 
 of man, and violations of the glorious principles set forth in the 
 Declaration of Independence. In the free States, the only ones 
 
 * Annals of the (5) Congress, vol. ill., 2776. . 
 
128 
 
 infested by foreign emissaries, the laws were well received. Wash- 
 ington thought them wise and proper. The reason why the 
 South so flamed up was the curb sought to be put upon individual 
 lawlessness. She would not have a National Government that 
 assumed to maintain domestic order, that would not allow the 
 slaveholder to act on all occasions as he pleased. It was in 
 obedience to this instinct that Jefferson drew up the Virginia 
 and Kentucky resolutions. In their adoption the State of Ken- 
 tucky was the first to act, her resolutions declaring among other 
 things that : 
 
 " I. The several States composing the United States of America are not 
 united on the principle of unlimited submission to their General Government; 
 but that by compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United 
 States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for 
 special purposes, delegated to that Government certain definite powers, reserving 
 each State to itself the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; 
 and, that whensoever the General Government assumed undelegated powers, its 
 acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State 
 acceded as a State, and is an integral party; that this Government, created by this 
 compact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers 
 delegated to itself ; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Consti- 
 tution, the measure of its powers; but, that as in all other cases of compact, 
 among parties having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge 
 for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress. 
 
 " II. That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to Con- 
 gress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current coin 
 of the United States, piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and 
 offences against the laws of nations, and no other crimes whatever, and it being 
 true, as a general principle, and one of the Amendments to the Constitution hav- 
 ing also declared, ' that the powers not delegated to the United States by the 
 Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respec- 
 tively, or to the people ;' therefore, also, the same act of Congress, passed on the 
 14th day of July, 1798, and entitled, ' An act in addition to the act entitled an act 
 for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States ;' as also, the act 
 passed by them on the 27th day of June, 1798, entitled, * An act to punish frauds 
 committed on the Bank of the United States,' (and all other their acts which 
 assume to create, define, or punish crimes other than those enumerated in the 
 Constitution), are altogether void and of no force, and that the power to create, 
 define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and of right appertains solely 
 and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory." 
 
 On the 22d of November, 1799, the State of Kentucky re- 
 affirmed the Resolutions of 1798, as follows : 
 
 " That the principle and construction contended for by sundry of the State 
 legislatures, that the General Government is the exclusive judge of the extent of 
 the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism, since the discretion 
 of those who administer the Government, and not the Constitution, would be the 
 measure of their powers ; That the several States who formed that instrument, 
 being sovereign and independent, have an unquestionable right to judge of the 
 infraction; and that a NULLIFICATION by those sovereignties of all unauthor- 
 ized acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy; that this 
 
129 
 
 Commonwealth does, under the most deliberate reconsideration, declare that the 
 said Alien and Sedition Laws are, in their opinion, palpable violations of the 
 said Constitution." 
 
 The Virginia Resolutions declared among other things : 
 
 " That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare that it views 
 the powers of the Federal Government, as resulting from the compact, to which 
 the States are parties, as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instru- 
 ment constituting that compact, as no farther valid than they are authorized by 
 the grants enumerated in that compact ; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, 
 and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the 
 States, who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose 
 for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective 
 limits the authorities, rights, and liberties appertaining to them. 
 
 " That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit 
 has, in sundry instances, been manifested by the Federal Government, to enlarge 
 its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines 
 them ; and that indications have appeared of a design to expound certain general 
 phrases ( which having been copied from the very limited grant of powers in the 
 former articles of confederation were less liable to be misconstrued) so as to 
 destroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration, which necessarily 
 explains and limits the general phrases, and so as to consolidate the States by 
 degrees into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable results of which 
 would be to transform the present republican system of the United States into 
 an absolute, or at best, a mixed monarchy. 
 
 "That the General Assembly doth particularly protest against the palpable 
 and alarming infractions of the Constitution in the two late-cases of the * Alien 
 and Sedition Acts,' passed at the last session of Congress; the first of which 
 exercises a power nowhere delegated to the Federal Government, and which, by 
 uniting Legislative and Judicial powers to those of Executive, subverts the general 
 principles of free government, as well as the particular organization and positive 
 provisions of the Federal Constitution ; and the other of which acts exercises in 
 like manner a power not delegated by the Constitution, but, on the contrary, 
 expressly and positively forbidden by one of the amendments thereto ; a power 
 which, more than any other, ought to produce universal alarm, because it is 
 levelled against the right of freely examining public characters and measures, and 
 of free communication among the people thereon, which has ever been justly 
 deemed the only efficient guardian of every other right." * 
 
 The Virginia Resolutions were referred to a committee, of 
 which Mr. Madison was chairman, which submitted at great 
 length a report sustaining the resolutions and urging their adop- 
 tion. From that report the following extracts are given : 
 
 " The next position is, that the General Assembly views the powers of th% 
 Federal Government, ' as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instru- 
 ment constituting that compact,' and ' as no further valid than they are authorized 
 by the grants therein enumerated.' It does not seem possible that any just 
 objection can lie against either of these clauses. The first amounts merely to a 
 declaration that the compact ought to have the interpretation plainly intended by 
 the parties to it; the other, to a declaration that it ought to have the execution and 
 effect intended by them. If the powers granted be valid, it is solely because they 
 are granted ; and if the granted powers are valid because granted, all other powers 
 not granted must not be valid. 
 
 " The resolution, having taken this view of the Federal compact, proceeds to 
 infer, ' That, in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other 
 
 * Federal and State Rights Pamphlets, vol. L 
 
130 
 
 , not granted by the said compact, the States, who are parties thereto, 
 have the right and are in duty bound to interpose for arresting the progress of the 
 evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, rights, 
 and liberties appertaining to them.' 
 
 ' ' It appears to your committee to be a plain principle, founded in common 
 sense, illustrated by common practice, and essential to the nature of compacts 
 that, where resort can be had to no tribunal superior to the authority of the 
 parties, the parties themselves must be the rightful judges, in the last resort, 
 whether the bargain made has been pursued or violated. The Constitution of the 
 United States was formed by the sanction of the States, given by each in its 
 sovereign capacity. It adds to the stability and dignity, as well as to the authority 
 of the Constitution, that it rests on this legitimate and solid foundation. The 
 States then being the parties to the constitutional compact, and in their sovereign 
 capacity, it follows of necessity that there can be no tribunal above their author- 
 ity, to decide, on the last resort, whether the compact made by them be violated; 
 and consequently, that, as the parties to it, they must themselves decide in the 
 last resort such questions as may be of sufficient magmitude to require their 
 interposition." 
 
 No one felt or expressed greater concern over the passage 
 of Jefferson's Resolutions of 1798 than Washington, who saw in 
 them, unless their influence could be speedily combated, the cer- 
 tain overthrow of the work to which he had consecrated his life, 
 the establishment of a central government of paramount powers, 
 capable of maintaining domestic order, the matter of chiefest 
 importance in all upright and patriotic minds. No sooner did 
 he get word of what Jefferson was doing than he made an earnest 
 appeal to Patrick Henry, who had now become a supporter of the 
 Constitution, to consent to become a member of the State legis- 
 lature, in order to be in a position in which he could exert his 
 great influence to defeat a movement aimed at the very life of the 
 nation : x 
 
 " It would be a waste of time," said Washington, " to attempt to bring to the 
 view of a person of your observation and discernment the endeavors of a certain 
 party," referring to Jefferson, " among us, to disquiet the public mind with un- 
 founded alarms, to arraign every act of the administration, to set people at 
 variance with their government, and to embarrass all its measures. Equally use- 
 less would it be to predict what must be the inevitable consequences of such a 
 policy, if it cannot be arrested. 
 
 " Unfortunately, and extremely do I regret it, the State of Virginia has taken 
 the lead in this opposition. I have said the State, because the conduct of its 
 legislature in the eyes of the world will authorize the expression ; and because it 
 is an incontrovertible fact that the principal leaders of the opposition dwell in it, 
 and that, with the help of the chiefs in other States, all the plans are arranged 
 and systematically pursued by their followers in other parts of the Union; though 
 in no State except Kentucky, that I have heard of, has legislative countenance 
 been obtained beyond Virginia. ... At such a crisis as this, when everything 
 dear and valuable to us is assailed ; when this party hangs upon the wheels of 
 government, as a dead weight, opposing every measure that is calculated for 
 defence and self-preservation; when measures are systematically and pertina- 
 ciously pursued which must eventually DISSOLVE THE UNION, or PRODUCE 
 COERCION, I say, when these things have become so obvious, ought characters 
 (like yourself), who are best able to rescue the country from the pending evil, to 
 remain at home ? Rather ought they not to come forward, and by their talents 
 
131 
 
 and influence stand in the breach which such conduct has made on the peace and 
 happiness of this country, and oppose the widening of it ? 
 
 "Vain will it be to look for peace and happiness, or for the security of 
 liberty or property, if civil discord should ensue. And what else can result from 
 the policy of those among us who, by all the measures in their power, are driving 
 matters to extremity, if they cannot be counteracted effectually ? ... If 
 their conduct is viewed with indifference, if there are activity and misrepresen- 
 tation on one side, and supineness on the other, their numbers accumulated by 
 intriguing and discontented foreigners under proscription, who are at war with 
 their own governments, and the greater part of them with all governments, they will 
 increase, and nothing short of Omniscience can foretell the consequences. . . . 
 Tour weight of character and influence in the House of Representatives would be 
 a bulwark against such dangerous sentiments as are delivered there at present. 
 It would be a rallying-point for the timid, and an attraction to the wavering. In 
 a word, I conceive it to be of immense importance at this crisis that you should 
 be there ; and I would fain hope that all minor considerations will be made to 
 yield to the measure. 
 
 "If I have erroneously supposed that your sentiments on these subjects are 
 in unison with mine, or if I have assumed a liberty which the occasion does not 
 warrant, I must conclude, as I began, with praying that my motives may be 
 received as an apology. My fear that the tranquillity of the Union, and of this 
 State in particular, is hastening to an awful crisis, has extorted them from me." 
 
 What was the " awful crisis " which General Washington 
 sought so earnestly to avert ? Precisely the same awful crisis 
 which the National Government was forced in 1861 to meet with 
 fire and sword ! The act of Jefferson in drawing up the Resolu- 
 tions of 1798 was the first gun fired upon Fort Sumter ! 
 
 There can be no doubt but at that time Mr. Madison's 
 views coincided with those of Mr. Jefferson, by whom, in the 
 early part of his life, he was greatly influenced. In after years 
 when he came upon the stage of affairs, and became President of 
 the United States, he retracted in the most emphatic manner, 
 over and over again, the doctrine, so far as in his younger days he 
 ever entertained it, that the National Government ever arose out 
 of a compact between the States, or that any State might retire 
 from it at its own pleasure. The extracts already given from the 
 repeated arguments made by him, both in and out of office, to 
 show that the United States was a nation, not a confederacy, are 
 conclusive upon such points. When the address of the Demo- 
 cratic convention of 1840 was drawn up, the report of Mr. Madi- 
 son, who was only recently in his grave, was dragged in to sup- 
 port a doctrine which, for forty years previous to his decease, he 
 had been incessant in denouncing, and to convey the idea that 
 he had always, like Jefferson, been a disunionist. 
 
 We have the picture drawn of Democracy by the address to 
 the Democracy ; what is the picture of its opponents ? 
 
132 
 
 "The identity of the modern Whigs and ancient Federalists," said the ad 
 dress, "is evident and undeniable. It may be distinctly traced through all their 
 changes of name, and seen through all their disguises. The same want of confi- 
 dence in the honesty and intelligence of the people, and in those institutions 
 which guaranty their equal rights, and the same disregard to their feelings and 
 their interests, are always apparent, except at those periods when, despairing of 
 success by open hostility, they attempt deception by an affected devotion to the 
 democracy, as sudden as it is shortlived. The moment the crisis is past, whether 
 it terminate in success or in disappointment, the mask so unwillingly assumed, 
 and so impatiently worn, is thrown off. 
 
 " If there be any essential difference between the ancient Federalists and 
 modern Whigs, it is to be found in the absence of some of those traits in the 
 latter which, at the commencement of the division of parties, contributed in 
 in some degree to give character to the former. At the time those divisions 
 originated, and during the whole period in which the Federalists maintained their 
 ascendency, their course was marked by a degree of decorum which gave a cer- 
 tain respectability to the principles they avowed. So long as a majority of the 
 people supported their pretensions, they treated them with apparent respect, while 
 undermining their rights by insidious legislation, in conformity to their avowed 
 principles. But the moment the tendency of .their measures was discovered and 
 denounced by Mr. Jefferson, and they felt themselves sinking from their power, 
 their deportment underwent so sudden and so thorough a change as to bring out, 
 in strong relief, their doubts of the capacity of the people for self-government. 
 
 " The federal administration began its war against popular rights by enacting 
 laws calculated and intended to repress and punish the free exercise of the privi- 
 lege of speech, and the just complaints of the people, measures which were 
 followed up by standing armies, to overawe them in the exercise of their suffrages. 
 These and other manifestations of their designs roused the people to defence; 
 they rose in their irresistible might, and the edifice of federal power fell prostrate 
 before them." 
 
 The great crime of the old Federalists was that they opposed 
 the disunion schemes of Jefferson, an offence never to be forgiven 
 by his followers. This was enough to make them monsters of 
 cruelty and oppression. " Measures for the suppression of free- 
 dom, of speech were followed up by standing armies to overawe 
 the people in the exercise of their suffrages." "The enemies of 
 freedom " were all-powerful in that part of the country in which 
 there was not a sign of constraint. " The friends of free speech 
 and free suffrage " were all-powerful in that part of the country in 
 which for one to utter the slightest protest against the institution^ 
 or to express one word of sympathy for the oppressed, was to 
 risk his life ; yet, by dint of persistent falsehood, the North be- 
 came the land of oppression, the South the land of the free. 
 All this was so dexterously put forward as to carry many of the 
 Northern States for Democracy. The method was always to 
 array the poor against the rich. This was an art which General 
 Jackson carried to its highest point. His valedictory was one 
 great appeal to the passions of the poor, of which the following 
 may be given as an example : 
 
133 
 
 " Recent events have proved that the paper-money system of this country may 
 be used as an engine to undermine your free institutions ; and those who desire to 
 engross all power in the hands of the few, and to govern by corruption or force, 
 are aware of its power, and prepared to employ it. ... 
 
 "When the charter for the Bank of the United States was obtained from 
 Congress, it perfected the schemes of the paper system, and gave to its advocates 
 the position they have struggled to obtain from the commencement of the Federal 
 Government to the present hour. The immense capital and peculiar privileges 
 bestowed upon it enabled it to exercise despotic sway over the other Banks in 
 every part of the country. From its superior strength, it could seriously injure, if 
 not destroy, the business of any one of them which might incur its resentment; 
 and it openly claimed for itself the power of regulating the currency throughout 
 the United States. . . . 
 
 " The result of the ill-advised legislation which established this great monopoly 
 was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Union, with its boundless 
 means of corruption and its numerous dependents, under the direction and com- 
 mand of one acknowledged head : thus organizing this particular interest as one 
 body, and securing to it unity and concert of action throughout the United States ; 
 and enabling it to bring forward, upon any occasion, its entire and undivided 
 strength to support or defeat any measure of the government. In the hands of 
 this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited 
 dominion over the amount of the circulating medium; giving it the power to 
 regulate the value of property and the fruits of labor in every city of the Union, 
 and to bestow property or bring ruin upon any city or section of the country, as 
 might best comport with its own interest or policy. 
 
 " We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized, 
 and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress 
 and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country, when the Bank of the 
 United States waged war upon the people, in order to compel them to submit to 
 its demands, cannot yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with 
 which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished 
 and ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly changed into one of 
 gloom and despondency, ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the 
 people of the United States. ... No nation but the freemen of the United 
 States could have come out victorious from such a contest; yet, if you had not 
 conquered, the government would have passed from the hands of the many to 
 the hands of the few ; and this organized money power, from its secret conclave, 
 would have dictated the choice of your highest officers, and compelled you to 
 make peace or war as best suited their own wishes. The forms of your govern- 
 ment might, for a time, have remained ; but its living spirit would have departed 
 from it. ... 
 
 "It is one of the serious evils of our present system of banking, that it 
 enables one class of society, and that by no means a numerous one, by its control 
 over the currency, to act injuriously upon the interests of all the others, and to 
 exercise more than its just proportion of influence in political affairs. . . . 
 The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, all know that their 
 success depends upon their own industry and economy, and that they must not 
 expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits of their toil. Yet these classes of 
 society form the great body of the peop^ of the United States ; and they are the 
 bone and sinew of the country: men wlio love liberty, and desire nothing but equal 
 rights and equal laws, aud who, moreover, hold the great mass of our national 
 wealth, although it is distributed in moderate amounts among the million of 
 freemen who possess it. But, with overwhelming numbers and wealth on their 
 side, they are in constant danger of losing their fair influence in the government, 
 and with difficulty maintain their just rights against the incessant efforts daily 
 made to encroach upon them. . . . 
 
 " The paper-money system, and its natural associations, monopoly and ex- 
 clusive privileges, have already struck their roots too deep in the soil; and it will 
 require all your efforts to check its further growth, and to eradicate the evil. The 
 men who profit by the abuses, and desire to perpetuate them, will continue to 
 besiege the halls of legislation in the general government, as well as in the States, 
 and will seek, by every artifice, to mislead and deceive the public servants. It is 
 
134 
 
 to yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and perpet- 
 uating your free institutions. . . . 
 
 " But it will require steady and persevering exertions on your part to rid 
 yourselves of the iniquities and mischiefs of the paper system, and to check the 
 spirit of monopoly and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which 
 it is the main support. So many interests are united to resist all reform on this 
 subject, that you must not hope the conflict will be a short one, nor success easy. " 
 
 In the South a large proportion of the population were chattels. 
 Their owners, who kept the poor whites in a condition not much 
 removed therefrom, sounded the alarm among Northern workmen 
 that their employers were seeking to reduce them to a similar 
 condition. Mr. Hayne, already referred to, declared that, pro- 
 tection being secured, the great purpose of the Northern capital- 
 ists was to create a vast population of pauper laborers, the 
 better thereby to aggrandize their power and increase their 
 wealth ; in other words, that Northern capitalists were seeking 
 to do what Southern capitalists had been seeking to do from 
 the very foundation of the Government, to reduce all below 
 them or all employed by them to the condition of chattels. To 
 escape this terrible doom, great numbers at the North threw 
 themselves into the hands of the slave-holding democracy. As 
 such kind of talk paid well, every Democratic politician North 
 and South was incessant in uttering it, of which General Jackson's 
 attack upon the Banks upon the moneyed classes may be taken 
 as an example. Never was there a fouler calumny ; never was 
 there one that answered better the purpose of its intention. 
 
 " ' The history of all republics is replete,' continued the Report of 1840, ' with 
 instructive lessons to every American citizen, lessons peculiarly applicable to 
 a government like ours, formed by a union of independent States. 
 
 " ' One, and perhaps the most important of all these lessons, is the constant 
 danger of a foreign influence exerted through the power of money. The approaches 
 of this influence have been gradual and imperceptible, until the last few years , 
 within which their progress has been rapid and the diffusion almost universal 
 . . . If, however, the reciprocal relations of trade be changed for the relations 
 of borrower and lender, if one country, or its citizens, become borrowers from 
 another country or its citizens, for purposes not commercial, the consequences 
 are wholly different, and the truth, that ' the borrower is servant to the lender ' 
 of money, will be found to have its application as strongly, and much more 
 dangerously, than when that dependent relation exists between citizen and 
 citizen of the same country.' " * 
 
 The deliberate attempt of the rich Old World, through money, 
 to corrupt and enslave the poor and feeble New was something 
 fearful to contemplate. But Democracy was always equal to the 
 
 * Niles' Register, 58, 186. 
 
135 
 
 occasion. An enormous amount of foreign gold was sent to the 
 State of Mississippi, all of which the people of that State very 
 quietly put into their own pockets. When the foreign bond- 
 mongers, the name given in that State to the lenders, began to 
 assume the role of imperious and exacting creditors over those 
 whom they assumed to be abject and broken-spirited debtors, the 
 people of that gallant State at one magnificent bound sprang to 
 their feet, bold, incorruptible, defiant, free ! The example was 
 a most salutary and impressive one. For years thereafter the 
 bloated capitalists of the Old World never ventured to repeat 
 their attempt to corrupt the freemen of the New, although the 
 latter frequently exposed themselves to the opportunity. 
 
 At the Convention of 1840, the Democracy assumed all the 
 distinctive features it ever after displayed. The two-thirds rule 
 had been established. As the South could always dictate the 
 nomination of the candidate for -the presidency, so she could 
 always dictate the official language of the Convention. Not a 
 word could be used of which she did not approve. For principles, 
 all were summed up in the declaration that the National Govern- 
 ment was one of " limited powers." For sentiment, for a battle- 
 cry, all who stood for a government of powers adequate to 
 maintain order were " Federalists," always the oppressors of 
 the poor, who, when in power, maintained standing armies, 
 the better to deprive the poor man of the right to vote, and 
 who wished to see him so degraded as to be unable to throw 
 off the yoke which supreme selfishness sought to impose. The 
 capitalists of the Old World were leagued with those of the New 
 in this unholy alliance. All subsequent conventions only repeated 
 that of 1840. " Democratic principles never change," exclaimed 
 the address of the Convention of that year. It was impossible 
 they should change, as they were but the reflection of the spirit 
 that established and maintained slavery. Not a ray of light, not 
 a sentiment of humanity, not an aspiration for progress, was ever 
 allowed to enter the councils of the Democracy. 
 
 The National Democratic Convention of 1844 repeated the 
 two-thirds rule, the Resolutions of 1835 declaring our own to 
 be a government of limited powers, adding thereto some addi- 
 tional flourishes, as follows : 
 
136 
 
 " Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust not in factitious 
 symbols, not in displays and appeals, insulting to the judgment and subversive 
 of the intellect of the people, but in a clear reliance upon the intelligence, patriot- 
 ism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. 
 
 " Resolved, That we regard this as a distinct feature of our political creed, 
 which we are proud to maintain before the world as the great moral element in 
 a form of Government springing from and upheld by the popular will; and 
 we contrast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever name 
 or form, which seek to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives 
 no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity." 
 
 Democracy hated nothing so much as an appeal to conscience 
 and reason. If these could have their way, slavery would soon 
 be assailed and overthrown. The sentiment which would de- 
 nounce it was consequently " an imposture too great for human 
 credulity." By the entire suppression of freedom of opinion and 
 speech the Democracy sought to establish at the North a des- 
 potism which was always to reflect the despotism everywhere 
 established at the South. At this day it is impossible to con- 
 ceive of the intolerance of the old Democracy and the military 
 discipline in the rank and file of the party. Those who hated 
 to stay were afraid to run for fear of the terrible missiles to be 
 hurled after them. 
 
 The National Convention of 1848 repeated the resolutions of 
 1844, including always the two-thirds rule and that declaring the 
 National Government to be one of limited powers, with additions, 
 of which the following may be taken as a sample : 
 
 u Resolved, That with the recent development of this grand political truth, 
 of the sovereignty of the people and their capacity and power for self-government, 
 which is prostrating thrones and erecting republics on tlie ruins of despotism in 
 the Old World, we feel that a high and sacred duty is devolved, with increased 
 responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this country, as the party of the 
 people, to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, equality and frater- 
 nity, by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit 
 of the few at the expense of the many; and by a vigilant arid constant adherence 
 to those principles and compromises of the Constitution which are broad enough 
 and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, 
 and the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of the energies and capacity of 
 this great and progressive people." 
 
 The Democratic National Convention of 1852 made no change 
 in the principles of Democracy, as "these never change." It 
 only made a more explicit statement of the cardinal one, the 
 impotency of the National Government. The old monster 
 against which so much wrath in times past had been hurled, 
 the Tariff, United States Bank, and Internal Improvements 
 began to fade away before another and more portentous ques- 
 
tion which began to loom up in the horizon, negro slavery. In 
 view of it, the Convention had put the Democracy upon a more 
 vigorous regime that it might, with better heart and grace, strike 
 at the integrity of the nation, should sentiments of humanity and 
 reason gain too much headway. Therefore, in place of the 
 feeble resolution of " limited powers," it substituted the following 
 stalwart one : 
 
 " Resolved, That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the 
 principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1792 and 1798, 
 and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia legislature in 1799 > that it adopts 
 those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, 
 and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import." 
 
 A dispute might well arise as to the proper meaning of the 
 word "limited," used in the conventions previous to that of 1852. 
 It might be contended that it had reference to the number of 
 powers with which the Federal Government was clothed, or it 
 might have reference to the quality of such powers. Democracy 
 now determined that the people of the United States, and the 
 world, should know exactly what "limited powers" meant. There 
 could be no two meanings attached to the exact phraseology of 
 the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798: that "each 
 State has the right to judge for itself as well of the infractions 
 of the Constitution, as of the mode and measure of redress." 
 South Carolina put forth this precise language when, in answer 
 to the Tariff Legislation of 1832, she, in 1833, passed the Ordi- 
 nance of Secession. Here was not only a well-defined construc- 
 tion of the Constitution, but an apt illustration. The precise 
 language of secession, followed by an Act of Secession, the full 
 consummation of it being averted by the backing down of the 
 United States, not only became the language of the National 
 Democratic Conventions, but of every member of the Democratic 
 party ; for every member of that party, in the various State, County, 
 Town, and village conventions, and in every political gathering, no 
 matter how small, ratified unreservedly the National Democratic 
 creed. More than half of the people of the North even became, 
 in intent, parricides, the national life being the common par- 
 ent. Did history ever before present so strange a spectacle ? 
 If it did, it was of a people wholly divested of every attribute 
 that gives dignity and value to existence, and of every aspiration 
 
138 
 
 to rise above the low level of tribal iife. The first instinct ot 
 a people, capable of civilization, is for a government that shall 
 not omly preserve order, but one that shall treasure up and reflect 
 the best work of which they are capable. Such a government 
 inspires the most ennobling of all passions, patriotism, and 
 the loftiest of all duties, loyalty. The highest achievement 
 of all becomes the common property of each. How contemptible 
 must his life be who sees in the government over him a thing 
 worthy only of insult and contempt ! Such was the Government 
 of the United States so long as Democracy could bend it to its 
 base ends. Under such a rule society itself was moving with 
 rapid steps towards chaos. But society, however debased, never 
 perishes without a struggle for life. That struggle came in the 
 new issue that presented itself, that of humanity. It was in 
 its defence that the grand uprising took place which drew 
 to its standard vast numbers at the North, who from habit, 
 tradition, or old associations, had been long affiliated with the 
 Democracy. The happy issue of this great uprising need not 
 be related here. I must hasten forward to describe the great 
 and beneficent results achieved under "Twenty -Two Years of 
 Protection." 
 
 At the Convention of 1852, the following Resolution was 
 passed in reference to the question of slavery : 
 
 " That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere with or 
 control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that all such States 
 are the sole and proper, judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs not 
 prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made 
 to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient 
 steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and danger- 
 ous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to dimin- 
 ish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of 
 the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political 
 institutions." 
 
 Congress, not long after, did exert the power of interfering with 
 slavery in the States, and that, too, in a summary and effective way. 
 When slavery seized the nation by the throat, the nation did not 
 run to sophists or lawyers to be taught the proper return blow. 
 
 By the Compromise Act of 1833, the rate of protection was 
 reduced each year until a period was reached at which it was 
 well nigh impossible for American manufacturers to compete 
 
139 
 
 with those of the Old Werld. Hardly in our history has there 
 been a more depressed period than this which followed the pas- 
 sage of the above Act. Its disasters were greatly aggravated 
 by the disorganized state of the currency, caused by General 
 Jackson's assault upon the Bank of the United States. As the 
 period was approaching in which the reductions in the rates of 
 duties were to cease, and as an increase of revenue was needed, 
 the occasion was seized for the provision of a new Tariff Bill. 
 The Democracy, by a sudden and sublime uprising of the people, 
 had been thrown out of power. The Chairmanship of the Com- 
 mittee of Ways and Means was transferred from the South, 
 where it had been held as a matter of course under the regime of 
 Democracy, to the North, in the person of Mr. Fillmore, after- 
 wards President of the United States. The Act of 1842 was 
 distinctively protective in principle, raising the duties to rates 
 approaching those of the Act of 1832, specific duties and mini- 
 mums being retained. By it the duty on rolled iron was put at 
 $25 the ton, the rate by the Act of 1816 being $30 per ton ; by 
 the Act of 1824 and 1828, $37, and by the Act of 1832, $30 per 
 ton. The increase in the rate of duty upon iron may be taken 
 as an illustration of the increase of rates on the whole list The 
 duty on raw wool was put at 30 per cent, ad valorem and 4 cents 
 the pound. By the Act of 1832 the rate had been 40 per cent 
 dd valorem and 4 cents the pound. The duties on woolens were 
 largely increased from the lowest point reached under the Com- 
 promise Act, as were those on cotton goods. The friends of the 
 Act termed it a revenue measure with incidental protection. It 
 was opposed by the Southern members with great vehemence as 
 a high tariff measure. Its passage was hailed with great joy by 
 the manufacturing interest throughout the country. It was esti- 
 mated by competent authorities that previous to its pass?\ge 
 200,000 persons, chiefly factory hands, were out of employ in 
 the section of the country east of the Hudson. Upon the passage 
 of the bill every idle establishment was at once set in motion. 
 
 But this new era of protection had only a brief life to run. In 
 1844 came in the administration of Polk and Dallas, which, for 
 its sounding promises and pitiful performance, was a fitting proto- 
 type of that now in power. When a Democrat was running for 
 the Presidency, it was customary for his supporters to interrogate 
 
140 
 
 him as to the principles that would guide him should he bt 
 elected to that high office. Jackson was so interrogated. His 
 prompt answer was that as to the Tariff he approved and voted 
 for the Act of 1824, by which extraordinarily high rates of duties 
 were imposed ; and that as to Internal Improvements, he voted 
 for some half-a-dozen measures, for all that presented themselves 
 when he was in the Senate. What could be more conclusive 
 than the most explicit declarations, followed up by most explicit 
 acts ? So, when Mr. Polk was in the field, he was interrogated by 
 one Mr. Kane of Pennsylvania, anxious to know how he stood 
 upon a matter in which that State had a vital interest. To Mr. 
 Kane's letter Mr. Polk promptly replied 
 
 "In adjusting the details of a revenue Tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned 
 such moderate discriminating duties as would produce the amount of revenue 
 needed, and at the same time afford a reasonable incidental protection to our 
 home industries. . . . Acting upon these general principles, it is well known 
 that I gave my support to Jackson's administration. . . . I voted for the Act 
 of 1832, . . . and was a member of the Committee of Ways and Means of the 
 House of Representatives. I gave my assent to a bill reported by this Committee, 
 making further modification of the Act of 1828." * 
 
 The kind of incidental protection which Mr. Polk favored was 
 that established by the Act of 1832, against which South Carolina 
 successfully discharged her Ordinance of Secession. 
 
 The Kane letter accomplished its object. It made Mr. Polk 
 President of the United States. No sooner was the letter pub 
 lished than " Polk, Dallas, and the Tariff of 1842" became the 
 battle-cry in Pennsylvania, which threw herself into Mr. Folk's 
 arms, as a better Protectionist than Mr. Clay, the latter, as was 
 charged, through the Compromise Act, abandoning the Tariff of 
 1832, which Mr. Polk, as a member of Congress, warmly sup- 
 ported, and to which he referred as his political creed in the 
 canvass of 1844. He could easily deceive the North. He could 
 as easily undeceive the South : all he had to do was to cause it 
 to be understood by a dozen Southern leaders that the Kane 
 letter was a mere trick to carry the North, and that he was heart 
 and hand with South Carolina on the matter of the Tariff, as 
 time would show and did show. Throughout the whole canvass, 
 South Carolina gave him the heartiest support. The annals of 
 political tergiversation may in vain be searched for a more flagrant 
 
 *Niles' Register, 66,295. 
 
141 
 
 example of double-dealing than those displayed by the Demo- 
 cratic candidates for the highest office in the gift of our people. 
 The present President, in his assurances and subsequent con- 
 duct, is fully up to the examples which have already been given. 
 " False as a bulletin " became a saying in France under the 
 regime of Napoleon. " False as a Presidential Candidate " may 
 well become a saying in the United States. 
 
 Of Mr. Polk's cabinet, Mr. Robert J. Walker, of the State of 
 Mississippi, whose achievements in repudiating her debts have 
 been related, was made Secretary of the Treasury. As Mr. 
 Hamilton had. been regarded as the great champion of protection, 
 it was Mr. Walker's ambition to become the great champion of 
 free trade. He was well entitled to the honor, as he was the first 
 Secretary of the Treasury that ever espoused its cause. From 
 his first annual report, made under date of December 3, 1845, tne 
 following extracts are given : 
 
 " The constitutional power of Congress ' to lay and collect taxes, duties, 
 imports, and excises ' does not authorize the laying of a prohibitory duty, or a 
 duty in which revenue is sacrificed to the object of protecting the manufacture 
 of the commodity taxed. 
 
 "Taxation, whether direct or indirect, should be as nearly as practicable 
 in proportion to property. If the whole revenue were raised by a tax upon 
 property, the poor would pay a very small portion of such tax; whereas, by 
 the consumption of imports, or of domestic commodities, enhanced in price 
 under the tariff, the poor are made to pay a much larger share of the taxes 
 than if they were collected by an assessment in proportion to property. To 
 counteract as far as possible this effect of the tariff, and make it approximate 
 to a system of taxes in proportion to property, the duties upon luxuries should 
 be fixed at the highest revenue standard. This would not be discriminating in 
 favor of the poor, but would mitigate that discrimination." 
 
 " There has been no increase of wages since the tariff of 1842; but, on the 
 contrary, in some cases, a diminution. When the number of manufactories is 
 not great, the power of the system to regulate the wages of labor is inconsiderable ; 
 but, as the profit of capital invested in manufactures is augmented by the protec- 
 tive tariff, there is a corresponding increase of power, until the control of such 
 capital over the wages of labor becomes irresistible. As this power is exercised 
 from time to time, we find it resisted by combinations among the working classes ; 
 by turning out for higher wages or for shorter time ; by trades-unions ; and, in 
 some countries, unfortunately, by violence and bloodshed. But the Government, 
 by protective duties, arrays itself on the side of the manufacturing system, and, 
 by thus augmenting its wealth and power, soon terminates in its favor the struggle 
 between man and money. 
 
 . . . "A protective tariff is a question regarding the enhancement of the 
 profits of capital, and not the augmentation of the wages of labor. It is a question 
 of percentage, and is to decide whether money vested in our manufactures shall, 
 by special legislation, yield a profit of 10, 20, or 30 per cent., or whether it shall 
 remain satisfied with a dividend equal to that accruing from the same capital 
 invested in agriculture, commerce, or navigation." 
 
 " At least two-thirds of the taxes imposed by the present tariff are paid, not 
 into the Treasury, but to the protected classes. The revenue from imports 
 
142 
 
 last year exceeded $27,000,000; . . but the whole tax imposed upon the people 
 by the present tariff is not less than $81,000,000, of which $54,000,000 are paid to 
 the protected classes in enhanced prices of similar domestic articles. . . . 
 
 ''It seems strange that, while the profit of agriculture varies from 1 to 8 per 
 cent., that of manufactures is more than double. The reason is that while the 
 high duties secure nearly a monopoly of the home market to the manufacturer, 
 farmer and planter are deprived, to a great extent, of the foreign market by these 
 duties. The farmer and planter are, to a great extent, forbidden to buy in the 
 foreign market, and confined to the domestic articles, enhanced in price by the 
 duties. The tariff is thus a double benefit to the manufacturer and a double loss 
 to the farmer and planter. . . . The true question is, whether the farmer and 
 planter shall, to a great extent, supply our people with cheap manufactures, pur- 
 chased abroad with their agricultural products, or whether this exchange shall be 
 forbidden by high duties on such manufactures, and their supply thrown as a 
 monopoly, at large prices by high tariffs, into the hands of our own manufact- 
 urers. The number of manufacturing capitalists who derive the benefit from the 
 heavy taxes extracted by the tariff from twenty millions of people does not exceed 
 10,000. The whole number (including the working-classes engaged in our manu- 
 factures) deriving any benefit from the tariff does not exceed 400,000, of whom 
 not more than 40,000 have been brought into this pursuit by the last tariff of 
 1842." 
 
 Mr. Walker argued that a high tariff virtually excluded the 
 manufactures of foreign nations from our markets by placing 
 these nations under the necessity of paying specie for our agricul- 
 tural products. 
 
 " Such a demand for specie is nearly equivalent to a decree excluding most 
 of our agricultural products from foreign markets. Such is the rigor of our re- 
 strictions, that nothing short of a famine opens freely the ports of Europe for our 
 breadstuffs. . . . If , on a reduction of our duties, England repeals her corn- 
 la^vs, nearly all Europe must follow her example, or give to her manufacturers 
 advantages which cannot be successfully encountered in most of the markets of 
 the world. The tariff did not raise the price of our breadstuffs, but a bad harvest 
 in England does, giving us, for the time, that foreign market which we would 
 soon have at all times by that repeal of the corn-laws which must follow the 
 reduction of our own duties. But while breadstuffs rise with a bad harvest in 
 England, cotton almost invariably falls, because the increased sum which, in that 
 event, England must pay for our breadstuffs, we will take, not in manufactures, 
 but only in specie ; and, not having it to spare, she brings down, even to a greater 
 extent, the price of our cotton. Hence the result that a bad harvest in England 
 reduces the aggregate price of our exports, often turns the exchanges against us, 
 carrying our specie abroad, and inflicting a serious blow on our prosperity. 
 Foreign nations cannot, for a series of years, import more than they export, and 
 if we close our markets against their imports by high duties, they must buy less 
 of our exports, or give a lower price, or both." 
 
 I do not propose to comment at length upon Mr. Walker's 
 Report, but to contrast it with the sentiment of the country, 
 first fully expressed by Hamilton, which was embodied in the 
 first law enacted by the first Congress of the United States, 
 and which every Secretary of the Treasury and every Congress 
 sought to realize, down to the Compromise Act of 1833. That 
 Act did not change the rule of specific duties, or minimums, 
 which had so long obtained. It provided for a horizontal 
 
143 
 
 reduction of rates, based on the old system. With Mr. Folk's 
 administration, fifty -six years after the establishment of the 
 Government, came, for the first time, Free Trade. With it 
 Democracy achieved its final triumph. The first time it was 
 ever heard of in this country was in connection with nullifi- 
 cation. The two were twin brothers. The Southern people 
 wanted to sell direct to Europe, and buy direct from Europe, 
 every dollar of duty paid taking, as they claimed, so much 
 money out of their pockets. To select the instrument by which 
 Free Trade was to be established from the State of Mississippi, 
 which had just repudiated her debts, was as much an insult to 
 the moral sense of the nation as it was an attack upon its well- 
 being. If the sole purpose was to uphold slavery, reducing every 
 sentiment or achievement to the low level of despotism, then 
 nothing was to be urged against Mr. Walker's appointment. 
 But if it were the purpose of the nation to struggle to realize 
 the highest freedom, graced by every art of which the race is 
 capable, certainly Mississippi was the last State to go to for 
 the ideal or the instrument to realize it. When a great interest 
 is to be directed, we take the most competent experts in it as 
 our guides. We do not send to Mississippi for a man who never 
 saw the ocean to take command of a first-class steamship running 
 between New York and Liverpool. If we do, the first news of 
 her will be that she is on the rocks. Whenever, before the War 
 of the Rebellion, the charge of the manufacturing industries of 
 the country was committed to a citizen of the slave-holding States, 
 it was to court destruction. Upon the subject of protection, Mr. 
 Walker knew nothing, nor did he care to know anything. His 
 only purpose was to strike at the principle, and overthrow the 
 fabric erected upon it. His ignorance was only measured by 
 his total disregard of truth. To say that, in 1845, a sum equal 
 to $54,000,000 was paid by the people to the protected classes, 
 in the enhanced prices caused by protection of the products 
 consumed by them, was to state what he must have known to 
 be untrue. 
 
 The Act of 1846 provided for ad valorem duties on Imports of 
 all kinds. Several schedules were formed. The more important 
 articles, such as iron, cottons, and woollens, were put into the 30 
 per cent, schedule. The reduction of the duties on iron averaged all 
 
144 
 
 the way from 50 to 75 per cent. ; that on manufactures of cottons 
 and woollens averaged, probably, 50 per cent. The measure, which 
 was most vigorously opposed by the manufacturing States, passed 
 by a vote of 1 14 to 95 in the House, and by a vote of 26 to 25 in 
 the Senate. In the debate which took place upon it, only the 
 following extract, from a speech of Mr. Granger of New York, 
 will be given : 
 
 " Since the war of 1812 we have at three different times resorted to a protec- 
 tive tariff to relieve us from financial distress. From 1818 to 1824, with a mere 
 revenue tariff, the balance of trade was against us, and during that term of six 
 years our exports of specie exceeded our imports $10,000,000. This caused the 
 protective tariff of 1824, and the effect of the change was soon felt. Confidence and 
 activity returned, and instead of exporting specie we imported specie to a large 
 amount. The effect was so obvious and gratifying that the still higher tariff of 
 1828 was enacted, the highest we ever had. Under these two protective tariffs 
 of 1824 and 1828, up to 1834, ten years, the whole country was blessed with a 
 prosperity perhaps never before equaled in this or any other country. In these 
 ten years of protection, from 1824 to 1834, we imported thirty millions of specie 
 more lhan we exported, and paid off the debts of two wars, th'at of the Revolu- 
 tion and of 1812, in all, principal and interest, $100,000,000. Next came the 
 descending compromise tariff of Mr. Clay, reluctantly conceded to the opponents 
 of protection. By a sliding scale this tariff brought us down in nine years to a 
 horizontal tariff of 20 per cent. The result was, the Government soon found 
 itself out of funds and out of credit. The tariff of 1842 was arranged for pro- 
 tection and revenue incidentally. It justified the expectations of its most san- 
 guine friends, but it was allowed only a brief existence. It was said in high places 
 that the principle of protection was wrong, and in an evil hour Congress adopted 
 the maxim, and the tariff of 1842 was repealed, and that of 1846, the present one, 
 substituted. Sir, unless we have a radical change in our tariff laws, we shall 
 surely have another financial crash. We must manufacture more and import less, 
 and keep our specie at home. We have a foreign debt of nearly two hundred 
 and fifty millions of dollars. Protection is vastly more important to us now than 
 revenue, but we can have them both at once, if we will."* 
 
 It was fortunate for the country now committed to the 
 regime of Free Trade, that gold was discovered in California the 
 year following its adoption. The discovery gave a mighty im- 
 pulse to the industries of the nation, while the peopling of our 
 new possessions of the Pacific Slope drew from the East, and into 
 
 * " The condition of the nation at the date of the passage of the act of 1842 was humiliating 
 in the extreme. The treasury unable to obtain at home the means required for administering 
 the Government, even on the most economical scale had failed in all its efforts to negotiate a 
 loan at six per cent., even in the same foreign markets in which it had but recently paid off, at 
 pur, a debt bearing an interest of only three per cent. Many of the States, and some even of the 
 oldest of them, had been forced to suspend the payment of interest on their debts. The banks to 
 a great extent were in a state of suspension, and those which professed to redeem their notes 
 found their business greatly restricted by the increasing demand for coin to go abroad. The use 
 of either gold or silver as currency had almost altogether ceased. The Federal Government, but 
 recently so rich, was driven to the use of inconvertible paper money in all its transactions with 
 the people. Of the merchants, a large portion had become bankrupt. Factories and furnaces 
 being closed, hundreds of thousands of persons were totally unemployed. Commerce had scarcely 
 an existence, those who could not sell their own labor being unable to purchase of others. Never- 
 theless, deep as was the abyss into which the nation had been plunged, so magical was the effect 
 of the adoption of a system that had turned the balance of trade in its favor, that scarcely had the 
 act of August, 1842, become a law, when the Government found that it could have all its wants 
 supplied at home. Mills, factories, and furnaces long closed, were again opened ; labor came 
 into demand ; and before the close of its third vear prosperity almost universally reigned." Hunt's 
 Merchant's Magazine, xxx., vi., 418. 
 
145 
 
 profitable employment vast numbers, who otherwise would have 
 been wholly without it. 
 
 The Tariff of 1846 remained without change until 1857, when 
 a considerable reduction, the ad valorem principle being followed, 
 was made. The duty on manufactures of iron was reduced from 
 30 to 24 per cent. A similar reduction was made in most kinds 
 of manufactures of wool. A slight reduction was made on cot- 
 ton goods, the rates on these by the Act of 1846 being 25 per 
 cent. As already remarked, the period for several years following 
 1848 was one of very great activity, resulting from the taking 
 ppssession of our newly acquired domain on the Pacific Coast. 
 For two or three years a great impulse was given to the export 
 trade of the country, on account of the famine resulting from the 
 potato blight in Ireland, first appearing in 1847. As soon as the 
 demands for the products of our agriculture so created ceased, 
 the foreign trade relapsed into a very unsatisfactory condition. 
 For the period of ten years ending with 1860, the balance of trade 
 against the country equalled $357,319,800, the balance against us 
 being in part met by exports of gold, which for the period named 
 exceeded the imports of that metal by the sum of $300,000,000. 
 On the 1 3th of October, 1857, the Banks of the United States 
 suspended specie payment on account of the great demand for 
 gold to meet the payment for goods thrown upon the market 
 after July ist of that year, importations previous to such date 
 having been entered in bond, in order to get the benefit of the 
 reduction of the rates. The foreign demand for gold was 
 rather the occasion of the suspension of specie than the cause. 
 In 1853 a new bank mania again seized upon our people. In 
 1854, 458 new Banks were erected: the increase of Banking 
 Capital within the year equalling $93,467,552 ; of bank-note cir- 
 culation, $58,616,427 ; of deposits, $42,634,868, the two last sums 
 equalling $101,251,295. On the first day of January, 1857, the 
 note circulation of the banks reached the enormous sum, for 
 the time, of $214,778,822 ; their deposits, $230,351,312. On the 
 first day of January, 1858, seventy-nine days after the suspen- 
 sion of specie payments, the note circulation of the banks was 
 reduced to $155,208,344, the amount of reduction equalling 
 $59,570,478. Their deposits were reduced to $185,392,049, the 
 amount of the reduction equalling $44,959,263 ; of notes and 
 deposits, in a single year, of $104,529,741. Some idea of the ter- 
 
146 
 
 rible loss and suffering which followed may be formed, if we ask 
 ourselves what would be the consequence should the present vol- 
 ume of our currency notes and deposits, including government 
 notes, be reduced from $2,000,000,000, their present approximate 
 amount, to $1,500,000,000. Such a reduction would involve the 
 industries of the country in a common ruin. Such, with brief 
 periods between them, were the results of Democratic principles 
 and Democratic rule. The care of the currency is always a first 
 concern with a well-administered government. What would be 
 the consequence if each one of the thirty-eight States in the 
 Union had its own mint, each issuing as many kinds of money 
 as there were States, each having a standard of its own or per- 
 haps no other standard than that which ignorance or cupidity 
 might suggest ? Would not there be an end of all internal trade, 
 and would not the people rise in mass and establish a despotism, 
 if there were no other mode of remedying the evil ? But this is 
 just what the Democracy did when it declared that the United 
 States Government was not competent to establish a Bank. 
 But the exchanges of the country notwithstanding had still to be 
 effected by the use of bank money. Such being the case, why 
 should not the General Government at all times have looked after 
 such money, to see that it had a similar value in every portion of 
 our domain, and that such value equalled that of gold ? What 
 an infinite boon since the War of the Rebellion has been the as- 
 sumption by the Government of the United States of care over 
 the currency. It has been among the foremost of the causes to 
 which our wonderful prosperity has been due. Why was not such 
 duty assumed under Democracy ? Because under it the Govern- 
 ment was not allowed to possess any of the attributes of sov- 
 ereignty. How absurd for it to grant to a bank a charter which 
 had 50 years to run, when the day following its existence it might 
 be wiped out by the action of any one of its members, the 
 States ! If it could 'give a bank a charter for 50 years, the neces- 
 sary inference would be that the life of the grantor must continue 
 during at least that of its creature, to see that the powers granted 
 were properly exercised. There being no general supervision, the 
 result was enormous issues of wild-cat currency, of which that an 
 already referred to, of the State of Mississippi, may be taken as 
 example, her $30,000,000 vanishing like the morning mist under 
 
147 
 
 a fervid sun. How wretched must a people be, nominally under 
 a government, but under a government discharged of all power, 
 even of the right to be ! The Democracy, in discharging the 
 National Government of all power "to regulate commerce and 
 trade," the chief object in the formation of the Constitution, not 
 only inflicted upon the people losses equalling thousands of mil- 
 lions of dollars, but exerted a potent influence in undermining 
 the moral sense of the nation. 
 
 It may seem to some that I have been too voluminous in my 
 quotations from public records and from the speeches and letters 
 of the great actors in the scenes described. But I write for those 
 to whom the right of suffrage has come since the breaking out of 
 the War of the Rebellion, the result of which was to give us, for 
 the first time for 40 years, a Government of adequate powers. 
 It is of the highest importance that voters who were not old 
 enough to take part in the great struggle, including among such 
 those who since that time have made this their adopted land, 
 the whole including more than four-fifths of our voters should 
 be made fully acquainted with the theory and practice of govern- 
 ment under the regime of the Fathers, and that of the Democ- 
 racy, and the causes that led to the War of the Rebellion. The 
 principles of Democracy, set forth in every resolution and address 
 of the National Democratic Conventions held since 1840, and 
 echoed by every member of the party, never change. Its great 
 principle has been to discharge the Federal Government of all 
 powers. Its method in the political field has been to array 
 class against class, to denounce the employer as the natural 
 enemy of the employed. Events may change its line of policy, 
 but never its principles. These lie too deep in human nature 
 to be eradicated, except through influences working through the 
 ages. The manacles have been struck from the hand of the slave, 
 but what tender hand is outstretched to raise him to the dignity 
 and the rights, the proper attributes of humanity ? What the 
 future has in store for us no one can foresee. Whenever in 
 the future, as in the past, the interposition of the Government is 
 invoked, the Democracy will always be found, where they have 
 always been found, allied with the oppressor against the op- 
 pressed. Our proper training for the future is to understand 
 the past. 
 
148 
 
 But the end was now at hand. On the 23d of April, 1860, 
 the Democracy met in convention at Charleston, South Carolina, 
 for the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency. At that 
 convention the name of Stephen A. Douglas was presented by 
 the North. He was a man of impetuous temper, but of gen- 
 erous instincts, and in the course of the great struggle for 
 freedom in the territories, Kansas being the battle-field, he had 
 let fall remarks to the effect that freedom was ' better than 
 slavery. For such expressions the South entertained for him 
 the greatest hatred and distrust. Under the two-thirds rule 
 it could easily defeat his nomination ; but the Northern Democ- 
 racy, partly from disgust for its Southern allies, and partly un- 
 willing to break with a numerous party in its ranks already 
 threatening revolt, refused to sacrifice the man of their choice to 
 the cruel necessities of slavery. The Southern Democracy found 
 in Douglas a man very different from such creatures as Peirce 
 and Buchanan. Th'e result was that after a prolonged contest, 
 in which the Democracy seemed more like an army of barbarians, 
 fighting over the spoils captured from an enemy, than civilized 
 men, the convention broke up in confusion and dismay, without 
 effecting a choice. The party would have utterly dissolved but 
 that one, based upon the instincts upon which Democracy was 
 based, must always exist. Such a party occasionally through 
 factions overthows itself, but is always to be encountered in every 
 state, at war with society, and incompatible with the existence 
 of a free government. Buchanan, when Fort Sumter was be- 
 leaguered, found no warrant in the Constitution by which such 
 acts could be restrained. In 1861, under the regime of Democ- 
 racy, civil government itself had come to an end. 
 
 I pass over the events of the War of the Rebellion, over the 
 mighty struggle in which the North put 2,200,00x3 of her citizen 
 soldiery in the field, the terrible carnage which followed, and 
 the sorrow and mourning carried into every household in the 
 land, all to settle one single question, the kind of Government 
 possessed by the United States. Pretty expensive tribunal this, 
 - the ultima ratio of all nations, when we had provided by 
 the Constitution itself, in the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, a tribunal whose authority had many times been invoked, 
 always with one answer, that the Government was one possessed 
 
149 
 
 of powers adequate to provide for its own maintenance and to 
 promote the general welfare ; that it constituted a nation, not a 
 confederacy. But what did the Democracy care for the Supreme 
 Court of the United States ? Was not this the land in which 
 one man was as good as another ? If Democracy could have 
 had its way, the Supreme Court would have ceased to exist, or 
 would have been the instrument of despotism, instead of being, 
 as it proved to be, the bulwark of the nation's freedom. What 
 a terrible penalty did the North pay for her cowardice and 
 imbecility in allowing her leaders to sell her birthright to appease 
 the cruel Moloch of slavery ! What still more tremendous penalty 
 did the South pay in her slaughtered sons, her ravaged fields, in 
 her cities razed by shot and shell ! The North gratefully took her 
 heroes, returning from the war, by the hand, and provided the 
 means to carry them comfortably on their way through the years 
 that remained. For the Southern soldier, whose health was 
 wrecked from exposure in the field, nothing remained but the 
 recollections of the "lost cause." 
 
 PART THREE. -THE RESTORATION OF THE WORK 
 OF THE FATHERS. 
 
 What were the .conditions to which the nation had to adjust 
 herself at the end of the most colossal civil war of which history 
 gives any account ? To fight her great battle for freedom the 
 North had to put 2,859,132 of her citizen soldiers, nearly one in 
 eight of her whole population, into the field. The South, to fill 
 her ranks, " robbed," as General Grant expressed it, " the cradle 
 and the grave." Hardly any industries were practised, for the 
 time, but those necessary to feed and clothe soldiers, to provide 
 powder and ball. The South was defeated only by the absolute 
 destruction of every industry she possessed. Victorious armies 
 swept over her fields, capturing all her cities and strongholds, 
 sparing only life itself. The struggle ended, the North returned 
 her citizen soldiery as speedily as possible to the pursuits of 
 peace to restore the waste of war. Her fields, fortunately, had 
 in great measure escaped the ravages of contending armies. But 
 
150 
 
 a great many of the industries of peace had to be begun anew. 
 Foreign vessels of war, sailing under the rebel flag, had well nigh 
 driven her commercial marine from the ocean. The national debt, 
 which in 1860 equalled $58,496,837, had increased in 1865 to 
 $2,680,647,869, and in 1866 to $2,773,236,173, nearly the whole of 
 it the cost of the war. Of the total debt, $698,918.800 consisted of 
 legal tender paper, Q? fiat paper, issued in every form that neces- 
 sity or ingenuity could devise. In the month of January, 1865, 
 it took $234 of this money to buy $100 in gold. For 1865, the 
 average price of gold, to be paid for in United States notes, 
 equalled 181. Of all kinds of indebtedness that in the form of 
 legal-tender paper is the most to be dreaded. When from any 
 cause it exists, of the alternatives, payment or repudiation, the 
 latter is usually the one taken. Its retirement is not the mere 
 payment of an ordinary debt, that is always easy enough for 
 a nation, but the retirement, the disuse for a time, of the most 
 important of all the instruments by which the operations of so- 
 ciety are carried on, that of exchange. Where, as at the time 
 in the United States, government paper money was the instru- 
 ment of exchange chiefly in use, serving as the basis of all other 
 kinds of paper money, the nation had by its retirement to die, as it 
 were, before she could begin a new and better life. For a long 
 period during the war the prices of all kinds of property in the 
 country were marked up to express the appreciation of gold. 
 All, whatever the alternative, had now to come down to a natural 
 level, that of gold. During the process all in trade had to con- 
 stantly follow a declining market, the price of their goods falling 
 one-half in the course of a single year. The national debt, con- 
 tracted in paper money when the value of the latter did not equal 
 50 cents in gold, was now to be paid to its full nominal amount 
 in gold. To meet the situation manfully by beginning at once 
 to reduce the volume of paper money by its redemption in 
 gold, or its equivalent, and to make provision for the retirement 
 of the whole interest-bearing debt in gold, though not one-half 
 its actual value in gold had been received therefor, required a 
 steadiness of principle, a heroism, a devotion to duty, far greater 
 than was displayed in the war. When the blood is up, the 
 work of destruction is always easy. It is the work of resto- 
 ration that is the hard one. It was an onerous task to put 
 
151 
 
 down the rebellion. But the end was plain enough from the 
 beginning. It was simply the proper marshalling of superior 
 means in money and men. The North never for a moment fal- 
 tered. She had had enough of Free Trade and State Rights. 
 If two million men could not do the work, she well knew 
 that four million could. If two billion dollars were not enough, 
 she was ready to put up four. Her cause would have gone only 
 with the last dollar and the last man. True Freedom never 
 suffers defeat. It always has one sublime alternative. 
 
 The field upon which the battle of Cannae was fought 
 belonged to the state. It was presently put up at auction, 
 and brought a fabulous price ; a crowd of bidders taking this 
 way to show their full faith in the successful issue of the 
 great struggle. Had the field of Bull Run been so put up, 
 it would, from a passion like that with which mighty Rome was 
 instinct, have brought fifty times its value. 
 
 No sooner did the North, by the election of Mr. Lincoln, and 
 the secession of great numbers of Southern members of Congress, 
 become a Nation free to act upon her own impulses, than her first 
 work was to restore the work of the Fathers, the Tariff, Banks, 
 Internal Improvement ! How grateful to breathe once more the 
 free air of the early Republic ; again to invoke the example 
 and companionship of Washington, Hamilton, Madison, Monroe, 
 and a host of other names ever honored for their labors and 
 achievements in the cause of humanity and progress. 
 
 The first change in the Tariff of 1857 was made by the Act 
 of March 2d, 1861, Mr. Buchanan's administration terminating 
 the day following. At the December session of the 36th Congress 
 a comparatively small number of members from the Southern 
 States appeared, South Carolina, always the leader, having 
 adopted her Ordinance of Secession December i/th, 1860; 
 Mississippi, January Qth ; Florida, January loth ; Alabama, 
 January nth; Georgia, January igth ; Louisiana, January 25; 
 and Texas, February ist, 1861. By the Ordinance of 1832, 
 of South Carolina, which turned upon the question of money, 
 of the Tariff, sixty-eight days of grace for repentance on the 
 part of the North were allowed. Upon such a paltry affair she 
 
152 
 
 could well afford to be gracious. The issue of 1860 being one of 
 humanity, not a moment for shrift was allowed, the Ordinance 
 and Act going hand in hand. The secession of the South, 
 however, had this bright side to it : it immediately gave the 
 Republican party, soon to come into power, a majority in both 
 Houses of Congress. There was now pressing need of action. 
 The first impulse, in the face of a civil war already inaugurated 
 by seven States, with four more to speedily follow, was to fill 
 a depleted Treasury. The Tariff of March 2d, 1861, was a 
 temporary measure to meet immediate necessities. By it ad 
 valorem were superseded by specific duties, the rates of duties 
 being largely increased. This Act was amended and the amount 
 of duty increased by the Acts of August ist, 1861, and of Decem- 
 ber 24th, 1 86 1. These were superseded by the carefully prepared 
 Act of July I4th, 1862, which is substantially that in force to-day. 
 It was amended, with a considerable increase of rates, by the Act 
 of June 3Oth, 1864. The increase of rates in 1864 was in part to 
 meet the increase of the Internal Revenue taxes, which were 
 levied upon almost all articles of domestic manufacture. The 
 increase was a war measure, pure and simple. The considerations 
 that influenced Congress are thus stated in the remarks made 
 by Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, in support of the measure : 
 
 " The withdrawal of the large number of men now in the field from industrial 
 pursuits leaves a paucity of numbers at home, thereby advancing wages and the 
 cost of living, so that a bushel of corn, a pound of wool, a yard of cloth, or a ton 
 of iron, cannot now, even reducing the currency to specie standard, be produced 
 at the same cost they were three years ago. With the tariff considerably increased, 
 and even if we had no internal taxes to pay, our people will hardly find it less 
 difficult to compete with foreign productions and manufactures than they did in 
 times of peace without any increase of the tariff. And when we impose a tax of 5 
 per cent, upon our manufactures and increase the tariff to the same extent upon 
 foreign manufactures, we leave them upon the same relative footing they were at 
 the start, and neither has cause of complaint. The genius of war is not a more 
 terrible scourge than a merciless spendthrift. The fighting armies, in the smoke 
 and carnage of battle, cannot know aught of economy; they have no time to 
 count the cost. We have a great war on our hands. The earth never trembled 
 under a greater or one more bloody. The duration of the present contest, into 
 which we have been so cruelly plunged by rebel conspirators of thirty years' stand- 
 ing, cannot be foretold. It may not be long before the stars and bars will give 
 pl^fcfe everywhere to the stars and stripes, but we as^prudent legislators must grap- 
 ple with the possible contingencies, which may include a war of years instead of 
 months." 
 
 As I have now come down to a period the events of which 
 are within the general experience, it is enough to say that by the 
 Acts of 1862 and 1864 the manufacturers were allowed substan- 
 
153 
 
 tially to name the rates of duty upon the articles of foreign 
 manufacture with which they were to compete. So soon as the 
 revenue therefrom could be spared the great mass of internal 
 taxes was abolished. Their removal was so much additional pro- 
 tection. With the return of our citizen soldiery to the pursuits 
 of peace, wages, the price of labor, largely fell, all inuring to the 
 benefit of the manufacturer. He had now all the protection he 
 cared to ask for. How did he and the country prosper under the 
 new regime ? 
 
 The population of the United States in 1865, according to 
 the computation of Mr. E. B. Elliot, Actuary of the Department 
 of the Treasury, equalled 34,748,000, In 1887 it was 59,893,000, 
 the increase equalling 25 145,000, the rate of increase equalling ) 
 say, 72 per cent. 
 
 The number of miles of railroad in operation in 1865 equalled 
 35,085; in 1887, 150,000; the increase equalling 115,357 miles; 
 rate of increase equalling 328 per cent., such rate of increase 
 being 452 per cent, greater than that of the population of the 
 country; the ratio of miles of railroad, in 1887, to population 
 being as i to 400. 
 
 At an estimated cost of road ana equipment, of $35,000 per 
 mile, the amount expended upon the mileage constructed in the 
 period of 22 years equalled $4,037,495,000, the yearly expenditure 
 equalling $183,886,140. In this expenditure I include that in- 
 curred in improving and in adding to the equipment of old lines, 
 and laying of second and side tracks, of which 30,000 miles were 
 laid in the period named. 
 
 In the MANUAL of the RAILROADS of the UNITED STATES, I 
 was enabled to give for the years 1882, 1883, 1884, 1885, 1886, and 
 1887 the precise amount, compiled from the reports of the several 
 companies, and from those of the Railroad Commissions now 
 established in most of the States, of the tonnage moved by 
 all the railroads of the country. For 1887 the total tonnage 
 moved equalled 552,074,752 tons; for 1886, 482,245,254 tons; 
 for 1885, 437,040,099 tons; for 1884, 399,074,749 tons ; for 1883, 
 400,453,439 tons; and for 1882, 360,490,375 tons. From the want 
 of adequate returns previous thereto, the latter year was the first 
 in which the amount of tonnage moved could be accurately given. 
 I had, however, full returns from and including 1865 of the annual 
 
154 
 
 tonnage of the Boston & Albany ; the New York Central ; 
 Erie ; Pennsylvania ; Lake Shore ; Pittsburgh & Fort Wayne, and 
 Michigan Central, lines connecting Chicago with the sea-board : 
 and of the Chicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul ; Chicago & North- 
 Western ; Chicago, Burlington & Quincy ; Chicago & Rock Is- 
 land; Chicago & Alton, and Illinois Central', lines centering at 
 Chicago. The aggregate tonnage in 1887 of the lines named 
 equalled 125,021,507 tons, an amount equalling 22.7 per cent, 
 of the total movement on all the roads. I assume a similar ratio 
 for the whole period preceding 1882. It is upon such assumption 
 that the tonnage of all the roads of the country for each year from 
 1865 to 1882 in Statement I., hereto annexed, has been estimated. 
 According to such estimate, the gross tonnage of all the roads 
 in 1865 equalled 70,000,000 tons. From an intimate acquaint- 
 ance with the results of the operations of our Railroads rendered 
 necessary by the publication for twenty-one years of the MANUAL, 
 I am satisfied that my estimate of the tonnage for 1865 is above 
 rather than below the mark. A few illustrations will be conclusive 
 upon this point. The tonnage of the Pennsylvania R. R. for 1865 
 was 2,555,706 tons; in 1887, 30,147,635 tons, the increase equal- 
 ling 27,591,929 tons, the rate of increase in the 22 years being 
 nearly i.ioo per cent. The tonnage of the New York Central 
 R. R. increased from 1,767,059 in 1865 to 14,626,951 in 1887, 
 the rate of increase being over 700 per cent. The tonnage of 
 the Erie R. R. in 1865 was 2,234,350, and in 1887, 13,549,260, 
 the rate of increase being over 500 per cent. The tonnage of the 
 three roads in 1865 equalled 6,557,115; in 1887, 58,323,848 tons, 
 the increase equalling 51,766,732, the rate of increase being 
 very nearly 800 per cent. 
 
 From the gross the duplicated tonnage is to be deducted. The 
 greater number of the companies report only the total num- 
 ber of tons transported by them, taking no account of the sources 
 from which freight is received, or of its destination. The Penn- 
 sylvania company, an exception, reports its through, separate 
 from its local, tonnage. The total number of tons moved by 
 it in 1887 equalled 30,147,635 ; the through tonnage equalling 
 2,315,460; the local, 27,832,175 tons. The through tonnage was 
 chiefly duplications, although there was a large movement not 
 duplicated between Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, the respective 
 
. 155 
 
 termini of the line. The proportion of duplicated to the total 
 tonnage of this road was about I to 13. The total tonnage of 
 the New York Central in 1887 equalled 14,676,954 tons. Its 
 through tonnage, which it reports, equalled 1,960,340 tons, of 
 which 1,523,689 were moved East and 436,651 West, the local 
 being more than seven times greater than the through. On this 
 road there is a large tonnage between New York City and Buffalo 
 not duplicated. In 1886 the Lake Shore line, with a total ton- 
 nage of 8,305,597 tons, moved 720,328 tons East from Chicago, 
 the greater part of which was through tonnage. Assuming the 
 through tonnage West to equal one-half of that going East, the 
 total through for the year was about one-eighth part of the whole. 
 From such data, I am confident that I have not underestimated 
 the amount, for all the roads, of their duplicated tonnage. If not, 
 the net tonnage for 1887 of all the railroads in the country equalled 
 412,500,000 tons, taking the round figures of 550,000,000 tons as 
 the gross tonnage. Deducting one-quarter for duplications, the 
 net tonnage of the railroads of the United States for 1865 equalled 
 52,500,000, the increase of net in the period of 22 years equalling 
 360,000,000 tons, the annual increase equalling 16,363,000 tons. 
 The rate of increase, both of gross and net tonnage, equalled 
 very nearly 700 per cent. ; the rate being 1,000 per cent, greater 
 than the rate of increase of the population of the country. The 
 number of gross tons moved in 1887 on all the railroads of the 
 United States, per head of population, equalled 9 tons ; of net, 
 7 tons. In 1865 the gross tonnage moved equalled 2 tons per 
 head ; net, 1.50 per head. 
 
 If the net tonnage of all the railroads of the United States for 
 1887 equalled 412,500,000 tons, what was its value? We have a 
 pretty safe guide. The State of New York requires all ship- 
 ments of freight on the Erie Canal, a State work, to be accompa- 
 nied by a manifest of their value, the freight being classified as 
 follows : Products of the Forests ; Products of Animals ; Vegetable 
 Food ; other Agricultural Products ; Manufactures ; Merchandise ; 
 other Articles. The amount of tonnage moved on the canals 
 since 1865 has equalled 117,574,570 tons; its value equalled 
 $4,206,442,000, the aggregate value per ton averaging $35.80. 
 For the 10 years ending with 1887 the value of the tonnage 
 
156 
 
 moved averaged $31.62 per ton. For 1886 the value of the canal 
 ton-nage equalled $34 the ton. If the value for 1887 of the 
 net tonnage of the Railroads equalled the average value of the 
 canal tonnage for 10 years ending with 1886, it equalled the sum of 
 $13, 043,250,000. It is probable that the value of the railroad 
 tonnage, being of a higher class, exceeded, per ton, that moved on 
 the canals.* At the estimate given, the value of the tonnage 
 moved in 1887 equalled $222 per head of the population of the 
 country. 
 
 The railroad > tonnage of the country measures accurately the 
 mass of its products. Only a few of the companies distinguish 
 the various articles of which it is composed. If they did, then 
 the whole amount might be distributed under appropriate heads. 
 Numerous private records are kept of the amount and value of 
 the products of leading industries. Those relating to iron and 
 steel are to be found in the annual publications of the American 
 Iron and Steel Association. From these, Statement p. 164 has 
 been compiled. That shows that the production of pig-iron in- 
 creased from 931,582 tons in 1865 to 7,187,206 tons in 1887, 
 the rate of increase being very nearly 700 per cent., the rate 
 being nearly 1,000 per cent, greater than that of the popula- 
 tion of the country. The make of rolled iron, not including 
 
 * Statement showing the number of tons of merchandise moved on the New York Canals, 
 with the value of the same, the value per ton, from 1866 to 1887, inclusive. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Tons 
 moved. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Value, 
 per 
 Ton. 
 
 1865 
 
 4 729 654 
 
 $256 237 104 
 
 $54 18 
 
 1866 
 
 5'775 220 
 
 270,963,676 
 
 46.92 
 
 1867 
 
 5 688 325 
 
 278 956 712 
 
 49 04 
 
 1868 
 
 6,442',225 
 
 305,301,929 
 
 47.40 
 
 1869 
 
 5,859,080 
 
 249,281,284 
 
 42.54 
 
 1870 
 
 6 173 769 
 
 231,836,176 
 
 37.55 
 
 1871 
 
 6,467,888 
 
 238,767,691 
 
 36.92 
 
 1872 
 
 6,673,370 
 
 220,913,321 
 
 33.10 
 
 1873 
 
 6 364,782 
 
 191,715,500 
 
 30.12 
 
 1874 
 
 5,804,588 
 
 196,674,322 
 
 33.88 
 
 1875 
 
 4,859,958 
 
 146,008,675 
 
 29.63 
 
 1876 
 
 4 172 129 
 
 113,090.879 
 
 27.11 
 
 1877 
 
 4,965,963 
 
 128,923,890 
 
 26.10 
 
 1878 
 
 6,171 320 
 
 182,254,528 
 
 35.24 
 
 1879 
 
 5,362,372 
 
 285,280,726 
 
 53.20 
 
 1880 
 
 6,457 666 
 
 247.844,790 
 
 38.38 
 
 1881 
 
 5 179 192 
 
 162 153 665 
 
 31.308 
 
 1882 
 
 5 467,423 
 
 147,918,907 
 
 27.105 
 
 1883 
 
 6,664,066 
 
 147,861,223 
 
 26.105 
 
 1884 
 
 5,009,488 
 
 162,097,069 
 
 32.358 
 
 1885 
 
 4 731 784 
 
 119,536,189 
 
 23J 49 
 
 1886 
 
 5,293,982 
 
 180,061.845 
 
 34.012 
 
 
 
 
 
 Totals 
 
 122 304 224 
 
 $4 462,679,402 
 
 Av. 36.69 
 
 
 
 
 
157 
 
 iron rails, increased from 500,048 tons in 1865 to 2,588,500 
 tons in 1887. The make of rails for railroads increased from 
 356,293 tons in 1865 to 3,396,397 tons in 1887. The make 
 of Bessemer steel of all kinds increased from 15,262 tons in 
 1865 to 3,739,760 tons in 1887, Bessemer steel rails were first 
 produced in the United States in 1867, in which year 2,550 
 tons were made. The make in 1887 equalled 2,354,132 tons. 
 The number of tons of iron ore shipped from the Lake Su- 
 perior mines in 1865 equalled 264,552 tons ; in 1887, 5,307,571 
 tons. The increase in tons of the several products of iron and 
 steel, and iron ore from the district named in Statement II., was 
 from 2,131,717 tons in 1865 to 18,708,608 in 1887, the increase 
 being 16,576,891 tons ; that of the rate being nearly 800 per cent., 
 and more than 1,000 per cent, greater than that of the population 
 of the country. Iron and steel lie at the base of all industries. 
 The rate of their increase is the best measure of that of the 
 material progress of a country. 
 
 The production of anthracite coal, as shown in the subjoined 
 statement, increased from 12,988,725 tons in 1865 to 34,641,018 
 tons in 1887. The amount of product from year to year could 
 be readily determined, owing to the limited area of the field. 
 The increase in quantity equalled 21,652,293 tons; the rate of 
 increase, 166.4 per cent. The increase in the production of 
 bituminous coal has been much more rapid. According to the 
 census of the United States for 1870, the product for that year 
 was 15,356,621 tons; for 1880, 38,193,414 tons. The production 
 in 1887, according to the estimate of Mr. F. E. Saward, of the 
 Coal-Trade Joitrnal, who possesses the best means of any one in 
 the country for accurately determining the tonnage raised, 
 equalled 85,505,721 tons; the total product of both kinds for 
 1887 equalling 120,146,739 tons. It is not probable that over 
 10,000,000 tons of bituminous coal were produced in 1865, the 
 total of both kinds for that year being 22,988,725 tons, the in- 
 crease in " TWENTY-TWO YEARS OF PROTECTION " equalling 
 97,158,014 tons, the rate of increase being nearly 422 per cent., 
 a rate nearly six times greater than that of the increase of popu- 
 lation of the country. The increase of tonnage produced in 1887 
 over that of 1886 equalled 19,482,987 tons.* The increase of 
 
 * See Report of American Iron and Steel Association for 1888, pp. 40-41 
 
158 
 
 product is largely due to the erection of iron works in Alabama 
 and other Southern States, which have within a year or two 
 wonderfully increased. 
 
 The reports of the department of the Treasury of the United 
 States supply annually information as to the quantity and rate 
 of increase, with their price, of many of the products of the in- 
 dustries of the country, particularly those of agriculture. From 
 them several of the tabular statements hereto annexed have been 
 compiled. They show that the production of wheat increased 
 from 148,522,829 bushels, having a value of $217,330,195, equal 
 to 146.3 cents the bushel, in 1865, to 457,218,000 bushels, having 
 a value of $314,226,020, equal to 68.7 cents the bushel, in 1886, the 
 increase in quantity being 306,695,171 bushels; the rate of in- 
 crease being somewhat over 200 per cent., a rate three times 
 greater than that of the increase of population. The increase in 
 value equalled $96,895,825, the rate equalling 44.1 per cent., the 
 price in the period falling 77.6 per cent, the bushel, or more than 
 one-half. 
 
 The production of Indian corn increased from 704,427,853 
 bushels, having a value of $324,168,698, equalling 46 cents per 
 bushel, in 1865, to 1,665,441,000 bushels, having a value of 
 $610,311,000, equalling 36.6 cents per bushel, in 1886. The in- 
 crease in quantity in the period equalled 961,013,147 bushels, the 
 rate of increase being very nearly 140 per cent. The increase in 
 value equalled $286,142,302, the rate being about 90 per cent. 
 The price fell from 46 to 36.6 cents the bushel. 
 
 The total product in the United States, in 1865, of cereals 
 of all kinds equalled 1,127,469,187 bushels, having a value of 
 $681,981,109, the value equalling 60 cents the bushel. In 1886 
 it equalled 2, 842, 5 79, ooo bushels, having a value of $1,162,161,910, 
 the value equalling 41 cents the bushel. The fall in value was 
 about one-third, the increase of quantity was 1,715,109,813 
 bushels, in value $480,180,801. The increase in the product of 
 vegetable food in excess of the increase of our population must 
 have been largely exported as grain or flour, or under the head of 
 " Products of Animals," into which large quantities of grain 
 are annually converted. The consumption of food, particularly in a 
 country like the United States, where the supply is always largely, 
 in excess of the domestic demand, bears a fixed ratio to the number 
 
159 
 
 of consumers. The excess of product must be yearly exported, 
 as it cannot, like some other articles of merchandise, be carried 
 over from year to year. The extraordinary increase in the pro- 
 duction of cereals in the "Twenty-two Years of Protection" was 
 due chiefly to our protective tariff, the great aptness in mechan- 
 ical contrivances acquired under it being transferred to all the 
 processes of agriculture. The great argument of the Free-trader 
 has always been that protection is injurious to our agriculture, 
 in destroying the ability of other nations to consume its products. 
 If we would not consume theirs, they could not ours. The result, 
 through the influence of protection, has been exactly opposite to 
 that assumed. Under it we have acquired such skill in the work- 
 ing our soils and in gathering and delivering their products to 
 the consumers, that we boldly walk into other countries, taking 
 as it were their own bread from their own mouths. 
 
 By the Treasury Reports, the number of Horses in the United 
 States in 1865 equalled 3,889.019; in 1887, 13,172,936, the in- 
 crease equalling 9,273,917, the rate of increase equalling 240 
 per cent. The increase in value rose from $326,985,813 to 
 $946,096,154, the increase equalling $619,110,341, the rate of 
 increase equalling nearly 200 per cent. The number of Oxen and 
 other Cattle increased in the same period from 6,895,324 to 
 34,378,363, the increase equalling 27,483,039, the rate of in- 
 crease being 400 per cent. The value rose from $210,776,136 to 
 $611,750,520, the increase equalling $400,974,384, the rate of 
 increase equalling very nearly 200 per cent. Their value per 
 head fell from 30. 60 per head to 18.60 per head. The number of 
 Milch Cows increased from 5,779,644 to 14,856,414, the increase 
 equalling 9,076,770. Their value increased from $273,081,701 to 
 $366,252,173, the increase equalling $96,071,464, the rate of in- 
 crease equalling 36 per cent. The number of sheep increased 
 from 32,695,797, having a value of $146,425,697, to 43,544,755, 
 having a value of $89,279,926. The increase in number equalled 
 10,848,953. The decrease in value equalled $57,145,771. The 
 high value in 1865 is one of the reminiscences of the War of the 
 Rebellion. In 1865 the price of upland cotton equalled 33 cents 
 the pound. The price of wool rose in like ratio. In the period 
 named the number of swine increased from 13,616,876 to 
 44,346,525, the increase equalling 30,729,649, the rate 222 per 
 
160 
 
 cent. Their value increased from $120,673,158 to $222,811,082, 
 the increase equalling $102,137,924, the rate of increase equal- 
 ling about 83 per cent. Their value per head fell from $7.70 
 to $5.03 per head. The total value of farm animals in 1865 was 
 $1,102,884,344; in 1887, $2,409,043,418, the increase equalling 
 $1,306,159,074, the rate of increase, something over 120 per cent. 
 (See tabular statements annexed.) 
 
 The increase in the products of agriculture is necessarily in ra- 
 tio to the number of persons to be fed. The great increase in our 
 product of wheat, Indian corn, cattle, and swine, shows the extent to 
 which foreign markets have been opened to us under the regime 
 of protection. We force upon other countries the products of 
 our soil by underselling the products of theirs at their own doors. 
 
 Rapid as has been the increase of the tonnage of our rail- 
 roads, the service performed by them, measured by the " number 
 of tons moved one mile," has increased in a still greater ratio, 
 the length of haul constantly increasing. The number of tons 
 moved in 1865 by the thirteen roads which have been selected 
 as the representative lines equalled 2,162,730,318; in 1887, 
 21,219,788,337 tons, the increase equalling 19,057,058,019 toYis, 
 the rate of increase equalling 900 per cent. The number of tons 
 moved one mile by these roads in 1887 equalled 35 per cent, of 
 the total movement, which equalled 60,061,069,996 tons. At a 
 similar ratio for 1865, the total movement of that year upon all 
 the roads equalled 6,250,000,000 tons. From 1882 to 1887 inclu- 
 sive, I was able to give in the Manual an accurate statement of 
 the amount of tonnage moved one mile each year, which with 
 other matters, I have embodied in the following statement : 
 
 Number 
 
 Year8 ' Mites 
 Worked. 
 
 Tons Tons 
 of Moved 
 Freight per Mile 
 Moved. Worked. 
 
 Earnings 
 from 
 Freight. 
 
 XSlSf Tons Moved 
 6 Mored n oneMile - 
 
 Rate 
 Mile. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 cts. 
 
 
 cts. 
 
 1882. .. 95,752 
 
 360,490,375 
 
 3,765 
 
 485,778,341 
 
 1 
 
 347 
 
 39,302,209,249 
 
 $1.236 
 
 1883. 
 
 ..106,938 
 
 400,453,439 
 
 3,747 
 
 539,509,831 
 
 1 
 
 347 
 
 44,664,923,445 
 
 1.226 
 
 1884. 
 
 ..113,172 
 
 399,074,749 
 
 3,528 
 
 505,869,910 
 
 1 
 
 267 
 
 44,725,207,677 
 
 1.124 
 
 1885. 
 
 ..122,110 
 
 437,040,099 
 
 3,580 
 
 509,690,992 
 
 1 
 
 170 
 
 49,151,894,469 
 
 1.057 
 
 1886. 
 
 ..125,146 
 
 482,245,254 
 
 3,856 
 
 550,359,054 
 
 1 
 
 140 
 
 52,802,070,529 
 
 1.042 
 
 1887. 
 
 1. 136,986 
 
 552,074,752 
 
 4,030 
 
 636,666,223 
 
 1 
 
 .146 
 
 60,061,069,996 
 
 1.050 
 
 The rate per ton per mile for all the roads in the United 
 States for 1865 equalled 3.06 cents, assuming the average rate 
 
161 
 
 of all to be that of the thirteen roads taken as representative 
 lines. Had such rate been charged in 1887, the earnings of 
 all from freight would have equalled $1,884,980,950, a sum 
 $1,213,214,727 greater than the amount actually received, a 
 striking illustration of the progress made in reducing the cost of 
 transportation, of one of the methods by which the country has 
 accumulated its vast wealth. An addition of one mill per ton per 
 mile upon the movement of 1887 would have increased the earn- 
 ings from freight by more than $60,000,000. 
 
 If a single passenger train fails to start at the appointed hour 
 from any one of the stations in any considerable city, a great 
 crowd is the immediate result. Should three or four trains out 
 of twenty or thirty, the number daily moving, fail of their ap- 
 pointed time, a vast and bewildered crowd, ferocious or dejected, 
 as suits the mood of each, overflowing the station, would fill the 
 adjoining streets, order at once giving place to chaos. The mighty 
 river moves on unobserved, with its world of waters, the present 
 volume seasonably giving place to that which is to follow ; arrest 
 the flow, and a province is overwhelmed. For 1888, the railroads 
 of the country will have 2,000,000 tons, having a value of 
 $60,000,000, daily offered to them for transportation. In a 
 week, with the ordinary current of events, 12,000,000 tons, having 
 a value of $360,000,000, will be offered for movement. Should 
 the flow be interrupted for a week, the nation would be terror- 
 stricken, and every kind of business be brought to a stand. Where 
 are the sources of this great river of commerce, moving in such 
 mighty volume? In myriads of springs which protection has 
 opened, and which for more than twenty years have flowed with 
 abundant and ever-increasing supply. Why were the twenty-two 
 years just past the first in our history to witness the mighty 
 flow ? For the reason that previous thereto neither order, nor 
 law nor continuity of industries, could for a moment be de- 
 pended upon. Previous thereto South Carolina confronted the 
 National Government with the assassin's bludgeon, the Northern 
 Democracy having no thought but to yield to every whim or 
 caprice or passion in which the leaders in that little hot-bed of 
 secession might indulge. Every man who is old enough to pass 
 in review the history of the country from 1832, the year in which 
 the name " Democracy " was first given to the combination of 
 
162 
 
 elements which now comprise it, will pass in review a period in 
 which the Federal Government was, in theory at least, divested 
 by the Democracy of every function necessary to the maintenance 
 of its own existence. In obedience to the necessities of the 
 South, the great purpose of the Democracy was to destroy the 
 system of protection, the work of the Fathers. The country was 
 cursed with frequent and vast issues of wild-cat paper money, of 
 which that issued by the State of Mississippi may be taken as an 
 example, the Federal Government, with the Democracy, having 
 no power to look after the matter of chiefest concern with a com 
 mercial people, the instruments of exchange. From the want 
 of exercise of such power, two disastrous suspensions of specie 
 payments by the banks took place. Manufacturing industries 
 made only a feeble and unsatisfactory progress, no man knowing, 
 when he went to his morning's work, whether he should have a gov- 
 ernment over his head at nightfall. Compared with the period of 
 twenty-two years which followed the war, the thirty years which 
 preceded it was a prolonged nightmare, a period of doubt, 
 hesitation, and disaster. Throughout it the country moved cau- 
 tiously along, looking for pitfalls on every side. How could it 
 be otherwise, when the party in power was constant in de- 
 claring that the life of the National Government was always at 
 the will of a State, and certain to be assailed should it manifest 
 any sympathy with humanity or spirit of progress ? Freedom 
 and protection being assured, the results are before us in mass too 
 great for words ; in beneficence without example, vast industries 
 carried on by well-paid, well-fed, and contented workmen ; vast 
 works which make neighbors of those living on the two slopes 
 of the continent, and for the first time secure that conscious 
 unity necessary to a true national life. Are we again to commit 
 the priceless boon of our newly acquired freedom, with all the 
 blessings that flow from it, to the keeping of those to whom a 
 national life was, and may again be, the object of the greatest 
 aversion and dread ? 
 
 I measure the amount and rate of increase of the internal 
 commerce of the country by that of the tonnage of its railroads. 
 I have shown that this tonnage increased from 70,000,000 tons in 
 1865 to 552,000,000 tons in 1887, its value increasing in like ratio, 
 the aggregate value of that moved in 1887 being $13,043,250,000, 
 
163 
 
 the rate of increase being nearly tenfold greater than that of the 
 population of the country. The quantity and value before us, 
 the inference is irresistible that the condition out of which they 
 g rew a hard-and-fast system of protection was the most fav- 
 orable that could have been devised for the advancement of the 
 industries and material welfare of the nation. With a statement 
 of the gross result, I might well rest. Nothing that could be 
 added would give additional force to the argument, however in- 
 teresting might be the details and the story of the processes or 
 methods by which the mighty results have been achieved. I 
 must confine myself chiefly to results. Nothing would be more 
 interesting than to give an account of the industries of Massachu- 
 setts during the twenty-two years. It would be comparatively easy, 
 as the State takes a frequent census of its industries. I must 
 content myself with stating that the tonnage of the railroads of 
 the State increased from 4,615,018 tons in 1865 to 19,390,182 
 tons in 1887, the increase equalling 14,775,164 tons, the rate of 
 increase equalling 320 per cent. ; the number of tons carried 
 equalling 14.3 tons per head of her population, whieh increased 
 from 1,344,060 in 1865 to 1,770,000 in 1887, the rate of increase 
 equalling 40 per cent. Her industries increased in a ratio eight- 
 fold greater. At $50 the ton, a low estimate, the value of the ton- 
 nage of her railroads for 1887 equalled $969,500,000, or 550 per 
 head of her population. This tonnage was chiefly the product of 
 her manufactures, the leading articles being those of cotton, 
 wool, leather. The coal consumed in the State was chiefly 
 delivered by water. 
 
 The tontiage of the railroads of the State of Pennsylvania in 
 1865 equalled 21,300,969 tons; in 1887, 135,025,528 tons, the 
 rate of increase being 530 per cent. The tonnage moved by the 
 Pennsylvania Railroad for 1887 equalled 100,000 tons for every 
 working day of ten hours each during the year. It would have 
 loaded 100 ships of 1,000 tons each every working day of the 
 year. 
 
 The following statements give the most important items of 
 the statistical information embodied in the preceding pages. 
 Additional statements will follow further on. 
 
164 
 
 Statement showing the population of the United States ; the number of miles of 
 railroad in the same; the miles constructed; the earnings of all the railroads; 
 the earnings from freight, and the number of tons of freight transported in 
 each year from 1865 to 1887, inclusive. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Miles of 
 Railroad. 
 
 Miles 
 constr'd. 
 
 Earnings of 
 Railroads. 
 
 Freight 
 Earnings. 
 
 Tons Freight 
 moved. 
 
 1865.. 
 
 34 748 000 
 
 35 085 
 
 
 $234 895 300 
 
 $163 800 000 
 
 70 000 000 
 
 1866 
 1867 
 1868 
 
 35,469,000 
 36,211,000 
 36 973 000 
 
 36,801 
 39,250 
 42 229 
 
 1,716 
 
 2,449 
 2 979 
 
 246,560,000 
 261,300,000 
 282 874 000 
 
 173,592,000 
 182,910,000 
 197 960 OOO 
 
 80,000,000 
 92,000,000 
 103 000 000 
 
 1869 
 
 37 756 000 
 
 46 844 
 
 4 615 
 
 323 898 000 
 
 226 100 000 
 
 120 000 000 
 
 1870 
 
 38 558 371 
 
 52 914 
 
 6 070 
 
 370 300 000 
 
 250 000 000 
 
 125 000 000 
 
 1871 
 
 39 5t>5 000 
 
 60*293 
 
 7 379 
 
 403 329,708 
 
 264'430 ? 322 
 
 145 000 000 
 
 1872 
 
 40,596,000 
 
 66,171 
 
 5,878 
 
 465,241,055 
 
 340,931,785 
 
 165,000 000 
 
 1873 
 1874 
 
 41,677,000 
 42,796,000 
 
 70,268 
 72,385 
 
 4,097 
 2,117 
 
 526,419,935 
 520,466,016 
 
 389,025,508 
 379,466.935 
 
 188,000,000 
 190,000 000 
 
 1875 . 
 
 43 951 000 
 
 74 096 
 
 1,711 
 
 503,065 505 
 
 363 960 234 
 
 190 000 000 
 
 1876 
 
 45,137,000 
 
 76,808 
 
 2,712 
 
 497,257,959 
 
 361,137,376 
 
 210,000 000 
 
 1877 
 1878 
 1879 
 
 46,353,000 
 47,598,000 
 48 886 000 
 
 79,088, 
 81,717 
 86 463 
 
 2,280 
 2,629 
 4 746 
 
 472,909.272 
 490,103,351 
 529 012 999 
 
 347,704,548 
 365,496,061 
 386,676 108 
 
 210,000,000 
 231,700,000 
 280 000 000 
 
 1880 
 
 50 155,783 
 
 93,349 
 
 6,876 
 
 615,401,931 
 
 467,748,928 
 
 326,000 000 
 
 1881 
 
 51 495 000 
 
 103 145 
 
 9 796 
 
 725,325,119 
 
 651 968 477 
 
 336 OOO'OOO 
 
 1882 
 1883 
 1884 
 
 52',802,000 
 54,165,000 
 55 556 000 
 
 114,713 
 121,454 
 125,379 
 
 11,568 
 6,741 
 3,825 
 
 728,987,310 
 807,112,780 
 763,306,608 
 
 485,778,341 
 639,509,831 
 602,869,910 
 
 360,490,375 
 400,453,439 
 399 074,749 
 
 1885 
 1886 
 
 56,975,000 
 58 420 000 
 
 128,987 
 137,986 
 
 3,608 
 9,000 
 
 765,310,419 
 822,191,949 
 
 509,690,997 
 650,359,054 
 
 437,040,097 
 482,245,254 
 
 1887 
 
 59 893 000 
 
 150,000 
 
 12 014 
 
 931,385,154 
 
 636,666,223 
 
 552,074 752 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 II. 
 
 Statement showing the number of net tons of pig iron; of rolled iron; of steel 
 rails for railroads ; of rails of all kinds ; of steel ingots, and of iron ore shipped 
 from the Lake Superior mines from 1865 to 1887, inclusive. 
 
 s 
 
 Pig iron. 
 
 Rolled iron, 
 excluding 
 only iron 
 rails. 
 
 Steel rails. 
 
 Rails of all 
 kinds. 
 
 Bessemer 
 steel ingots 
 and other 
 steel. 
 
 Blooms 
 from pig, 
 scrap, 
 and iron 
 ore. 
 
 Tonsof iron 
 ore shipped 
 from Lake 
 Superior 
 mines. 
 
 1865.. . 
 
 931,582 
 
 500,048 
 
 
 356,292 
 
 15,262 
 
 63,977 
 
 264,552 
 
 1866.. .. 
 
 1,350,343 
 
 595,311 
 
 
 430,778 
 
 18,973 
 
 73,555 
 
 312,241 
 
 1867.. . 
 
 1,461,626 
 
 579,838 
 
 2,550 
 
 462,108 
 
 22,000 
 
 73,073 
 
 630,395 
 
 1868.. .. 
 
 1,603,000 
 
 598,286 
 
 7,225 
 
 506,714 
 
 30,000 
 
 75,200 
 
 652,118 
 
 1869. .. 
 
 1,916,641 
 
 642,420 
 
 9,650 
 
 593,586 
 
 35,000 
 
 69,500 
 
 691,536 
 
 1870. .. 
 
 1,865,000 
 
 705,000 
 
 34,000 
 
 620,000 
 
 77,000 
 
 62,259 
 
 930,622 
 
 1871. .. 
 
 1,911,608 
 
 710,000 
 
 38,250 
 
 775,733 
 
 82,000 
 
 63,000 
 
 873,152 
 
 1872. . 
 
 2,854,558 
 
 941,992 
 
 94,070 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 160,108 
 
 58,000 
 
 1,009,018 
 
 1873. . 
 
 2,868,278 
 
 1,076,368 
 
 129,015 
 
 890,077 
 
 222,652 
 
 62,564 
 
 1,301,952 
 
 1874. . 
 
 2,689,413 
 
 1,110,147 
 
 144,944 
 
 729,413 
 
 241,614 
 
 61,670 
 
 1,028,960 
 
 1875. . 
 
 2,266,581 
 
 1,097,867 
 
 290,863 
 
 792,512 
 
 436,575 
 
 49,243 
 
 998,207 
 
 1876. . 
 
 2,093,236 
 
 1,042,101 
 
 412,461 
 
 879,629 
 
 597,174 
 
 44,628 
 
 1,111,890 
 
 1877. . 
 
 2,314.585 
 
 1,144,219 
 
 432,169 
 
 764,709 
 
 637,972 
 
 47,300 
 
 1,136,465 
 
 1878. . 
 
 2,577.361 
 
 1,232,686 
 
 559,795 
 
 882,685 
 
 819,814 
 
 50,045 
 
 1,244.443 
 
 1879. . 
 
 3,070,875 
 
 1,627,324 
 
 693,113 
 
 1,113,273 
 
 1,047,506 
 
 62,353 
 
 1,540,773 
 
 1880. . 
 
 4,295,414 
 
 1,838,906 
 
 968,075 
 
 1,461,837 
 
 1,397,015 
 
 74,589 
 
 2,137,684 
 
 1881. . 
 
 4,641,564 
 
 2,155,346 
 
 1,355,519 
 
 1,844,100 
 
 1,778,912 
 
 84,606 
 
 2,592,242 
 
 1882. . 
 
 6,178,122 
 
 2,265,957 
 
 1,460,920 
 
 1,688,794 
 
 1,945,095 
 
 91,293 
 
 3,302,340 
 
 1883. . 
 
 5,146,972 
 
 2,283,920 
 
 1,295,740 
 
 1,360,694 
 
 1,874,359 
 
 74,758 
 
 2,622,174 
 
 1884. . 
 
 4,589,613 
 
 1.931,747 
 
 1,119,291 
 
 1,144,851 
 
 1,736,985 
 
 57,005 
 
 2,820,213 
 
 1885. .. 
 
 4,529,869 
 
 1,789,711 
 
 1,079,400 
 
 1,094,215 
 
 1,917,350 
 
 41,700 
 
 2,752,333 
 
 1886. . 
 
 6,365,328 
 
 2,259,943 
 
 1,768,922 
 
 1,792,601 
 
 2,870,003 
 
 41,909 
 
 3,990,078 
 
 1887. .. 
 
 7,187,206 
 
 2.588,500 
 
 2,354,132 
 
 2,396,397 
 
 3,739,760 
 
 43,306 
 
 5,307,571 
 
 / i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
165 
 
 Among the many pressing necessities which confronted the 
 nation at the close of the War of the Rebellion, the most im- 
 perious was the restoration of the currency. Congress had 
 indeed early taken the matter in hand, by the establishment of a 
 system of National Banks ; thus restoring the great idea of the 
 Fathers, that a provision of adequate instruments of exchange 
 was among the first duties of the Government, a function wholly 
 repudiated by the Democracy, on the ground that a government 
 that could create a bank with a charter having 100 years to run, 
 must itself have a corresponding lease of life to look after and 
 superintend that of its creature. In its eyes the National 
 Government was simply a " tenant at will." As the United 
 States notes were greatly depreciated in value, the average pre- 
 mium of gold for 1865 being 181, the currency of the Banks based 
 upon government notes or gold, and always upon the former so 
 long as their value was less than that of gold, were equally so. 
 The aggregate amount of the two equalled about $1,600,000,000, 
 that of the government notes equalling $698,000,000, that of the 
 notes and deposits of the National and State Banks being 
 $900,000,000. All this vast mass had to be raised to the value 
 of gold. The process was alike slow and arduous. The condi- 
 tion of the restoration of the currency was the creation of a 
 favorable balance in our foreign trade. During the whole period 
 of the war we had to make very large shipments of gold in the 
 lack of the ordinary subjects of commerce. So exhausted had 
 the nation become, that in a period of eight years following the) 
 close of the war the balance of trade against the country equalled) 
 $825,743,647, or more than $100,000,000 annually. No restora- 1 
 tion of specie payments by the Government or by the Banks was 
 to be thought of until the enormous balances annually against 
 us could be converted into balances in our favor. For eight 
 years after the war the exports of specie exceeded the imports 
 by the sum of $469,238,047. In 1874 the balance of trade, 
 for the first time, turned, to the extent of $18,876,698, the 
 exports of gold over the imports for the year still equalling 
 $38,175,499. In 1876 the balance of trade in our favor 
 equalled $79,643,481; in 1877, $151,152,094; and in 1878, 
 $257,814,234. This change in the mighty current due to our 
 industries, prosperous as never before under our new regime of 
 
166 
 
 protection, was that which placed the nation fairly on its feet 
 The period of the war had been one great carnival of waste as 
 well as bloodshed. By hard work every dollar of the waste was 
 to be made good. So completely was it made good that in 1878, 
 thirteen years after the return of peace, the Government, having 
 first reduced its circulation to $346,000,000, was enabled, and 
 with it the Banks, to resume specie payments. From the period 
 of resumption the progress of the country has been one grand 
 triumphal march. For the first half of the period of TWENTY-TWO 
 YEARS OF PROTECTION the balance of trade against the country 
 equalled $737,786,247. For the second half, the balance of trade 
 in our favor equalled $1,533,016,274! the average amount for the 
 eleven years equalling $140,000,00 ! For the first period of eleven 
 years, the exports of gold over imports equalled $619,214,592 ; for 
 the second period of eleven years, the imports exceeded the ex- 
 ports by the sum of $97,859,984.* All this under a hard-and-fast 
 system of protection which, with the Free-Traders, was to destroy 
 the value of the products of our agriculture by our barring 
 out of the manufactures of other countries. Instead of this, 
 protection is the panoply under which we assail the industries of 
 all other nations. 
 
 It is to be confessed that nature has indeed been bountiful 
 to us, but she is always to be mastered to become bountiful. We 
 have in the United States vast regions, the soil of which is so 
 homogeneous and friable that it can be well worked by the sim- 
 plest appliances, and which for all time nature has been enriching 
 for our gain. The wealth stored within a foot of the surface in 
 the prairie soils of the West is greater than the accumulated 
 wealth of the world. So easily are they prepared for the crop, 
 that the first raised is as profitable as any that are to follow ; and 
 such is their fertility, that crops follow year after year without the 
 addition of a particle of manure. This soil has made us financially 
 the masters of the world. While it excites the admiration of all 
 the nations, it compels all to live in peace and harmony with us ; 
 the penalty of war, or the threat of it, being enough to reduce their 
 people to extreme want. I ask Free-Traders to study the annexed 
 statement of the imports and exports of the United States for 
 " Twenty-two Years of Protection," and see if it can teach them 
 anything. Probably not. Lay before a Free-Trader the figures 
 
 * See Tabular Statement on page 167. 
 
167 
 
 showing that in a period of " Twenty-Two Years of Protection " 
 the number of miles of railroad in the country increased from 35,000 
 to 150,000; that their tonnage has gone up from 70,000,000 to 
 550,000,000, the value of the net tonnage for 1887 equalling 
 $13,000,000,000; that within the last twelve years the exports 
 of domestic produce have exceeded the imports of foreign mer- 
 chandise by the sum of $1,612,659,755,* and he will reply, 
 
 * The following statement, compiled from the reports of the Bureau ol 
 Statistics, shows the imports and exports of the United States in each fiscal year, 
 ending June 30th, from 1866 to 1887. The phrases " net imports " and " domes- 
 tic exports" indicate that all merchandise and specie imported and re-exported 
 are excluded from the table. The column headed "Balance of Trade" shows 
 the difference between the net imports and domestic exports of merchandise 
 without reference to the movement of specie. A X mark before the amount in- 
 dicates that the balance of trade was in favor of the United States ; when no 
 mark occurs the balance of trade was against this country. 
 
 
 
 Merchandise. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gold Value. 
 
 Balance of 
 
 Specie. 
 
 Specie 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 Net Imports. 
 
 Domestic 
 Exports. 
 
 Trade. 
 
 Net Imports. 
 
 Domestic 
 Exports. 
 
 Balance. 
 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 1866 
 
 423,470,646 
 
 337,518,102 
 
 85,952,544 
 
 7,299,395 
 
 82,643,374 
 
 75,343,979 
 
 1867 
 
 381,041,764 
 
 279,786,809 
 
 101,254,955 
 
 16,178,299 
 
 54,976,196 
 
 38,797,897 
 
 1868 
 
 344,873,441 
 
 269,389,900 
 
 75,483,541 
 
 4,150,241 
 
 83,745,975 
 
 79,595,734 
 
 1869 
 
 406,555,379 
 
 275,166,697 
 
 131,388,682 
 
 5,585,462 
 
 42,915,966 
 
 37,330,504 
 
 1870 
 
 419,803,113 
 
 376,616,473 
 
 43,186,640 
 
 12,147,315 
 
 43,883,802 
 
 31,736,487 
 
 1871 
 
 505,802,414 
 
 428,398,908 
 
 77,403,506 
 
 7,231,395 
 
 84,403,359 
 
 77,171,964 
 
 1872 
 
 610,904,622 
 
 428,487,131 
 
 182,417,491 
 
 6,664,395 
 
 72,798,240 
 
 66,133,845 
 
 1873 
 
 624,689,727 
 
 505,033,439 
 
 119,656,288 
 
 10,777,909 
 
 73,905,546 
 
 63,127,637 
 
 1874 
 
 550,556,723 
 
 569,433,421 
 
 X 18,876,698 
 
 21,524,187 
 
 59,699,686 
 
 38,175,499 
 
 1875 
 
 518,846,825 
 
 499,284,100 
 
 19,562,725 
 
 12,625,704 
 
 83,857,129 
 
 71,231,425 
 
 1876 
 
 445,938,766 
 
 525,582,247 
 
 X 79,643,481 
 
 9,469,070 
 
 50,038,691 
 
 40,569,621 
 
 Tot. 
 
 5,232,483,420 
 
 4,494,697,227 
 
 737,786,247 
 
 113,653,372 
 
 732,867,964 
 
 619,214,592 
 
 1877 
 
 438,518,130 
 
 589,670,224 
 
 X 151,152,094 
 
 27,746,915 
 
 43,134,738 
 
 15,387,823 
 
 1878 
 
 422,895,034 
 
 680,709,268 
 
 X 257,814,234 
 
 23,143,074 
 
 27,061,885 
 
 3,918,811 
 
 1879 
 
 433,679,124 
 
 698,340,790 
 
 X 264,661,666 
 
 12,853,594 
 
 17,555,035 
 
 4,701,441 
 
 1880 
 
 656,262,441 
 
 823,946,353 
 
 X 167.683,912 
 
 85,239,284 
 
 9,347,893 
 
 X 75,891,391 
 
 1881 
 
 624,213,229 
 
 883,925,947 
 
 X 259^12,718 
 
 105,395,594 
 
 14,226,944 
 
 X 91,168,650 
 
 1882 
 
 707,337,049 
 
 733,239,732 
 
 X 25,902,683 
 
 36,535,182 
 
 43,480,271 
 
 6,945,089 
 
 1883 
 
 703,565,144 
 
 804,223,632 
 
 X 100,658,488 
 
 18,292,239! 21,623,181 
 
 3,330,942 
 
 1884 
 
 652,148,936 
 
 724,964,852 
 
 X 72,815,916 
 
 20,518,514 
 
 50,225,635 
 
 29,707,121 
 
 1885 
 
 562,020,520 
 
 726,682,946 
 
 X 164,662,426 
 
 25,386,908 
 
 24,376,110 
 
 X 1,010,798 
 
 1886 
 
 621,875,835 
 
 665,964,529 
 
 X 44,088,694 
 
 18,054,363 
 
 51,924,117 
 
 33,869,754 
 
 1887 
 
 679,159,480 
 
 703,022,923 
 
 X 23,863,443 
 
 46,883,441 
 
 22,710,340 
 
 X 24, 173, 101 
 
 Tot. 
 
 6,501,680,914 
 
 8,034,697,198 
 
 Xl,533,016,274 
 
 420,049,708 
 
 322,188,724 
 
 X 97,859,984 
 
168 
 
 " Sad, sad ! It is all wrong ; there is not a particle of principle 
 in it ! " He forgets that by far the greater portion of our prod- 
 ucts have no exportable value, nor any considerable value un- 
 less a market is created 'for them on or near the spot where 
 they are grown ; that with such markets there is no limit to the 
 capacity of our country for wealth, of all which abundant evi- 
 dence has been given. 
 
 I have described the mass, 552,074,752 tons, of products, 
 having a value of $13,043,250,000, moved on the railroads of the 
 United States in 1887, the increase in net tonnage in a single 
 year being 52,500,000 tons ; in value, $1,660,000,000! With this 
 vast mass in tons and value in hand, it should, if Free Trade be 
 worth anything as a principle, be indifferent to us whether we 
 purchased at home or abroad whatever we wished to consume, 
 even to the full value of our products. According to the Free- 
 Trader we are always to buy in the "cheapest market," and the 
 Price-Currents show that almost every article of iron, steel, and 
 of textiles, is produced at a lower cost abroad than at home. But 
 of the total value $13,043,250,000 of the tonnage produced 
 in 1887, we were able to send abroad only $703,022,923, or 5 per 
 cent ; although we plied, to the best of our ability, every market 
 in the world. To such an extent only could we purchase abroad. 
 All beyond had to be of domestic provision. The degree of 
 foreign consumption of our products, compared with the mass, is 
 not only insignificant, but it seems to be a fixed quantity, inca- 
 pable of rapid increase. Our great exports are cotton and food. 
 Only one of the nations takes any considerable quantity of food ; 
 all others are in this respect mainly self-supporting. The prod- 
 uct of cotton cannot be increased without seriously reducing its 
 price. We have forced the sale of bread-stuffs abroad until we 
 have reduced their price one-half. With all the advantages of 
 the West, the raising of wheat has come to be as close a business 
 as the manufacture of the coarser kinds of cotton. It is in the rapid 
 increase of our population, now equalling 2,000,000 annually, that 
 the great support of all our industries is to come. Within ten 
 years from the present time 25,000,000, will be added to our pop. 
 ulation, while the power of our people to consume increases in a 
 ratio twice or thrice greater than that of their numbers. For- 
 
169 
 
 eign trade offers nothing of the kind in the shape of increase. 
 In 1882 the exports of the country equalled $733,239,732 ; in 1887, 
 $703,022,923, the decrease in value in the five years equalling 
 $30,216,800. In 1882 the net railroad tonnage of the country 
 equalled 270,000,000 tons, having a value of $8, 5 3 7-, 200,000, 
 against a net tonnage of 412,500,000 tons in 1887, having a value 
 of $13,043,250,000, the increase in -value in the period of five 
 years equalling $4,790,600,000 ! the rate of increase equalling 
 nearly $1,000,000,000 annually. By 1895 the external or foreign 
 trade of the country will not exceed 2> per cent, of its domestic 
 trade. A sum like $703,022,923 is not to be trifled with ; our for- 
 eign trade is a good thing ; the greatest care should be exercised 
 in guarding and encouraging it, especially as it seems to be a de- 
 clining one : but no more sanctity attaches to a ton of merchan- 
 dise destined for a foreign market than to one to be consumed at 
 home. If matters are to receive attention in ratio to their 
 magnitude, then the domestic trade of the country should receive 
 nineteen times as much attention as its foreign trade. The in- 
 crease in value of the railroad tonnage of the country in 1887, 
 equalled $1,660,000,000, a sum $960,000,000 greater than the 
 value of the exports for the year. "But, innocently asks the 
 the Free-Trader, "why not import $300,000,000 in value of arti- 
 cles of iron and steel, a value equal to the domestic prod- 
 ucts for 1887, and save thereby ten per cent. $30,000,000, or 
 more, the difference in cost in the two countries ? " Here is 
 a case where one question is well answered by another : "How 
 are we to pay ? " The mere act of importation does not create 
 the means. It is always easy to run into debt. If all legal bar- 
 riers in the way of the importation of iron and steel were thrown 
 down, English manufacturers would naturally say, " Now is our 
 time ; we must put every thing in motion." In their schedules 
 of wants they would very naturally increase their stocks of bread- 
 stuffs and provisions, adding, perhaps a million dollars or so to 
 their orders therefor, the greater part to come from the United 
 States. But by the time that $100,000,000 in value of the Eng- 
 lish iron and steel had been put upon our market, the question of 
 payment for what had been sent forward would so engross the 
 attention of the foreign makers that they would wholly lose sight 
 of the $200,000,000 in value still to go on. For such payment pro- 
 
170 
 
 vision could be made only in two ways, by reducing the ordinary 
 line of imports, such as coffee, sugar, tea, silks, &c., transferring 
 the amount liberated thereby to the payment of the increased 
 importations of iron and steel (a proposition not for a moment 
 to be entertained by the Free-Trader, for with him every tub is 
 to stand on its own bottom), or by drawing down the reserves 
 in gold, the universal equivalent, of the issuers of paper money. 
 The moment their reserves were encroached upon, the issuers, to 
 recoup themselves, would have to call in their loans, and refuse, 
 as far as possible, to make new ones. As all their obligations 
 are presently due, nothing would be left to them, should the run 
 upon them become persistent, but to suspend specie payments. 
 Our history is full of examples of the kind ; and unless we keep 
 a good look-out, the future is certain to repeat 1 the past, for a 
 great and rich nation may go beyond its immediate means almost 
 as readily as a small and poor one. To see what would be the 
 result in the future of excessive importation, no matter of what 
 kind of merchandise, it may be well to refer to the crowning 
 achievement, in the United States, of Free Trade. In 1832 every- 
 thing was on an even keel, the condition of the country being 
 one of unexampled prosperity, due to the highly protective Tariffs 
 of 1824 and 1828. In 1833 Free Trade got the upper hand in 
 the councils of the nation, and the " Compromise" measure was 
 the result. The new departure of the great Republic was hailed 
 with rapturous delight by the manufacturers of the old world, 
 who saw in it infinite opportunities opened before them. In 1832 
 the imports of the country equalled $101,029,266; in 1834 they 
 ran up to $126,521,000; in 1835 to $149,895,742, and in 1836 to 
 $189,980,217. By this time the foreign manufacturers, seeing 
 that the nation was squandering in riotous living the greater part 
 of the merchandise sent over, made frantic efforts to get back 
 some returns. The only kind of merchandise available therefor 
 was gold. Its withdrawal from the banks for such purpose re- 
 sulted in the greatest financia' crash this country ever witnessed, 
 rivalling in magnitude, and in the terrible disasters which fol- 
 lowed, the South Sea Bubble or the Mississippi Scheme. A large 
 proportion, in value, of t^e excess of merchandise sent out under 
 the new regime of Free Trade, was a total loss. But where foreign- 
 ers suffered the loss of a million, our loss was fifty-fold greater. 
 
171 
 
 Vast numbers of our Banks had to be wound up. Our industries 
 were so completely wrecked that ten years hardly sufficed to re- 
 store them to a condition at all approaching their former prosperity. 
 From 1 836 the exports of domestic merchandise steadily and rapidly 
 declined to 1843, when they equalled for the year only $86,238,395, 
 a sum less by $14,790,868 than in 1832. For ten years under 
 the regime of Free Trade and Democracy, we moved backward 
 instead of forward, a strange anomaly for a country like the 
 United States, with all its infinite opportunities. Compare the 
 ten years ending with 1843, f Free Trade and Democracy, with 
 the ten years of Protection and Republicanism ending with 1887. 
 Within the latter we constructed 71, 354 miles of railroad, at a cost 
 of more than $2,500,000,000, the tonnage of the railroads running 
 up from 155,758,000 net tons, having a value of $4,980,150,000 to 
 412,500,000 net tons in 1887, having a value of $13,327,830,000 
 the increase in value for the ten years equalling $8,347,680,000! 
 In the period of ten years ending with 1843 there was hardly a 
 perceptible increase in our internal trade. During that period 
 of ten years, one grand passion inspired the Democracy, the 
 destruction of the paramount power of the Federal Government, 
 and with it every element of progress and prosperity. Although 
 the "Compromise" measure of 1833 was received by English 
 manufacturers with such satisfaction, nothing could have worked 
 more disastrously for them ; as it destroyed our ability, even 
 with the rapid increase of our population and all our opportuni- 
 ties, to keep up the ordinary volume of domestic merchandise 
 for export. 
 
 Nothing could be so fatal to England to-day as Free Trade 
 with the United States. With the destruction of our manufactur- 
 ing industries, and Free Trade would destroy them, we could 
 not take from her one-half in value of the merchandise that we now 
 take. A nation that can in a single year produce and put upon her 
 railroads merchandise having a value of $13,300,000,000, increas- 
 ing the amount in a single year by the sum of $1,660,000,000, 
 will have plenty of money to spare for the purchase of articles for 
 the production of which she has neither the training, the fancy, or 
 time ; but from which foreigners reap a good harvest, one every 
 year becoming more and more abundant. By 1895, the value 
 of the tonnage put upon our railroads will equal $26,000,000,000. 
 
172 
 
 It is far better for England to be content with the overflow than 
 to seek to destroy the processes by which such marvellous results 
 have been and are achieved. With a people situated as are 
 those of the United States, it may be laid down as an axiom, that 
 their power to purchase from other countries is always to be in 
 ratio to the degree with which the industries proper to their nat- 
 ural conditions are protected ; as their wealth is certain to be in 
 ratio to the degree of such protection, their foreign trade being 
 always in ratio to the degree of their wealth. 
 
 The great question in our foreign trade is not that of pur- 
 chase, but that of payment. Foreign markets will take only a 
 limited and uniform amount of what we produce, chiefly in the 
 form of food and cotton. In what form shall we take the pro- 
 ceeds ? The proper rule is to take them in those kinds of mer- 
 chandise which we are not by our climate and natural conditions 
 well fitted to produce. For all articles of consumption beyond, say, 
 $700,000,000 in value, we must look to ourselves. If we could send 
 abroad "garden truck" of the value of $500,000,000 annually, we 
 could then increase our annual consumption of foreign merchan- 
 dise by a like amount. But as we cannot do this, we must, by 
 making it the basis of labor on our own soil, convert the most 
 transient and perishable of products into permanent forms of 
 utility and beauty. Such products, with our industries as they 
 now are, make no inconsiderable portion of the whole. It is their 
 conversion that gives employment to vast bodies of well-paid 
 workmen. The greater part of the wages of the operatives in 
 our domestic establishments go for rent, fuel, milk, butter, cheese, 
 potatoes, fish, many kinds of meat which cannot be exported, 
 and for the products of orchard and garden. The workman can- 
 not be housed abroad ; while hardly one of the articles named 
 has an exportable value. But for protection, which creates a 
 market for them, they would at home have hardly any other use 
 but to support the producer. To have a value they must be 
 consumed on or near the spot where they are grown. 
 
 To the capacity of the country for the production of articles 
 appropriate to it there is no limit. The States of Ohio or Ala- 
 bama could each well produce iron equal in quantity to the whole 
 amount consumed in the United States. The State of New 
 York, one of the foremost in the value of her agricultural products, 
 
173 
 
 raises very little for export. Her farmers might with entire ease 
 provide food, excepting a little flour and corn, and the shelter re- 
 quired by the entire manufacturing population of the country. 
 Our farmers everywhere could easily double their product, sufficient 
 encouragement being given. It is for this reason that they hail 
 with the greatest satisfaction the planting of manufacturing es- 
 tablishments near them. The 550,000,000 tons of freight moved 
 in 1887 upon our railroads might, with an adequate demand, be 
 doubled in three or four years. As it is, the tonnage went from 
 437,040,099 tons, in 1885, to 552,074,752 tons, in 1887, the in- 
 crease in two years being 115,034,653 tons. The increase in 
 value of the net increase, 78,776,005 of tons, at $30 per ton, 
 equalled $2,363,280,150, the yearly increase in value equalling 
 $1,181,640,000. Is not here the bank account upon which to 
 draw if we wish to become free purchasers of merchandise, 
 whether at home or abroad ? A good illustration of the protec- 
 tive spirit with which every person seeking to get on in the world 
 is instinct, are the laws in most of the Northern States by which 
 the towns, the political units, are authorized to remit taxes upon 
 such manufacturing establishments as desire to take up their 
 abode with them. Here is protection in a nutshell, perfect in 
 theory and practice, a present sacrifice for a greater good in 
 another form. The finished product costs here more than it does 
 abroad, owing to the difference in the price of labor in this 
 country and the Old World ; but we have no means of purchasing 
 the cheaper foreign product, while we have abundant means, by 
 exchange in kind, of purchasing the home-made. As ninety-five 
 per cent, of the total of our products cannot be sent abroad, we 
 reduce our means in ratio as we refuse or neglect to work them 
 upon our own soil. We cannot set up manufacturing establish- 
 ments unless we say to those who are to operate them that the 
 difference in labor in the United States and the Old World shall 
 be made up to them by a system of protective duties. In agri- 
 culture we have adequate protection in the great burdens resting 
 upon the soil of England, our great purchaser. We cultivate an 
 acre of wheat, harvest and deliver the product at a railroad sta- 
 tion, for $6.50. The Englishman has to pay in rent and tithes 
 $8.75 per acre befcre he can drop the seed 'into the ground. By 
 a system of protective duties we must extend a similar advantage 
 to all other departments of our industry. 
 
174 
 
 An apt illustration of the beneficial results of protection in a 
 country like the United States is that afforded by the rapid prog- 
 ress made in the production of steel, in an equally rapid decline 
 in its price, in the enormous saving effected in the cost of trans 
 portation by its use, and in the consequent increase of the wealth 
 of the country. In 1865 the production of Bessemer steel 
 equalled 15,00x3 tons. In 1867 steel rails were first made, the 
 make for that year equalling 2,500 tons. In 1887 tne total make 
 equalled 3,738,783 tons, of which 2,396,397 were rails. The value 
 of the total product equalled about $120,000,000. The total 
 make, up to the close of 1887 equalled, 21,646,007 tons ; of rails, 
 14,697,172 tons.* It would be interesting, had I the time, to 
 distribute the items that made up the cost of the product the past 
 year, in order to see how much went for the remuneration of 
 capital, and how much for that of labor, the capital includ- 
 ing not only that invested in works for smelting the ores and 
 converting the product, but in works for raising the ores and coal 
 in the mines of each, and in works for the transportation of the 
 raw material as well as the finished product. The quantity 
 of raw material used equalled about three times the finished 
 product, the raw material and product for the year equalling, 
 say, 14,000,000 tons. The cost of the 11,000,000 tons of coal and 
 ores, which at $1.50 per ton at the mines equalled $16,500,000, 
 went almost wholly to labor. Of the cost of transportation, 
 which at $1.50 per ton, equalled $16,500,000, more than two- 
 thirds, or $11,000,000, went for labor. Of the great item, the 
 cost of the conversion of the raw material into the finished prod- 
 uct, more than three-quarters went for labor. Of the total value 
 
 * The production of steel of all kinds in the 
 
 United States from 1 868 to 1887 
 
 has been as 
 
 follows, 
 
 Years 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 1868 
 
 30,000 
 
 1873 
 
 222,652 
 
 1878 
 
 819,834 
 
 1883 
 
 1,874,559 
 
 1869 
 
 35,000 
 
 1874 
 
 241,614 
 
 1879 
 
 1,047,506 
 
 1884 
 
 1,736,585 
 
 1870 
 
 . 77,000 
 
 1875 
 
 436,575 
 
 1880 
 
 1,397,015 
 
 1885 
 
 1,917,350 
 
 1871 
 
 82,000 
 
 1876 
 
 595,174 
 
 1881 
 
 1,778,912 
 
 1886 
 
 2,870,003 
 
 1872 
 
 160,108 
 
 1877 
 
 637,972 
 
 1882 
 
 1,945,095 
 
 1887 
 
 3,738,783 
 
 Total product for the 20 years, 21,646,007 
 
 tons. 
 
 
 
 
 The production of 
 
 Steel Rails from 1867 to 1887, 
 
 inclusive, was as follows 
 
 Years 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 3867 
 
 2,550 
 
 1872 
 
 94,070 
 
 1877 
 
 432,169 
 
 1882 
 
 1,460,920 
 
 1868 
 
 7,225 
 
 1873 
 
 129,015 
 
 1878 
 
 559,795 
 
 1883 
 
 1,295,746 
 
 1869 
 
 9,650 
 
 1874 . 
 
 . 144,944 
 
 1879 
 
 693.113 
 
 1884 
 
 1,119,291 
 
 1870 
 
 34,000 
 
 1875 
 
 290,863 
 
 1880 
 
 960,075 
 
 1885 
 
 1,079,400 
 
 1871 
 
 38,250 
 
 1876 
 
 412,461 
 
 1881 
 
 1,355,519 
 
 1886 
 
 1,768,920 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1887 
 
 2.396,397 
 
175 
 
 of the product, four-fifths, or $94,000,000, went for labor, sustained 
 in great measure by products of agriculture having little or no 
 exportable value, but which worked up on the spot, as it were, 
 are turned into forms of the greatest utility, into those upon 
 which the prosperity of the country mainly rests. It is easy to 
 draw the picture of the great activity in all the departments 
 of production and trade which the distribution to labor of 
 $94,000,000, by a single industry, in the course of a single year, 
 necessarily creates, the increase in value in a single year exceed- 
 ing $30,000,000, the increase in quantity of raw material 
 required for the product equalling, with the product, 4,000,000 
 tons, one-thirteenth part of the whole increase, 52,500,000 tons, 
 of the net railroad tonnage for the year. It would not be diffi 
 cult to point out in the increase of the products of other indus 
 tries enough to make up approximately the grand total. We 
 may well accept the general result as stated, vhen one industry, 
 and that by no means a dominant one, contributed so large a 
 proportion of it. Every interest or person connected with the 
 manufacture was enriched, or prospered, in ratio to the amount 
 produced. The maker got a good profit, labor was well paid, well 
 fed, and well housed. The business of the great carriers was 
 largely increased. Other industries turned into money products 
 equalling $94,000,000, or, we may say, the greater part of the 
 $120,000,000 in value ; for nearly the whole was spent upon oui 
 own soil for products which, but for the manufacture of steel, 
 would never have been produced. Our people can as readily pay 
 for 7,500,000 tons of Bessemer steel in 1890, provided it is made 
 at home, as for the 3,700,000 made at home in 1887, f r the 
 reason that in 1890, as in 1887, payments would be made in kind. 
 We could not in 1887 have imported one-half of the domestic 
 make of the same year without creating a disturbance which 
 might have inflicted upon the country a loss fivefold greater than 
 the value of the import. We can have all the steel rails we need, 
 should it be 5,000,000 tons in 1890, or 10,000,000 tons in 1891, or 
 15,000,000 tons in 1892, due notice of such probable demand 
 being given, and pay for the product as easily as we paid for that 
 of 1887, the country becoming rich and prosperous in ratio to the 
 amount produced. We can pay for only a small quantity of them, 
 if we have to send gold abroad therefor, of which we produce 
 
176 
 
 annually only a little over $30,000,000, the greater part of it be- 
 ing needed as reserves against the constantly increasing volume 
 of our currency. The function or attribute of transcendent 
 importance possessed by gold and possessed by no other kind of 
 merchandise, is an element which the Free-Traders never take 
 into account. The merchandise that other nations take from 
 us is limited to a few articles. The demand for them is also 
 limited, whether they be food or raw cotton, articles that go 
 to make up the great bulk of our exports. By ceasing to man- 
 ufacture for ourselves, our imports, to supply our wants, 
 would run up to thousands of millions of dollars. To meet 
 them the first thing drawn from us would be our gold, to 
 the speedy and entire wreck of our monetary system. 
 
 But the striking picture is by no means wholly complete 
 The rails produced were sent to the frontier to provide the means 
 for the transportation of the products of the advancing tide of 
 settlers. The 12,500 miles constructed in 1887 could not do much 
 for the year; but the 10,000 miles constructed in 1886, moved in 
 1887, say, 1,500 tons to the mile, or 15,000,000 in all, the quantity 
 exceeding one quarter of the increase of the net tonnage for the 
 year, that of the new lines being wholly net. The value of such 
 increase at $30 the ton equalled $450,000,000, or more than one 
 quarter of the whole increase of value for the year, the increase 
 being a new creation of capital to be scattered broadcast through- 
 out the land. The cost, at $37 the ton, of the 2,396,377 tons pro- 
 duced in 1887, equalled $88,665,941, a sum $361,334,059 less than 
 the value of the new tonnage of the year. By the construction of 
 railroads we instantly levy a tribute upon nature, that for a single 
 year far exceeding their cost. In this way we become rich in 
 ready money, as well as in invested capital, in ratio to the extent 
 and cost of our public works. From the examples given, one 
 may readily accept the statements for the increase of tonnage 
 and value for the year. Without such, the result as stated 
 would seem wholly incredible. I am certain that, had the state- 
 ments of tonnage, with the value of the same, moved upon the 
 railroads of the United States in 1887, with the increase in tons 
 and value for the year, been brought to me as a brief upon which 
 to base an argument in favor of some great concession or immu- 
 nity, the immunity, all that they require, being to be let wholly 
 
177 
 
 alone, I should, had I been a stranger to the subject, have refused 
 to proceed without a full verification of the correctness of the 
 figures laid before me. But the statement of quantities have 
 been transferred from the Manual, where they have, with the 
 annual increments, appeared from year to year for the whole 
 period of Twenty-two Years of Protection. They have by no 
 means been improvised for the occasion. The estimate of values 
 ascertained I have based upon adequate grounds, upon the 
 value of the tonnage of the New York Canals. I am confident 
 that the tonnage of the railroads, being of a higher class, has a 
 higher relative value than that moved on the canals. 
 
 Within a period of ten years, ending with 1887, steel rails 
 have been produced in quantity to single-track our whole mile- 
 age, 150,000 miles. If we had not produced them we could 
 not have imported one-quarter the make, nor have built one- 
 half the mileage we have built. We should consequently have 
 been without the prime conditions of our prosperity, abundant, 
 rapid, and cheap means of transportation. I have shown that, 
 had the rates for 1887 been the same as in 1865, the earnings 
 from freight of our railroads would have been $1,200,000,000 
 more than they were. In 1877 the rate per ton per mile charged 
 for the movement of freight on the thirteen roads taken as repre- 
 sentative lines equalled 1.512 cents per ton per mile ; the gross 
 receipts from freight for that year being $100,308,915. In 1887 
 the average rate per ton per mile charged by the same lines 
 equalled .826 cents per ton per mile, the earnings from freight 
 equalling $176,247,246. Had the rates for 1882 been charged 
 for 1887, their earnings would have equalled $322,355,169, a sum 
 greater by $146,107,923 than that received. Without protection 
 we should have had comparatively few steel rails, for without it 
 we should have had no means of paying for them. Without steel 
 rails, the tonnage of our railroads would not have equalled one- 
 half its present magnitude nor one-half its present value. In 
 place of moving 552,000,000 tons of freight in 1887, it is not 
 probable that over 250,000,000 tons would have been moved, the 
 rates far exceeding those now charged. In place of $13,300,000,000, 
 the value of the tonnage of 1887, we should not have had 
 values exceeding $5,500,000,000. Without steel rails, wheat grown 
 500 miles west of Chicago would have had no commercial value, 
 
178 
 
 the territory which is the great seat of its production remain- 
 ing a desert. It is results like these that vindicate the principle 
 of protection with an emphasis that cannot be imparted by words. 
 Steel rails for railroads, or rather protection, of which they are 
 the growth, have changed the face of our continent and the condi- 
 Ition of our people. 
 
 The potent cause of the enormous material progress made by 
 the people of the United States during the " Twenty-Two Years 
 of Protection " is mainly a moral one, a conviction that, no 
 matter the enterprise upon which a man embarked, his flank and 
 rear were secure from all attack. If he failed it was his own. 
 fault. During the " Twenty-Two Years of Protection," it never 
 occurred to the manufacturer that, before hoisting his gates, he 
 must look at the telegraph columns of his morning paper to 
 see whether South Carolina had passed her third Ordinance 
 of Secession ! When we consider in what a perfectly secure 
 position the industries of the country were placed, and the vast 
 opportunities open before our people, we can now, in the light of 
 the past, see that to build 115,000 miles of railroad in a period 
 of twenty-two years, at a cost of $4,000,000,000, a sum consid- 
 erably bigger than the national debt of England ; to pay off, in 
 the same time, $1,600,000,000 of the public debt, all incurred 
 because Democracy for thirty years kept steadily repeating that 
 our National Government was a sham without any right to be; 
 to increase the railroad tonnage of the country from 70,000,000 
 tons to 550,000,000 tons, was, with protection as an czgis, no 
 great affair after all. The whole process went on without worry 
 or fuss, as smoothly as the planetary system. The task which 
 each man had before him was to make one, two ; and three, four. 
 If the impulse was selfish the work redeemed it. It is better to 
 raise, organize, equip, and put into the field great armies to build 
 lines of railroads spanning a continent, than to raise, organize, 
 equip, and put into the field great armies for mutual slaughter. 
 It is better to be a Roebling and build a Brooklyn Bridge, than a 
 Von Moltke, ever so cunning in the devilish art of destruction. 
 There is something ennobling in diving deep into the bowels of 
 the earth to bring back bountiful supplies of gold, silver, copper, 
 coal and oil ; in erecting vast works for the smelting of ores of 
 iron and its conversion into every form of utility. Throughout 
 
179 
 
 history the worker in iron has led the roll of honor. We instinct- 
 ively touch our hats at the mention of Tubal-cain, the first at the 
 sublime art, who undoubtedly did his best to make one equal 
 two ; and who, if at all up to the standard of his race, soon made 
 one equal ten ! We esteem him none the less. The contempla- 
 jtion of mere masses of rocks that touch the skies is ennobling. 
 The beholder is a better man for the sight. The Pyramids, per- 
 haps only creations of human vanity, have testified through the 
 ages to a sublime faculty in man. But what we have done 
 has been wisely done. In the erection of the great monuments 
 which express the genius of our people, labor has always been 
 elevated, never depressed, the workman has never toiled in 
 vain. By their means the nations are fed. Wheat from the Ter- 
 ritory of Dakota, 1,500 miles inland from New York, has driven 
 but of the London markets that of the Lincolnshire farmer. 
 Would it not be well for Englishmen to study a little the 
 Yankee magic that does all this, rivalling that of Prospero, and 
 give up, for the moment, their eternal talk about the blessings of 
 Free Trade ? Why do not English statesmen, philanthropists, 
 and humanitarians seek to lighten the cruel burdens resting upon 
 their agricultural industries ? One fairly nauseates when going 
 through their periodicals at the endless talking and no doing. 
 Nations need sometimes to imitate the method of nature, which 
 casts out, often through a mighty struggle, whatever disturbs the 
 peaceful working of her laws. Of this we can point to an example 
 of which we may well be proud. 
 
 In all new countries labor is the chief thing in demand, to 
 subdue nature to the uses of civilized life. So early as 1731, 
 the high price of labor in the North American colonies was 
 one of the reasons given by the British Board of Trade why 
 the colonists could not well compete with the manufacturing 
 industries of the mother country. Labor in the United States 
 in 1888, as in 1731, has a great deal more work before it than 
 it can well do. We have yet hardly begun to scratch the surface 
 of our continent. To reclaim it, vast works are to be yearly 
 constructed. The price of labor depends everywhere upon 
 opportunity. In England, all the land is occupied ; every de- 
 partment of industry is overstocked with laborers ; no public 
 
180 
 
 improvements to any considerable extent are going on. If any- 
 work offers, two or three bid for it where only one can be employed. 
 Wages must be low when there is always a struggle to get work. 
 Our Government has taken great pains, through its consular 
 agents, to get at the price of labor paid in other countries 
 compared with that paid in our own. From these returns the 
 following Statement, compiled by Mr. Ainsworth R. Spofford, 
 Librarian of Congress, and published in the American Almanac 
 for 1888, is given : 
 
 Comparative Rates of Weekly Wages Paid in Europe and in the 
 United States in 1884. 
 
 [Condensed from the Report of the Secretary of State on the State of Labor in Europe, derived 
 from facts reported by the United States Consuls, Washington, 1886.] 
 
 OCCUPATIONS. 
 
 S 
 
 a 
 1 
 
 | 
 
 Ger- 
 many. 
 
 Great 
 Brit- 
 ain. 
 
 Nether- 
 lands. 
 
 to 
 
 OD 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 New 
 York. 
 
 Chicago. 
 
 Bakers 
 
 Blacksmiths 
 
 $4.63 
 3.18 
 4.10 
 3.55 
 4.40 
 5.10 
 3.64 
 2.20 
 3.50 
 3.20 
 4.01 
 4.11 
 4.85 
 4.03 
 3.70 
 3.15 
 
 $4.28 
 5.38 
 5.35 
 4.56 
 5.66 
 4.07 
 5.17 
 3.77 
 2.72 
 3.00 
 4.66 
 5.46 
 5.94 
 5.58 
 4.40 
 3.95 
 
 $5.'si 
 
 6.17 
 5.74 
 6.14 
 6.20 
 5.58 
 5.57 
 3.10 
 3.77 
 6.34 
 6.10 
 6.64 
 5.02 
 5.46 
 3.23 
 
 $4.00 
 4.20 
 4.21 
 4.25 
 4.11 
 3.97 
 2.96 
 3.06 
 3.11 
 4.43 
 4.26 
 5.09 
 3.41 
 3.55 
 2.79 
 
 $6.17 
 7.37 
 6.77 
 7.56 
 7.68 
 7.66 
 7.50 
 5.37 
 4.02 
 4.70 
 7.80 
 7.90 
 7.23 
 7.40 
 6.56 
 6.31 
 
 $4.80 
 4.80 
 4.00 
 4.80 
 4.80 
 4.80 
 4.80 
 4.40 
 3.24 
 3.61 
 4.00 
 4.80 
 4.80 
 5.00 
 4.00 
 3.60 
 
 $3.88 
 5.20 
 4.68 
 5.21 
 5.59 
 4.74 
 4.78 
 
 $7.00 
 13.00 
 14.00 
 20.00 
 12.00 
 14.00 
 12.00 
 10.00 
 
 $12.00 
 15.00 
 16.50 
 24.00 
 15.00 
 16.50 
 12.00 
 12.00 
 
 Bookbinders 
 
 Bricklayers 
 
 Cabin et-make rs 
 
 Carpenters and Joiners. . . 
 Coopers . 
 
 Drivers, Draymen 
 Farm Laborers 
 
 Laborers, Porters, etc. . . . 
 Plasterers 
 
 2.88 
 5.03 
 5.18 
 6.78 
 6.36 
 4.40 
 3.05 
 
 9.00 
 18.00 
 16.00 
 13.00 
 7-12 
 11.00 
 10.00 
 
 10.50 
 
 27.00 
 22.50 
 18.00 
 6-18 
 12.72 
 
 Plumbers 
 
 Printers 
 
 Tailors 
 
 Tinsmiths 
 
 Weavers. 
 
 
 
 According to the above statement, the average weekly wages 
 paid to 1 5 different classes of workmen in the city of New York 
 equalled $12.41, and in the city of Chicago $14.60, the average 
 of the two being $13.50 per week. The average paid to 15 sim- 
 ilar classes in England equalled $6.93, the excess paid to the 
 American laborer being $6.57 per week, the rate being nearly 
 twice as great as in England. The weekly wages of farm-laborers 
 in England equalled $4.02. In this country, in the Northern 
 States, to which nearly all the emigrants come, the wages of the 
 farm hand are more than twice as great as in England. In France 
 
181 
 
 the weekly rate of wages for 15 different classes of laborers aver- 
 aged $5.00; in Germany, $4.10; the average for the two countries 
 being $4.50, or a little above one-third that paid to similar classes 
 in the United States. Since 1884, the scale has turned largely in 
 favor of the American laborer. In the two years 1886 and 1887, 
 there were constructed within the United States 21,000 miles of 
 railroad, at a cost of $500,000,000. The mileage constructed was 
 through new territory, to the cultivation of which the railroad 
 laborer could be transferred so soon as the works were completed. 
 The price of labor is much higher in England than in other 
 European countries, Great Britain being in one sense, through 
 her numerous colonies, a new country herself. These colonies 
 still require vast amounts of supplies from home. The chief 
 ambition, notwithstanding, of every English colony is to throw 
 off the galling yoke of industrial dependence, and to strike out 
 for herself, encouraging her own industries by imposing heavy 
 duties upon the products of the mother country. They cannot 
 resist the common instinct of the race. English industries were 
 once highly protected. Finding herself ahead of all other nations 
 in mechanical skill and in the means of cheap distribution, Eng- 
 land espoused Free Trade, trying to convert all others to it, that 
 she might manufacture for them all. All of them have repelled 
 her allurements by high rates of protective duties. With the 
 evidence before them, collected and published by our Government, 
 and verified by the experience of every laborer coming to us, will 
 our workmen consent to reduce the rate of their wages and 
 their means of living to the standard of the Old World ? They will 
 be so reduced just in ratio as the duties are lowered on articles 
 of foreign manufacture competing, with our own. It is a matter 
 in which, of all others, the laborer has the deepest interest. 
 While prices of food and clothing in this country have fallen 
 one-third within the last twenty-two years, the fall in the price 
 of money being still greater, the wages of the workmen have 
 been largely increased, due to the fact that, under a rigid system 
 of protection, we produce what we consume, and produce cheaply, 
 having at last plenty of skill ; and, thanks to the frugality and 
 good habits of our workmen, a plenty of money. Is there any 
 better evidence of the value of a system of protection than that 
 half a million of immigrants, a large proportion of them able- 
 
182 
 
 bodied laborers, came over from the Old World the past year to 
 share its advantages? Since and including 1865, 8,577,313 have 
 come to take up their abode with us. * 
 
 The prodigious increase in the deposits of Banks for Savings 
 in the Northern States strikingly illustrates the advantages of a 
 protective system, the deposits belonging almost entirely to " wage 
 earners." As this class cannot well invest their savings, these 
 are committed to corporations, managed by bodies of directors, 
 selected for their known ability to take good care of their own 
 money, and who, except when serving as officers, serve gratui- 
 tously. The deposits in 1887 of Savings Banks in Massachusetts 
 equalled $302,948,624. The number of depositors equalled 944, 778. 
 The deposits averaged $320.67 for each depositor. They can, by 
 law, be loaned to manufacturing corporations in the State in good 
 credit. The rate of interest paid to the depositors averages about 
 four per cent. The loans in 1886 of all the National Banks in 
 Massachusetts equalled $210,899,555, a sum $92,047,559 less 
 than the loans, for 1887, of the Savings Banks. In Massachusetts 
 the great lenders of ready money are the working men and women, 
 
 * The following statement will show the number of immigrants from 1865 to 1887, inclu- 
 sive, 
 
 Calendar 
 
 years. 
 
 Immigrants. 
 
 Calendar 
 years. 
 
 Immigrants. 
 
 Calendar 
 years. 
 
 Immigrants, 
 
 1865 
 
 247,453 
 
 1873 
 
 422,545 
 
 1881... 
 
 720 045 
 
 1866 
 
 314,917 
 
 1874 
 
 260,814 
 
 1882 
 
 730 349 
 
 1867 
 
 310 965 
 
 1875.. 
 
 191 231 
 
 1883 
 
 570 316 
 
 1868 .. . 
 
 289 146 
 
 1876 
 
 157,440 
 
 1884 
 
 461 346 
 
 1869 
 
 385 287 
 
 1877 
 
 130 502 
 
 1885 
 
 350 510 
 
 1870 
 
 356 303 
 
 1878 
 
 153,207 
 
 1886 
 
 382 631 
 
 1871 
 
 346 938 
 
 1879 
 
 250 565 
 
 1887 
 
 509 281 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 8,577,313 
 
 The nationality of the immigrants for 1886 and 1887 was as follows; 
 
 1886. 1887. 
 
 From England and Wales 59,110 83,086 
 
 " Ireland 52,742 72,549 
 
 " Scotland 13,890 _219_30 
 
 Total United Kingdom 125,742 177^563 
 
 From Germany 85,296 113,201 
 
 " France 4,075 5,559 
 
 " Austria 39,978 39,053 
 
 " Russia 26.787 25,742 
 
 Poland 6^96 4,958 
 
 " Sweden and Norway 45,375 69.199 
 
 " Italy 30,464 46J161 
 
 " Denmark 6,557 9,295 
 
 " Other Countries 15,331 20,550 
 
 Grand Total 386,631 509,281 
 
183 
 
 not the capitalists. Large borrowers prefer to deal with Savings 
 Banks, as they can always borrow of them at the lowest current 
 rate of interest, the amount of deposits steadily increasing. 
 While the working - classes, who are the depositors, get the 
 current rates for their money, running no risks, by making it 
 abundant they directly help to bring down the price of all the 
 articles they consume ; for prices the country over are low in 
 ratio as capital is abundant and the rate of interest low. The 
 consumers in the far West of the manufactures of the East 
 derive a direct and large advantage from the abundance of money, 
 through the instrumentality of Savings Banks, in the section of the 
 country where the articles they purchase are made. If there were 
 no protection, there would be no manufacturing establishments ; 
 if no such establishments, there would be no laborers in them ; 
 if there were no laborers, there would be no deposits in the 
 Savings Banks to any considerable amount. Capital would be 
 scarce and the cost of production high. Money can be made 
 abundant in any country only by a variety of industries. With- 
 out it the consumption of each one is confined to the articles 
 which he produces. There would be no interchange, no com- 
 merce. Capital results from the production and sale of something 
 that the producer does not consume, or of which he produces 
 more than he wishes to consume. The excess takes the form 
 of accumulated capital. It becomes capital for lending when the 
 possessor of it cannot invest it himself ; and becomes abundant, 
 therefore, just in ratio to the number of operatives employed. 
 To make capital abundant is to protect labor. To protect labor 
 is the most direct and efficient condition of a low cost of produc- 
 tion. The more perfect the protection the lower the cost. Capital, 
 through the instrumentality of protection, is now very nearly as 
 abundant and cheap in New England as in any of the manufact- 
 uring centres of the Old World. If the cost of production be 
 higher in New England, it is because higher wages are paid to the 
 operatives than in the Old World, and for no other cause. Labor 
 gets the excess of price charged for the finished product. That 
 the laborers are well paid is shown by the enormous sums they 
 are able to lend their employers. In the West there are but few 
 Savings Banks for the reason that every one possessed of capital 
 can derive a greater advantage by using it himself than by lending 
 
184 
 
 it. Where this is the case the price of money is always high. It 
 is low in New England because the great mass of people there 
 find it more to their advantage to lend their accumulations than 
 to employ them in any industry or investments of their own. 
 
 The population of Massachusetts in 1886 equalled 1,770,000 ; 
 the number of depositors in Savings Banks equalled 944,778, 
 more than one-half the population, men, women, and children. 
 
 The deposits of all the Savings Banks in New England in 1886 
 equalled $545,532,434. The loans and discounts of all its banks 
 equalled $325,358,773. That is to say, the wage-earners lend 
 $220,173,671 more than all the banks of New England. What is 
 true of New England is becoming the rule with all the Northern 
 States. 
 
 The deposits in the Savings Banks of the State of New York, 
 in 1886, equalled $482,686,730. The loans and discounts of all the 
 National Banks in the State equalled, in 1886, only $354,841,070, 
 the Savings Banks lending more ready money than the National 
 Banks by the sum of $125,445,660. What other country in the 
 world can show, like this, its workers on one, two, and three 
 dollars a day being the great lenders of the capital by which the 
 industries in which they are engaged are largely carried on ?* So 
 striking were the benefits resulting from deposits in Savings 
 Banks that at a comparatively recent period it was not uncommon 
 for voluntary associations to be formed, the members of which 
 divided up the duty of visiting families of the working classes for 
 the purpose of persuading one or more of their members to open 
 accounts with Savings Banks, almost certain that the good 
 work once begun would be followed up until such families had a 
 good amount stored up to meet unforeseen contingencies, or to 
 raise them from the position of drudges to one of comparative 
 independence, or to enable them to enter upon some business in 
 which they were the employers, not the employed. In this way 
 vast sums were rescued from the dram-shops, and vast numbers 
 from lives of dissipation and want. 
 
 But the material side of this question, the one usually most 
 insisted upon, is really of the least importance. When an 
 adopted citizen, who in his own country never had a dollar to his 
 name, is led by some friend or friendly association, or by some im- 
 
 * See Tabular Statement on page 185. 
 
185 
 
 pulse of his own, to open an account with a Savings Bank, he is 
 made a new creature. For the first time he awakes to the con- 
 sciousness that he is an individual, a person, distinguished from 
 the great mass. From the day of his first deposit it becomes a 
 passion with him to see it increase. It teaches a lesson of the 
 greatest importance in life, how rapidly money, when well 
 planted, grows. There is now no limit to his vision. He no 
 longer worries over the future ; for, with a good bank account, 
 
 * Classification of accounts of the Massachusetts Savings Banks. 
 Number. 
 Whole number 944,778 
 
 Amount. 
 
 $5,023,4G 125 
 6,535,392 O8 
 15,989,821 29 
 61,109,495 61 
 92,474,535 90 
 131,779,298 78 
 146,402,334 53 
 2,812,590 84 
 3,997,107 15 
 31,059,015 G7 
 
 Of $50 or less . . 344,640 
 
 Exceeding $50 and not more than $100 fl1 .07 2 
 
 Exceeding $100 and not more than $200 
 Exceeding $200 and not more than $500 
 Exceeding $500 and less than $1,000 .... 
 
 113,671 
 155,547 
 129,111 
 
 Of $1,000 or more 
 To the credit of women, both adult and minor 
 
 110,737 
 458,376 
 5,920 
 7.147 
 86,803 
 
 To the credit of religious and charitable asM)ciations . 
 In trust . . ... ... 
 
 The number of Savings Banks in the State in 1887 was 173; the average percentage of 
 earnings to total assets equalled 4.82; the average rate of interest paid to depositors equalled 
 4.06; the amount of dividend paid equalled $11,155,440; the whole amount of profits equalled 
 $15,286,193. The number of withdrawals during the year, including dividends, 604,415. The 
 amounts withdrawn equalled $58,861, 246; number of accounts opened, 150,274; number closed, 
 107,738. The expenses of management of all the banks the past year equalled $747,295. 
 
 The following statement will show the amount of deposits of Savings Banks in the United 
 States, with the number of their depositors and the average amount due to each, by States, 
 in 1886 and 1887: 
 
 
 
 1886. 
 
 
 
 1887. 
 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Number of 
 Depositors. 
 
 Amount of 
 Deposits. 
 
 Av'ge to 
 each 
 Depos'r. 
 
 Number of 
 Depositors. 
 
 Amount of 
 Deposits. 
 
 Av'ge to 
 each 
 Depos'r. 
 
 (Maine 
 
 109,398 
 
 435,111,600 
 
 $320 95 
 
 $114 691 
 
 $37,215,071 
 
 $324.47 
 
 New Hampshire. 
 Vermont 
 Massachusetts. . 
 Rhode Island.. 
 Connecticut.... 
 New York 
 New Jersey 
 Pennsylvania . . 
 Delaware . . . 
 
 121,216 
 49,453 
 848,787 
 116,381 
 256,097 
 1,208,072 
 91,681 
 143,645 
 
 47,231,919 
 11,723,675 
 274,998,413 
 51,816,390 
 92,481,425 
 457,050,250 
 25,335,780 
 37,530,370 
 
 389.65 
 237.07 
 323.99 
 445.23 
 361.12 
 378.33 
 276.35 
 261.27 
 
 132,714 
 53,810 
 906,039 
 119,159 
 266,888 
 1,264,535 
 98,137 
 156,722 
 12,744 
 
 50,822,762 
 15,587,050 
 291,197,900 
 53,284,821 
 97,424,820 
 482,486,730 
 27,482,135 
 42,219,099 
 2,771,392 
 
 382.94 
 289.67 
 321.40 
 447.18 
 365.04 
 381.55 
 280.04 
 269.39 
 217.46 
 
 Maryland 
 
 a77,212 
 
 30,542,992 
 
 395.57 
 
 59,565 
 
 19,020,962 
 
 319.33 
 
 Dist. of Columbia 
 North Carolina 
 
 7,605 
 
 793,943 
 
 104.40 
 
 8,245 
 a377 
 
 834,524 
 11 307 
 
 101.22 
 30 00 
 
 Ohio . 
 
 a34,553 
 
 12,823,374 
 
 371.12 
 
 <z41,059 
 
 15,065,659 
 
 366.93 
 
 
 
 
 
 9 953 
 
 2 312 013 
 
 232 75 
 
 Illinois 
 
 
 
 
 o28,038 
 
 14,061,258 
 
 501.51 
 
 Iowa. 
 
 
 
 
 a39 638 
 
 9 969019 
 
 251.50 
 
 
 14 361 
 
 3 654 528 
 
 254 48 
 
 16 474 
 
 3 402 950 
 
 219 91 
 
 California . . 
 
 a80,489 
 
 60 435,919 
 
 750 86 
 
 a90 245 
 
 70 077 899 
 
 776.52 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Totals 
 
 3,158,950 
 
 1,141,530 578 
 
 361 36 
 
 3 418 013 
 
 1,235,247,371 
 
 361.30 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The total amount of deposits in all the Savings Banks in the United States in 1865 equalled 
 $242,619,382; in Massachusetts, $59,936,482; in.New York, $115,472,566. The increase of 
 deposits in all the banks has equalled very nearly $1,000,000,000, the rate of increase equalling 
 500 per cent. 
 
186 
 
 this is secure. He whose life was one round of uninterrupted 
 drudgery, unenlivened by a single day of respite, can now indulge 
 in an occasional holiday. If of foreign birth, he can even visit his 
 old home, where, with a thousand dollars on his bank-book, he 
 poses as a capitalist. The best of all is, that in the land of his 
 adoption, his bank account makes him one of the strongest con- 
 servators of order and peace, as earnest in their maintenance as 
 the capitalist who counts his millions. 
 
 " One touch of money makes the wkole world kin. " 
 
 The germ of all this is protection. That provided, the eleva- 
 tion of the laboring man is a matter which takes care of itself. In 
 his advancement no long and patient teaching is required. All 
 that is wanted is to place him in a position in which his higher 
 instincts can be appealed to. He then takes the work into his 
 own hands, and becomes a well-poised man, where before he was 
 o/ily the mere waif of fortune. 
 
 I have shown the method of creation, and the magnitude of 
 the Nation's great Estate. Should those who created still ad- 
 ministOr it, or is it to be handed over to those who have always 
 assailed the conditions out of which it arose, and who are as hos- 
 tile to them to-day as they were fifty years ago ? Such is the 
 question now at issue in the approaching Presidential contest, 
 The object of all political organizations being bread, the promo- 
 tion of the material welfare of those framing them, the same 
 rule of management "should hold with them as with purely busi- 
 ness enterprises. Those whose money has set up banks or manufac- 
 turing establishments, or constructed railroads, assume to always 
 control them ; the immediate superintendence being committed 
 to well approved experts. Applying the same rule to affairs of 
 State, in the appointment to the Chairmanship of the present 
 Committee of Ways and Means, of the House of Representatives 
 of the United States, precedence should have been given to the 
 State of Pennsylvania, the railroads of which the past year 
 moved 135,025,528 tons of freight, instead of to Texas, whose 
 railroads moved only 4,501,387 tons, and which of all the States 
 has the least familiarity with the methods and wants of the indus- 
 tries that contribute to the great mass of our products. This 
 
187 
 
 going to Texas for a Chairman for the most important Committee 
 of Congress, the grand Inquest, as it were, of the nation's wel- 
 fare is a gross instance of the substitution, for political purposes, 
 of the unskilled for the skilled. An estate managed in this way 
 soon comes to grief. By being managed upon this principle, the 
 great estate of the nation has often come to grief, to terrible 
 grief. It was a menace to every manufacturing interest in the 
 country, and a menace to every person employed in them. Busi- 
 ness is business, whether in the management of a blacksmith's 
 shop, or of the affairs of an empire. For the purposes of this 
 argument all members of Congress are equally respectable and 
 trustworthy ; but all are by no means equally fitted for all the 
 places to which they can be assigned. The appointment in the 
 present case was a purely political one. It was in keeping with a 
 rule always uppermost with the Democracy, to concede every 
 thing to the "gentleman that pays the rint," a Solid South be- 
 ing the tenure by which the Democracy so long held its power. 
 Consequently, while Democracy was in power every speaker was 
 from the South from 1827 down to the War of the Rebellion, 
 except John W. Davis, of Indiana, who was southern in all but 
 residence. With the speakership she controlled the important 
 committees, so as to be at the very source of legislation. Con- 
 cessions of the kind were made to such an extent as to create at 
 last two nations, nominally under the same government. 
 
 The weakness of the free North has always been, as it always 
 will be, that, intent upon her avocations, she will give little atten 
 tion to public affairs until she is fairly taken by the throat. In 
 confirmation, the political history of the city of New York need 
 only be referred to. Slavery, on the other hand, always conscious 
 of the dangers which beset it, had all the vigilance of an army 
 encamped in a strange and hostile land. All that was required of 
 the South were votes ; of the North, submission to such terms as 
 the South might impose. The South was always able and prompt 
 to deliver the "goods" according to the contract; the North 
 equally able and prompt in obsequiousness and servility. Democ- 
 racy, so armed and equipped, was particularly attractive to young 
 men starting out to make their way in the world. It troubled 
 them with no new ideas ; it imposed no duties, not even that of 
 self-restraint; while it promised great and speedy returns. If 
 
188 
 
 Government could be discharged of all power, certainly those 
 living under it could be discharged of all duty. It was inevitable 
 that, by denying the paramount power of the Federal Government, 
 nothing certain in the future, least of all order, could be assured ; 
 that by denying its powers to establish banks the country should 
 be cursed with vast issues of wild-cat money, all the banks in it, 
 within the short space of twenty years, twice suspending specie 
 payments, large numbers of them three times ; that by denying 
 its power to levy duties for protection, and by the constant chang- 
 ing of the tariff, manufacturing industries were largely a game of 
 chance ; that by denying it power to make appropriations for Pub- 
 lic Improvements, the two slopes of the continent remained 
 strangers, and might be aliens instead of friends. It was inev- 
 itable that, with such conditions, the whole period of Democratic 
 ascendancy should be, as it was, a period of apprehension 
 hesitation, turbulence, discontent, and disaster. 
 
 It has always been the policy of the Democracy to alienate the 
 two sections of the country by antagonizing their industries ; of 
 Republicanism to unite them through a community of inter- 
 ests, and there is no other well-assured basis of domestic peace. 
 Fortunately there is the most wonderful natural provision there- 
 for. The great ranges of the Alleghany mountains carry almost 
 within sight of the Gulf of Mexico an invigorating climate and 
 a majestic scenery. Throughout the whole extent of the range 
 are inexhaustible deposits of iron ores and coal, the prime ele- 
 ments, the world over, to make the race one. Along this great 
 mountain chain are advancing from the North, for the second 
 conquest of the South, not warriors clad in steel, but citizen 
 soldiery bearing in their hands the symbols of gentle peace. The 
 new invaders all along the line, are erecting great works for the 
 mining of coal and ores, and for their conversion into every kind 
 of finished product. Around such works are to gather the whole 
 circle of manufacturing industries, for these, like human beings, 
 crave society in which they can be mutually helped and helpful. 
 In such industries the South has many advantages over the 
 North, in the abundance of raw material, iron and coal side by 
 side, with fertile soils, and in a climate which discharges work- 
 men there of many of the burdens resting upon them at the 
 North. Manufacturing establishments, wherever they are, create 
 
189 
 
 an interchange of commodities without which there can be no 
 accumulations of capital. A country or State with a single 
 industry will always be poor, always living from hand to mouth 
 Of this the South has afforded, and still affords, striking examples, 
 many portions of her territory being still as barren in all useful 
 projects and institutions as they are in money. Where there is 
 nothing to do, the politician, the demagogue, typical of the whole 
 mass, becomes the leader, the chief. There can be no prosperity 
 while he rules. The surest way to get rid of politicians and to 
 stop talking is to give the people something to do. A good start 
 has already been made in Virginia. Last year her railroads moved 
 10,000,000 tons of freight. Four years ago they moved only 
 4,800,000 tons. Foolish talk has decreased in inverse ratio to 
 the amount of tonnage moved. In five years more the tonnage 
 of her railroads, the protective system maintained, will run up to 
 20,000,000 tons. By that time the Resolutions of '98, the pabu- 
 lum upon which the State has so long fed and starved and which 
 she so long accounted her highest glory, will become the laughing- 
 stock of her people. By the time the railroads of Virginia move 
 20,000,000 tons of freight, the railroads of the State of Penn- 
 sylvania, which moved last year 135,000,000 tons, will move 
 180,000,000 tons. The struggle of Virginia, with equal natural 
 resources, will be to overtake and pass this giant sister of the 
 North, which had in her favor only the accidental advantage of 
 freedom. To help her forward in the race she will demand that 
 in their infancy and feebleness her industries shall have the pro- 
 tection to which in their infancy those of her rival owed so much. 
 What is true of Virginia will be equally true of every State rich 1 
 in deposits of iron and coal, the prime conditions out of which to 
 make a new South competing with the North not only in her 
 industries but in her loyalty to a common government. 
 
 In 1885 the Democracy, for the first time in twenty-five years, 
 partially regained its old power, through the election of Mr. 
 Cleveland as President of the United States. In his first and 
 second annual messages the reform of the Tariff was strongly 
 recommended, but the subject received only the attention given 
 to a variety of others. The great topic in these demanding 
 instant attention was the currency, the same tremendous em- 
 
190 
 
 phasis being given to it in these as was given to the Tariff in 
 the third, which was wholly occupied therewith. The opening 
 paragraphs of this message were as follows : 
 
 "You are confronted at the threshold of your legislative duties with a con- 
 dition of the national finances which imperatively demands immediate and 
 careful consideration. 
 
 "The amount of money annually exacted, through the operation of present 
 laws, from the industries and necessities of the people, largely exceeds the sum 
 necessary to meet the expenses of the government. 
 
 " When we consider that the theory of our institutions guarantees to every 
 citizen the full enjoyment of all the fruits of his industry and enterprise, with 
 only such deduction as may be his share towards the careful and economical main- 
 tenance of the government which protects him, it is plain that the exaction of 
 more than this is indefensible extortion, and a culpable betrayal of American 
 fairness and justice. This wrong, inflicted upon those who bear the burden of 
 national taxation, like other wrongs, multiplies a brood of evil consequences. 
 The public treasury, which should only exist as a conduit conveying the people's 
 tribute to its legitimate objects of expenditure, becomes a hoarding-place for 
 money needlessly withdrawn from trade and the people's use, thus crippling our 
 national energies, suspending our country's development, preventing investment 
 in productive enterprise, threatening financial disturbance, and inviting schemes 
 of public plunder. 
 
 "The condition of our Treasury is not altogether new; and it has more than 
 once of late been submitted to the people's representatives in the Congress, who 
 alone can apply a remedy. And yet the situation still continues, with aggravated 
 incidents, more than ever presaging financial convulsion and widespread disaster. 
 
 " It will not do to neglect this situation because its dangers are not now pal- 
 pably imminent and apparent. They exist none the less certainly, and await the 
 unforeseen and unexpected occasion when suddenly they will be precipitated 
 upon us. " 
 
 To present the above paragraphs so that their substance can 
 be seen at a glance: the Tariff demanded instant attention on 
 account of the exaction thereby, far exceeding any want of the 
 Government, of enormous sums of money from the indus- 
 tries and necessities of the people, such exaction being in- 
 defensible extortion, a culpable betrayal of American fairness 
 and justice, breeding a multitude of evil consequences in the 
 hoarding in the National Treasury of money needlessly with- 
 drawn from trade and the people's use, crippling the national 
 energies, suspending the country's development, preventing in- 
 vestment in productive enterprise, and inviting schemes of 
 public plunder. Although attention had more than once been 
 directed to these great extortions and their direful consequences, 
 the situation continued with aggravated incidents, presaging 
 financial convulsions and widespread disaster. 
 
 Such was the graphic picture, one of those of which the Presi- 
 dent is so capable, and of which, in his public career, he has given 
 so many examples. In this case he created all tbe conditions of 
 
191 
 
 which the terrible picture was drawn, the congestion of the 
 Treasury threatening disaster and ruin to every interest and in- 
 dustry in the land, all to vanish into empty air so soon as he had 
 accomplished the ends in view. 
 
 On the 3ist of August, 1865, according to the Statistical 
 Abstract of the United States for 1888, the gross amount of the 
 National Debt equalled $2,844,649,626. The value of assets in 
 the Treasury equalled $88,218,053, the net debt amounting to 
 $2,756,431,571. The interest-bearing debt equalled $2,381, 530,294, 
 the interest on the same for the year equalling $150,977,697.* 
 
 The total Debt at the close of the fiscal year for 1887, equalled 
 $1,657,602,592; the Assets in the Treasury, $482,433,917; 
 the Net Debt, $1,175,168,675; the Interest - bearing Debt 
 $1,021,692,350; the Interest accruing for the year $41,780,529, 
 the net reduction of the debt in twenty-two years equalling 
 $1,581,262,896, the reduction in the amount of interest paid 
 $109,197,168. The average annual amount of the decrease of the 
 net debt equalled $72,000,000. 
 
 The problem before the President was the disposal, during 
 three years of his term of office, of $122,833,129, the excess 
 for such period of the revenues over the current expenditures 
 of the Government: the excess for 1885 being $17,859,735; for 
 
 * Statement showing the amount of the Total Debt of the United States, the Assets in the 
 Treasury, the Net Debt, the Interest-bearing Debt, and the amount of Interest paid annually, 
 from 1865 to 1887, inclusive: 
 
 Yrs. 
 
 Total Debt. 
 
 Assets in 
 Treasury. 
 
 Net Debt. 
 
 Int. bearing Debt. 
 
 Int. Annually 
 Accruing. 
 
 1865 
 
 2,844,649,626 
 
 88,218,055 
 
 2,756,431,571 
 
 2,381,530.294 
 
 150,977,697 
 
 1866 
 
 2,773,236,173 
 
 137,200,009 
 
 2,636,036,163 
 
 2,332,331,207 
 
 146,068,196 
 
 1867 
 
 2,678,126,103 
 
 169,974,892 
 
 2,508,151,211 
 
 2,248,067,387 
 
 138,892,451 
 
 1868 
 
 2,611,687,851 
 
 130,834,437 
 
 2,480,853,413 
 
 2,202,088,727 
 
 128,459.598 
 
 1869 
 
 2,588,452,213 
 
 155,680,340 
 
 2,432,771,873 
 
 2,162,060,522 
 
 125,523,998 
 
 1870 
 
 2,480,672,427 
 
 149,502,471 
 
 2,331,169,956 
 
 2,046,455,722 
 
 118,784,960 
 
 1871 
 
 2,353,211,332 
 
 106,217,263 
 
 2,246,994,068 
 
 1,934,696,750 
 
 111,949,330 
 
 1872 
 
 2,253,251.328 
 
 103,470,798 
 
 2,149,780,530 
 
 1,814,794,100 
 
 103,988,463 
 
 1873 
 
 2,234,482^993 
 
 129,020,932 
 
 2,105,462,060 
 
 1,710,483,950 
 
 98,049,804 
 
 1874 2,251,690,468 
 
 147,541,314 
 
 2,104,149,153 
 
 1,738,930,750 
 
 98,796.004 
 
 1875 2,232,284,531 
 
 142,243.361 
 
 2,090,041,170 
 
 1,722,676,300 
 
 96,855,690 
 
 18761 2,180,395,067 
 
 119,469,726 
 
 2,060,925,340 
 
 1,710,685,450 
 
 95,104,269 
 
 1877j 2,205,301,392 
 
 186,025,960 
 
 2,019,275,431 
 
 1,711,888,500 
 
 93,160,643 
 
 1878! 2,256,205,892 
 
 256,823,612 
 
 1,999,382,280 
 
 1,794,735,650 
 
 94,654,472 
 
 1879 2,245,495,072 
 
 249,080.167 
 
 1,996,414,905 
 
 1,797,643,700 
 
 83,77?, 778 
 
 1880 
 
 2,120,415,370 
 
 201,088,622 
 
 1,919,326,747 
 
 1,723,993,100 
 
 79,631 ,981 
 
 1881 2,069,013,569 
 
 249,363,415 
 
 1,819,650,154 
 
 1,639,567,750 
 
 75,018,695 
 
 1882 1,918,312,994 
 
 243,289,519 
 
 1,675,023,474 
 
 1,463,810,400 
 
 57,300,110 
 
 1883 1,884,171,728 
 
 345,389,902 
 
 1,538,781,825 
 
 1,338,229,150 
 
 51,436,709 
 
 1884 
 
 1,830,528,923 
 
 391,985,928 
 
 1,438,542,995 
 
 1,226,563,850 
 
 47,926,432 
 
 1885 
 
 1,863,964,873 
 
 488,612,429 
 
 1,375,352,443 
 
 1,196,150,950 
 
 47,014,133 
 
 1886| 1,775,063,013 
 
 492,917,173 
 
 1,282,145.840 
 
 1,146,014,100 
 
 46,510,098 
 
 1887 
 
 1,657,602,592 
 
 482,433,917 
 
 1,175,168,675 
 
 1,021,692,350 
 
 41,780,529 
 
192 
 
 1 886, $49,405,545 ; and for 1887, $55,567,849, the total of these 
 sums being $21,793,551 less than the amount of public debt re- 
 tired in a single year, that of 1882. The amount of interest- 
 bearing debt in 1885 equalled $1,196,150,950, so that he had 
 plenty of bonds to be taken in. All that he had to do was to 
 go into the market for them, as he is now doing. Instead 
 of doing this, he allowed large sums to be hoarded in the 
 Treasury, at a time of the year when every dollar is wanted 
 for moving the crops, and when an ounce put upon the market 
 has more than the weight of a ton at other seasons of the year. 
 The accumulation of any considerable amount of revenue in 
 the Treasury of the United States cannot fail to produce a 
 stringency in business circles accustomed to an amount of 
 money subject to little other change than a gradual increase 
 to meet the increase in the volume of operations taking place. 
 During the wh'ole period, down to the year 1887, notwithstanding 
 the enormous excess of revenues over current expenditures, no 
 stringency of money was created, as steps were promptly taken 
 by the Treasury Department to return all excess over the im- 
 mediate wants of the Government into the channels of business, 
 from which it had been drawn by the retirement of the public 
 debt. By reference to the annexed statement, it will be seen 
 that the amount of debt retired in the two years 1881 and 1882 
 equalled $280,868,329, at the rate of $140,434,169 yearly, or very 
 nearly $3,000,000 each week. It is plain to see that, should 
 the Government allow six months of such excess of revenues 
 over current charges to accumulate in the Treasury, wide-spread 
 ruin would be the result. It would be as if an embargc 
 had been put upon one-third of the railroad cars of the country 
 That no disturbance arose from the collection of such vast sums 
 into the Treasury was due to the fact that not a dollar in excess 
 of its immediate wants was allowed to remain in it over night. 
 The policy pursued from the close of the war down to 1887 was 
 precisely that pursued to-day by the Treasury, by means of which 
 the public debt was reduced in the month of August to the extent 
 of $7,324,676, chiefly by the purchase of the four and four-and-a- 
 half per cents. Had the President pursued the same policy 
 in 1887 that he is pursuing in 1888, there would have been no 
 hoarding, and not the slightest foundation for the terrible pict- 
 
193 
 
 
 
 ure he drew ; which, for the moment, presented to the public 
 mind a terrible reality. 
 
 As the money market is not necessarily affected by the 
 amount of revenues received, provided a present outlet is always 
 found for them, the question of their excess over and above the 
 current wants of the Government depends upon that of the 
 amount of the public debt to be annually retired. 
 
 I do not propose to discuss here the desirability of the rapid 
 retirement of the public debt. The President does not raise this 
 question. The debt exists. As it has always been the passion 
 of our people as a nation to be out of debt, its rapid retirement 
 has been regarded with great favor. So long as a large sum is 
 still outstanding, the proper way in which to dispose of any sur- 
 plus in the revenues is to continue the same policy. Many years 
 must elapse before the debt can be paid, even at the rate of the 
 past. The Tariff question therefore may still be treated wholly 
 on its merits, and not from any incidental effect it may exert. 
 
 As the hoarding of the public revenues by the Treasury Depart- 
 ment, and with it all the terrible consequences predicted by the 
 President, have wholly passed away, what was the motive that 
 influenced him ? He had a double one. He wanted to show him- 
 self true to the old Democracy, whose trinity was no Banks, no 
 Internal Improvements, no Tariff for protection. As things now 
 are, it would hardly do to order a Quo Warranto for the purpose of 
 determining by what authority in the Constitution the 3,200 Na- 
 tional Banks now in active operation were created. It would 
 hardly do with the present temper of the Supreme Court of the 
 United States to apply for an injunction against the payment of 
 interest on the bonds issued for the construction of the Pacific 
 Railroads, on the ground that it transcended the power of Con- 
 gress to provide for such works. But the Tariff was a more 
 mixed affair. Here was the chance to ring the old changes of 
 ante-war time, monopoly, cruel exactions, a depressed and im- 
 poverished laboring class, and a purse-proud aristocracy seeking 
 to enslave all below it, all a repetition of the old slanders of 
 which I have given adequate specimens. Why not play the old 
 role which led the Democracy to so many victories in the past ? 
 Why not, like the Southern slaveholder, pose as the champion of 
 the working-man ? But he had now a further and powerful motive 
 
194: 
 
 for assailing the Tariff to revive the devotion of that class of 
 reformers who, lucidly to express their principles, have assumed 
 the name of "Mugwump," and who had recognized him as their 
 patron saint at the very outset of his career. But, like many 
 other devotees, they had suffered much from him ; for the actual, 
 no matter how perfect, never comes up to the ideal. Their crown- 
 ing grief came in the latter part of 1887, the occasion being one of 
 those spasmodic outbursts by which the people of the city of New 
 York seek to bring to justice the robbers preying upon them. 
 Jake Sharp and a number of the aldermen were arraigned and con- 
 victed of giving and receiving bribes in connection with the con- 
 cession of the charter of the Broadway Railroad. The pursuit was 
 still hot for other offenders. Pending it the election of the Corpo- 
 ration Council was to take place. The " Law and Order Party," 
 as the voluntary association of citizens was called, nominated Mr. 
 Delancey Nicoll, who had been largely instrumental in bringing the 
 offenders to justice, for a second term. The Democracy, under 
 the lead of Tammany Hall, finding its ranks in danger of being 
 largely depleted should the prosecutions be followed up, nomi- 
 nated Mr. John R. Fellows for the place held by Mr. Nicol. 
 The Mugwumps denounced Fellows as a pal of Tweed's, as 
 the embodiment of mob rule, and declared that if he were elected 
 criminals would go unwhipped of justice. The great leaders 
 of the attack, upon him were the Mugwump newspapers, who 
 gave him a coating far blacker than the Prince of Darkness 
 ever wore. Success seemed to be assured when victory was 
 snatched from their grasp by the following letter of the Presi- 
 dent : 
 
 "EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
 
 " WASHINGTON, Nov. 2d, 1887. 
 " HON. GEOBGE H. FOSTER, 
 
 " Tammany Hall, New York City. 
 
 "DEAR SIB, It will be impossible for me to comply with your courteous 
 invitation to meet with those who propose to ratify, to-morrow evening, the nom- 
 ination of the United Democracy. 
 
 " With a hearty wish that every candidate upon your excellent ticket may be 
 triumphantly elected, 
 
 " I am very truly yours, 
 
 [Signed] " GBOVEB CLEVELAND. " * 
 
 * The Mugwump reader will do well to compare this letter with the communication ad- 
 dressed by President Jackson to the Marshal of the District of Columbia in the case of Sam 
 Houston [Page 114.] Jackson, by an act of despotic power, interposed between a criminal and a. 
 well-deserved punishment. Cleveland interposed so that, if the Mugwump papers were to be 
 believed, criminals should not be brought to justice. 
 
195 
 
 This letter was a terrible blow to the Mugwumps, who had 
 already suffered grievously at the hand of the President, from 
 his constant violation of his Civil Service Reform pledges. 
 Nothing however could extinguish their faith in him as their 
 divinely appointed chief. They accepted his letter with that 
 quiet resignation which a man displays in Eastern despotisms 
 when he hears that the bowstring has been sent to a member 
 of his family. With them, " Civil Service Reform " is a sort 
 of "Benefit of Clergy" affair, by which the ability " to read in 
 a book" has saved many a neck from a well-deserved halter. 
 The Mugwumps are a very peculiar people, much better under- 
 stood by others than by themselves, and by none better than 
 the President of the United States. Although fealty had been 
 sworn by them alike to two mistresses, they are so far human 
 that one mistress has the warmer devotion, that mistress being 
 Free Trade. Having two strings to pull, the President could 
 well enter upon his double game of making sure the support of 
 the New York roughs for his re-election, and of making equally 
 sure the ardent support of the Mugwump faction ; the former 
 he accomplished by his Fellows letter, the latter through his 
 grand assault upon the Tariff, to which his whole message was 
 devoted. 
 
 "It has been the custom," he said, in the closing words of the message, 
 "of the executive, in compliance with the provision of the Constitution, to 
 annually exhibit to Congress at the opening of its session the general condition 
 of the country, and to detail with some particularity the operation of the different 
 executive departments. But I am so much impressed with the paramount im- 
 portance of the subject to which this communication is devoted that I shall forego 
 the addition of any other topic." 
 
 Think of it ! The whole world, everything, sacrificed to Free 
 Trade ! Was there ever before such homage paid the great 
 principle ? The message was received by the Mugwumps with 
 paroxysms of joy. They sprang to their feet with one wild 
 hurrah. They were no longer the abject apologists of the past : 
 thereafter no cloud came between them and their great chief. Every 
 violation by the President of Civil Service Reform was fully con- 
 doned. The two master-strokes of the President delivered, the 
 Secretary of the Treasury received instructions to go on in the 
 old way in the purchase of bonds to the full extent of the re- 
 ceipts into the Treasury over and above the current charges 
 
196 
 
 upon it. The result is that the banks of the city of New York, 
 which in 1887 had the greatest difficulty in keeping up to their 
 required reserves, have now an excess of $20,000,000, the Presi- 
 dent in the mean time running for his second term with money 
 at one and a-half per cent ! 
 
 The following extracts, with those already given, from the late 
 message of the President, will present the substance of it all : 
 
 " Our present tariff laws, " continued the President, " the vicious, inequitable, 
 and illogical source of unnecessary taxation, ought to be at once revised and 
 amended. These laws, as their primary and plain effect, raise the price to con- 
 sumers of all articles imported and subject to duty, by precisely the sum paid for 
 such duties. Thus the amount of duty measures the tax paid by those who 
 purchase for use their imported articles. . . . Those who buy imports pay the 
 duty charged thereon into the public treasury, but the great majority of our citi- 
 zens, who buy domestic articles of the same class, pay a sum at least approxi- 
 mately equal to this duty to the home manufacturer. . . . This existence (of 
 the tariff laws) should not mean a condition which, without regard to the public 
 welfare or a national exigency, must always insure the realization of in.mense 
 profits instead of moderately profitable returns. As the volume and diversity of 
 our natural activities increase, new recruits are added to those who desire a con- 
 tinuation of the advantages which they conceive the present system of tariff 
 taxation directly affords them. So stubbornly have all efforts to reform 
 the present condition been resisted by those of our fellow-citizens thus engaged, 
 that they can hardly complain of the suspicion, entertained to a certain 
 extent, that there exists an organized combination all along the line to 
 maintain their advantage. . . . When an attempt is made to justify a 
 scheme which permits a tax to be laid 'upon every consumer in the land 
 for the benefit of our manufacturers, quite beyond a reasonable demand for 
 governmental regard, it suits the purposes of advocacy to call our manufact- 
 ures infant industries, still needing the highest and greatest degree of fa- 
 vor and fostering care that can be wrung from Federal legislation. . . . 
 Nor can the worker in manufactures fail to understand that, while a high tariff 
 is claimed to be necessary to allow the payment of remunerative wages, it certainly 
 results in a very large increase in the price of nearly all sorts of manufactures, 
 which, in almost countless forms, he needs for the use of himself and his family. 
 He receives at the desk of his employer his wages, and, perhaps, before he reaches 
 his home is obliged, in a purchase for family use of an article which embraces his 
 own labor, to return, in the payment of the increase in price, which the tariff 
 permits, the hard-earned compensation of many days of toil. ... If, in the 
 emergency that presses upon us, our manufacturers are asked to surrender some- 
 thing for the public good and to avert disaster, their patriotism, as well as a 
 grateful recognition of advantages already afforded, should lead them to willing 
 co-operation. . . . Opportunity for safe, careful, and deliberate reform is 
 now offered; and none of us should be unmindful of a time when an abused 
 and irritated people, heedless of those who have resisted timely and reasonable 
 relief, may insist upon a radical and sweeping rectification of their wrongs." 
 
 Such was the message, a tissue of gross and unfounded 
 charges, without a particle of evidence to sustain them from 
 beginning to end that the country is divided, particularly at 
 the North, into two great classes, employers and employed ; into 
 the owners of manufacturing establishments and those working 
 in them ; the former having the power, by means of the Tariff, of 
 
197 
 
 realizing profits far exceeding those made in other industries, 
 these profits to come out of the wages of the working-men, 
 whose condition thereby is greatly and unreasonably depressed; 
 the tirade against the employers winding up with a caution to 
 them, that, unless they speedily abate their cruel exactions, they 
 will some morning find their houses about their ears, through the 
 uprising of an outraged and indignant people. The whole picture 
 is one of wretchedness for the laboring man, of arrogance and 
 oppression by the employer. Is this picture a true one ? On the 
 contrary, is it not false in every particular ? What has been the 
 condition of the working-man within the period of Twenty-two 
 Years of Protection ? Not only have his wages steadily increased, 
 but the prices of every important article of consumption, partic- 
 ularly of the prime articles of food, have so decreased that the 
 ten hours of daily labor bring to him twice the reward, measured 
 by the degree of his personal comfort and that of his family, that 
 they did twenty years ago. It is not true that by means of our 
 Tariff legislation a privileged class has been created, who grow 
 rich by grinding the faces of the poor. The charge of the Presi- 
 dent is untrue from beginning to end, and from the very nature of 
 things. There is not an industry in the United States that is not 
 equally open to all classes. Millions upon millions of money is 
 at all times lying unemployed at the North seeking an opportu- 
 nity for investment at five per cent. Show an opportunity promis- 
 ing six per cent and there is a rush for it, both by capital and 
 skill, which speedily brings the rate of profit to four and often 
 to three per cent, and oftener to nothing. The libel is a most 
 gratuitous and absurd one. It is only a rehash, by a President of 
 the United States, of the gross slanders uttered by Hayne and 
 other fire-eaters fifty years ago, for the purpose of stirring up a 
 strife of classes, by appealing to the lowest instincts, by fabrica- 
 tions which have not the semblance of truth. Manufacturers 
 have no opportunities for making a greater rate of profit than 
 those engaged in any other avocation or calling. Capital and 
 labor will always go where they are best paid, competition in all 
 cases reducing every industry to a common level. 
 
 The President was determined that the banks, though he had 
 full authority to deposit therein the public moneys, should have 
 none of them. 
 
198 
 
 "The proposition to deposit the money held by the Government in banks 
 throughout the country is, it seems to me," said he, "exceedingly objection- 
 able in principle, as establishing too close a relationship between the operations 
 of the Government Treasury and the business of the country, and a too exten- 
 sive commingling of their money, thus fostering an unnatural reliance in 
 private business upon public funds. If this scheme should be adopted, it 
 should only be done as a temporary expedient to meet an urgent necessity. 
 Legislative and executive effort should be generally in the opposite direction, 
 and should have a tendency to divorce as much and as fast as can safely be 
 done the Treasury Department from private enterprise." 
 
 Why should there not be close relationship between the 
 operations of the Government and the business of the country, 
 the money going into the Treasury arising out of the business 
 operations of the people ? The support of the Government is 
 always a burden to be lightened, as far as this can be done by 
 taking as little money as possible out of the channels of circula- 
 tion until there is occasion for its use. Singularly enough, the 
 Model Republic is the only government of a civilized commercial 
 nation which turns its back upon the business of the country, 
 disclaiming, if the President be the oracle, all paternal attributes 
 whatever. The governments that are the estates of those wield- 
 ing them are untiring in their efforts to have their operations 
 harmonize with those of the people. In England, Germany, and 
 Austria the public moneys are deposited in National Banks. 
 Such is the case even in Republican France. In this way, in a 
 normal condition of things, the instruments of exchange, no 
 matter who holds them, are always at work. But money that flows 
 into our Treasury is dead to commerce until some public neces- 
 sity forces it out. The money of banks gets into circulation 
 through the discount of merchants' bills. This is a kind of busi- 
 ness in which the Treasury cannot engage. It can accomplish 
 precisely the same result by placing itself in proper relations to 
 the banks. The Bank of England has the whole management 
 of the Public Debt at a stipulated compensation. For all 
 business purposes the Bank treats the deposits arising out of 
 the Public Revenues precisely as it treats private deposits, lend- 
 ing so much of each as are not likely to be presently drawn. 
 In this way not a dollar of money is ever lying useless or idle. 
 What the Bank pays out one day is returned to it the next, or 
 is in the hands of the public. Ordinarily a couple of millions, 
 of pounds is all that it is necessary to keep on hand to meet 
 the current wants of the Government, the drafts of which are, 
 
199 
 
 as a rule, paid in the paper of the Bank, so that not a dollar, or 
 sovereign, rather, in gold, necessarily interposes in transactions 
 equalling in amount perhaps ^50,000,000. Of course the Bank, 
 like merchants, has always to keep on hand reserves bearing a 
 certain ratio to its liabilities, but such reserves are never to 
 be regarded as idle money. It is only when the reserves move 
 in discharge of commercial balances that gold is drawn. Ninety- 
 five per cent of all the transactions, government and commercial, 
 in England, are effected through the instrumentality of paper 
 money. All such proceedings as these are very shocking to 
 the President of the United States, whose ideas of the function 
 of government, in the matter of the public revenues, are drawn 
 from such countries as Turkey or Morocco, the chief end of the 
 governments of which is to look out for number one, leaving the 
 people to look out for number two ; or, not to cross the Atlantic 
 for examples, his ideas are but a repetition of the dogmas of the 
 old slave-holding Democracy, according to which no one was to 
 trust the Government, nor was Government to trust any one 
 below it. Nothing was to f be more carefully avoided in the 
 matter of the revenues than any participation of interest between 
 the Government and the people, any mingling of public and 
 private funds, any lying down of the people upon the Govern- 
 ment. I do not think that the President has much to fear from 
 any such copartnerships. There is nothing that our people want 
 so much from the Government as immunity, not community. They 
 do not want the money properly belonging to the Government ; 
 they do not want to lie down upon it ; they do not want, as 
 at present administered, to enter into copartnership with it. 
 Should any one have the hardihood to enter into such relation- 
 ship he would be only too eager for its dissolution at the first 
 moment possible. All that they want and demand is that the 
 Government shall not hoard money, thereby creating great 
 stringency, destructive alike of public and private welfare, for 
 purely party ends. They never appear before the Government 
 as suppliants for favors, only to redress great wrongs. They 
 did so appear before the President in the fall of 1887, when, 
 with bended knee and bated breath, they implored him to open 
 the gates of the Treasury, so that the millions upon millions 
 there hoarded, in order to give him a pretext for assailing the 
 
200 
 
 Tariff, might be let loose, their picture of the distress prevailing 
 being excelled in vividness by his own. They demanded, as they 
 always will demand, that the revenues of the Government not 
 needed for the discharge of current expenses should remain 
 in the channels of circulation, that the volume of money may be 
 uniform, a matter of prime importance in all the transactions 
 of society. 
 
 The question of the utility of our present Tariff is now purely 
 a matter of evidence. The Fathers of our Government assumed 
 that duties levied with a view to protection would promote 
 domestic industries, create markets for products having no 
 exportable value, reduce prices by encouraging domestic com- 
 petition and render our own independent of other countries 
 for the more important articles of consumption as well as for 
 self-defense. Have not the results of the last Twenty-Two 
 Years of Protection fully vindicated these assumptions ? In 
 the infancy of the nation, from the want of skill and capital, 
 and from the unsettled condition of affairs, it was impossible 
 that the theory of protection could have a fair trial. The first 
 Act which made protection, as Mr. Benton declared, the end 
 rather than the incident of tariff legislation, was that of 1816. 
 This Act had little effect, owing largely to the impoverishment 
 of the country occasioned by the War of 1812. The Acts of 
 1824 and 1828 followed, but the oppositon which they encoun- 
 tered was so formidable that they might have been overthrown 
 at any moment, and, with them the principle upon which they 
 were based. The creation of the Democratic party in 1812 
 was an emphatic protest against the doctrine of protection. 
 The Compromise Act of 1833, a virtual abandonment of the 
 protective system, followed, with its long train of disasters. The 
 assaults upon the Government, strengthened rather than dimin- 
 ished by the concessions made to the malcontents, were enough 
 to check all large investments in enterprises of every kind. The 
 most timid thing in the world is capital. The prime condition 
 of its employment on a large scale is social order. It was not, 
 consequently, until our Government, through the Secession of 
 the South, passed under the control of the North, that the 
 conditions were for the first time secured whereby our peo- 
 ple could show the kind of stuff of which they were made. 
 
201 
 
 i 
 
 Protection became the leading dogma of the new National life. 
 Since its adoption there has been ample time wherein to test its 
 value. It is now to stand or fall upon its record in the past. 
 That record I now present. It is the record of the most stupen- 
 dous achievements that the world has yet seen, of vast and un- 
 interrupted progress made in every department of industry ; of 
 the acquisition of boundless wealth, of which those whose labor 
 produced it have received a constantly increasing share. From 
 the enormous increase of capital, the charge for its use has fallen 
 to one-half the old rate. From the wonderful progress made by 
 our people in mechanical skill and industrial training prices of 
 nearly all the important articles in domestic economy have fallen 
 nearly one-half, producers in every department of industry, like 
 railroad companies, looking for their remuneration in quantity 
 rather than in rate. Is there any drawback to this picture of 
 unexampled prosperity ? Not one ! The doctrine of protection 
 has here been vindicated by evidence which has all the force 
 of demonstration. When assailed, it is assailed not by evidence, 
 but by misrepresentation and abuse, the President himself not 
 having the hardihood to attempt to impeach it by the least array 
 of evidence. * 
 
 Workmen of America, stand to arms ! Cherish a grateful 
 remembrance of what you owe to the Fathers. Never forget 
 
 * Since the above was in type President Cleveland's letter accepting his nomination for a 
 Second term has been made public It is simply a re-statement of his Tariff message, which has 
 been sufficiently commented upon. One matter in it however demands brief notice. He says, 
 
 " There now remains in the Treasury a surplus of more than 130,000,000. No better evi- 
 dence could Vie furnished that the people are exorbitantly taxed. . . . The surplus revenue 
 
 $25,746,759 subsidiary silver coin; the three sums equalling $74,373,487. In addition, the 
 matured interest and debt unpaid, and overdue interest, equalled 12,105,163, the four sums 
 *equalling $86,478,650. Deducting such aggregate from its nominal amount, the surplus in the 
 Treasury equals only $49,071,877, certainly not a large balance for a great nation to keep on 
 hand, especially as, in addition to the United States notes, $346,681,000, for which 
 $100,000,000 in gold has been set apart, the Government has outstanding $225,187,728 of 
 silver certificates, which it holds itself bound, and such is its practice, to redeem in gold ! The 
 demand notes of the Government, all payable in gold, equal, consequently, $571,859,393, for 
 
 balance in it too large, why does he not pay out the idle dollars in discharge of the government 
 debt and save the interest on a like sum ? 
 
 If he does not like this way of getting rid of the surplus, now so menacing to the prosperity 
 oi the people, why does he not add a few millions to his bond purchases, 1,600,000,000 of debt 
 having been taken in this way? In the mean time his attention may well be turned to the reform 
 of the Tarilf. the deliberations on which may last at least fifteen years before any stringency will 
 be created in the money market, if the policy he is now pursuing be followed. There is no 
 doubt that a considerable accumulation of revenues in the Treasury would be dangerous. The 
 President gave us a taste of this in 1887. He now wishes to create a scare by showing how the 
 thing can be done over again. There is certainly no little danger of a plethora in the Treasury 
 until after the coming election. 
 
202 
 
 i 
 
 the terrible cost, in blood and treasure, in the infinite slaugh- 
 ters of the battle-fields, in ravaged States and razed cities, of 
 your happy lot. Cherish the fondest regard for the industrial 
 system which has constantly and greatly advanced you in the 
 scale of consideration, comfort, and self-respect. Measure your 
 duties by the responsibility resting upon you, not only to preserve 
 unimpaired the blessings you enjoy, but to show to the world that 
 order, respect for law and the happiness, and welfare of a people 
 go hand in hand with their freedom. It is your example which is 
 to free the oppressed of every land, or to rivet still more firmly 
 their chains. It is for you to say for what America is to stand. 
 It is in your power to say that she shall stand a light and beacon 
 for the nations ! 
 
 THE TABULAE STATEMENTS from 203 to 220, inclusive, are added by illus- 
 tration or evidence, the preceding argument being drawn chiefly therefrom, and 
 from statement on page 164. 
 
203 
 
 RAILROADS OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 Statement of Miles of Railroad in each State and group of States, December 
 31, 1877-1805. From the Railroad Manual of 1888. 
 
 
 1877. 
 
 1876. 
 
 1875. 
 
 1874. 
 
 1873. 
 
 905 
 
 877 
 721 
 1,755 
 159 
 897 
 
 1872. 
 
 1871. 
 
 1870. 
 
 1869. 
 
 1868. 
 
 1867. 
 
 1866. 
 
 1865. 
 
 Maine 
 
 !>97 
 
 964 
 872 
 
 l.s.;; 
 204 
 922 
 
 997 
 940 
 
 810 
 
 I,S::T 
 is: 
 918 
 
 5,691 
 
 5,525 
 1,601 
 5,794 
 272 
 
 944 
 618 
 
 980 
 934 
 810 
 1,817 
 179 
 918 
 
 957 
 918 
 
 77s 
 1,786 
 173 
 897 
 
 871 
 810 
 710 
 
 i,<;r,,x 
 136 
 868 
 
 871 
 
 790 
 675 
 l,ti(H 
 136 
 820 
 
 786 
 736 
 614 
 
 1,480 
 136 
 742 
 
 ^494 
 
 3,928 
 1,125 
 4,656 
 197 
 671 
 387 
 
 580 
 702 
 614 
 1,480 
 125 
 692 
 
 560 
 667 
 605 
 1,425 
 125 
 637 
 
 521 
 667 
 
 587 
 1,401 
 125 
 637 
 
 521 
 667 
 587 
 1,331 
 125 
 637 
 
 521 
 667 
 587 
 1,297 
 125 
 637 
 
 New Hampshire 
 Vermont 
 Massachusetts . . 
 Rhode Island... 
 Connecticut 
 
 New England 
 New York ... 
 
 5,822 
 
 5,726 
 1,661 
 6,926 
 
 272 
 944 
 638 
 
 5,638 
 
 5,423 
 1,511 
 5,705 
 
 272 
 92! 
 615 
 
 5,509 
 
 5,250 
 1,438 
 5,575 
 272 
 900 
 615 
 
 5,314 
 
 5,165 
 1,418 
 5,21)7 
 248 
 900 
 615 
 
 5,053 
 
 4,925 
 1,378 
 4,949 
 
 227 
 866 
 609 
 
 4,898 
 
 4,470 
 1,265 
 4,742 
 200 
 820 
 533 
 
 4,293 
 
 3,658 
 1,011 
 4,598 
 183 
 588 
 387 
 
 4,019 
 
 3,329 
 973 
 4,398 
 165 
 535 
 365 
 
 3,938 
 
 3,245 
 942 
 4,311 
 
 165 
 527 
 365 
 
 3,868 
 
 3,179 
 871 
 4,097 
 147 
 484 
 365 
 
 3,834 
 
 3,002 
 864 
 3,728 
 134 
 446 
 365 
 
 New Jersey 
 Pennsylvania... 
 Delaware 
 
 Marvland&D.C. 
 West Virginia.. 
 
 Middle States 
 Virginia 
 
 15,166 
 
 1,635 
 1,509 
 
 1.420 
 1,656 
 1,406 
 2,339 
 485 
 1,802 
 1,088 
 495 
 
 14,754 
 
 1,618 
 1,475 
 !,:) 
 1,645 
 1,353 
 2,306 
 485 
 1,800 
 1,084 
 495 
 
 14,455 
 
 1,608 
 1,326 
 1,356 
 1,630 
 1,335 
 2,2(54 
 484 
 1,800 
 1,018 
 495 
 
 14,050 
 
 1,608 
 1,326 
 1,343 
 1,630 
 1,320 
 2,260 
 4*4 
 1,782 
 1,018 
 495 
 
 13,643 
 
 1,538 
 1,320 
 1,275 
 1,620 
 1,320 
 2,260 
 466 
 1,722 
 990 
 495 
 
 12,954 
 
 1,502 
 1,266 
 1,250 
 1,520 
 1,290 
 2,160 
 466 
 1,628 
 990 
 495 
 
 12,030 
 
 1,453 
 1,123 
 1,190 
 1,520 
 1,201 
 2,108 
 466 
 1,496 
 990 
 495 
 
 10,964 
 
 1,449 
 1,017 
 1,178 
 1,492 
 1,139 
 1,845 
 446 
 1,157 
 990 
 479 
 
 10,425 
 
 1,449 
 852 
 1,130 
 1,451 
 1,101 
 1,652 
 446 
 916 
 990 
 375 
 
 9,765 
 
 1,438 
 813 
 1,097 
 1,436 
 1,076 
 1,575 
 437 
 853 
 898 
 335 
 
 9,555 
 
 1,438 
 635 
 1,042 
 1,358 
 1,007 
 1,548 
 437 
 851 
 898 
 335 
 
 9,144 
 
 1,416 
 
 581 
 1,042 
 1,296 
 1,007 
 1.502 
 416 
 839 
 898 
 335 
 
 8,539 
 
 1,407 
 567 
 
 984 
 1,296 
 1,007 
 1,420 
 416 
 805 
 898 
 335 
 
 Kentucky 
 North Carolina.. 
 
 Tennessee . . . 
 
 South Carolina.. 
 Ueorgia 
 Florida 
 
 
 Mississippi .. 
 
 
 South'n States 
 
 Ohio 
 Michigan . 
 
 13,840 
 
 4,878 
 3,477 
 4,057 
 7,392 
 2,701 
 2,194 
 290 
 4,134 
 3,198 
 275 
 767 
 2,210 
 1,286 
 2,352 
 1,045 
 465 
 506 
 
 13,660 
 
 4,687 
 3,395 
 4,003 
 7,285 
 2,636 
 2,020 
 275 
 3,939 
 3,146 
 275 
 
 2,031 
 1,217 
 
 2,238 
 957 
 459 
 506 
 
 1,316 
 
 4,461 
 3,346 
 
 3,963 
 7,109 
 2,566 
 1,190 
 275 
 3,850 
 2,905 
 275 
 740 
 1,685 
 1,167 
 2,150 
 807 
 459 
 506 
 
 38,258 
 
 601 
 1,503 
 248 
 110 
 
 13,266 
 
 4,398 
 3,315 
 3,890 
 6,759 
 2,546 
 1,990 
 275 
 3,765 
 2,880 
 275 
 700 
 1,650 
 1,107 
 2,150 
 682 
 458 
 4T3 
 
 13,006 
 
 4,258 
 3,253 
 3,714 
 U.58!) 
 2,360 
 1,950 
 275 
 3,728 
 2,858 
 275 
 700 
 1,578 
 1,107 
 2,100 
 603 
 459 
 372 
 
 12,505 
 
 4,108 
 2,976 
 3,649 
 6,361 
 1,878 
 1.906 
 '275 
 3,643 
 2,673 
 275 
 450 
 1,078 
 1,051 
 2,063 
 483 
 459 
 349 
 
 12,242 
 
 3,740 
 2,116 
 3,529 
 5,904 
 1,725 
 1,612 
 234 
 3,160 
 2,580 
 92 
 258 
 865 
 943 
 1,760 
 328 
 459 
 257 
 
 11,192 
 
 3,538 
 1,638 
 3,177 
 4,823 
 1,525 
 1,092 
 65 
 2,683 
 2,000 
 
 256 
 711 
 705 
 1,501 
 157 
 459 
 257 
 
 10,362 
 
 3,448 
 1,325 
 2,863 
 4,031 
 1,512 
 795 
 
 10,068 
 
 3,398 
 1,199 
 2,600 
 3,4-10 
 1,235 
 572 
 
 9,549 
 
 3,398 
 1,163 
 
 2,506 
 3,224 
 1,036 
 
 482 
 
 9,332 
 
 3,372 
 1,039 
 2,217 
 3,119 
 1,036 
 298 
 
 9,129 
 
 3,331 
 941 
 2,217 
 3,157 
 1,010 
 213 
 
 Indiana 
 
 
 Wisconsin 
 Minnesota 
 
 Dakota Ter 
 Iowa 
 
 2,095 
 1,712 
 
 1,523 
 1,354 
 
 1,283 
 1,085 
 
 998 
 925 
 
 891 
 925 
 
 Missoim 
 Indian Co 
 
 128 
 583 
 473 
 931 
 
 "447 
 257 
 
 8r 
 513 
 
 47.. 
 648 
 
 38 
 513 
 473 
 494 
 
 38 
 471 
 305 
 240 
 
 38 
 465 
 
 122 
 40 
 
 Texas 
 
 Nebraska 
 Kansas .... 
 
 
 Wyoming Ter.. 
 Utah Territory.. 
 
 West'n States 
 Nevada 
 
 447 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13,350 
 
 ' 214 
 19 
 
 41,224 
 
 631 
 
 2,080 
 248 
 197 
 
 39,853 
 
 631 
 1,919 
 248 
 110 
 
 37,304 
 
 601 
 1,328 
 248 
 110 
 
 36,183 
 
 601 
 1,208 
 241 
 105 
 
 33,781 
 
 601 
 1,042 
 241 
 65 
 
 29,562 
 
 593 
 1,013 
 159 
 25 
 
 24,587 
 
 593 
 925 
 159 
 
 20,600 
 
 402 
 702 
 60 
 
 17,488 
 
 402 
 468 
 19 
 
 15,777 
 
 30 
 382 
 19 
 
 14,130 
 
 ' 308 
 19 
 
 California 
 Oregon 
 
 Washingt'n Ter. 
 Pacific States. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3,156 
 
 3,373 
 
 2,707 
 
 2,487 
 
 2,165 
 
 1,949 
 
 1,790 
 
 1,677 
 
 1,164 
 
 889 
 
 431 
 
 327 
 
 233 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 
 1877. 
 
 1876. 
 
 1875. 
 
 1874. 
 
 1873. 
 
 1872. 
 
 1871. 
 
 1870. 
 
 4,494 
 10,964 
 11,192 
 24,587 
 1,677 
 
 52,914 
 
 1869. 
 
 4,293 
 10,425 
 10,362 
 20,600 
 1,164 
 
 1868. 
 
 1867. 
 
 1866. 
 
 3,868 
 9,144 
 9,332 
 14,130 
 327 
 
 36,801 
 
 1865. 
 
 New Eng. States 
 Middle States. . . 
 South'n States.. 
 Western States. 
 Pacific States. . . 
 
 Grand total. . . 
 
 5,822 
 15,166 
 13,840 
 41,224 
 3,156 
 
 5,691 
 14,754 
 13,660 
 39.853 
 3,073 
 
 5.638 
 14,455 
 13,316 
 
 38,258 
 2,707 
 
 5,509 
 14,050 
 13,266 
 37,304 
 
 2,487 
 
 5,314 
 13,643 
 13,006 
 36,183 
 2,165 
 
 70,311 
 
 5,053 
 12,954 
 12,505 
 33,781 
 1,949 
 
 66,242 
 
 4,898 
 12,030 
 12,242 
 29,562 
 1,790 
 
 60,522 
 
 4,019 
 9,765 
 10,068 
 
 17,488 
 889 
 
 3,938 
 9,555 
 9,549 
 15,777 
 431 
 
 3,834 
 8,539 
 9,129 
 13,350 
 233 
 
 79,208 
 
 77,031 J74,374 
 
 72,616 
 
 46,844 
 
 42,229 
 
 39,250 
 
 35,085 
 
204 
 
 Statement of miles of Railroad in each State and group of States Dec. 31, 1887-1877 : 
 
 
 1887 
 
 1886 
 
 1885 
 
 1884 
 
 1883 
 
 1882 
 
 1881 
 
 1880 
 
 1879 
 
 1.009 
 1,01 
 873 
 
 1,87( 
 210 
 922 
 
 1878 
 
 989 
 1,009 
 873 
 
 1,872 
 208 
 922 
 
 5,873 
 
 5,877 
 1,663 
 6,011 
 280 
 
 Maine . . 
 
 1,160.04 
 1,085.10 
 940.50 
 2,065.63 
 214.10 
 993.24 
 
 1,149.51 
 1,050.17 
 946.75 
 2,018.46 
 209.99 
 975.56 
 
 1,135.51 
 1,044. 1" 
 946.75 
 1,997.80 
 209.99 
 975.56 
 
 1,141.95 
 1,044.25 
 944.25 
 1,989.46 
 211.02 
 975.70 
 
 1,099 
 1,042 
 937 
 1,979 
 211 
 963 
 
 1,056 
 1,038 
 925 
 1,96" 
 211 
 963 
 
 1,027 
 1,021 
 916 
 1,959 
 211 
 960 
 
 1,005 
 1,015 
 914 
 1,915 
 210 
 923 
 
 N. Hampshire . 
 Vermont 
 Massachusetts . 
 Rhode Island. . 
 Connecticut . . . 
 New Engl'd.. . 
 
 New York .... 
 New Jersey . . . 
 Pennsylvania.. 
 Delaware. 
 
 6,458.61 
 
 7,503.50 
 1,953.55 
 8,018.82 
 303.95 
 20.66 
 1,168.46 
 
 . 6,350.44 
 
 7,481.40 
 1,957.41 
 
 7,871.56 
 334.50 
 21.61 
 1,225.09 
 
 6,309.78 
 
 7,385.13 
 1,920.52 
 7,667.47 
 316.05 
 21.61 
 1,189.11 
 
 6,306.63 
 
 7,334.76 
 
 1,889. Ob 
 7,545.94 
 306.47 
 18.16 
 1,082.28 
 
 6,231 
 
 7,349 
 1,874 
 
 7,236 
 282 
 18 
 1,099 
 
 6,158 
 
 6,991 
 
 1,862 
 6,884 
 282 
 18 
 1,079 
 
 6,091 
 
 6,260 
 1,773 
 6,356 
 275 
 
 5,977 
 
 5,991 
 1,684 
 6,191 
 275 
 
 5,903 
 
 6,008 
 1,663 
 
 6,068 
 280 
 
 Dist. Columbia. 
 Maryland 
 Mid. States 
 
 Ohio 
 
 1,065 
 
 1,040 
 
 96(3 
 14,985 
 
 5,521 
 3,673 
 4,336 
 7,578 
 2,896 
 
 952 
 14,783 
 
 5,151 
 3,593 
 4,198 
 7,448 
 2,810 
 
 18,968.94 
 
 7,546.36 
 6,462.27 
 5,833.55 
 9,601.48 
 5,282.95 
 
 18,891.57 
 
 7,456.18 
 5,635.82 
 5,711.19 
 9.275.69 
 4,869.17 
 
 18,499.89 
 
 7,337.52 
 5,268.65 
 5,599.82 
 8,904.77 
 4,417.90 
 
 18,176.67 
 
 7,275.50 
 5,233.20 
 5,534.17 
 8,908.98 
 4,289.44 
 
 17,858 
 
 7,217 
 5,072 
 5,543 
 8,868 
 4,039 
 "30/739 
 
 2,553 
 
 948 
 1,812 
 1,549 
 2,933 
 1,157 
 
 17,116 
 
 6,901 
 4,614 
 5,372 
 8,676 
 3,811 
 
 15,720 
 
 6,289 
 4,283 
 4,759 
 8,260 
 3,457 
 
 15,181 
 
 5,792 
 3,938 
 4,373 
 7,851 
 3,155 
 25,109 
 
 1,893 
 691 
 
 1,486 
 1,427 
 
 2,459 
 518 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Illinois . 
 
 Wisconsin 
 C. N. Group 
 
 Virginia ... 
 
 34,726.61 
 
 2,777.51 
 1,229.90 
 2,317.86 
 1,883.55 
 3,489.59 
 2,178.25 
 
 32,948.05 
 
 2,729.83 
 1,146.82 
 2,201.60 
 1,813.60 
 3,390.50 
 1,918.18 
 
 31,528.66 
 
 2,692.83 
 1,038.82 
 2,027.70 
 1.687.10 
 3,116.25 
 1,603.19 
 
 31,241.29 
 
 2,687.89 
 1,026.48 
 1,938.23 
 1,563.55 
 2,977.55 
 1,324.19 
 
 29,374 
 
 2,450 
 813 
 1,781 
 1,508 
 2,878 
 964 
 
 27,048 
 
 2,220 
 706 
 1,645 
 1.479 
 2^561 
 693 
 
 24,004 
 
 1,672 
 694 
 1,446 
 1 ,424 
 2,460 
 519 
 
 23,200 
 
 1,646 
 669 
 1,435 
 1,419 
 2,415 
 . 487 
 
 West Virginia.. 
 North Carolina. 
 South Carolina. 
 Georgia 
 Florida 
 S. A. Group 
 
 Alabama 
 Mississippi 
 
 13,876.66 
 
 2,713,50 
 2,132.68 
 
 2,274.62 
 2,248.90 
 1,463.41 
 
 13,200.53 
 
 2,280.46 
 2,111.38 
 2,199.10 
 2,116.78 
 1,381.16 
 
 12,165.89 
 
 2,225.96 
 1,920.29 
 2,157.54 
 2,009.94 
 1.370.46 
 
 11,517.89 
 
 2,190.96 
 1,843.94 
 
 2,165.98 
 1,886.54 
 1,315.85 
 
 10,952 
 
 2,059 
 1,616 
 2,112 
 
 1,852 
 1 .204 
 
 10,394 
 
 1,901 
 1,303 
 
 2,065 
 1,745 
 1,010 
 
 9,304 
 
 1,859 
 1,182 
 1,900 
 1,672 
 914 
 
 8,4 4 4 
 
 1,843 
 1,127 
 1,843 
 1,530 
 652 
 
 8,215 
 
 1,832 
 1,140 
 1,701 
 1,595 
 544 
 
 8,071. 
 
 1,832 
 1,126 
 1,665 
 1 ,498 
 466 
 
 Tennessee . 
 
 Kentucky 
 Louisiana 
 
 M. V. Group... 
 
 Missouri 
 
 10,833.01 
 
 5,462.82 
 2,375.15 
 7,889.50 
 8,115.29 
 3,910.87 
 1,234.14 
 880.23 
 29,868.00 
 
 8,323.57 
 5,065.16 
 4,892.04 
 4,323.50 
 877.29 
 1,683.81 
 
 10,088.88 
 
 5,068.32 
 2,195.68 
 7,295.27 
 6,119.40 
 2,943.56 
 1,232.96 
 431.87 
 
 9,684.19 
 
 4,968.84 
 2,146.18 
 6,687.37 
 4,441.36 
 2,884.36 
 1,194.96 
 352.70 
 
 9,403.27 
 
 4,709.59 
 1,764 16 
 6,198.10 
 4,204 83 
 2,841.61 
 1,191.28 
 352.70 
 
 8,843 
 
 4,619 
 1,732 
 6,075 
 3,964 
 2,832 
 1,140 
 353 
 
 8,024 
 
 4,501 
 
 1,488 
 6,009 
 3,820 
 2,766 
 1,089 
 350 
 
 7,527 
 
 4,207 
 1,002 
 4,913 
 3,609 
 2,187 
 1,047 
 295 
 
 6,995 
 
 3,965 
 
 859 
 3,244 
 3,400 
 1,570 
 758 
 289 
 
 6,812 
 
 3,740 
 
 808 
 2,591 
 3,103 
 1,208 
 118 
 275 
 
 6,587 
 
 3,286 
 783 
 2,428 
 2,427 
 1,165 
 8 
 275 
 
 Arkansas . . 
 
 Texas 
 
 Kansas 
 Colorado 
 New Mexico.. .. 
 Indian Ter 
 
 S. W. Group... 
 Iowa 
 
 25,287.06 
 
 7,934.80 
 4,823.11 
 3,615.89 
 3,698.21 
 777.72 
 1,062.48 
 
 22,675.77 
 
 7,503.67 
 4,331.10 
 2,987.81 
 2,876.73 
 616.83 
 1,046.68 
 
 21,262.27 
 
 7,509.80 
 4,192.94 
 2,794.10 
 2,759.18 
 616.45 
 1,047.16 
 
 20,715 
 
 7,216 
 3,906 
 2,696 
 2,495 
 625 
 1,035 
 
 20,023 
 
 6,967 
 3,735 
 
 2,498 
 2,084 
 625 
 633 
 
 17,260 
 
 6,164 
 
 3,338 
 
 1^668 
 576 
 271 
 
 4,085 
 
 5,400 
 3,151 
 1,953 
 1,225 
 512 
 106 
 
 11,843 
 
 4,779 
 3.1108 
 1,634 
 400 
 593 
 
 10,372 
 
 4,266 
 2,535 
 1,344 
 320 
 472 
 
 Minnesota .... 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Dakota 
 
 Wyoming 
 Montana 
 
 N. W. Group. . . 
 
 Wash. Terrify. 
 Oregon 
 California 
 Nevada 
 
 25,165.37 
 
 1,030.00 
 1,274.01 
 3,726.18 
 931.43 
 1,059.62 
 1,148.90 
 845.36 
 
 21,912.21 
 
 897.90 
 1,219.41 
 3,296.76 
 954.18 
 
 988.95 
 1,138.97 
 811.28 
 
 19,362.82 
 
 736.40 
 1,181.21 
 3,044.30 
 954.18 
 905.95 
 1,138.97 
 797.78 
 
 18,919.63 
 
 675.40 
 1,165.20 
 2,910.81 
 948.18 
 905.95 
 1,134.17 
 811.15 
 
 17,973 
 
 598 
 950 
 
 2,881 
 948 
 866 
 1,124 
 
 777 
 
 16,542 
 
 472 
 756 
 2,636 
 948 
 713 
 1,062 
 494 
 
 14,294 
 
 472 
 573 
 2,309 
 895 
 497 
 877 
 276 
 
 12,347 
 
 289 
 508 
 2,195 
 739 
 349 
 842 
 206 
 5,1128 
 
 10,414 
 
 212 
 295 
 2,209 
 720 
 183 
 593 
 196 
 
 8,937 
 
 212 
 283 
 2,149 
 627 
 27 
 543 
 103 
 
 Utah. 
 
 Idaho Ter 
 Pac. Group 
 
 10,015.50 
 
 9,307.451 8,758.79 
 
 8,550.86 
 
 8,144 
 
 7,081 
 
 5,899 
 
 4,408 
 
 3,944 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 New England. . 
 Middle 
 
 6,468.61 
 18,968.94 
 34,726.61 
 13,876.66 
 10,833.01 
 29,868.00 
 25,165.37 
 10,015.50 
 
 6,350.44 
 
 18,891.57 
 32,948.05 
 13,200.53 
 10,088.88 
 25,287.06 
 21,912.21 
 9,307.45 
 
 6,309.78 
 18,499.89 
 31,518.66 
 12,165.89 
 9,675.19 
 22,675.77 
 19,362.82 
 8,758.79 
 
 6,306 63 
 18,176.67 
 31,241 29 
 11,517.89 
 9,403.27 
 21,262.27 
 18,919.63 
 8,550.86 
 
 6,231 
 
 17,858 
 30,739 
 10,952 
 8,843 
 20,715 
 17,973 
 8,144 
 121,455 
 
 6,158 
 17,116 
 29,374 
 10,394 
 8,024 
 20,023 
 16,542 
 7,081 
 114,712 
 
 6,091 
 15,720 
 27,048 
 9,304 
 7,527 
 17,260 
 14,294 
 5,899 
 103,143 
 
 5,977 
 15,181 
 25,109 
 8,474 
 
 0,1)95 
 14,085 
 12,347 
 5,128 
 
 5,903 
 14,985 
 24,(>4 
 8,215 
 6,812 
 11,843 
 10,414 
 4,408 
 
 5,873 
 14,783 
 23,200 
 8,071 
 6,587 
 10,372 
 8,937 
 3,944 
 
 Cent' I Northern 
 South Atlantic. 
 Mississippi Val. 
 South Western. 
 North Western. 
 Paciric 
 United States.. 
 
 149,912.70 
 
 137,986.19 
 
 128,986.79 
 
 125,378.51 
 
 93,296 1 86 ,584 
 
 81,767 
 
205 
 
 Statement (copied from the MANUAL OF RAILROADS of the United States for 
 1888) showing, for 1887, the length of line worked; the number of passengers 
 moved, and moved one mile; the number of tons of freight moved, and 
 moved one mile, by the Railroads of each State (the States being grouped ac- 
 cording to geographical divisions) of the United States; also the aggregate of 
 miles worked, "and the number of passengers and tons of freight moved, and 
 moved one mile, for each year, from 1883 to 1887, inclusive : 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Length. 
 R. R. 
 Worked. 
 
 PASSENGER TRAFFIC. 
 
 FREIGHT TRAFFIC. 
 
 Passengers 
 Carried. 
 
 Passenger 
 Movement. 
 
 Freight 
 Moved. 
 
 Freight 
 Movement. 
 
 1. Maine 
 
 M. 
 1,143 
 369 
 886 
 3,377 
 143 
 1,064 
 
 No. 
 2,310,382 
 1,387,169 
 1,558,362 
 .71,429,347 
 3,125,358 
 13,673,331 
 
 M 
 
 78,754,414 
 31,389,960 
 49,284,379 
 953,864,905 
 50,980,417 
 318,038,658 
 
 Tons. 
 2,485,280 
 3,117,822 
 3,497,574 
 19,390,182 
 714,053 
 . 5,702,612 
 
 M 
 
 188,145,211 
 112,039,611 
 298,651,440 
 1,247,470,475 
 24,003,247 
 271,278,096 
 
 2. N. Hampshire 
 3. Vermoi t 
 4. Massachusetts. 
 5. Rhode Island. 
 6. Connecticut. . . 
 
 A. N. Eng. G'p. 
 7. New York 
 8. New Jersey. .. 
 9. Pennsylvania.. 
 10. Delaware 
 11. Maryland 
 
 B. Middle G'p. 
 12. Ohio 
 13. Michigan 
 14. Indiana . 
 
 6,984 
 7,456 
 2,065 
 7,983 
 254 
 1,215 
 
 93,483,949 
 
 5(1,682,044 
 40,807,204 
 68,708,948 
 803,757 
 9,359,778 
 
 1,482,312,733 
 1,107,119,031 
 670,390,710 
 1,047,934,509 
 15,445,417 
 219,069,201 
 
 34,907,523 
 57,594,493 
 29,036,796 
 135,025,528 
 1,499,162 
 11,878,629 
 
 2,141,588,080 
 6,804,121,403 
 1,305,700,199 
 10,395,524,441 
 60,920,754 
 1,683,751,901 
 
 18,976 
 9,574 
 4,806 
 6,020 
 16,498 
 7,156 
 
 176,361,731 
 27,402,552 
 8,338,494 
 10,424,546 
 33,616,706 
 7,510,584 
 
 3,059,957,868 
 873,937,932 
 377,392,834 
 415,502,680 
 1,072,840,923 
 287,946,835 
 
 235,034,608 
 68,370,423 
 16,666,723 
 24,136,949 
 44,970,331 
 11,550,335 
 
 20,251,018,698 
 8,730,367,755 
 2,308,165,643 
 3,355,255,429 
 6,868,400,989 
 1,991,637,600 
 
 15. Illinois 
 16. Wisconsin.... 
 
 C. Cent. N. G'p. 
 17. Virgnia 
 18. W. Virginia . . 
 19. N. Carolina... 
 20. S. Carolina . . . 
 21. Georgia. . 
 
 44,054 
 3,573 
 
 500 
 1,639 
 1,840 
 3,002 
 1,182 
 
 87,292,882 
 5,206,108 
 787,277 
 712,114 
 1,313,614 
 2,460,037 
 836,000 
 
 3,027,621,204 
 176,056.953 
 26,412,388 
 30,659,610 
 35,940,993 
 100,660,122 
 26,515,420 
 
 165,694,761 
 10,033,505 
 1,810,755 
 1,356,783 
 1,897,588 
 4,831,545 
 1,424,080 
 
 23,253,827,416 
 1,564,700,552 
 69,521,759 
 88,160,390 
 142,405,082 
 393,113,670 
 71,557,098 
 
 22. Florida . 
 
 D. S. Atl. G'p. 
 23. Alabama 
 24. Mississippi .... 
 25. Tennessee 
 26. Kentucky 
 27. Louisiana 
 
 E. G. & M. V G. 
 
 28. Missouri . ... 
 29. Arkansas 
 30. Texas 
 31. Kansas 
 32. Colorado 
 33. New Mexico.. 
 
 F. S. West Gr'p. 
 34. Iowa . 
 
 11,738 
 2,141 
 342 
 3,OfaO 
 1,954 
 1,024 
 
 11,315,150 
 2,047,735 
 302,577 
 3,326,310 
 3,919,690 
 1,783,288 
 
 396,245,486 
 80,588,502 
 10,792,633 
 154,099,872 
 135,551,841 
 57,655,992 
 
 21,354,256 
 5,092,907 
 566,320 
 6,675,528 
 9,610,681 
 2,877,414 
 
 2,329,458,551 
 471,148,428 
 34,967,868 
 848,047,190 
 935,911,778 
 253,549,754 
 
 8,513 
 6,935 
 1,314 
 
 5,249 
 6,397 
 2,182 
 907 
 
 11,379,600 
 8,800,771 
 814,310 
 2,549,832 
 5,236,381 
 914,988 
 114,993 
 
 438,688,840 
 332,107,165 
 31,058,459 
 141,748,562 
 284,406,727 
 74,959,240 
 56,607,753 
 
 24,822,850 
 17,238,514 
 1,262,177 
 4,501,387 
 7,833,166 
 2,764,207 
 298,000 
 
 2,543,625,018 
 2,316,443,616 
 194,334.168 
 743,744,946 
 1,337,399,001 
 313,687,230 
 151,521,042 
 
 22,987 
 2,753 
 8,652 
 3,106 
 15 
 645 
 91 
 
 18,421,275 
 1,795,298 
 8,510,387 
 2,770,664 
 672 
 325,000 
 100,000 
 
 923,887,906 
 61,895,060 
 326,377,496 
 222,060,375 
 6,720 
 580,000 
 3,500,000 
 
 33,897,451 
 4,501,098 
 13,400,905 
 5,234,250 
 100,000 
 510,000 
 750,000 
 
 5,057,130,003 
 367,319,252 
 2,221,070,520 
 1,191,231,910 
 1,000,000 
 145,619,000 
 22,294,700 
 
 35. Minnesota 
 36. Nebraska 
 37. Dakota 
 38. Wyoming 
 39. Montana 
 
 G. N. W. Gr'p. 
 40. Wash'n Ter. . . 
 41. Oregon 
 42. California .... 
 43. Nevada 
 44. Arizona 
 45. Utah. 
 46. Idaho 
 
 15,325 
 44 
 1,050 
 5,766 
 145 
 152 
 1,245 
 
 13,502,021 
 32.240 
 499,952 
 16,348,760 
 80,000 
 12,953 
 495,000 
 
 614,419,651 
 650,000 
 36,618,895 
 559,744,127 
 2,300,000 
 295,000 
 27,565,000 
 
 24,496,253 
 340,705 
 732,005 
 9,281,279 
 396,237 
 51,624 
 1,065,200 
 
 3,948,535,382 
 6,814,100 
 143,459,490 
 2,254,213,458 
 10,250,000 
 1,896,800 
 119,250,000 
 
 H. Pacific Gr'p. 
 
 A. N. Engl'd Gr. 
 B. Middle Group. 
 C. Cent. Nor. Gr. 
 D. S. Atlant. Gp. 
 E. G. & M. V. Gr. 
 F. So. West Gr. 
 G. N. West. Gr. 
 H. Pacific Group. 
 
 U. S. 1887 
 U. S. 188(5 
 U. S. 1885 
 U. vS. 1884 
 U. S. 1883 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8,405 
 
 6,984 
 18,976 
 11,738 
 
 8,513 
 44,054 
 15,325 
 
 22,987 
 8,405 
 
 16,468,905 
 
 93,483,949 
 176,361,731 
 11,315,150 
 11,379,600 
 
 87,292,882 
 13,502,021 
 18,421,275 
 16,468,905 
 
 627,173,022 
 
 1,482,312,733 
 3,059,957,868 
 396,245,486 
 438,688,840 
 3,027,621,204 
 614,419,651 
 923,887,906 
 6-27,173,022 
 
 11,867,050 
 RECAPITU 
 34,907,523 
 235,034,608 
 21.354,256 
 24,822,850 
 165,694,761 
 24,496,253 
 33,897,451 
 11,867,050 
 
 2,535,883,848 
 LATION BY 
 2,141,588,080 
 
 20,251,018,698 
 329,458,551 
 2,543,625,018 
 23,253,827,416 
 3,948,538,382 
 5,057,130,003 
 2,535,883,848 
 
 136,986 
 125,146 
 122,110 
 113,172 
 106,938 
 
 428,225,513 
 382,284,972 
 351,427,688 
 334,570,766 
 312,686,641 
 
 10,570,306,710 
 9,659,698,294 
 9,133,673,956 
 8,778,581,061 
 8,541, 309,674 
 
 552,074,7.")2 
 482,245,254 
 437,040,099 
 399,074,749 
 400.453,439 
 
 60,061,0(59,996 
 52,802,070,529 
 49,151,894,469 
 44,725,207,677 
 44,064,923,415 
 
206 
 
 Statement (copied from the MANUAL OF RAILROADS of the United States 
 for 1888) showing, for 1887, the miles worked; the earnings from passen- 
 gers; the earnings from freight; the earnings from all sources; the net 
 earnings from traffic, and the available earnings from all sources, of the 
 Railroads of each State (grouped according to geographical divisions) of the 
 Railroads of the United States ; also the aggregate earnings for each year, 
 from 1883 to 1887, inclusive: 
 
 STATES. 
 
 TRAFFIC EARNINGS. 
 
 Net 
 Earnings. 
 
 Total 
 Available 
 Revenue. 
 
 From 
 Pass'gers. 
 
 From 
 Freight. 
 
 Total 
 (including 
 Miscell's). 
 
 1. Maine 
 2. N. Hampshire. 
 3. Vermont ...... 
 4. Massachusetts. 
 5. Rhode Island .. 
 6. Connecticut.... 
 
 A. N. Eng.G'p. 
 7. New York 
 8. New Jersey 
 9. Pennsylvania.. 
 10. Delaware .. . . 
 11. Maryland 
 
 B. Middle G'p. 
 12 Ohio 
 
 $ 
 2,117,865 
 848,411 
 1,354,329 
 17,927,692 
 913,316 
 5,954,472 
 
 $ 
 3,015,247 
 1,530,245 
 2,829,851 
 19,751,505 
 650,815 
 5,761,801 
 
 $ 
 5,372,307 
 2,551,138 
 4,505,844 
 39,804,386 
 1,665,616 
 12,424,760 
 
 1,774,329 
 931,136 
 1,396,791 
 11,100,843 
 498,410 
 3,564,682 
 
 S 
 2,098,646 
 1,717,922 
 1,766,157 
 14,228,401 
 719,291 
 4,156,210 
 
 29,116,085 
 22,917,261 
 13,061,417 
 23,788,321 
 410,944 
 3,845,593 
 
 33,539,464 
 53,159,365 
 22,742,177 
 96,836,151 
 759,784 
 10,508,744 
 
 66,324,051 
 76,661,049 
 37,610,343 
 124,081,380 
 1,208,888 
 14,697,135 
 
 19,266,191 
 25,392,221 
 12,639,750 
 51,061,990 
 def. 9,251 
 5,563,720 
 
 24,686,627 
 36,713,227 
 18,805,982 
 69,532,544 
 def. 8,954 
 8,157,208 
 
 64,023,536 
 18,935,652 
 8,794,440 
 9,325,991 
 
 24,582,488 
 7,217,419 
 
 184,006,221 
 58,733,984 
 19,093,060 
 26,330,019 
 71,891,588 
 22,626,280 
 
 254,258,795 
 82,935,306 
 29,125,572 
 37,351,573 
 103,860,374 
 32,198,632 
 
 94,648,430 
 27,666,682 
 8,741,422 
 10,985,302 
 40,946,640 
 12,330,321 
 
 133,200,007 
 29,800,157 
 10,436,994 
 12.045,649 
 45,875,753 
 12,862,128 
 
 13. Michigan 
 14. Indiana 
 15. Illinois 
 
 16. Wisconsin 
 C. Cent. N G'p. 
 
 68,855,990 
 4,359,901 
 553,982 
 834,511 
 1,444,340 
 2,919,018 
 893,805 
 
 198,674,931 
 13,231,861 
 1,026,640 
 2,136,147 
 3,347,676 
 7,363,319 
 1,440,528 
 
 285,471,457 
 18,994,402 
 1,676,846 
 3,269,076 
 5,213,672 
 12,164,408 
 2,590,945 
 
 100,670,367 
 6,668,249 
 412,041 
 998,344 
 1,329,107 
 3,754,024 
 492,445 
 
 111,020,681 
 7,241,228 
 517,297 
 1,688,306 
 1,488,081 
 5,059,250 
 622.895 
 
 18. W. Virginia. .. 
 19. N. Carolina.... 
 20. S. Carolina 
 21. Georgia 
 22. Florida 
 
 D. S. Atl. G'p. 
 23. Alabama 
 24. Mississippi 
 25. Tennessee 
 26. Kentucky 
 
 11,005,557 
 2,116,364 
 320,190 
 3,791,513 
 3,209,763 
 1,185,353 
 
 28,546,171 
 6.104,656 
 837,805 
 9,463,536 
 9,609,767 
 5,574,306 
 
 43,909,351 
 8,749,798 
 1,233,606 
 14,060,628 
 13,726,218 
 7,135,208 
 
 13,654,210 
 2,648,318 
 303,242 
 4,862,336 
 5,670,230 
 1,988,607 
 
 16,617,057 
 2,818,036 
 353,947 
 4,909,911 
 8,075,516 
 3,500,304 
 
 27. Louisiana 
 
 E. G.&M.V.G. 
 
 28 Missouri 
 
 10,623,183 
 10,216,650 
 1,084,655 
 4,274,142 
 7,108,132 
 2,413,875 
 994,609 
 
 31,590,070 
 30,902,454 
 3,072,763 
 14,796,090 
 18,749,328 
 8,146,241 
 1,<;53,798 
 
 44.905,458 
 44,395, 57'J 
 4,445,991 
 21,156,158 
 27,983,559 
 11,246,550 
 2,790,663 
 
 15,472,733 
 17,861,476 
 1,356,331 
 4,360,157 
 10,866,490 
 4,084,015 
 3,992 
 
 19,657,714 
 22,378,278 
 1,427,454 
 4,861,584 
 12,375,816 
 4,126,013 
 705,658 
 
 29 Arkansas 
 
 30. Texas 
 
 31 Kansas 
 
 32. Colorado 
 
 33. New Mexico... 
 
 F. S. West. Gr. 
 34. Iowa 
 35. Minnesota 
 36. Nebraska 
 37. Dakota 
 
 26,092,063 
 1,624,240 
 8,839,235 
 5,536,959 
 673 
 423,428 
 118,191 
 
 77,320,674 
 4,845,714 
 27,831,556 
 16,200,757 
 68,965 
 1,470,355 
 462,947 
 
 112,018,500 
 7,411,818 
 38,786,063 
 23,446,343 
 70,436 
 2,030,770 
 599,092 
 
 38,532,461 
 1,766,110 
 15,228,012 
 10,571,858 
 def. 11,250 
 734,435 
 def. 29,915 
 
 45,874,803 
 2,227,131 
 19,770,576 
 12,501,910 
 351,980 
 807,019 
 116,605 
 
 38. Wyoming . 
 
 39. Montana 
 
 G. N. W. Gr'p. 
 40. AVash'n Ter.... 
 41. Ore <r on.... 
 
 16,542,726 
 32,240 
 1,199,004 
 12,000,684 
 164,739 
 28,882 
 858,187 
 
 50,880,294 
 237,211 
 3,259,415 
 24,899,852 
 601,312 
 215,503 
 2,895,105 
 
 72,344,522 
 
 290,867 
 4.718,208 
 42,035,403 
 801,244 
 258,376 
 4,048,922 
 
 28,259,250 
 132,968 
 2,194,649 
 16,749,531 
 366,203 
 158,149 
 1,030,534 
 
 35,775,221 
 
 155,808 
 2,194,856 
 21,887,880 
 366,203 
 772,996 
 1,090,178 
 
 42. California 
 43. Nevada... 
 
 44. Arizona 
 
 4-5. Utah 
 46. Idaho 
 
 H. Pacific Gr. 
 GROUPS OF STA' 
 A. N. England Gr. 
 B. Middle Group.. 
 C. Cent. Nor. Gr.. 
 D. S. Atlant. Gp.. 
 E. G. &M. V.Gr.. 
 F. So. West. Gr... 
 G. N. West. Gr... 
 H. Pacific Group.. 
 
 U. S. 1887 
 U: S. 1886 
 U. S. 1885 
 U. S. 1884 
 U. S. 1883 
 
 
 
 
 
 14,283,736 
 FES. 
 
 29,116,085 
 64,023,536 
 11,005,557 
 10,623,183 
 68,855,990 
 16,542,726 
 26,092,063 
 14,283,736 
 
 32,108,398 
 A 
 
 33,539,464 
 184,006,221 
 28,546,171 
 31,590,070 
 198,674,931 
 50,880,294 
 77,320,674 
 32,108',398 
 
 52,153,020 
 
 66,324,051 
 254,258,795 
 43,909,351 
 44,905,458 
 285,471,457 
 72,364,522 
 112,018,500 
 52,153,020 
 
 20,632,034 
 
 19,266,191 
 94,648,430 
 13,654,210 
 15,472,733 
 100,670,367 
 28,259,250 
 38,532,461 
 20,632,034 
 
 26,467,921 
 
 24,486,627 
 134,200,007 
 16,617,057 
 19,657,714 
 111,020,681 
 35,775,221 
 45,874,803 
 26,467,921 
 
 240,542,876 
 211,929,857 
 200,883,911 
 206,790,701 
 206,837,256 
 
 636,666,223 
 550,359,054 
 509,690,992 
 502,869,910 
 539,509,831 
 
 931,385,154 
 822,191,949 
 765,310,419 
 763,306,608 
 807,112,780 
 
 331,135,676 
 297,311,615 
 266,488,993 
 266,513,911 
 291,587,588 
 
 414,300,031 
 363,511,704 
 352,881,470 
 349,756,172 
 359.942.327 
 
207 
 
 Statement (copied from the MANUAL OF RAILROADS of the United States for 
 1887) showing the number of miles of railroad of companies making returns, 
 their Capital Stock, Bonded Debt, and Cost of their roads (grouped accord- 
 ing to geographical divisions), for the year; also a summary of the same for 
 each year from 1882 to 1887, inclusive : 
 
 STATES AND GROUPS. 
 
 Total 
 R. R. 
 
 Total 
 Tr'k. 
 
 Steel 
 Rails. 
 
 Capital Stock. 
 
 Bonded Debt. 
 
 Cost R.R. & 
 Equipment. 
 
 1 Maine 
 
 J/ 
 1,239 
 888 
 864 
 2,531 
 149 
 1,009 
 
 M 
 
 1,448 
 1,114 
 1,022 
 4,608 
 233 
 1,407 
 
 M 
 
 893 
 495 
 653 
 3,102 
 173 
 1,033 
 
 1 
 
 20,301,157 
 17,117,100 
 19,883,300 
 126,433,079 
 4,552,330 
 37,640,208 
 
 $ 
 21,327,392 
 5,995,600 
 15,613,000 
 82,691,079 
 2,155,075 
 12,123,600 
 
 s 
 
 40,328,200 
 24,474,421 
 34,182,007 
 196,618,219 
 5,790,787 
 50,273,613 
 
 2. New Hampshire.. 
 
 4. Massachusetts 
 5. Rhode Island 
 6. Connecticut 
 
 A. New Eng. Gr. 
 7. New York 
 8. New Jersey 
 9. Pennsylvania 
 10 Delaware 
 
 6,683 
 7,652 
 
 1,906 
 7,598 
 254 
 1,350 
 
 9,835 
 12,735 
 3,783 
 13,039 
 344 
 2,074 
 
 6,351 
 10,132 
 1,592 
 9,814 
 166 
 1,441 
 
 225,927,174 
 
 438,295,088 
 122,929,087 
 475,907,225 
 5,084,139 
 39,873,324 
 
 139,905,746 
 391,209,356 
 144,363,145 
 471,860,105 
 6,732,000 
 58,025,901 
 
 351,667,247 
 796,199,085 
 259,856,671 
 645,444,322 
 9,100,721 
 100,462,211 
 
 11 Maryland . ... 
 
 B. Middle Group. 
 12. Ohio 
 
 18,662 
 9,570 
 5,012 
 5,961 
 16,051 
 7,720 
 
 31,977 
 13,252 
 6,603 
 6,929 
 19,581 
 9,015 
 
 23,147 
 9,588 
 4,214 
 4,452 
 16,243 
 5,144 
 
 1,082,088,863 
 396,811,810 
 87,360,604 
 128,115,520 
 333,598,919 
 103,881,261 
 
 1,072,190,507 
 344,817,959 
 96,286,685 
 125,909,100 
 374,656,255 
 160,412,830 
 
 1,811,063,010 
 724,488,833 
 194,745,192 
 242,966,915 
 637,171,416 
 262,939,942 
 
 13 Michigan 
 
 14. Indiana 
 15. Illinois 
 
 16 Wisconsin 
 
 C. Central N. Gr. 
 17. Virginia 
 
 44,316 
 . 3,101 
 768 
 1,978 
 1,939 
 3,737 
 1,926 
 
 55,382 
 3,641 
 862 
 2,347 
 2,157 
 4,073 
 2,026 
 
 39,643 
 2,661 
 622 
 1,346 
 1,184 
 2,600 
 1,243 
 
 1,049,768,114 
 114,970,092 
 31,949,322 
 25,561,801 
 18,821,580 
 49,386,901 
 26,840,900 
 
 1,102,082,829 
 113,552,537 
 11,510,000 
 25,638,500 
 31,680,892 
 62,410,586 
 23,034,000 
 
 2,062,312,298 
 203,286,859 
 36,649,961 
 50,050,693 
 . 49,026,798 
 98,968,804 
 46,461,630 
 
 18. West Virginia.... 
 19. North Carolina. .. 
 20. South Carolina. .. 
 21. Georgia 
 
 22 Florida. 
 
 D. South Atlan. Gr. 
 23. Alabama ... . 
 
 13,451 
 
 2,441 
 708 
 2,915 
 2,838 
 1,754 
 
 10,658 
 7,818 
 1,804 
 6,933 
 8,404 
 3,013 
 931 
 
 15,109 
 2,715 
 735 
 3,372 
 3,312 
 1,926 
 
 9,659 
 1,876 
 195 
 2,437 
 2,735 
 945 
 
 267,530,596 
 55,478,488 
 10,920,018 
 80,728,738 
 72,909,659 
 32,999,400 
 
 267,826,515 
 42,855,500 
 13,598,641 
 72,350,000 
 116,242,596 
 49,567,966 
 
 484,444,745 
 99,786,885 
 24,109,212 
 149,266,096 
 162,445,598 
 84,650,758 
 
 24 Mississippi 
 
 2."). Tennessee 
 26. Kentucky 
 
 27. Louisiana 
 
 E. Gulf & M. V. Gr. 
 28. Missouri 
 
 12,061 
 12,081 
 1,853 
 7,576 
 9,741 
 3,233 
 2,001 
 
 8,099 
 6,267 
 1,366 
 4,480 
 7,298 
 1,833 
 1,848 
 
 253,036,303 
 217,442,840 
 28,024,649 
 113,723,122 
 140,262,240 
 93,577,300 
 85,381,100 
 
 294,614,703 
 212,914,288 
 32,732,027 
 161,150,623 
 145,823,636 
 59,608,500 
 40,856,534 
 
 520,258,549 
 356,438,620 
 63,206,013 
 279,841,910 
 272,405,884 
 156,920,132 
 126,489,678 
 
 29. Arkansas 
 
 30. Texas 
 
 31. Kansas 
 
 32. Colorado 
 33. New Mexico 
 
 F. Southwestern Gr. 
 34. Iowa 
 
 28,904 
 3,496 
 8,446 
 3,333 
 521 
 833 
 215 
 
 36,487 
 3,834 
 9,942 
 3,804 
 540 
 866 
 216 
 
 23,094 
 1,920 
 7,614 
 2,643 
 221 
 808 
 196 
 
 678,411,251 
 59,132,974 
 219,257,903 
 68,693,800 
 9,027,000 
 16,673,000 
 4,067,250 
 
 653,085,608 
 54,734,985 
 210,058,511 
 134,757,167 
 8,727,000 
 17,336,000 
 3,767,250 
 
 1,255,302,237 
 115,944.943 
 430,284,220 
 191,064,637 
 17,754,000 
 34,422,432 
 7,634,500 
 
 3.~>. Minnesota 
 36. Nebraska 
 
 37. Dakota 
 
 3S. Wyoming.. . 
 
 39. Montana 
 
 G. Northwest'n Gr. 
 40. Washington Ter. . 
 41 . Oregon 
 
 16,847 
 192 
 1,519 
 4,265 
 515 
 609 
 1,307 
 63 
 
 19,206 
 200 
 1,606 
 4,843 
 573 
 644 
 1,354 
 66 
 
 13,404 
 162 
 612 
 3,109 
 378 
 534 
 695 
 66 
 
 376,851,927 
 2,436,800 
 28,140,000 
 168,671,474 
 11,179,750 
 23,430,800 
 21,436,477 
 2,652,500 
 
 429,380,913 
 3,001,500 
 38,569,372 
 143,816,923 
 5,155,000 
 14,662,000 
 21,539,000 
 1,112,500 
 
 797,104,732 
 5,888,771 
 61,289,460 
 349,289,069 
 14,906,070 
 37,016,803 
 45,163,844 
 3,765,000 
 
 42. California 
 
 4:;. Nevada 
 44. Arizona .... 
 
 4.~>. Utah 
 
 46. Idaho 
 H. Pacific Gr 
 
 8,473 
 
 9,287 
 GRO 
 
 5,559 
 UPS OF 
 
 257,947,801 
 STATES. 
 
 227,856,295 
 
 517,319,017 
 
 A. New Eng. Group . . 
 B. Middle Group 
 C. South Atlan. Grp... 
 D. Gulf & M. V. Grp.. 
 E. Central N. Grp.... 
 F. Northwest'n Grp... 
 <J. Southwest'ii Group 
 H. Pacific Group 
 
 United States, 1887 
 United States, 1886 
 United States, 1885 
 United States, 1884 
 United States, 1883 
 
 6,683 
 18,662 
 13,451 
 10,658 
 44,316 
 28,904 
 16,847 
 8,473 
 
 9,835 
 31,977 
 15,109 
 12,061 
 55,382 
 19,206 
 36,487 
 9,287 
 
 6,351 
 23,147 
 
 9,659 
 8,099 
 39,643 
 13,404 
 23,094 
 5,559 
 
 225,927,174. 
 1,082,088,863 
 2(>7,530,596 
 253,036,303 
 1,049,768,114 
 376,851,927 
 678,411,251 
 257,947,801 
 
 139,905,746 
 1,072,190,507 
 267,826,515 
 294,614,703 
 1,102,082,829 
 429,380,913 
 653,085,608 
 227,856,295 
 
 .>r>i.r,<-;7.247 
 
 1,811,063,010 
 484,444,745 
 520,258,549 
 2,062,312,298 
 797,104,732 
 1,255,302,237 
 517,319,017 
 
 147,998 
 133,606 
 127,729 
 125,151 
 120,551 
 
 189,346 
 168,047 
 160,597 
 156,496 
 149,182 
 
 128,959 
 105,723 
 98,102 
 90,242 
 78.490 
 
 4,191,562,029 
 3,999,508,508 
 3,817,697,832 
 3,762,616,676 
 3,708.060,583 
 
 4,186,943,116 
 3,882.966,330 
 3,765,727,066 
 3,669,115,772 
 3.500,879,914 
 
 7,799,471,835 
 7,254,995,223 
 7,037,627,350 
 6,924,554.444 
 6,684,756,045 
 
208 
 
 NEW YORK CENTRAL. 
 
 Statement showing the gross and net earnings, fixed charges, dividend payments ai 
 passenger movement on the New York Central Railro id for eighteen years : 
 
 fcD . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 I* 
 
 
 
 
 
 Profit. 
 
 
 
 ."S 
 
 erf! 
 
 3.5! 
 
 " 05 
 
 1* 
 
 
 
 5 1 
 
 
 
 
 Divi- 
 
 Passen- 
 
 
 ~s 
 
 ffi 
 
 s 
 
 ^3 
 
 
 II 
 
 Gross 
 
 Earnings 
 
 c 
 S w 
 
 la 
 
 Net 
 Earnings 
 
 Fixed 
 Charges 
 
 Total. 
 
 Per 
 
 Share 
 
 dends 
 Paid. 
 
 gers 
 Carried. 
 
 Passenger 
 Miles. 
 
 fl 
 
 I* 
 
 **! 
 
 |s. 
 $$ 
 
 P 
 
 -jj 
 
 ~H 
 
 CO 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 W Pn 
 
 **** 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 $ 
 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. lets. 
 
 1 
 
 $ 
 
 1870. 22, 363,320 ! 62.91 
 
 8,295,240 
 
 1,433,999 
 
 6,861,241 
 
 7.67 
 
 6,861,241 
 
 7,044,946 
 
 321,365,963 
 
 2.09 
 
 1.59J0.50 
 
 1.67 
 
 1.27 
 
 1871. 
 
 21,769,015 62.37 
 
 8,190,443 
 
 904,240 
 
 7,286,203 
 
 8.14 
 
 7,258,742 
 
 6,854,234288,678,896 
 
 2.14 
 
 1.63 
 
 0.51 
 
 1.70 
 
 1.29 
 
 1872. 
 
 25,580,676 
 
 64.29 
 
 9,134,239 
 
 I,i62,368 
 
 7,971,871 
 
 8.91 
 
 7,244,832 
 
 7,138,779 
 
 319,150,860 
 
 2.08 
 
 1.54 
 
 0.54 
 
 1.63 
 
 1.20 
 
 1873. 
 
 29,126,851 
 
 60.57 
 
 11,484,864 
 
 1,961,806 
 
 9,523,058 
 
 10.64 
 
 7,136,790 
 
 7,630,741 
 
 339,122,621 
 
 2.06 
 
 1.42 
 
 0.64 
 
 1.621.12 
 
 1874. 
 
 31,650,387 
 
 58.09 
 
 13,262,089 
 
 3,548,734 
 
 9,713,355 
 
 10.86 
 
 7,136,885 
 
 9,878,352 
 
 350,781,541 
 
 2.13 
 
 1.33 
 
 0.80 
 
 1.69 LOTS 
 
 1875. 
 
 29,027,218 
 
 59.46 
 
 11,765,110 
 
 4,425,914 
 
 7,339,196 
 
 8.20 
 
 8,920,850 
 
 9,422,629 
 
 338,934,360 
 
 2.14 
 
 1.36 
 
 0.78 
 
 1.59 
 
 1.01 
 
 1876. 
 
 28,046,588 
 
 57.48 
 
 11,922,416 
 
 4,709,340 
 
 7.213,076 
 
 8.06 
 
 7,139,528 
 
 9,281,490 
 
 353,136,145 
 
 1.91 
 
 1.19 
 
 0.72 
 
 1.42 
 
 0.88 
 
 1877. 
 
 26,579,086 
 
 56.23 
 
 11,632,924 
 
 4,689,577 
 
 6,943,347 
 
 7.76 
 
 7,140,659 
 
 8,919,438 
 
 316,847,325 
 
 2.07 
 
 1.14 
 
 0.93 
 
 1.43 
 
 0.78 
 
 1878. 
 
 28,910,555 
 
 55.81 
 
 12,774,578 
 
 4,Y36,132 
 
 8,038,446 
 
 8.98 
 
 7,139,528 
 
 8,927,565 
 
 300,302,140 
 
 2.00 
 
 1.27 
 
 0.73 
 
 1.23 
 
 0.78 
 
 1879 
 
 28.396,584 
 
 56.94 
 
 12,273,511 
 
 4,679,025 
 
 7,594,486 
 
 8.49 
 
 7,139,528 
 
 8,130,543 
 
 290,953,253 
 
 2.05 
 
 1.20 
 
 0.85 
 
 1.23 
 
 0.72 
 
 1880 
 
 33,175,913 
 
 53.80 
 
 15,326,019 
 
 4,756,799 
 
 10,569,220 
 
 11.82 
 
 7,141,513 
 
 8,270,857 
 
 330,802,223 
 
 1.99 
 
 1.26 
 
 0.73 
 
 1.30 
 
 0.82 
 
 1881 
 
 32,348,397 
 
 60.17 
 
 12,883,610 
 
 4,990,783 
 
 7,892,827 
 
 8.82 
 
 7,138,344 
 
 8,900,249 
 
 373,768,980 
 
 1.86 
 
 1.22 
 
 0.64 
 
 1.35 
 
 0.88 
 
 1882' 
 
 30,628,781 
 
 63.32 
 
 11,232,807 
 
 5,488,903 
 
 5,743,904 
 
 6.42 
 
 7,145,513 
 
 10,308,979 
 
 432,243,382 
 
 1.80 
 
 1.15 
 
 0.65 
 
 1.43 
 
 0.92 
 
 1883' 
 
 33,770,912 
 
 61.44 
 
 13,020,127 
 
 5,692,972 
 
 7,327,155 
 
 8.19 
 
 7,148,132 
 
 10,746,925 
 
 429,385,561 
 
 1.98 
 
 1.30 
 
 0.68 
 
 1.47 
 
 0.96 
 
 1884' 
 
 28,148,669 
 
 63.41 
 
 10,299,356 
 
 5,630,596 
 
 4,6M,760 
 
 5.22 
 
 7,159,644 
 
 11,057,939 
 
 387,829,886 
 
 1.94 
 
 1.420.52 
 
 1.17 
 
 0.86 
 
 1885' 
 
 24,429,441 
 
 66.80 
 
 8,110,069 
 
 5,933,726 
 
 2,176,343 
 
 2.43 
 
 4,471,415 
 
 12,747,801 
 
 438,397,774 
 
 1.41 
 
 1.080.33 
 
 1.000.76 
 
 1886' 
 
 30,506,361 
 
 61.00 
 
 14,895,984 
 
 7,245,886 
 
 4,650,098 
 
 5.20 
 
 3,577,132 
 
 14,662,118 
 
 476,128,729 
 
 1.84 
 
 1.22 0.62 
 
 1.10'0.73 
 
 1887' 
 
 35,297,055 
 
 63.43 12,908,432 
 
 7,562,913 
 
 5,345,519 
 
 5.76 
 
 3,577,132 
 
 16,465,453 
 
 528,308,74212.00 
 
 1.340.661.200 81 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 Classification of freight moved on the N. Y. Central from date of consolidation to Sept. ; 
 
 1887 : ' 
 
 YEARS. 
 
 Products 
 of 
 Forests. 
 
 Products 
 of 
 Animals. 
 
 Vegetable 
 Food. 
 
 Other 
 Agricultur'l 
 Products. 
 
 Manu- 
 factures. 
 
 Merchan- 
 dise. 
 
 Other 
 Articles. 
 
 Tota 
 Tonna 
 
 1354 
 
 45,530 
 
 115 417 
 
 156 204 
 
 10 935 
 
 52 244 
 
 94 643 
 
 74 832 
 
 K10 
 
 1855 
 
 37 971 
 
 131 224 
 
 244 605 
 
 9 792 
 
 60 140 
 
 105 312 
 
 81 029 
 
 
 1856 .... 
 
 32,290 
 
 211 212 
 
 309 210 
 
 29 462 
 
 lOo'soQ 
 
 151 420 
 
 89 760 
 
 Q39 
 
 1857 
 
 34,944 
 
 239,456 
 
 297,709 
 
 25,355 
 
 109,981 
 
 218 494 
 
 89 590 
 
 1 015 
 
 1858 
 
 27 811 
 
 231 862 
 
 318 781 
 
 27 776 
 
 72 925 
 
 166 781 
 
 79 668 
 
 OOF; 
 
 1859 
 
 42,651 
 
 308,999 
 
 272,517 
 
 43,869 
 
 100,320 
 
 282 226 
 
 92 702 
 
 1 093 
 
 I860 
 
 50 398 
 
 347 586 
 
 380 261 
 
 54 953 
 
 143 362 
 
 270 259 
 
 Il9 216 
 
 1 366 
 
 1861 
 
 46,343 
 
 402,757 
 
 496,384 
 
 66,185 
 
 135,204 
 
 264 070 
 
 126 457 
 
 1 557 
 
 1862 
 
 46 583 
 
 597,915 
 
 531 172 
 
 78 456 
 
 161 023 
 
 336 254 
 
 153 810 
 
 1 905 
 
 1863 
 
 66,588 
 
 703,633 
 
 438,764 
 
 151,649 
 
 194,679 
 
 417,111 
 
 140 147 
 
 2 106 
 
 1864 
 
 99 526 
 
 620 901 
 
 502 752 
 
 125 566 
 
 226 432 
 
 395 148 
 
 188 547 
 
 2 158 
 
 1865 
 
 65 098 
 
 523 638 
 
 380 490 
 
 78 717 
 
 174 360 
 
 346 155 
 
 198 689 
 
 
 1866 
 
 89 484 
 
 498 718 
 
 516,071 
 
 77 198 
 
 212,368 
 
 434 801 
 
 270 864 
 
 2 099 
 
 1867 
 1868 
 
 109,084 
 113 478 
 
 511,028 
 535 032 
 
 591,342 
 702 504 
 
 87,710 
 95 121 
 
 219,674 
 262 549 
 
 453,696 
 386 859 
 
 276,829 
 467 323 
 
 2,249, 
 2 6^ 
 
 1869 
 
 130,509 
 
 592^051 
 
 943,135 
 
 99,612 
 
 332,746 
 
 493,794 
 
 588 993 
 
 3 190 
 
 Ig70 
 
 224,169 
 
 622,744 
 
 1,297,481 
 
 86168 
 
 381,052 
 
 723,643 
 
 886,733 
 
 4 122 
 
 1871 
 
 274,685 
 
 708,904 
 
 1,459,919 
 
 117,627 
 
 389,603 
 
 626,245 
 
 965 073 
 
 4 539 
 
 1872 
 1873 
 
 317,727 
 425,115 
 
 785,879 
 962,767 
 
 1,158,894 
 1,452,962 
 
 249,062 
 172,506 
 
 489,720 
 493,935 
 
 474,272 
 567,495 
 
 918,411 
 1,449,944 
 
 4,393, 
 5,522 
 
 1874 
 
 458,527 
 
 973,653 
 
 1,678,476 
 
 219,815 
 
 626,632 
 
 538,080 
 
 1,619,495 
 
 6 114 
 
 1875 
 
 383,708 
 
 832,935 
 
 1,669,070 
 
 242,750 
 
 673,274 
 
 560,176 
 
 1,640,041 
 
 6,001 ' 
 
 1876 
 
 408,564 
 
 827,278 
 
 2,100,339 
 
 317,710 
 
 767,190 
 
 546,047 
 
 1 836,552 
 
 6 803 
 
 1877 
 
 414 869 
 
 855,439 
 
 1,787,112 
 
 386 146 
 
 750,389 
 
 575,801 
 
 1 581 600 
 
 6 351 ' 
 
 1878 
 
 415,565 
 
 1,024,071 
 
 2,628,190 
 
 597,388 
 
 812,882 
 
 542,556 
 
 1,674,751 
 
 7 ? 695' 
 
 1879 
 
 4 -) 9,261 
 
 1,041,296 
 
 3,067,813 
 
 508 669 
 
 1,078405 
 
 656,774 
 
 2,233 635 
 
 9 015' 
 
 1880 
 
 570,410 
 
 1,191,503 
 
 3,261,402 
 
 491,526 
 
 1,556,367 
 
 671,630 
 
 2,790 200 
 
 10,533 
 
 1881 
 
 679,643 
 
 853,050 
 
 3,183 319 
 
 564 471 
 
 1,472,581 
 
 1,800 630 
 
 3 037 635 
 
 11 591 
 
 1882 
 
 809,526 
 
 777,589 
 
 2,557,959 
 
 545,093 
 
 1,621,532 
 
 1,882,868 
 
 3,135,826 
 
 11 330 
 
 1883 
 
 829,815 
 
 757,401 
 
 2,742,620 
 
 565 101 
 
 1,359,227 
 
 1,715,245 
 
 2,923 031 
 
 10 8y> f 
 
 1884 
 
 735,455 
 
 713,586 
 
 2,405,946 
 
 558,473 
 
 1,413,636 
 
 1,40,650 
 
 2,956,672 
 
 10 212 
 
 1885 
 
 786,696 
 
 748,235 
 
 2,745,335 
 
 690,525 
 
 1,474 656 
 
 1 534,645 
 
 2 8'W 865 
 
 10 80'? 
 
 1886 
 
 1, 050,021 
 
 817,414 
 
 2,697.452 
 
 938,458 
 
 1,793,572 
 
 1,841,498 
 
 3,579,686 
 
 12 718 
 
 1887 
 
 1,236,847 
 
 883,764 
 
 2,850,318 
 
 845 777 
 
 2,105,350 
 
 2,153 975 
 
 4,550,923 
 
 14 626 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
209 
 
 in. 
 
 NEW YORK CENTRAL. 
 
 Statement showing length of lines operated, stock and bonds, earnings, and 
 freight movement of X. Y. C. and H. R. R.R. Co., from date of consolidation to 
 September 30, 1887 : 
 
 1 
 
 of It. K. 
 
 (AlllivesOpcr.) 
 
 Earnings 
 from 
 Freight. 
 
 Earnings 
 from" 
 Passen- 
 gers. 
 
 Gross 
 Earn'gfl. 
 
 Net 
 Earn'gs. 
 
 Tons of 
 Freight 
 Moved. 
 
 Freight 
 Expenses 
 
 Tons 
 Moved One 
 Mile. 
 
 J|| 
 
 
 
 
 $ 
 
 1 
 
 $ 
 
 
 $ 
 
 
 cts. ctf.s-. cts. 
 
 1854 
 
 804 
 
 2,943,966 
 
 4,388,820 
 
 7,672.320 
 
 3,285,461 
 
 549,805 
 
 1,300,179 
 
 99,309,600 2.954 1.309 1.645 
 
 1855 
 
 
 3,755.320 
 
 4,456,199 
 
 
 3,775,620 
 
 670.073 
 
 1,539,912 
 
 1U,S27,7U23.270 1.341 1.929 
 
 1856 
 
 804 
 
 5,052,059 
 
 4^308,853 
 
 9,613,058 
 
 4,276,618 
 
 932,844 
 
 2,556,837 
 
 165,849,7083.046 1.542 1.504 
 
 1857 
 
 804 
 
 6,275,876 
 
 4,279,956 
 
 
 4,199,204 
 
 1,075,589 
 
 2,811,203 
 
 165,515,934 3.187 1.09s 1 .4*9 
 
 1858 
 
 S04 
 
 4,244.1139 
 
 3,545,512 
 
 8,164,824 
 
 3,535,759 
 
 925,604 
 
 2,214,001 
 
 161,108,043 2.635 1.374 1.261 
 
 1859 
 
 
 4,049,530 
 
 3,646,032 
 
 8,043,484 
 
 3,615,514 
 
 1,093,284 
 
 2,399,278 
 
 187,291,1302.162 1.2*1 o.ssl 
 
 I860 
 
 804 
 
 4,943 638 
 
 3,714,204 
 
 9,004,386 
 
 3,456,520 
 
 1,366,035 
 
 3,215,161 
 
 239,418,931 2.065 1.343 0.722 
 
 1861 
 
 804 
 
 5,557,019 
 
 3.353,589 
 
 9,298,056 
 
 3,227,524 
 
 1,537,400 
 
 3,768,335 
 
 280,127,705 1.984 1.345 0.639 
 
 1862 
 
 804 
 
 7,972,304 
 
 3,604,700 
 
 11,994,357 
 
 5,018,930 
 
 1,905,173 
 
 4,849,909 
 
 357,944,135 2.227 1.355 0.872 
 
 1863 
 
 804 
 
 9,449,554 
 
 4,482,817 
 
 14,479,533 
 
 5,888,474 
 
 2,106,571 f>.s57,4:>2 
 
 387,387,066 
 
 2.431* 1.512 0.927 
 
 1864 
 
 804 
 
 10,685,672 
 
 5,845,116 
 
 17,130,490 
 
 5,094,039 
 
 2,168,972 7,599,345 
 
 386,801,761 
 
 2.763 1.1 K ;r>o. 71 18 
 
 1865 
 
 804 11,000,058 
 
 6,621,406 
 
 18,427.1*04 
 
 3,689,382 
 
 1,767,059 8,190,179 
 
 318,732,070 
 
 3.4512.5380.913 
 
 1866 
 
 842 12,017,532 
 
 6,41)8,11(3 
 
 19,442,312 
 
 4,350,421 
 
 2,099,594 
 
 8,404,911 
 
 388,620,986 
 
 3.01*22.1630.929 
 
 1867 
 
 842 11,993,008 
 
 (5.057,824 
 
 19,246,614 
 
 4,322,405 
 
 2,249,363 
 
 8,494,061 
 
 435,417,629 
 
 2.7,54 1.9480.806 
 
 1868 
 
 842 1'', 47; *,! .~>o 
 
 6,064,266 
 
 19,904,915 
 
 6,370,068 
 
 2,562,862 
 
 8,206,263 
 
 455,046,715 
 
 2.742 1.8030.939 
 
 1869 
 
 842 14,066,386 
 
 6,41*8,408 
 
 22,071,074 
 
 7,904,512 
 
 3,190,840 
 
 8,234,318 
 
 589,362.849 
 
 2.3871.3970.990 
 
 1870 
 1871 
 
 842 14,489,217 
 845 14,470,402 
 
 6,738,592 
 6,198,828 
 
 22,363,320 
 21,769,016 
 
 8,295,240 
 8,190,443 
 
 4,122,000 
 4,632,056 
 
 8,867,788 
 9,005,812 
 
 769,087,777 
 888,327,865 
 
 1.8841.1530.731 
 
 1.629 1 014 615 
 
 IS 72 
 
 857 lt.5,259,647 
 
 6,662,007 
 
 25,580,676 
 
 9,134,240 
 
 4,393,965 
 
 11,531,016 
 
 1,020,908,885 
 
 1.51*2 1.1290.463 
 
 1873 
 
 Sis 1!),616,018 
 
 6,999,466 
 
 29,126,851 11,484,864 
 
 5,522,724 
 
 12,795,542 
 
 1 ,246,650,063 1 . 573 1 . 026 . 547 
 
 1,874 1,000 
 1875 1,000 
 1876 1,000 
 
 1877 1,000 
 1S7* l.O(ll) 
 187H 1.000 
 1880 1.001 
 
 issi 113:1 
 
 20,348,725 
 17,899,702 
 17,593,265 
 16,424,317 
 19,045,830 
 l,270.25(l 
 22,190,966 
 20,736,750 
 
 7,497,356 
 7,276,848 
 
 6.7I',2, 9(17 
 6,576,816 
 6,022,956 
 
 5,953,102 
 6,611,160 
 6,958,038 
 
 31 ,650,387! 13,262,089 
 21), 027,21 8 11.765,110 
 28,046,588:11,922,416 
 26,579,086111.632,924 
 28,910,555 12,774.578 
 28,396,584 12,273,511 
 33,175,913 15,326,019 
 32,348,39712,883,610 
 
 6,114,678 
 6,001,954 
 6,803,680 
 6,351,356 
 7,695,413 
 9,015,753 
 10,533,038 
 11,591,379 
 
 13,692,877 1 ,391 ,560,707 j 1 . 462 0.984 0.478 
 12,639,005 1,404,008,029 1.275 0.901 0.374 
 11,900,539 1,674,447,055 1.051 0.711 0.340 
 11,329,5501,619,948,865 1.014 0.699 0.315 
 12,302,533 2,042,755,132 0.930 0.602 0.328 
 12,653,127 2,295,827,387 0.796 0.551 0.245 
 13,670,884:2,525,139,145;0. 871* 0.541 0.337 
 14,913,2142,646,814,0980.7830.6630.220 
 
 - :>7 17.C72.252 
 
 7,816,519 
 
 30,628,781 11,232,807 
 
 11,330,393 14,387,381 2,394,799,310 0.738 0.601 0.137 
 
 
 953 20,142,433 
 153 1 (5.434,983 
 
 8,526,843 
 7,533,213 
 
 33,770,722 13,020,128 
 28,148,66910,299,356 
 
 10,892,440:i5,171.535 2,200,896,780 0.910,0.680 0.230 
 10,212,418 12,325 562 1,970,087,115 0.830 0.620 0.210 
 
 '.'53 14,702,538 
 
 6,219,639 
 
 24,429,441 8,110,099 
 
 10,802,957 11,550,9342,137,824,2050.6800.5400.140 
 
 issi; 1.321* i,s.47i;.:>32 
 1887 1,447 21,143,098 
 
 8,786,124 30,506,361 11,895,984 
 10,510,472!35,297,055 12,908,432 
 
 12,718,101,12,785,383 2,414,266,463 0.760 0.530 0.230 
 14,626,954 14,485,647 2.704,732,176 0.780|0. 560iO. 220 
 
 Statement showing tons of freight carried for eighteen years : 
 
 Years ending 
 September 30. 
 
 Through Freight. 
 
 Way Freight. 
 
 S5 
 5* 
 
 11 
 
 h 
 
 R 
 
 s & 
 Sa 
 
 cts. 
 1.15 
 1.01 
 1.12 
 1.02 
 0.98 
 0.90 
 0.71 
 0.69 
 0.59 
 0.54 
 0.54 
 0.56 
 0.60 
 0.68 
 0.62 
 0.54 
 0.53 
 0.56 
 
 H ai 
 
 1* 
 
 1: 
 
 cts. 
 0.73 
 0.61 
 0.47 
 0.55 
 0.48 
 0.37 
 0.34 
 0.32 
 0.34 
 0.24 
 0.33 
 0.22 
 0.13 
 0.23 
 0.21 
 0.14 
 >.23 
 ).22 
 
 i 
 
 &a 
 
 # 
 
 i 
 
 1.95 
 2.07 
 2.05 
 2.02 
 2.02 
 2.11 
 1.89 
 l.6s 
 1.71 
 1.52 
 1.92 
 
 1 70 
 
 1.62 
 
 1.82 
 1.64 
 1.29 
 1.47 
 1.51| 
 
 fe 
 
 1" 
 
 w> . 
 
 fe.2 
 
 ^ 
 
 P 
 
 * 
 
 0.76 
 0.79 
 0.60 
 0.70 
 0.66 
 0.62 
 0.61 
 0.53 
 1.61 
 0.47 
 1.74 
 ).47 
 ).31 
 0.45 
 0.41 
 0.28 
 1.45 
 0.42 
 
 East. West. 
 
 Total. 
 
 East. 
 
 West. 
 
 Total. 
 
 1870 . . . 
 
 Tons. 
 589,858 
 648,537 
 628,650 
 890,383 
 1,166,993 
 1,074,649 
 1,338,341 
 1,318,648 
 1,883,249 
 2,100,163 
 2,077,626 
 2,056,588 
 1,523,907 
 1,452,159 
 1,182,988 
 1,416,687 
 1,435,515 
 1,523,689 
 
 Tons. 
 203,215 
 223,430 
 216.515 
 242,254 
 250,173 
 300,260 
 329,586 
 352,820 
 248,402 
 279,757 
 357,473 
 436,497 
 582,800 
 361,161 
 312,078 
 299,210 
 389,390 
 436,651 
 
 Tons. 
 
 793,073 
 871,967 
 845,165 
 1,132,637 
 1,417,166 
 1,374,909 
 1,667,927 
 1,671,468 
 2,131,651 
 2,379,920 
 2,435,099 
 2,493,085 
 2,106,707 
 1,813,320 
 1,495,066 
 1,715,897 
 1.824.905 
 1,960,340 
 
 Tons. 
 1,891,174 
 2,079,308 
 2,016,092 
 2,492,034 
 2,664,689 
 2,620,191 
 2,899,087 
 2,646,810 
 3,277,844 
 3,901,186 
 4,702,998 
 5,484,870 
 5,297,040 
 5,539,765 
 5,365,518 
 5,914,786 
 7,149,934 
 8,186,112 
 
 Tons. 
 
 1. 437.753 
 1,580,781 
 1,532,708 
 1,898,053 
 2,032,823 
 2,006,854 
 2,236,666 
 2,033,078 
 2,285,918 
 2,734,647 
 3,394,941 
 8 ,613,424 
 3,926,646 
 3,539,355 
 3,351,804 
 3,172,274 
 3,743,262 
 4,480,502 
 
 Tons. 
 3,328,927 
 3,660,089 
 3,548,800 
 4,390,087 
 4,697,512 
 4,627,045 
 5,135,753 
 4,679,888 
 5,563,762 
 6,635,833 : 
 8,097,939' 
 9,098,294' 
 9,223,686! 
 9,079,120 
 8,717,352 
 9,087,060 
 10,893,196: 
 12,666,614' 
 
 cts. 
 
 1.88 
 1.62 
 1.59 
 1.57 
 1.46 
 1.27 
 1.05 
 1.01 
 0.93 
 0.78 
 0.87 
 0.78 
 0.73 
 0.91 
 0.83 
 u;x 
 .7i; 
 
 78 
 
 $ 
 
 1.19 
 1.28 
 1.45 
 1.32 
 1.37 
 1.49 
 1.28 
 1.15 
 1.10 
 1.05 
 1.18 
 1.23 
 1.31 
 
 1.23 
 1.01 
 1.02 
 1.09 
 
 1871 . .. 
 
 1*7" . .. 
 
 1873 
 
 1S74 
 
 1875 
 
 1876 
 
 1*77 
 
 1878 
 
 1S79 
 
 ISM) 
 
 issl 
 
 
 
 1K.-0, 
 
 1 ss4 
 
 1885 
 
 1886 
 
 1887 
 
 Through freight westward, 2.92 per cent.; eastward, 10.41 per cent,; total through, 13.43 
 per cent, of the whole in 1887. Way freight, 86.57 per cent, of the whole in 1887. In addition 
 to pay freight, as above, the company transported 1,085,719 tons, equal to 134:,085,125 tons 
 one mile, for its own use during 1887. 
 
210 
 
 ERIE RAILROAD. 
 
 Statement showing miles of road operated, stock and debts, earnings, freight 
 moved, etc., etc., from the opening of the N. Y. & Erie R. R. in 1852 to September 
 
 30, 1887: 
 
 1 
 
 J 
 
 GROSS EARNINGS. 
 
 it 
 
 Tons 
 Moved. 
 
 Freight 
 Expense. 
 
 Ton 
 
 Miles. 
 
 PER TON-MILE. 
 
 Freight. 
 
 Pas'ger. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Engs 
 
 Sxps. 
 
 Pr'fit 
 
 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 1 
 
 $ 
 
 
 $ 
 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. 
 
 1852 
 
 465 
 
 1,883,198 
 
 1,382,637 
 
 3,537,766 
 
 1,702,598 
 
 456,460 
 
 991,323 
 
 96,697,695 
 
 1.948 
 
 1.026 
 
 0.922 
 
 1853 
 
 498 
 
 2,537,215 
 
 1,601,209 
 
 4,318,962 
 
 1,911,589 
 
 631,039 
 
 1,290,040 
 
 101,626,522 
 
 2.496 
 
 1.277 
 
 1.219 
 
 1854 
 
 498 
 
 3,659,590 
 
 1,743,379 
 
 5,359,958 
 
 2,617,343 
 
 743,250 
 
 1,838,353 
 
 130,808,034 
 
 2.576 
 
 1.406 
 
 1.170 
 
 1855 
 
 498 
 
 3,653,002 
 
 1,698,670 
 
 5,488,993 
 
 2,823,249 
 
 842,055 
 
 1,912,053 
 
 150,673,997 
 
 2.424 
 
 1 . 1 55 
 
 1.269 
 
 1856 
 
 498 
 
 4,545,722 
 
 1,655,675 
 
 6,349,050 
 
 5,237,997 
 
 983,221 
 
 2,144,780 
 
 183,458,043 
 
 2.477 
 
 1.169 
 
 1.308 
 
 1857 
 
 498 
 
 4,097,610 
 
 1.495,361 
 
 5,742,606 
 
 1,897,794 
 
 978,069 
 
 1,486,846 
 
 165,100,850 
 
 2.457 
 
 0.817 
 
 1.560 
 
 1858 
 
 468 
 
 3,843,310 
 
 1,182,258 
 
 5,151,616 
 
 1,470,940 
 
 816,964 
 
 1,076,127 
 
 165,895,636 
 
 2.316 
 
 0.649 
 
 1.667 
 
 1859 
 
 559 
 
 3,195,869 
 
 1,154,087 
 
 4,482,149 
 
 1,507,421 
 
 869,072 
 
 1,967,239 
 
 147,127,039 
 
 1 621 
 
 1.344 
 
 0.277 
 
 1860 
 
 559 
 
 3,884,343 
 
 1,180,957 
 
 5,180,322 
 
 1,903,326 
 
 1,139,554 
 
 2,143,525 
 
 214,084,396 
 
 1.814 
 
 1.001 
 
 0,813 
 
 1861 
 
 559 
 
 4,351,464 
 
 1,136,046 
 
 5,590,917 
 
 2,048,024 
 
 1,253,419 
 
 2,336,934 
 
 251,350,127 
 
 1.771 
 
 0.929 
 
 0.843 
 
 1862 
 
 559 
 
 6,642,915 
 
 1,096,197 
 
 7,863,973 
 
 2,992,642 
 
 1,632,955 
 
 3,358,346 
 
 351,092,285 
 
 1.892 
 
 0.956 
 
 0.936 
 
 1863 
 
 624 
 
 8,432,234 
 
 1,670,083 
 
 10,246,117 
 
 3,943,829 
 
 1,815,096 
 
 3,893,681 
 
 403,670,861 
 
 2.088 
 
 0.964 1.124 
 
 1864 
 
 624 
 
 9,855,088 
 
 2,523,005 
 
 12,551,480 
 
 4,704,490 
 
 2,170,798 
 
 6,147,831 
 
 422,013,644 
 
 2.335 
 
 1.456 
 
 0.879 
 
 1865 
 1866 
 1867 
 
 % 
 
 773 
 
 10,726,264 
 11,611,023 
 11,204,689 
 
 4,450,209 
 3,593,966 
 2,931,833 
 
 15,300,575 
 15.372,809 
 14,317,213 
 
 4,483,385 
 4,183,959 
 4,005,996 
 
 2,234,350 
 3,242,792 
 3,484,546 
 
 7,718,542 
 7,914,825 
 8,092,079 
 
 388,557,213 
 478,485,773 
 549,888,422 
 
 2.761 
 2.427 
 2.038 
 
 1.984 
 1.654 
 1.472 
 
 0.777 
 0.773 
 0.566 
 
 1868 
 1869 
 
 773 10,780,976 
 823(12,583,794 
 
 3,531,504 
 4,043,040 
 
 15,376,872 
 16,721,500 
 
 3,244,583 
 3,462,234 
 
 3,908,243 
 4,312,209 
 
 7,971,121 
 9,590,030 
 
 595,699,225 
 817,829,190 
 
 1.810 
 1.539 
 
 1.339 
 1.171 
 
 0.469 
 0.368 
 
 1870 
 
 846 
 
 11,983,547 
 
 3,968,899 
 
 16,179,461 
 
 4,106,450 
 
 4,852,505 
 
 8,767,482 
 
 898,862,718 
 
 1.333 
 
 0.975 
 
 0.358 
 
 1871 
 1872 
 
 914 
 959 
 
 12,861,999 
 14,509,745 
 
 3,972,064 
 3.329,346 
 
 17,068,005 4,721,649 
 18,371,8875,777,383 
 
 4.844,208 
 5,564,274 
 
 9,087,621 
 9,306,177 
 
 897,446,728 
 950,708,902 
 
 1.433 
 1.526 
 
 1.013 
 0.979 
 
 0.420 
 0.548 
 
 1873 
 
 959 
 
 15,015,807 
 
 3,651,554 
 
 20,012,606 6,371,964 
 
 6,312,702 
 
 9,633,510 
 
 1,032,986,809 
 
 1.454 
 
 0.933 
 
 0.251 
 
 1874 
 
 959 
 
 13,740,042 
 
 3,765,574 
 
 18,598,898:5,035,160 
 
 6,364,276 
 
 9,558,951 
 
 1,047,420,238 
 
 1.311 
 
 0.913 
 
 0.398 
 
 1875 
 
 942 
 
 12,287,399 
 
 3,461,304 
 
 16,876,858 
 
 4,197,727 
 
 6,239,943 
 
 9,647,786 
 
 1,016,618,050 
 
 1.209 
 
 0.949 
 
 0.260 
 
 1876 
 
 957 
 
 11,429,929 
 
 3,427,626 
 
 15,852,471 
 
 3,621,259 
 
 5,972,818 
 
 9,207,235 
 
 1,040,431,921 
 
 1.098 
 
 0.885 
 
 0.213 
 
 1877 
 
 957 
 
 10,647,807 
 
 3,220,090 
 
 14,708,890 
 
 3,809,050 
 
 6,182,451 
 
 8,384.838 
 
 1,114,586,220 
 
 0.955 
 
 0.752 
 
 0.203 
 
 1878 
 
 928 
 
 11,914,489 
 
 3,070,121 
 
 15,644,978 5,009,114 
 
 6,150,468 
 
 8,259,814 
 
 1,224,763,718 
 
 0.973 
 
 0.674 
 
 0.299 
 
 1879 
 
 928 
 
 12,223,481 
 
 3,118,944 
 
 15,942,023 
 
 4,767,324 
 
 8,212,641 
 
 8,797,237 
 
 1 ,569,222,417 
 
 0.780 
 
 0.561 
 
 0.219 
 
 1880 
 
 952 
 
 14,391,115 
 
 3,682,951 
 
 18,693,108 
 
 7,049,183 
 
 8,715,892 
 
 9,188,297 
 
 1,721,112,095 
 
 0.836 
 
 0.534 
 
 0.302 
 
 1881 
 
 980 
 
 15,979,577 
 
 4,041,267 
 
 20,715,605 7,459,375 
 
 11,086,823 
 
 10,506,264 
 
 1,984,394,855 
 
 0.805 
 
 529 
 
 0.276 
 
 1882 
 
 1,029 
 
 14,642,128 
 
 4,384,510 
 
 19,975,774^6,887,680 
 
 11,895,238110,284,454 
 
 1,954,389,710 
 
 0.749 
 
 0.526 
 
 0.223 
 
 1883; 1,029 
 
 15,562,141 
 
 4,134,971 
 
 20,598.571 7,019,872 
 
 11,965,490 
 
 10,526,223 
 
 1,979,448,428 
 
 0.786 
 
 0.532 
 
 0.254 
 
 1884 1,029 
 
 12,903,157 
 
 3,676,657 
 
 17,618,97615,549,639 
 
 11,071,938 
 
 9,318,952 
 
 1,794,946,519 
 
 0.719 
 
 0.519 
 
 0.200 
 
 1885 
 
 1,029 
 
 11,071,701 
 
 3,106,708 
 
 13,490,456 4,826,877 
 
 10,253,489 
 
 8,008,261 
 
 1,687,546,688 
 
 0.656 
 
 0.475 
 
 0.181 
 
 1886 
 
 1,029 
 
 13,572,140 
 
 3,443,772 
 
 18,310,4956,031,088 
 
 12,086,918 
 
 9,040,286 
 
 2,058,394,022 
 
 0.659 
 
 0.448 
 
 0.211 
 
 1887 
 
 1,029 
 
 14,996,674 
 
 3,706,165 
 
 19,882,07116,701.399 
 
 13,949,260 
 
 9,696,549 
 
 2,183,734,855 
 
 0.687 
 
 0.452 
 
 0.235 
 
 Classification of freight from opening of road to September 30, 1887 : 
 
 YEAR. 
 
 Forest 
 Prod'ts. 
 
 Animal 
 Prod'ts. 
 
 V'g'table 
 Food. 
 
 Agri- 
 cult'ral. 
 
 Manufac- 
 tures. 
 
 Mer- 
 
 chand'e 
 
 Coal. 
 
 Other 
 Articles. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 
 76,908 
 
 75 493 
 
 56 929 
 
 2 419 
 
 74 847 
 
 50,687 
 
 
 118,775 
 
 456 460 
 
 
 124 087 
 
 99 755 
 
 80 868 
 
 9 849 
 
 112 281 
 
 68 742 
 
 
 135 459 
 
 631 039 
 
 
 135 757 
 
 136 449 
 
 99 293 
 
 10 OOfi 
 
 110 443 
 
 79 014 
 
 
 170 008 
 
 743 250 
 
 
 118 435 
 
 155 596 
 
 116 093 
 
 8 071 
 
 96 495 
 
 106 509 
 
 
 240 856 
 
 842 055 
 
 1R5R 
 
 116,378 
 
 170 099 
 
 148*943 
 
 13 556 
 
 110 769 
 
 155,473 
 
 
 268,003 
 
 983,221 
 
 
 126 093 
 
 145 957 
 
 J20 617 
 
 13 909 
 
 143 338 
 
 143 716 
 
 
 284 539 
 
 978 069 
 
 iOKO 
 
 92,550 
 
 178,076 
 
 154 534 
 
 10 885 
 
 88 976 
 
 128,709 
 
 
 163,234 
 
 816,964 
 
 
 97 754 
 
 170 322 
 
 112 726 
 
 15 106 
 
 94 265 
 
 179,051 
 
 
 199 848 
 
 869 072 
 
 
 118 890 
 
 201,823 
 
 197 233 
 
 19 909 
 
 113 948 
 
 198,610 
 
 
 289,141 
 
 1,139 554 
 
 
 108 685 
 
 209 757 
 
 243 959 
 
 26 920 
 
 145 673 
 
 167,244 
 
 
 351 181 
 
 1 253 419 
 
 1(19 
 
 96 677 
 
 299 715 
 
 261 824 
 
 44 067 
 
 236 909 
 
 220,499 
 
 
 470,264 
 
 1,632955 
 
 
 102 008 
 
 338 551 
 
 228 632 
 
 65 171 
 
 270 952 
 
 296 998 
 
 
 512 784 
 
 1 815 096 
 
 Iftftt 
 
 104 069 
 
 280*723 
 
 215 986 
 
 260 902 
 
 116 681 
 
 362,767 
 
 
 829,670 
 
 2,170 798 
 
 1865 
 1866 
 1867 
 
 99,865 
 173,409 
 197,715 
 
 249,220 
 314,468 
 295,671 
 
 212,677 
 397,963 
 277,432 
 
 75.344 
 72,544 
 62694 
 
 226,298 
 458,027 
 409,446 
 
 327,328 
 356,316 
 301,909 
 
 
 
 1,043,618 
 1,470,065 
 1,939,697 
 
 2,234,350 
 3,242,790 
 3 484 546 
 
 1868 
 
 216 123 
 
 280 116 
 
 302 451 
 
 50 405 
 
 402 576 
 
 398,761 
 
 
 2,257 811 
 
 3 908 9 43 
 
 1869 
 
 191 629 
 
 273,548 
 
 322,978 
 
 15 752 
 
 436,846 
 
 459,784 
 
 
 2,611 672 
 
 4 312 209 
 
 1870 
 
 198,620 
 
 271,245 
 
 468,976 
 
 111,155 
 
 348423 
 
 440,353 
 
 
 3,013,733 
 
 4 852 505 
 
 1871 
 
 261 272 
 
 319 785 
 
 745 670 
 
 118,961 
 
 508 654 
 
 478,229 
 
 2 119 418 
 
 212,219 
 
 4 844 208 
 
 1872 
 
 279,725 
 
 304,599 
 
 711,720 
 
 79498 
 
 595,677 
 
 451,543 
 
 2 989,630 
 
 151,832 
 
 5 564 274 
 
 1873 
 1874 
 
 227,112 
 184,464 
 
 325,168 
 295,582 
 
 584,030 
 791,265 
 
 93,579 
 101,961 
 
 444,801 
 
 227,377 
 
 600,980 
 
 597,572 
 
 3,911,932 
 3 854,426 
 
 125,090 
 311,629 
 
 6,312,702 
 6 364 9 76 
 
 1875 
 
 179 514 
 
 288,880 
 
 674 171 
 
 113 195 
 
 322 860 
 
 553,253 
 
 3 852 567 
 
 255,503 
 
 6 239 943 
 
 1876 
 1877 
 
 195,865 
 20 387 
 
 341,520 
 385,779 
 
 775,464 
 706 571 
 
 138,737 
 127 285 
 
 302,143 
 369 321 
 
 609,955 
 665,014 
 
 3,307,644 
 3 248 110 
 
 301,490 
 459,984 
 
 5,972,818 
 6 182 451 
 
 1878 .... 
 1879.. 
 1880.. 
 1881 . . 
 1882 . . 
 1883... 
 l-ss4 ... 
 1885 
 
 200,231 
 248,153 
 386,551 
 505,983 
 (550,278 
 785,244 
 632,865 
 593,721 
 
 433,674 
 460,221 
 509,948 
 538,595 
 498,513 
 637,652 
 624,149 
 559,461 
 
 1,007,474 
 1,285,804 
 1,470,983 
 1,800,403 
 1,327,598 
 1,679,841 
 1,233,859 
 1 ,124,874 
 
 144,727 
 165,733 
 224,013 
 366,358 
 415,120 
 434,518 
 381,807 
 318,218 
 
 309,180 
 365,981 
 440,197 
 585,145 
 868,199 
 1,025,931 
 650,220 
 532,274 
 
 614,410 
 598,717 
 714,512 
 528549 
 654,368 
 573,070 
 389,736 
 312,184 
 
 2,850,106 
 4,410,327 
 4,067,574 
 5,518,850 
 6,104,672 
 6,925,469 
 6,375,319 
 6,137,242 
 
 530,666 
 677,705 
 902,114 
 1,242,940 
 1,376,490 
 1,548,898 
 783,983 
 675,515 
 
 6,150,468 
 8,212,641 
 8,715,982 
 11,086,823 
 11,895,238 
 13,610,623 
 11,071,938 
 10,253,489 
 
 1886 
 
 697 763 
 
 570 354 
 
 1 306 089 
 
 368 240 
 
 671 712 
 
 287 529 
 
 8,008,158 
 
 897,073 
 
 1 > 806 918 
 
 1887 
 
 830,960 
 
 52G.744 
 
 1,314,618 
 
 342,131 
 
 896,313 
 
 367,331 
 
 8,789,158 
 
 882,005 
 
 i::,'.i4!.-JfiO 
 
211 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD, 
 
 Statement showing number of miles operated of the Penn. R. R. Co., with operations 
 of the same, and the amount of its stock and debts, from 1855 to 1887 inclusive. 
 
 H 
 
 1 Stock 
 ^ and 
 Debt. 
 
 o 
 
 Gross Earnings. 
 
 Operat'"- 
 Expe'ses. 
 
 Traffic 
 Profits. 
 
 Pas'gers 
 Carried. 
 
 Expeii's 
 of 
 Pas'ger 
 Traffic. 
 
 Pas'grs 
 Carried 
 One 
 
 Mile. 
 
 Av'ge per M'l. 
 
 Pas'ger. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Ern. 
 
 Exp 
 
 P'rf 
 
 
 M. $ 
 
 S 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 No. 
 
 $ 
 
 No. 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. 
 
 Ct-y. 
 
 1855. 
 
 359 
 
 19,874,6211,251,857 
 
 4,270,070 
 
 2,340,738 
 
 1,829,277 
 
 798,483 
 
 642,689 
 
 41,871,267 
 
 1.990 
 
 1.535 
 
 1.455 
 
 1850. 
 
 359 
 
 21,163,466 
 
 1,198,927 
 
 4,720,124 
 
 2,814,548 
 
 1,905,626 
 
 864,298 
 
 822.978 
 
 42,147,582 
 
 2.844 
 
 1.953 
 
 0.891 
 
 1857. 
 
 359 
 
 21,397,149 
 
 1,244,868 
 
 4,855,659 
 
 3,000,743 
 
 1,854,926 
 
 1,134,496 
 
 850,867 
 
 54,408,241 
 
 2.288 
 
 1.564 
 
 0.724 
 
 L858. 
 
 359 
 
 22,871,642 
 
 1,372,237 
 
 5,185,331 
 
 3,021.885 
 
 2,163,446 
 
 968,304 
 
 932,184 
 
 45,934,952 
 
 3.000 
 
 L'.(I:;S 
 
 0.092 
 
 1859. 
 
 359 
 
 29,718,284 
 
 1,420,912 
 
 5,362,355 
 
 8,030,738 
 
 2,231,617 
 
 1,074,570 
 
 1,009,149 
 
 50,839,482 
 
 3.7951.985 
 
 0.810 
 
 I860.. 
 
 402 
 
 31,025,271 
 
 1,453,993 
 
 5,932,701 
 
 3,636,299 
 
 2,296,402 
 
 1,203,444 
 
 1,119,128 
 
 55,100,696 
 
 2.639 
 
 2.013 
 
 0.626 
 
 1861.. 
 
 469 
 
 30,200,864 
 
 1,551,176 
 
 7,300,001 
 
 3,653,063 
 
 3,646,938 
 
 1,059,088 
 
 1,096,107 
 
 57,773,777 
 
 2.685 
 
 1.897 
 
 0.788 
 
 18G2.. 
 
 501 
 
 29,970,864 
 
 2,110,785 
 
 10,304,21)0 
 
 5,131,072 
 
 4,873,218 
 
 1,143,418 
 
 1,379,198 
 
 76,797,368 
 
 2.749 
 
 1.796 
 
 0.953 
 
 1863.. 
 
 542 
 
 30,379,374 
 
 2,790,230 
 
 11,891,413 
 
 6,780,000 
 
 5,111,413 
 
 1,707,386 
 
 2,264,283 104,798,774 
 
 2.662 
 
 2.161 
 
 0.501 
 
 1864.. 
 
 681 
 
 36,580,900 
 
 3,846,038 
 
 14,7r>l).0f>8 
 
 10,693,944 
 
 4,065,114 
 
 2,366,213 
 
 2,825,748 146,873,005 
 
 2.619 
 
 1.924 
 
 0.695 
 
 1865.. 
 
 737 
 
 36,584,840 
 
 5,453,047 
 
 17,459,169 
 
 13,270,058 
 
 4,189,111 
 
 2,861,836 
 
 3,687,193 204,564,393 
 
 2.666 
 
 1.802 
 
 o.s(54 
 
 1866.. 
 
 737 
 
 38,030,888 
 
 3,946,468 
 
 16,583,883 
 
 14,790,909 
 
 3,792,974 
 
 2,673,568 
 
 3,448,403il39,085,550 
 
 2.837 
 
 2.478 
 
 0.355 
 
 1867.. 
 
 737 
 
 40,733,324 
 
 3,618,391 
 
 16,340,156 
 
 12,080,300 
 
 4,256,856 
 
 3,347,466 
 
 3,347,354 
 
 126,534,215 
 
 2.859 
 
 2.645 
 
 0.214 
 
 1868.. 
 
 737 
 
 48,189,085 
 
 3,610,118 
 
 17,233,497 
 
 11,860,984 
 
 5,372,513 
 
 3,747,178 
 
 3,420,466 
 
 133,174,706 
 
 2.718 
 
 2.569 
 
 0.149 
 
 1869.. 
 
 737 
 
 57,355,216 
 
 3,632,743 
 
 17,250,812 
 
 12,203,268 
 
 5,047,544 
 
 4,229,363 
 
 3,168,237 
 
 144,728,742 
 
 2.510 
 
 2.189 
 
 0.321 
 
 1870.: 
 
 737 
 
 66,610,090 
 
 3,757,942 
 
 17,531,707 
 
 11,260,085 
 
 6,271,622 
 
 4,352,769 
 
 3,012,288 
 
 150,850,087 
 
 2.490 
 
 1.996 
 
 0.494 
 
 1871.. 
 
 737 
 
 75,757,680 
 
 3,875,657 
 
 18,719,837 
 
 11,823,433 
 
 6,896,404 
 
 4,699,985 
 
 2,976,738 
 
 152,918,042 
 
 2.530 
 
 1.940 
 
 0.590 
 
 1872.. 
 
 784 
 
 88,344,246 
 
 4,262 018 
 
 22,012,525 
 
 13,764,673 
 
 8,247,852 
 
 5,250,393 
 
 3,218,181 
 
 173,842,748 
 
 2.450 
 
 1.837 
 
 0.613 
 
 1873.. 
 
 869 
 
 111,290,250 
 
 4,399,671 
 
 24,868,009 
 
 14,868,854 
 
 10,017,155 
 
 5,879,684 
 
 3,001,656 
 
 177,479,019 
 
 2.480 
 
 2.010 
 
 0.470 
 
 1874. 
 
 877 
 
 118,306,485 
 
 4,258,888 
 
 22,642,371 
 
 12,701,518 
 
 9,940,853 
 
 6,088,103 
 
 2,431,500 
 
 174,959,639 
 
 2.430 
 
 1.600 
 
 0.830 
 
 1875. 
 
 905 
 
 128,188,681 
 
 3,772,306 
 
 20,493,252 
 
 11,704,053 
 
 8,699,199 
 
 5,609,787 
 
 2,677,679 
 
 160,421,998 
 
 2.351 
 
 1.669 
 
 0.682 
 
 1876. 
 
 963 
 
 128,976,429 
 
 5,368,573 
 
 20,788,076 
 
 12,452,689 
 
 8,335,387 
 
 6,926,016 
 
 2,966,950 
 
 288,312,089 
 
 1.862 
 
 1.029 
 
 0.833 
 
 1877. 
 1878. 
 1879. 
 
 1,055 
 1,055 
 1,092 
 
 129,975,647 
 129,619,063 
 126,117,956 
 
 3,383,273 
 3,348,346 
 3,628,273 
 
 18,983,456 
 20,317,140 
 21,743,628 
 
 10,751,139 
 10,921,103 
 11,751,621 
 
 8,232,317 
 6,396,037 
 9,992,007 
 
 5,129,931 
 5,205,737 
 5,948,645 
 
 2,506,189 
 2,546,096 
 2,621,009 
 
 143,153,521 
 142,036,106 
 
 155,784,178 
 
 2.363 
 2.357 
 
 2.281 
 
 1.751 
 1.793 
 
 1.682 
 
 0.612 
 O.rx i4 
 0.599 
 
 1880. 
 
 1,120 
 
 130,916,504 
 
 4,437,146 
 
 25,987,658 
 
 14,051,486 
 
 11,936,172 
 
 7,757,940 
 
 3,159,118 
 
 196,939,640 
 
 2.253 
 
 1.604 
 
 0.649 
 
 1881. 
 
 1,173 
 
 135,518,936 
 
 5,023,385 
 
 27, 647, 009 
 
 15,468,469 
 
 12,178,540 
 
 9,077,714 
 
 3,869,538 
 
 230,675/088 
 
 2.178 
 
 1.677 
 
 0.501 
 
 1882.. 
 
 1,264 
 
 142,628,210 
 
 5,962,456 
 
 30,836,982 
 
 17,878,777 
 
 I2,9r>x,ir>r> 
 
 10,372,894 
 
 4,262,259 
 
 245,971,772 
 
 2.374 
 
 1.733 
 
 0.641 
 
 1883.. 
 
 1,314 
 
 152,365,903 
 
 6,115,423 
 
 32,017,813 
 
 18,321,414 
 
 13,696,399 
 
 10,697,474 
 
 4,012,858 
 
 244,710,876 
 
 2.448 
 
 1.640 
 
 0.808 
 
 1884.. 
 
 1,471 
 
 156,870,453 
 
 6,017,752 
 
 30,196,885 
 
 17,575,106 
 
 12,621,778 
 
 11,429,776 
 
 3,968,522 
 
 243,298,222 
 
 2.422 
 
 1.631 
 
 0.791 
 
 1885.. 
 
 1,518 
 
 158,166,540 
 
 5,494,354 
 
 27,667,406 
 
 17,220,634 
 
 10,446,772 
 
 12,341,459 
 
 4,232,271 276,664,065 
 
 1.931 
 
 1.530 
 
 0.401 
 
 1886.. 
 
 1,568 
 
 161,903,990 
 
 6,097,008 
 
 31,132.287 
 
 19,149,250 
 
 11,983,037 
 
 14,160,935 
 
 4,776,202 
 
 265,840,285 
 
 2.245 
 
 1.797 
 
 0.448 
 
 1887.. 
 
 1,592 
 
 173,490,810 
 
 7,325,833 
 
 35,305,728 
 
 22,328,536 
 
 12,977,192 
 
 16,880,727 
 
 5,474,995 
 
 316,840,006 
 
 2.263 
 
 1.728 
 
 0.355 
 
 Statement of earnings, expenses, mileage, etc., of freight, from 1855 to 1887, inclusive. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Freight 
 Earnings 
 
 Freight 
 Expenses 
 
 Tonnage 
 Mileage. 
 
 Per Ton Mile. 
 
 Through Ton'ge. 
 
 Local Tonnage. 
 
 Total 
 Tonnage. 
 
 E'gs 
 
 Exp 
 
 Net 
 
 East. 
 
 West. 
 
 East. 
 
 West. 
 
 
 S 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. 
 
 cts. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1855.. 
 
 2,805,306 
 
 1,698,049 
 
 102,171,312 
 
 2.746 
 
 1.662 
 
 1.084 
 
 106,497 
 
 65,565 
 
 127,614 
 
 65,420 
 
 365,006 
 
 1856.. 
 
 3,244,292 
 
 1,991,590 
 
 119,836,501 
 
 2.707 
 
 1.662 
 
 1.045 
 
 88,707 
 
 76,056 
 
 196,330 
 
 92,559 
 
 454,092 
 
 1857.. 
 
 3,374.041 
 
 2,149,876 
 
 139,91)4, :.4s 
 
 2.411 
 
 1.536 
 
 0.675 
 
 94,905 
 
 77,168 
 
 316,415 
 
 338,030 
 
 826,518 
 
 1858.. 
 
 3,536,206 
 
 2,089,701 
 
 162,121,735 
 
 2.181 
 
 1.289 
 
 0.892 
 
 141,208 
 
 79,942 
 
 481,008 
 
 344,671 
 
 1,046,899 
 
 1859.. 
 
 3,656,111 
 
 2,121,589 
 
 180,333,140 
 
 2.027 
 
 1.176 
 
 0.851 
 
 129,767 
 
 103,839 
 
 570,488 
 
 366,146 
 
 1,170,240 
 
 I860.. 
 
 4,191,784 
 
 2,517,171 
 
 214,162,018 
 
 1.957 
 
 1.176 
 
 0.781 
 
 176,007 
 
 99,746 
 
 641,585 
 
 429,197 
 
 1,346,525 
 
 1861 . . 
 
 5,398,026 
 
 2,556,956 
 
 230,262,522 
 
 1.926 
 
 0.912 
 
 1.014 
 
 311,473 
 
 78,576 
 
 790,299 
 
 301,739 
 
 1,482,087 
 
 1862.. 
 
 7,668,420 
 
 4,041,872 
 
 376,195,127 
 
 2.038 
 
 1.077 
 
 0.962 
 
 367,295 
 
 128,102 
 
 1,131,634 
 
 431,517 
 
 2,058,548 
 
 1863.. 
 
 8,602,262 
 
 4,515,717 
 
 393,746,258 
 
 2.185 
 
 1.147 
 
 1.038 
 
 348,957 
 
 127,160 
 
 1,231,896 
 
 557,400 
 
 2,265,413 
 
 1864.. 
 
 10,361,999 
 
 7,878,196 
 
 420,627,222 
 
 2.463 
 
 1.871 
 
 0.592 
 
 322,497 
 
 147,972 
 
 1,482,647 
 
 632,263 
 
 2,585,379 
 
 1865.. 
 
 11,193,565 
 
 9,582,865 
 
 420,060,260 
 
 2.665 
 
 2.281 
 
 0.384 
 
 302,842 
 
 160,899 
 
 1,418,638 
 
 673,327 
 
 2,555,709 
 
 1866.. 
 
 11,709,294 
 
 9,342,506 
 
 513,102,181 
 
 2.282 
 
 1.821 
 
 0.461 
 
 316,534 
 
 164,250 
 
 1,831,304 
 
 864,271 
 
 3,186,356 
 
 1867.. 
 
 11,832,300 
 
 8,732,946 
 
 565,657,813 
 
 2.092 
 
 1.544 
 
 0.548 
 
 305,680 
 
 173,296 
 
 2,209,751 
 
 1,020,497 
 
 3,709,224 
 
 1868.. 
 
 12,881,165 
 
 8,440,518 
 
 675,775,560 
 
 1.906 
 
 1.249 
 
 0.657 
 
 392,870 
 
 216,020 
 
 2,583,122 
 
 1,235,872 
 
 4,427,884 
 
 1869.. ! 12,932,657 
 
 9,035,031 
 
 752,711,312 
 
 1.718 
 
 1.200 
 
 0.518 
 
 470,923 
 
 233,243 
 
 2,816,530 
 
 1,471,299 
 
 4,991,995 
 
 187-0.. 12,793,160 
 
 8,247,797 
 
 825,979,692 
 
 1.549 
 
 0.998 
 
 0.551 
 
 541,005 
 
 231,714 
 
 3,071,200 
 
 1,583,482 
 
 5,427,401 
 
 1871.. 14,052,305 
 
 8,846,695 
 
 1,011,892,207 
 
 1.389 
 
 0.874 
 
 0.515 
 
 708,327 
 
 314,305 
 
 3,700,257 
 
 1,852,954 
 
 6,575,843 
 
 1872.. 16,865,891 
 
 10,546,492 
 
 1,190,144,036 
 
 1.416 
 
 0.886 
 
 0.530 
 
 791,504 
 
 363,725 
 
 4,231,820 
 
 2,457,729 
 
 7,844,778 
 
 1873.. 19,608,555 
 
 11,867,198 
 
 1,384.831,970 
 
 1.416 
 
 0.857 
 
 0.559 
 
 873,795 
 
 319,664 
 
 5,482,507 
 
 2,535,268 
 
 9,211,234 
 
 1874.. 17,227,505 
 
 10.270,013 
 
 1,372,566,976 
 
 1.255 
 
 0.748 
 
 0.507 
 
 1,065,647 
 
 301,324 
 
 4,915,187 
 
 2,344,788 
 
 8,626,946 
 
 1X75-. 15,651,741 
 
 9,116,374 
 
 1,479,414,466 
 
 1.058 
 
 0.616 
 
 0.442 
 
 1,002.072 
 
 352,131 
 
 5,388,916 
 
 2,372,249 
 
 9,115,368 
 
 1876.. ,14,539,784 
 
 9,485,739 
 
 1,629,742,021 
 
 0.892 
 
 0.582 
 
 0.310 1,322,276 
 
 293,263 
 
 5,791,706 
 
 2,515,666 
 
 6,922,911 
 
 1877.. 
 
 14,642,109 
 
 8,244,981 
 
 1,494,798,198; 0.980 
 
 0.552 
 
 0.428 
 
 1,019,068 
 
 288,719 
 
 5,713,443 
 
 2,717,065 
 
 9,738,295 
 
 1878.. 
 
 15,904,501 
 
 8,374,007 
 
 1,732,003,1310.918 
 
 0.483 
 
 0.435 
 
 1,450,830 
 
 287,713 
 
 6,195,184 
 
 3,013,025 
 
 10,946,752 
 
 1879.. 
 
 17,016,989 
 
 9,130,612 
 
 2,136,708,8870.71)0 
 
 0.427 
 
 0.369 
 
 1,692,376 
 
 384,164 
 
 7,592,032 
 
 4,015,469 
 
 13.084,041 
 
 1880.. 
 1881 . . 
 1882.. 
 1883.. 
 
 20,234,046 
 22,400,120 
 23,517,178 
 24,536,789 
 
 10,892,368 
 11,598,931 
 13,616,518 
 14,308,556 
 
 2,298,317,323 0.880 0.474 
 2,655,438,764 0.799 0.437 
 2,8< T 9,542,70llo.817lo.473 
 2,996,892,567 0.819 0.477 
 
 0.406 
 0.362 
 0.344 
 0.342 
 
 1,581,355 
 1 ,639,348 
 1,350,129 
 1,382,156 
 
 486,005 
 568,181 
 594,690 
 555,694 
 
 8,506,006 
 10,116,196 
 11,906,026 
 12,469,252 
 
 4,791,222 
 - 5,905,640 
 6,509,554 
 
 7,267,058 
 
 15,364,788 
 
 18,229,365 
 20,300,399 
 21,074,160 
 
 1884.. 
 
 22,823,329 13,606,586 
 
 3,082,499,986 
 
 0.740 
 
 0.441 
 
 0.299 
 
 1,293,700 
 
 331,069 
 
 13,330,714 
 
 7,428,342 
 
 22,583,825 
 
 1885.. 
 
 20,804,493 
 
 12,988,363 
 
 3.318,466,263 
 
 O.H27 
 
 0.391 
 
 0.236 
 
 1,684,671 
 
 572,509 
 
 13,884,492 
 
 7,905,356 
 
 24,047,028 
 
 1886.. 
 
 23,820,302 
 
 14,373,047 
 
 3,399,769,583 0.695 
 
 0.423 
 
 0.272 
 
 1,540,210 
 
 638,2(52 
 
 14,595,636 
 
 9.040,840 
 
 26,420,948 
 
 1887.. 
 
 26,720,015 
 
 10,850,382 3,957,601,512 O.G70 
 
 0.420 
 
 0.244 
 
 1,555,536 
 
 75;>,!)L>4 
 
 17,561,375 
 
 10,970,800 
 
 30,847,635 
 
212 
 
 tf Jhi 
 
 > -* <3 
 
 3 ^ ^ 
 
 o <i> ei 
 
 .3 S3 
 
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218 
 
 Statement showing the number of horses and value of the same; the number of 
 oxen and other cattle and value of the same, and the number of swine and 
 value of the same in the United States for each year from 1865 to 1887, inclu- 
 sive : 
 
 
 J1L 
 
 raes. 
 
 v_>Aii aiiu 
 
 juicr v, ill ue. 
 
 ow 
 
 me. 
 
 Year. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Value. 
 
 
 
 | 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 8 
 
 1865.. .. . 
 
 3,899,019 
 
 326,885,813 
 
 6,895,324 
 
 210,778,136 
 
 13,616,876 
 
 120,073,158 
 
 1866 
 
 5,401,263 
 
 429,271,818 
 
 11,730,952 
 
 249,351,682 
 
 24,693,534 
 
 134,111.424 
 
 1807 
 
 5,756,940 
 
 432,696,226 
 
 11,942,484 
 
 249,144,599 
 
 24,317,258 
 
 110,766,266 
 
 1868 
 
 6,332 7.93 
 
 533,024,787 
 
 12,185,385 
 
 306,211,473 
 
 23,316,476 
 
 146,188.755 
 
 1809.. 
 
 8,248',800 
 
 671,319,461 
 
 15,388,500 
 
 346,926,440 
 
 26,751,400 
 
 187,191,502 
 
 1870 
 
 8,702,000 
 
 683,257,587 
 
 16,212,200 
 
 369,940,056 
 
 29,457,500 
 
 182,602,352 
 
 1871 . 
 
 8,990,900 
 
 659,707,916 
 
 16,389,800 
 
 321,562,693 
 
 31,796,300 
 
 138,733,828 
 
 1872 
 
 9 222,470 
 
 684,463,957 
 
 16,413,800 
 
 329,298,755 
 
 32 632 050 
 
 133,729,615 
 
 1873 
 
 9,'333,800 
 
 666,927,406 
 
 16,218,100 
 
 310,649,803 
 
 30,860,900 
 
 134^565^526 
 
 1874 
 
 9,504,200 
 
 646,370,939 
 
 16,313,400 
 
 304,858,859 
 
 28,062,200 
 
 149,869.234 
 
 1875 
 
 9,735,300 
 
 632,446,985 
 
 16,785,300 
 
 319,623,509 
 
 25,726,800 
 
 175,070,484 
 
 187(5 
 
 10,155,400 
 
 610,206,631 
 
 17,956,100 
 
 307,105,386 
 
 28,077,100 
 
 171,077,196 
 
 1877 
 
 10,329,700 
 
 600,813,681 
 
 19,223,300 
 
 329,541,703 
 
 32,262,500 
 
 160,838,532 
 
 187* 
 
 10,938,700 
 
 573,254,808 
 
 21,408,100 
 
 329.543,327 
 
 34,766,100 
 
 110,613,044 
 
 1879. .. . 
 
 11,201,800 
 
 613,296,611 
 
 21,231,000 
 
 341.761,154 
 
 34,034,100 
 
 147), 781. 515 
 
 1880. .. . 
 
 11,429,626 
 
 667,954,325 
 
 20,937,702 
 
 362,861,509 
 
 36,247,603 
 
 J 70. 535,435 
 
 1881. .. . 
 
 10,521,554 
 
 615,824.914 
 
 23,280,238 
 
 463,069,499 
 
 44,122,200 
 
 203.543,195 
 
 1882 .. . 
 
 10,838,111 
 
 765,041,308 
 
 28,046,077 
 
 611,549,109 
 
 43,270,086 
 
 291,951.221 
 
 1883. .. 
 
 11,169,683 
 
 833,734,400 
 
 29,046,101 
 
 683,229,054 
 
 44,200,893 
 
 240,301,139 
 
 18.S4. .. . 
 
 11,564,572 
 
 852,282,947 
 
 29,866,573 
 
 694,382,913 
 
 45,142,657 
 
 226,401,683 
 
 1885. .. . 
 
 12,077,657 
 
 860,823,208 
 
 31,275,242 
 
 661,956,274 
 
 46,092,043 
 
 l',)(;,r,c,'.i.s',)4 
 
 1886. .. . 
 
 12,496,744 
 
 901,685,755 
 
 33,511,750 
 
 663,137,926 
 
 44,612,836 
 
 200,043,291 
 
 1887 
 
 13,172,936 
 
 946,096,154 
 
 34,378,363 
 
 611,750,520 
 
 44,346,525 
 
 220.811,082 
 
 Statement showing the quantity and value of exports of wheat and Indian corn 
 from the United States from 1865 to 1887, inclusive; also the value of animals 
 and products of animals exported in the same period : 
 
 Year. 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 Wheat Flour. 
 
 Corn. 
 
 Corn Meal. 
 
 Value of 
 Wheat and 
 
 Value of 
 Animals and 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Indian Corn. 
 
 Product flf 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Animals. 
 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 Barrels. 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 Barrels. 
 
 s 
 
 $ 
 
 1865.... 
 
 9,937,876 
 
 2,641,298 
 
 2,818,495 
 
 199,540 
 
 53,941,231 
 
 54,015,841 
 
 1800.... 
 
 5,579,103 
 
 2,183,050 
 
 13,616,651 
 
 237,875 
 
 41,249,054 
 
 L'9,i'.r3,70 
 
 1867.... 
 
 6,146,411 
 
 1.300,106 
 
 14,889,823 
 
 284,281 
 
 41,288,804 
 
 27,224.000 
 
 1868.... 
 
 15,940,899 
 
 2,076,423 
 
 11,147,490 
 
 336,508 
 
 69,024,059 
 
 31.078.59S 
 
 1869.... 
 
 17,557,836 
 
 2,431,873 
 
 7,047,197 
 
 309,867 
 
 53,724,154 
 
 30.326,781 
 
 1870.... 
 
 36,584,115 
 
 3,463,333 
 
 1,392,115 
 
 187,093 
 
 72,250,933 
 
 30,992,305 
 
 1871.... 
 
 34,310,906 
 
 3,653,841 
 
 9,826,309 
 
 211,811 
 
 79,381,187 
 
 39,748.796 
 
 1872.... 
 
 26,423,080 
 
 2,514,535 
 
 34,491,650 
 
 308,840 
 
 84,586,273 
 
 64,306,139 
 
 1873.... 
 
 39,204,2-85 
 
 2,562,086 
 
 38,541,930 
 
 403,111 
 
 98,743,151 
 
 82,911,600 
 
 1874.... 
 
 71,039,928 
 
 4,094,094 
 
 34,434.000 
 
 387,807 
 
 101,198,864 
 
 83,511,275 
 
 1875.... 
 
 53,047,177 
 
 3,973,128 
 
 28,858,420 
 
 291,654 
 
 111,458,265 
 
 83,100,005 
 
 1876.... 
 
 55,073,122 
 
 3,935,512 
 
 49,493,572 
 
 354,240 
 
 131,181,555 
 
 92,325,308 
 
 1877.... 
 
 40,325,611 
 
 3,343,665 
 
 70,860,983 
 
 447,907' 
 
 117,806,476 
 
 118,579,070 
 
 1878.... 
 
 72,404,961 
 
 3,947,333 
 
 85,461,098 
 
 432,753 
 
 181,777,841 
 
 124.845,137 
 
 1879.... 
 
 122,353,936 
 
 5,629,714 
 
 86,296,252 
 
 397,160 
 
 210,355,528 
 
 119,857,692 
 
 1880.... 
 
 153,252,795 
 
 0,011,419 
 
 88,169,877 
 
 350,613 
 
 288,036,835 
 
 132,488.201 
 
 1881.... 
 
 150,565,477 
 
 7,945,786 
 
 91,908,175 
 
 434,993 
 
 270,332,519 
 
 156.809,840 
 
 1882.... 
 
 95,271,802 
 
 5,915,686 
 
 43,184,915 
 
 288,942 
 
 182,670,528 
 
 122.020,530 
 
 1883.... 
 
 106,385,828 
 
 9,205,004 
 
 40,586,825 
 
 267,207 
 
 208,040,850 
 
 109,217.119 
 
 1884.... 
 
 70,349,012 
 
 9,152,200 
 
 45,247,490 
 
 252,779 
 
 162,544,715 
 
 114,353,788 
 
 1885.... 
 
 84,653,714 
 
 10,648,145 
 
 51,834,416 
 
 200,510 
 
 160,370,821 
 
 107,332,456 
 
 1886.... 
 
 57,759,209 
 
 8,179.241 
 
 0::. 055,433 
 
 293,546 
 
 125,840,558 
 
 90,625,216 
 
 1887.... 
 
 101,971,949 
 
 11,518,449 
 
 40,307,252 
 
 205,333 
 
 105,768,602 
 
 92,783.200 
 
219 
 
 Statement showing the number of bushels of Indian corn, the gross value of the 
 same, and value per bushel produced in the United States each year from 
 1S65 to 1887, inclusive ; 
 
 1 ' 
 
 
 
 WHEAT. 
 
 CORN. 
 
 
 
 
 Value 1 
 
 
 
 Value 
 
 Year. 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 Value. 
 
 per 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 Value. 
 
 per 
 
 
 
 
 Bushel. 
 
 
 
 Bushel. 
 
 
 
 $ 
 
 cts. 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 cts. 
 
 1865., 
 
 148,522,829 
 
 217,330,195 
 
 146.3 
 
 704,427,853 
 
 324,168,698 
 
 40.0 
 
 1866.. 
 
 151,999,900 
 
 333,773,646 
 
 219.5 
 
 807,945,295 
 
 591,600,295 
 
 08.2 
 
 1807.. 
 
 212,441,400 
 
 421,796,400 
 
 198.5 
 
 768,320,000 
 
 610,948,390 
 
 80.0 
 
 18G8.. 
 
 224,036,000 
 
 319,195,290 
 
 142.4 
 
 906,527,000 
 
 569,512,460 
 
 02.8 
 
 1869.. 
 
 260,146,900 
 
 244,924,120 
 
 94.1 
 
 874,320.000 
 
 658.532,700 
 
 75.3 
 
 1870.. 
 
 235,884,700 
 
 245,865,045 
 
 104.2 
 
 1,094,255,000 
 
 601,839,030 
 
 54.9 
 
 1871.. 
 
 230,722,400 
 
 290,411.820* 
 
 125.8 
 
 991,898,000 
 
 478,275,900 
 
 48.2 
 
 1872.. 
 
 249,997,100 
 
 310.180,375 
 
 124.0 
 
 1,092,719,000 
 
 435,149,290 
 
 39.8 
 
 1873.. 
 
 281,254,700 
 
 323,594,805 
 
 115.0 
 
 932,274,000 
 
 447,183,020 
 
 48.0 
 
 1874.. 
 
 308,102.700 
 
 291,107,895 
 
 94.1 
 
 850,148,500 
 
 550,043,080 
 
 64.7 
 
 1875.. 
 
 292,136,000 
 
 294,580,990 
 
 100.0 
 
 1.321,069,000 
 
 555,445,930 
 
 42.0 
 
 1876.. 
 
 289,356,500 
 
 300,259,300 
 
 103.7 
 
 1,283,827,500 
 
 475,491,210 
 
 37.0 
 
 1877.. 
 
 304,194,146 
 
 394,695,779 
 
 108.2 
 
 1,342,558,000 
 
 480,643,400 
 
 35.8 
 
 1878.. 
 
 420,122,400 
 
 326,346,424 
 
 77.7 
 
 1,388,218,750 
 
 441,153,405 
 
 31.8 
 
 1879.. 
 
 448,756,630 
 
 497,030,142 
 
 110.8 
 
 1,547,901,790 
 
 580,486,217 
 
 37.5 
 
 1880.. 
 
 498,549,868 
 
 474,201,850 
 
 95.1 
 
 1,717,434,543 
 
 679,714,499 
 
 39.6 
 
 1881.. 
 
 383,280,090 
 
 456,880,427 
 
 119.3 
 
 1,194.916,000 
 
 759,482,170 
 
 63.6 
 
 1882.. 
 
 504,185,470 
 
 444,602,125 
 
 88.2 
 
 1,617,025,100 
 
 783,867,175 
 
 48.5 
 
 1883.. 
 
 421,086,160 
 
 383,049,272 
 
 91.0 
 
 1,551,066,895 
 
 658,051,485 
 
 42.0 
 
 1884.. 
 
 512,765,000 
 
 330,862,260 
 
 65.0 
 
 1,795,528,000 
 
 640,735,500 
 
 36.0 
 
 1885.. 
 
 357,112,000 
 
 275,320,390 
 
 77.0 
 
 1,936,176,000 
 
 635,674,630 
 
 33.0 
 
 1886.. 
 
 457,218,000 
 
 314,226,020 
 
 68.7 \\ 1,665,441",000 
 
 610,311,000 
 
 36.6 
 
 Statement showing the number of bushels of oats, the value of the same, the 
 value per bushel, and the total number of bushels of cereals of all kinds and 
 value of the same produced in the United States each year from 1865 to 1SS7, 
 inclusive : 
 
 
 
 OATS. 
 
 
 CEREALS OF j 
 
 LLL KlXDS. 
 
 Yenr. 
 
 Biishels. 
 
 Value. 
 
 Value 
 per 
 Bushel. 
 
 Bushels. 
 
 Value. 
 
 
 
 $ 
 
 cts. 
 
 
 1 
 
 1805... 
 
 225,252,295 
 
 93,745,314 
 
 41.0 
 
 ,127,469,187 
 
 684,981,109 
 
 1866... 
 1867... 
 
 268,141,077 
 278,698,000 
 
 135,255,326 
 172,472,970 
 
 50.4 
 61.9 
 
 ,342,027,868 
 ,329,729,400 
 
 1,118,904,376 
 1,284.037,300 
 
 1808... 
 
 254,960,800 
 
 142,484,910 
 
 55.9 
 
 ,450,788,400 
 
 1,110,50(1,583 
 
 1869... 
 
 288,334,000 
 
 137,347,900 
 
 47.6 
 
 ,491,412,100 
 
 1,101,884,188 
 
 1870... 
 
 247,277,400 
 
 107,136,710 
 
 43.3 
 
 ,629,027,600 
 
 997,423,018 
 
 1871... 
 
 255,743,000 
 
 102,570,030 
 
 40.1 
 
 1,528,776,100 
 
 911,845,441 
 
 18T2... 
 
 271,747,000 
 
 91,315,710 
 
 33.6 
 
 1,664,331,600 
 
 874,594,459 
 
 1873... 
 1874... 
 
 1875... 
 1870... 
 1877... 
 187S... 
 
 270,340,000 
 240,369,000 
 354,317,500 
 320,884,000 
 400,394,000 
 413,578,560 
 
 101.175,750 
 125,047,530 
 129,499,930 
 112,865,900 
 118,661,550 
 101,945,830 
 
 37.4 
 52.0 
 36.5 
 35.1 
 29.2 
 24.6 
 
 1,538,892,891 
 1,454,180,200 
 2,032,235,300 
 1,962,822,100 
 2,178,934,646 
 2,302,254,950 
 
 919,217,273 
 1,015,530,570 
 1,030,277,099 
 935,008,844 
 1,035,571,078 
 913,975,920 
 
 1 8 7 9 ... 
 
 363,761,320 
 
 120,533,294 
 
 33.1 
 
 2,437,482,300 
 
 1,245,127.719 
 
 1880... 
 
 417,885,380 
 
 150,243,565 
 
 36.0 
 
 2,718,193,501 
 
 1,361,497,704 
 
 1881... 
 1882... 
 1883... 
 L884... 
 
 416,481,000 
 488,250,610 
 571,302,400 
 583,028,000 
 
 193,198,970 
 182,978,022 
 187,040,264 
 161,528,470 
 
 46.4 
 37.5 
 32.7 
 28.0 
 
 2,066,029,570 
 2,699,394.496 
 2,629,319,089 
 2,992,880,000 
 
 1,470,957,200 
 1,468,693,393 
 1,280,765,927 
 1,184.311.520 
 
 1885.... 
 1886.... 
 
 629,409,000 
 624,134,000 
 
 179,631,860 
 186,137,930 
 
 29.0 
 29.8 
 
 3,015.439.000 
 2,842,579,000 
 
 1,143,146,759 
 1,162,161,910 
 
220 
 
 Statement showing the average value of gold for the calendar year, in United 
 States notes, and the average value of middling cotton, standard sheetings, 
 standard drillings, bleached sheetings, standard prints, printing cloths, anthra- 
 cite coal, and Bessemer steel rails, for each year from 1866 to 1887, inclu- 
 sive : 
 
 Year. 
 
 Value of 
 Gold. 
 
 Standard 
 sheetings 
 per yard. 
 
 Standard 
 drillings 
 per yard. 
 
 Bleached 
 sheetings 
 per yard. 
 
 Standard 
 per yard. 
 
 * bc& 
 
 S 
 
 >>' n'2 
 .S5 o3 
 
 ^ Q ^* 
 
 SD jj 
 
 Anthracite 
 coal per ton. 
 
 Bessemer 
 rails 
 per ton. 
 
 1866 
 
 140 
 
 eta. 
 
 38.04 
 
 cts. 
 37 33 
 
 cts. 
 49.58 
 
 cts. 
 29 00 
 
 cts. 
 20 24 
 
 $5 80 
 
 
 1867 
 
 138 
 
 24.31 
 
 25.14 
 
 45.90 
 
 21.15 
 
 14.13 
 
 4.37 
 
 $166.00 
 
 1868 .. .. 
 
 140 
 
 18.28 
 
 18 79 
 
 35 21 
 
 16 58 
 
 9 12 
 
 3 86 
 
 158 50 
 
 1869 
 
 136 
 
 16 79 
 
 16 49 
 
 26 65 
 
 13 83 
 
 8 18 
 
 5 31 
 
 132 25 
 
 1870 .. 
 
 115 
 
 16.19 
 
 16.49 
 
 2479 
 
 14 00 
 
 8 30 
 
 4 39 
 
 106 75 
 
 1871 
 
 112 
 
 14 58 
 
 14 98 
 
 22 50 
 
 12 41 
 
 7 14 
 
 446 
 
 102 50 
 
 1872 
 
 113 
 
 13.00 
 
 13.64 
 
 20.83 
 
 * 11 62 
 
 7 41 
 
 3 74 
 
 112 00 
 
 J873 
 
 112 
 
 14 27 
 
 15 14 
 
 20 66 
 
 12 00 
 
 7 88 
 
 4 27 
 
 120 50 
 
 1874 
 
 114 
 
 13.31 
 
 14.13 
 
 19 41 
 
 11 37 
 
 6 69 
 
 4 55 
 
 94 25 
 
 1875 
 
 110 
 
 11 42 
 
 11 75 
 
 18 04 
 
 9 75 
 
 5 57 
 
 4 39 
 
 68 75 
 
 1876. .. 
 
 105 
 
 10 41 
 
 11.12 
 
 15.12 
 
 8 71 
 
 5 33 
 
 3 87 
 
 59 25 
 
 1877 
 
 102 
 
 8 85 
 
 8 71 
 
 13 58 
 
 7 06 
 
 4 10 
 
 2 59 
 
 45 50 
 
 1878 .... . 
 1879 . 
 1880 
 
 101 
 100 
 100 
 
 8.46 
 7.80 
 7.97 
 
 8.46 
 7.65 
 7.57 
 
 12.46 
 11.00 
 11.62 
 
 6.77 
 6.09 
 6 25 
 
 4.38 
 3.44 
 3 93 
 
 3.22 
 2.70 
 4 58 
 
 42.25 
 48.25 
 67.50 
 
 1881 
 
 100 
 
 8.51 
 
 8 51 
 
 12 74 
 
 7 41 
 
 4 51 
 
 4 53 
 
 61 13 
 
 1882 
 
 100 
 
 8.51 
 
 a8.06 
 
 12.74 
 
 7 00 
 
 3.95 
 
 4.61 
 
 48.50 
 
 1883 
 
 100 
 
 8.45 
 
 a 8 25 
 
 12 95 
 
 6 50 
 
 3 76 
 
 4 54 
 
 37 75 
 
 1884 
 
 100 
 
 8.32 
 
 a7.11 
 
 12.93 
 
 6.00 
 
 3.60 
 
 4.42 
 
 30.75 
 
 1885 
 
 100 
 
 7.28 
 
 a6 86 
 
 10 46 
 
 6 00 
 
 3 36 
 
 4 10 
 
 28 50 
 
 1886 
 
 100 
 
 6 75 
 
 a6 36 / 
 
 10 37 
 
 6 00 
 
 3 12 
 
 4 00 
 
 34 50 
 
 1887. . 
 
 100 
 
 6 75 
 
 a6 25 ' 
 
 10 65 
 
 6 00 
 
 3 31 
 
 405 
 
 37 08 
 
 
 
 
 >mv : \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Statement showing the average value of gold for the calendar year, in United 
 States notes, and the average value of Indian corn, wheat, flour, cotton, and 
 leather, mineral oils, pork (salted), beef (salted), and of refined sugar, for 
 the years ending June 30th, for each year from 1865 to 1887, inclusive : 
 
 Year ending 
 June 30. 
 
 o . 
 
 
 Corn per 
 bushel. 
 
 ii 
 
 si 
 
 S 
 
 Ii 
 
 OP, 
 
 P 
 
 Mineral oils, 
 refined, 
 per gal. 
 
 Pork,salted, 
 per pound. 
 
 Beef, salted, 
 per pound. 
 
 be a; o 
 3 P, 
 00 ft 
 
 1865 . 
 
 cts. 
 157 
 
 cts. 
 1.308 
 
 cts. 
 1 952 
 
 10.412 
 
 cts. 
 
 76 8 
 
 cts. 
 40 2 
 
 cts. 
 74 3 
 
 cts. 
 16.4 
 
 cts. 
 12.2 
 
 cts. 
 20 1 
 
 1866 
 1867 
 1868 
 
 140 
 138 
 140 
 
 .819 
 1.000 
 1 175 
 
 1.406 
 1.272 
 
 1 897 
 
 8.427 
 8.849 
 10 069 
 
 43.2 
 30.5 
 19 5 
 
 29.5 
 34.6 
 24 3 
 
 54.2 
 35.8 
 29 4 
 
 15.9 
 13.1 
 11 4 
 
 14.5 
 12.2 
 11 9 
 
 16.3 
 10.4 
 14 1 
 
 1869 
 
 136 
 
 .968 
 
 1.388 
 
 7 736 
 
 25.2 
 
 (t) 
 
 32 7 
 
 14.0 
 
 08.9 
 
 15 
 
 1870 
 
 115 
 
 925 
 
 1 289 
 
 6 112 
 
 23 7 
 
 285 
 
 30 5 
 
 13 2 
 
 07 3 
 
 12 6 
 
 1871 
 1872 
 1873 
 
 112 
 113 
 
 112 
 
 .759 
 .695 
 .6L8 
 
 1.316 
 1.473 
 1 312 
 
 6.594 
 7.109 
 7.565 
 
 14.9 
 19.4 
 18.9 
 
 25.3 
 23.7 
 25 3 
 
 25.7 
 24.9 
 23.5 
 
 10.9 
 07.2 
 07.8 
 
 08.7 
 07.0 
 07.7 
 
 13.2 
 12.6 
 11.6 
 
 1874 
 1875 
 
 114 
 110 
 
 .719 
 848 
 
 1.428 
 1 124 
 
 7.144 
 5 968 
 
 15.6 
 15 1 
 
 25.2 
 26 
 
 17.3 
 14 1 
 
 08.2 
 10 1 
 
 08.2 
 08 7 
 
 10.5 
 10 8 
 
 1876 
 
 105 
 
 672 
 
 1 242 
 
 6 216 
 
 12 9 
 
 26 2 
 
 14.0 
 
 10.6 
 
 08.7 
 
 10 7 
 
 1877 
 
 102 
 
 .587 
 
 1.169 
 
 6.488 
 
 11.8 
 
 23.9 
 
 21.1 
 
 09.0 
 
 07.5 
 
 11.6 
 
 1878 
 
 101 
 
 .562 
 
 1 338 
 
 6 358 
 
 11 2 
 
 21 8 
 
 14.4 
 
 06 8 
 
 07.7 
 
 10.2 
 
 1879 
 
 100 
 
 .471 
 
 1.068 
 
 5.252 
 
 10.0 
 
 20.4 
 
 10.8 
 
 05.7 
 
 06.3 
 
 08.5 
 
 1880 
 1881 
 
 100 
 100 
 
 .543 
 552 
 
 1.245 
 1 114 
 
 5.878 
 5 668 
 
 11.6 
 11 3 
 
 23.3 
 22 6 
 
 08.6 
 10 3 
 
 06.1 
 
 07 7 
 
 06.4 
 06.5 
 
 09.0 
 09 2 
 
 18S2... 
 
 100 
 
 .668 
 
 1.185 
 
 6.149 
 
 11.5 
 
 20.9 
 
 09.1 
 
 09.0 
 
 08.5 
 
 09.7 
 
 1883 
 
 100 
 
 684 
 
 1 127 
 
 5 955 
 
 10 9 
 
 21 1 
 
 08 8 
 
 09 9 
 
 08 9 
 
 09.2 
 
 1884 
 1885 
 1886 
 
 100 
 100 
 100 
 
 .611 
 .540 
 498 
 
 1.066 
 .862 
 870 
 
 5.588 
 4.897 
 4 699 
 
 10.6 
 10.7 
 10 
 
 20.6 
 19.8 
 19 9 
 
 09.2 
 08.7 
 08 7 
 
 07.9 
 07.2 
 05 9 
 
 07.6 
 
 07.5 
 06 
 
 07.1 
 06.4 
 06 7 
 
 1887 
 
 100 
 
 .479 
 
 .890 
 
 4.510 
 
 09.5 
 
 18.7 
 
 08.1 
 
 06.6 
 
 05.4 
 
 06.0 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
221 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ADAMS, John Quincy, 48, 49. 
 
 Agricultural products, increase of, 160. 
 
 Alabama, Secession of, 151. 
 
 Albany Regency, 48. 
 
 Alien and Sedition Laws, 125. 
 
 American Iron and Steel Asso., 156. 
 
 Australia, Tariff Laws of, 22. 
 
 BANK of the United States, 41, 45, 62, 71, 
 
 73, 77-80, 83. 
 
 Banks and public moneys, 197. 
 Banks, State, 77, 99, 145. 
 Banks, National, 165. 
 Banks, Savings, 182. 
 Bell, John, 87. 
 Benton, Thomas H., 73. 
 Board of Trade, English, 3. 
 Brougham, Lord, 25, 28. 
 Buchanan, James, 148, 151. 
 Burke, Edmund, on taxation, 8, 9; on 
 
 Stamp Act, 13. 
 
 CABBEL, John C., 57. 
 
 Calhoun, John C., 25; on Protection, 26; 
 
 on Internal Improvements, 30, 31 ; 
 
 on incendiary mail matter, 122. 
 Cattle, increase of, 159. 
 Child, Sir Josiah, 2. 
 
 Clay, Henry, on the Tariff, 88 ; on Com- 
 promise Bill of, 91 ; allusions to, 25, 
 
 37, 48, 50, 140. 
 Cleveland, President, no; message of, on 
 
 the Tariff, 189; letter of, 194; letter 
 
 of acceptance of, 201. 
 Coal, production of, 157. 
 Colonies, suppres'n of manufactures in, 2. 
 Compromise Bill, 91, 94, 119, 138, 140, 
 
 142, 170. 
 
 Continental Congress, 14, 15. 
 Crawford, Geo. W., 48, 78, 80. 
 
 DALLAS, Geo. M., Vice-President, 139. 
 
 Davis, Jefferson, no. 
 
 Davis, John, 87, 118. 
 
 Debt of the United States, 191. 
 
 Debt, Revolutionary War, 14. 
 
 Democratic party, origin of, 117. 
 
 Democracy, character of, 117, 120, 121, 
 146, 161, 178, 187. 
 
 Democratic Conventions of 1835, II 9> i 
 1840, 124, 135; of 1848, 135; of 1849, 
 136; of 1852, 136; of 1860, 148. 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 148. 
 
 Duane, Mr., Secretary of Treasury, in. 
 
 EMBARGO, Act of, 24, 33. 
 
 England, Colonial Policy of, 13, 6, 23. 
 
 Era of good feeling, 43, 45. 
 
 Erie Canal, 39, 41, 155. 
 
 Exports of United States, 17, 25, 167. 
 
 FARM animals, increase of, 160. 
 Federal party, 114. 
 
 Fellows, John R., 194. 
 Financial crisis of 1837, 102; of 1857,145. 
 Florida, secession of, 151. 
 Foot, S. A., resolutions of, 67. 
 Force Bill, 94. 
 
 Free Trade, English, 23, 143, 170, 181, 
 195- 
 
 GALLATIN, Albert, 78, 80. 
 
 Georgia, resolutions of, 64; protest of, 
 
 66; secession of, 151. 
 Granger, Francis, speech of, 144. 
 Grant, General, 149. 
 
 HAMILTON, Alexander, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, 21 ; Report of, 21, 22, 33, 
 61, 141, 142, 151. 
 
 Harrisburg, Convention of, 1818, 34. 
 
 Hatters, Company of, in London, 6. 
 
 Hayne, Robert Y., 67, 134, 197. 
 
 Horses, increase of, 159. 
 
 Houston, Sam, 112, 113, 114. 
 
 IMMIGRATION, statistics, 182. 
 Imports into U. S., 17, 25, 167. 
 Indian corn, increased production of, 158. 
 Indiana, resolution of State Senate, 55. 
 Internal Improvements, 30, 38. 
 Iron, tons of, 164; value of, 157. 
 
 JACKSON, Andrew, 35 ; on the Tariff, 36 ; 
 on Internal Improvements, 55; in- 
 augural address of, 62 ; annual address 
 of, 71, no; attacks the United States 
 Bank, 72, 80, 99; vetoes appropria- 
 tion bills, 82 ; proclamation by, 94 ; 
 political principles of, 96; vetoes 
 charter of the U. S. Bank, in; 
 approves Houston's attack on Stan- 
 berry, 114; valedictory, 132. 
 
 Jay, John, letter of Washington to, 16. 
 
 Jefferson, Thos., 28, 48, 61, 82, 115, 128. 
 
 KANE, Mr., of Pennsylvania, 140. 
 Kansas, struggle in, 148. 
 Kentucky Resolutions, 45, 67, 69, 128; 
 Banks in, 79. 
 
 LABOR, high price of in America, 6, 179. 
 Leonard, trial of, 1 5. 
 Louisiana, secession of, 151. 
 Lowndes, Mr., of South Carolina, 25. 
 
 McDuFFiE, George, 86. 
 
 McLane, Mr., Secretary of Treasury, 85. 
 
 Madison, James, introduces Tariff Bill, 
 18 ; letters to Cabbel, 58 ; article by, 
 70; letter on U. S. Bank, 76; on 
 -Alien and Sedition Laws, 125; Re- 
 port on the Virginia Resolutions, 
 129, 131; references to, 42, 48, 57, 
 61, 7C 81, 115, 151. 
 
222 
 
 Mallary, Mr., speech of, 51. 
 
 Massachusetts, Colonial Manufactures in, 
 4, industries of, 163; Savings Banks 
 of, 182, 185. 
 
 Mississippi, Planters' Bank of, 104 ; Union 
 Bank of, 105; State bonds of, 105; 
 repudiation of, 106, 135; wildcat cur- 
 rency of, 146, 162; secession of, 151. 
 
 Monroe, James, 115. 
 
 Morrill, T. S., of Vermont, speech of, 152. 
 
 Mugwumps, 194. 
 
 NATIONAL Dem. Convention, first, 116. 
 
 National Debt, 150. 
 
 Navigation Act, 7. 
 
 New England, Colonial Manufactures in, 
 
 3 ; Savings Banks of, 184. 
 N. Hampshire, Colonial Manufactures, 4. 
 New Jersey, Colonial Manufactures in, 5. 
 New York, Colonial Manufactures in, 3 ; 
 
 Patriotic Society of, 12; Savings 
 
 Banks in, 184. 
 Nicoll, Delancey, 194. 
 Non-importation societies, 9. 
 Non-intercourse, Act of, 24, 33. 
 North, Lord, 13. 
 Nullification, ordinance of, 89, 143. 
 
 PACIFIC Railroads, 41. 
 
 Parliamentry Acts relating to colonies, 13. 
 
 Pennsylvania, Colonial Manufactures of, 
 3 ; canals, 41 ; railroads of, 163, 186, 
 187, 189. 
 
 Pierce, Franklin, 148. 
 
 Polk, James K., 139; letter of, to Mr. 
 Kane, 140, 143. 
 
 Population of United States, 153. 
 
 Portland and Louisville Canal Co., 82. 
 
 Products of animals, 158. 
 
 Protection of Manufactures, first Act for, 
 18, 20; allusions to, 45, 50; Madison 
 on, 60 ; encouragement of, by towns, 
 173; benefits of, 175, 178, 180. 
 
 Public Lands, Resolutions on, 67. 
 
 RAILROADS, mileage and tonnage o*, 153, 
 160, 164, 167, 176; charges of, 177; 
 value of tonnage of, 155, 176. 
 
 Randolph, John, 26, 45, 47, 50, 63. 
 
 Republican, name of, 43, 48, 50, 114. 
 
 Republicanism, 188. 
 
 SAVINGS Banks, 182 ; statistics of, 185. 
 
 Sedition Laws, 125. 
 
 Sharp, Jake, 194. 
 
 Sheep, increase in, 1 59. 
 
 Slavery, influence of, 44, 187. 
 
 Society for Promotion of Arts, Agricul- 
 ture, and Economy, of N. Y., 1764, 10. 
 
 South Carolina, Resolutions of, 63 ; pro- 
 test against the Tariff Act, 64 ; nulli- 
 fication of, 88 ; Compromise Act, 123 ; 
 history of, 91 ; secession of, 151. 
 
 Specie Circular, 1836, 101. 
 
 Specie Payments, suspension of, 1837, 
 10251857,145; 
 
 Stanberry, William, of Ohio, assault on 
 by Houston, in. 
 
 Stamp Act of 1765, 12. 
 
 Statistical tables of population, railroad 
 mileage, etc., 164; of imports and ex- 
 ports, 167 ; of production of steel, 
 174; of wages in Europe and the 
 United States, 180; of immigration, 
 182; of savings banks, 185; of U. S. 
 debt, 191. 
 
 Steel rails, production of, 174 et seq. 
 
 Stevenson, Andrew, of Virginia, 50, 51 ; 
 speech on the Tariff, 53 et seq., 1 20. 
 
 Swine, increase in, 159. 
 
 TAMMANY HALL, 48 ; 194. 
 
 Taney, Roger B., argument of, on slav- 
 ery, 43; allusions to, 98, in, 
 
 Tariff, the, 55, 71, 84. 
 
 Tariff, Act of 1789, 18 et seq., 32 ; of 
 1816, 25 et seq., 32 et seq.\ Acts of 
 1794, 1795, of 1800, 1804, 1807, and 
 1808,32; Act of 1819,34; of 1824, 
 34 etseq^ 71 ; Act of 1828, 51 et seq., 
 57, 64, 71 ; provisions of, 61 ; Act of 
 1832, 84; provisions of, 85 et seq., 
 Act of 1842, 139, 145; of 1846, 143 
 et seq.; of 1857, 144, 151; of l86l, 
 152; of 1862, 1 52; of 1864, 152; Cleve- 
 land on, 189. 
 
 Tea, tax on, 13. 
 
 Tennessee, 113. 
 
 Texas, 113; Secession of, 151, 186. 
 
 Thompson, Take, of Mississippi, speech 
 of, 1 08 et seq. 
 
 Tod, Mr., of Pennsylvania, speech of, 34. 
 
 Trade of United States, foreign and do- 
 mestic, 169 et seq. 
 
 Troup, Governor of Georgia, 63. 
 
 VAN BUREN, Martin, nominated for Vice- 
 President, 1832, 116; correspondence 
 with, 117; nominated for President, 
 1835, 119. 
 
 Verplanck, Mr., of New York, 84. 
 
 Virginia, letter from, 1764, 9 ; Resolutions 
 of 1798, 63, 67, 69, 97, 137, 129, 189; 
 Increased tonnage of railroads, 189. 
 
 WAGES, Statistics of, 180. 
 
 Walker, Robert J., Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, 141. 
 
 "War of 1812, 24. 
 
 Washington, George, letter to Jay, 16; 
 recommends meeting of Commission- 
 ers, 17 ; first and second message of, 
 20; letter to Chastellux, 39; Presi- 
 dent of Ohio Canal Company, 40; 
 communication to Governor of Vir- 
 ginia, 40 ; on Virginia and Kentucky 
 Resolutions, letter to, 130; allusions 
 to, 19, 38, 48, 61, 68, 73, 126, 151. 
 
 Washington Turnpike Company, 82. 
 
 Webster, D., 35 ; reply to Hayne, 68 et sf?. 
 
 Wheat, increased production of, 158. 
 
 Wilde, Mr., Speech on Protection, 87. 
 
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