UC-NRLF 
 
 B 3 512 flfi3 
 
Satire in the 
 Early English Drama 
 
 By 
 Eva M. Campbell 
 
 COLUMBUS, OHIO: 
 THE F. J. HEER PRINTING CO. 
 
 1914 
 
X 
 
*\1 
 
 c 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Though numerous references have been made to the satirical 
 character of many of the plays of our Early English Drama be- 
 fore 1600, no work exists which shows in detail this informal 
 dramatic satire. It is hoped that this dissertation will be use- 
 ful with its instances of early informal satire taken from the 
 miracles, moralities, and interludes of the period 1450 to 1600 
 in showing : ( i ) the place satire holds in the early drama — a 
 place to become exceedingly prominent in the Elizabethan Drama, 
 especially in the plays of Ben Jonson ; (2) the relation of this 
 satire to the subject-matter and the purpose of the plays; (3) 
 the methods, tone, type, and the objects of attack of this satire; 
 
 (4) a reflection of the manners or social traits of the period; 
 
 (5) a comparison of this informal dramatic satire with the in- 
 formal satire occurring in other literary forms of the period, 
 and with the informal dramatic satire of Elizabethan times. 
 
 The writer is indebted to the following excellent teachers : 
 E. L. Beck, B. A. Eisenlohr, E. S. Ingraham, E. H. McNeal, 
 W. S. Elden, A. H. Hodgman, and C. S. Duncan ; and owes 
 special acknowledgment to S. C. Derby, Professor of Latin, J. 
 R. Taylor. Professor of English, and J. V. Denney, Dean of the 
 College of Arts. Professor Denney has been exceedingly kind 
 and has read the first and last drafts of my dissertation. Pro- 
 fessor G. H. McKnight has been helpful in proposing a subject, 
 in directing my efforts, and in giving encouragement — such as 
 only those who have been in his classes can appreciate. 
 
 Many thanks are due also to the Dean of Women of Ohio 
 State University — Caroline M. Breyfogle. 
 
 Columbus. Ohio, May 22, 1914. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter I. Introductory 9 
 
 Chapter II. Satire in the Miracle Plays 16 
 
 Chapter III. Satire in the Pre-Tudor Moralities 36 
 
 Chapter IV. Satire in the Earlier Tudor Moralities 46 
 
 Chapter V. Satire in the Elizabethan Moralities 75 
 
 Chapter VI. Satire in the Interlude or Farce. 103 
 
 Chapter VII. Summary and Conclusion 114 
 
TEXTS OF PLAYS. 
 
 Abraiham and Isaac. Brome MS. "'Non-Cycle Mystery Plays." E. E. 
 
 T. S. ex. ser. 104, Ed. O. Waterhouse. 
 Abraham and Isaac. Dublin MS. Ibid. 
 
 Albion Knight. Shakespeare Society Publications, 1844, vol. 1. 
 All For Money. Shakespeare Jahrbuch, vol. XI, 1904. 
 Ane Pleasant Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, E. E. T. S. 37, Part 4. 
 Calisto and Meliboea. Dodsley's Old English Plays, vol. I. 
 Castle of Perseverance, The. "Macro Plays," E. E. T. S. ex. ser. 91. 
 Chester Plays, Ed. T. Wright. Shakespeare Soc, 1847. 
 Christ's Burial and Resurrection. E. E. T. S. ex. ser. 91. 
 Cobbler's Prophecy, The. W. Dibelius. Shak. Jb. 33, 1897. 
 Conflict of Conscience, The. O. E. P., vol. VI. 
 
 Contention Between Liberality and Prodigality. O. E. P., vol. VIII. 
 Conversion of St. Paul. "Digby Plays," E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 70. 
 Cornish Cycle, The. Ed. E. Norris. "Ancient Cornish Drama" 2 vols. 
 Coventry Cycle, "Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays." Ed. Hardin 
 
 Craig. E. E. T. S. ex. ser. 87. 
 Croxton Play of the Sacrament. "Non-Cycle Mystery Plays." E. E. 
 
 T. S. ex. ser. 104. 
 Cruell Debtter, The. W. Wager. Malone Society, 1911. 
 Disobedient Child, The. O. E. P., vol. II. 
 Dux Moraud. W. Heuser. Anglia 30 (1907) p. 180 fT. 
 Everyman. O. E. P., vol. I. 
 Four Elements, The. Ibid. 
 Four P's, The. Ibid. • 
 Gammer Gurton's Needle. Ibid. III. 
 
 *Gentleness and Nobility. J. S. Farmer. Early English Dramatists. 
 God's Promises. O. E. P., vol. I. 
 Godly Queen Hester. Ed. W. Bang., "Materialien zur Kunde des alteren 
 
 Englischen Dramas." 
 Hickscorner. O. E. P., vol. 1. 
 Impatient Poverty. Ed. W. Bang., "Materialien — " 
 Jack Juggler. O. E. P., vol. II. 
 Jacob and Esau. O. E. P., vol. II. 
 *John Baptist. Harleian Miscellany I, 97. 
 Johan the Evangelist. Malone Society. 
 
 John, Tyb and Sir John. Ed. A. Brandl. "Quellen und Forschungen." 
 Killing of the Children, The. "Digby Plays," E. E. T. E., ex. ser. 70. 
 King Darius. Brandl's "Quellen," p. 359. 
 King Johan. Ed., Manly, J. M. "Pre-Shakespearean Drama," vol. I. 
 
 * Not accessible. 
 
s 
 
 Life and l\c])ciUancc of Man- Magdalene. Ed. F. J. Carpenter. 
 
 Like Wil to Like. O. E. P., vol. IIL 
 
 Longer thou Live.st more F"ool thou Art. Sh. Jb. XXXV] . 
 
 Love. Brandl's "Quellen." 
 
 Love. Feigned and Unfeigned. Malone Society, UUL 
 
 Ludus Coventrise. Sh. Soc, 184L Ed. J. O. Halliwell-Phillips. 
 
 Magniticence. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. CXVIIl. 
 
 Mankind. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 91. 
 
 Mary Magdalene. "Digby Plays." E. E. T. S. ex. ser. 70. 
 
 Mind Will and Understanding. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 9L "Macro Plays." 
 
 Mundus et Infans. O. E. P., vol. L 
 
 Nature. Brandl'.'; "Quellen." 
 
 New-Castle-upon-Tyne. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 104. "Non-Cycle Mystery 
 
 Play.s." 
 New Custom. O. E. P., vol. 
 Norwich. E. E. T. S.. ex. ser., 104. 
 Pardoner and the Friar, The. O. E. P., vol. L 
 Patient Grisscl. John Phillip. Malone Society. 
 *Philotus. 
 
 Pride of Life, The. Brandl's "Quellen.'' 
 Prodigal Son, The. Malone Society. 1911. 
 ■ Rare Triumphs of Love and Fortune. O. E. P., vol. VI. 
 Respublica. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 94. 
 /Ralph Roister Doister. O. E. P., vol: III. 
 *Somebody Avarice and Minister. 
 Temperance and Humility. Malone Soc. 1911. 
 *The Temptacyon : John Bale. 
 
 Three Ladies of London. The. O. E. P., vol. VI. 
 Three Laws, The. John Bale. Anglia, V. 137. 
 Three Lords and Three Ladies of London. O. E. P.. vol. VI. 
 Thersites. O. E. P., vol. I. 
 Tide Tarrieth No Man, Sh. Jb. XLIII. 
 Tom Tyler and His Wife. Malone Soc. Reprints. 1910. 
 Towneley Plays. Ed. George England. E. E. T. S., ex. ser. 70. 
 Triall of Treasure. O. E. P.. vol. III. 
 Youth. O. E. P., vol. II. 
 
 York Plays. Ed. Lucy Toulmin Smith. Oxford, 1885. 
 Wealth and Health. Malone Soc. Reprints. 
 Weather, The. Brandl's "Quellen," p. 211. 
 Wit and Science. Sh. Soc. 1848. 
 Witty and Witless. Percy Soc, vol. XX, 1846. 
 
 MORAL TRAGEDIES. 
 
 Apius and Virginia. O. E. P.. vol. IV. 
 Cambyses, O. E. P., vol. IV. 
 Horestes. Brandl's "Quellen." 
 
 * Not accessible. * 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 I propose to discuss the informal satire occurring in that 
 mediaeval period of the drama between 1400 and 1600. This 
 satire is like the drama in which it is found in two respects : it 
 is irregular and it is scarcely deserving of the type-name. We 
 may attempt, however, to define it as a form of composition in . 
 verse or prose which is subject to no fixed form such as the 
 decasyllabic couplet of formal satire and which is not a con- 
 scious literary production but rather the immediate expression of 
 thoughts resulting either from the universal desire of men to - 
 ridicule follies in others or from the occasional desire of some/ 
 to lash evils and inconsistencies with the hope of causing a re- 
 form. If we could subtract from Juvenal's satire his interest in 
 form, in rhetoric we should have something approximate to in- 
 formal satire. This, however, differs from Juvenal's efforts in 
 that it arises spontaneously from the desire to attack evils ; it 
 spends all its force on the substance of the attack and pays no 
 heed to the literary form. 
 
 The same satirist may write both formal and informal satire, 
 for instance, Ben Jonson. It all depends upon the mood of the 
 writer. If he be solely interested in holding up to the ridicule 
 of the world, an individual, a class, a locality, a trade, or an 
 institution, he will write informal satire. Here, then, we may 
 expect a somewhat faithful reflection of the life of a particular 
 period. 
 
 If we contrast formal and informal satire, we find that in the 
 main qualities they are alike. Both must have humor, must show 
 in their authors a sense of superiority, a sense of the ludicrous, 
 the power to exaggerate either consciously or unconsciously, and 
 at the final analysis a reformatory purpose. The chief dis- 
 tinction seems to be in the form, the spirit, the purpose, the 
 quantity of humor, the type and the scope of the subject- 
 matter: The informal satire by not being restricted to one fixed 
 form can show greater variety of expression than the fornial. 
 It can be original in choosing forms for its expression ; formal 
 
 9 
 
lO 
 
 English satire can not since it is based upon Latin satire or upon 
 imitations of the Classical satire. It differs from the formal 
 ' satire in its chief purpose to attack and destroy an evil — not to 
 achieve a literary performance by the use of satiric material. 
 As to spirit, it is fairer than the formal for it sees along with 
 the evil a glimpse of the good. It does not condemn all mem- 
 bers of a class or trade as does Juvenal. Pessimistic though it 
 may be, it is yet hopeful. In type it is objective rather than sub- 
 jective. It is not philosophical or reflective. Its^ humor is often 
 \^ f^int,- Its methods are direct and indirect. Its subject-matter 
 confines itself to public evils rather than to private ; to classes 
 and groups rather than to individuals. 
 "^ Informal satire is not one of the steps in the evolution of 
 
 formal satire. The informal dramatic satire of the period 1400 
 to 1600 does not lead up 'to formal Elizabethan satire. Its rep- 
 resentatives in Elizabethan satire are not the satires of Wyatt, 
 Hall, Donne, and Lodge but the satiric plays of Ben Jonson. 
 
 Informal satire may be subordinate to the type of composi- 
 tion in which it is found ; that of the early drama is subordinate. 
 It came with direct didacticism which lay at the basis of me- 
 dieaval drama. It is itself indirect didacticism since it points out 
 I inconsistencies unworthy to be imitated and deserving to be 
 I destroyed. The part it played in the drama became more and 
 more important as the attack upon evils in the church and the 
 state became bolder. 
 
 At first this political and religious satire scarcely appeared 
 in the drama. Instead there was the dull, generalized lament on 
 the time moral and social satire. The specific attacks on the 
 clergy and the government became more frequent in the moral 
 plays in which the appeal was not so much to the eye as to the ear. 
 What was said came to be of more importance than what was 
 seen. A greater demand was made upon the intellect of the 
 audience. .''• Material dealing with contemporary problems was 
 introduced much of which especially during the time of the 
 Reformation was satirical comment on the follies and the im- 
 morality of the church, on the courts, ecclesiastical and civil, 
 and on the government. 
 
 In some of the early dramas, the satire does not have the 
 spirit of reform. Instead of the method of direct rebuke a 
 character is represented as typical of the evil as in Heywood's 
 i 
 
1 1 
 
 farces where we see the priest immoral, the wife unfaithful, 
 and the husband duped. Here is burlesque both iamusing and 
 satirical. Perhaps we may say that "J^ck Juggler" is a satirical 
 burlesque on the doctrine of transubstantiation the people believ- 
 ing it being as foolish as the bewildered Jenkin Careaway who 
 xould not tell whether he was himself or his double. 
 
 A comparison of this informal dramatic satire with the in- 
 formal undramatic satire of the same time shows much the same 
 material of attack, the -same method, tone, type, style. A com- 
 parison with the formal Elizabethan satire has already been 
 made by Dr. Raymond M. Alden and need not detain us here. 
 "^^ My purpose is first to make an intensive study of the Early 
 English Drama — the Miracles, Moralities, and Interludes before 
 1600 with the intention of giving all the instances of satire that 
 occur. These will be pf course, of no literary value for the plays 
 from which they are taken are so crude that they do not justly 
 merit tTie name drama. They will, however, be interesting as 
 showing the beginnings of satire in the drama — the literary form/ 
 in which it has achieved its greatest effectiveness. They will 
 show what the mediaeval mind satirized in politics, religion, and 
 society, and incidentally reflect the life of the times. 
 
 This early dramatic satire is like most of the undramatic 
 satire which preceded it, informal in nature ; it is written in var- 
 ious metres sometimes in the alliterative long line, sometimes in 
 ballad form, or in a jingle characteristic of a particular author, 
 for instance. Skelton's own peculiar measure. It is written not 
 only informally but also incidentally. The authors of the Mid- 
 dle Ages were didactic in thought. What they wrote was at first 
 constructive in aim, not destructive ; and consequently not satir- 
 ical. The drama until the beginning of the sixteenth century 
 shows only snatches of satire. 
 
 The first English man of letters to write satirical drama was 
 John Skelton. a priest of the time of Henry VII and Henry VIII. 
 Two of his contemporaries deserve to be mentioned with him — 
 John Bale and the Scotch satirist. Sir David Lindsay ; this trio 
 of priests were writing at the period when the New Learning 
 and the Reformation — the two factors of the Renaissance — 
 were being felt. All three, however, though influenced by the 
 Renaissance belong to the mediaeval school and use mediaeval 
 forms especially allegory. 
 
12 
 
 But before these men began to write with evident satirical 
 intent there were authors of the twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, 
 and fifteenth centuries who occasionally became satirical. Some 
 wrote satirical songs; some satirical visions, or dialogues, or rude 
 dramas in which there were opportunities for satire. In the 
 twelfth century during the reigns of Henry II, Richard I, and 
 John, there was the poetry of the Goliards or wandering clerks 
 in Latin; there was the sirvente of the trouvere and troubadour in 
 Anglo-French, besides epigrams and satires in Anglo-Latin. In 
 the thirteenth century during the reigns of Henry III and Ed- 
 ward I the Goliards continued to write poetry. They did not, 
 however, confine themselves to the use of Latin but wrote in 
 Anglo-French, and English too. Ecclesiastics also wrote satire in 
 the three languages while the gleemen sang songs in English which 
 were the counterpart of the sirvente of the twelfth century in 
 Anglo-French. 
 
 Passing to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, we find 
 in the first named, during the reigns of Edward I, II, and III, 
 and Richard II a few Goliardic poems, some social satire su- 
 perior to any that had yet befen written, the songs of Lawrence 
 Minot against the French and the Scotch, and the beginnings of 
 class satire. In the latter part of the century there was the 
 incidental satire in Langland's "Piers Plowman" and in Chaucer's 
 "Canterbury Tales." In the fifteenth century during the reigns 
 of Henry IV. V. VI. Edward IV, Richard III. and Henry VII. 
 little satire was written. There were Ly:dgate's attempts, the 
 realistic "London Lickpenny". and "Ragman Roll" — beginning 
 the conventional satire on woman. Then the Lollard poem "Jack 
 Upland" followed by the political ballads of the Wars of the 
 Roses completed the list. 
 
 Treating these early periods in more detail, we notice listed 
 in the twelfth century as an imitation of the French allegorical 
 satire "Architrenius" by Jean de Hauteville. We find satire on 
 woman in Walter Mapes' "De Coniuge non Ducenda" anticipat- 
 ing the later English "Ragman Roll" ; and satire on the clergy in 
 his "Apocalypsis Goliae" ; and satire on education and religion 
 in Nigellus Wireker's "Speculum Stultorum." These satires of 
 the time of Henry II though in Anglo-Latin serve to show us 
 that there was plenty of material for satire and that there were 
 a few who saw the evils of the dav and dared attack them. 
 
13 
 
 In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries we have besides 
 the satire in Langland^ Chaucer, and Gower, the invectives of the 
 people dealing with subjects varying from the vanity of woman, 
 the oppression of the poor and the arrogance of servants to the 
 immoraHty of the clergy. Listed by titles, they are: "On the 
 Vanity of Women," "The Song of the Husbandman," A poem 
 <on the corruption of the clergy, 1316-17, "On the Times," "The 
 Complaint of the Plowman," "Pierce the Plowman's Crede," 
 "Song of Xego," "When Holy church is under Foot," "Winner 
 and Waster/' "Sir Peny^ "Why I cannot be a Nun." "The Order 
 of Fair Ease," and "The Land of Cokaygne." 
 
 In the fifteenth century there was not much literature of any 
 kind. Wc list the following works in satire : "Jack Upland," 
 "Corruptioti of Public Manners," "Corruption of the Times," 
 "A Satirical Ballad on the Times by John Lydgate ; also his "Tale 
 of Three score Folys and Thre." 
 
 In the sixteenth century we come to Barclay's "Ship of 
 Fools," Skelton's, "Cohm Cloute," "Why come Ye NAT to 
 Courte," ""The Bowge of Courte," "Elynor Rummyng." and Roy 
 and Barlow's "Rede me and be not Wrothe." 
 
 Not mentioned in tliese lists of satire is the informal satire 
 that occurs in the miracles the manuscripts of which date from 
 the fifteenth century to the seventeenth and that in the morali- 
 ties and interludes. It is with these antecedents of the drama — 
 the regular drama — that I sliall deal. 
 
 But first some notice of the work that has already been done 
 upon the subject of English satire is proper. Two able mono- 
 graphs have been written — one by Raymond M. Alden^ of the 
 University of Pennsylvania and the other by Samuel Marion 
 Tucker- of Columbia L^niversity. The latter author's "Verse 
 Satire Before the Renaissance" is the first link in the history of 
 English satire treating as it does the period from the twelfth 
 century to the middle of the sixteenth. The second link is Dr. 
 Alden's work which deals primarily with the rise of formal satire 
 in English — with Elizabethan satire from 1540 to 1625. Inci- 
 dentally he surveys Classical and mediaeval satire and compares 
 them in form, tone, subject-matter, type, and style. 
 
 I agree with Dr. Alden that mediaeval satire is informal irT" 
 nature, occurs only incidentally, is lacking in humor and irony, 
 and js pervaded by a great moral earnestness. I also agree with 
 
•4 
 
 Dr. 'I'uokcr tliat the satire in tlie miracles, moralities, and inter- 
 ludes is incidental, and chaotic, and that it is a very difficult 
 matter sometimes, to decide whether the authors of these crude 
 dramas were aiming to be comic or satiric. Still, I think that 
 this so-called drama does furnish many instances of satirical 
 touches some of which Dr. Tucker has cited in his chapter on the 
 satiric play. 
 
 What I shall write will serve as a supplement to Dr. Tuck- 
 er's chapter and will, 1 hope, help to make a foundation for the 
 further study of satire in the English drama. 
 
 Since the drama of the period 1450 to 1600 is itself crude, 
 one cannot expect to find any finished specimens of satire in it. 
 What we shall find will be satirical snatches which sprang forth 
 almost instinctively from men who could see corruptions in the 
 church, in politics, and in society, and could not help decrying 
 them with the hope of bringing about a reform. Throughout the 
 mediaeval period, the church and the state were the main objects 
 of attack because they had reached a point when they might 
 be said to be in their dotage./ The church was corrupt, the gov- 
 ernment was corrupt and the people knew it and resented it. 
 Keen witted men were tired of false pilgrimages, penances, and 
 worship of images ; tired of the hypocrisy of avaricious church- 
 men who sold benefices and held plural livings; and disgusted 
 with the ignorance and immorality of the clergy. 
 
 And yet we do not find much satire especially of a religious 
 nature in the miracle plays. And this is not strange for the 
 texts that we have, were \vritten probably by men of the church 
 who were on the whole conservative and unwilling to criticise 
 their own institution. Then, too, the fact that the plays were, 
 in sonie cases at any rate, subject to the censorship of an austere 
 cardinal or dean might account for the lack of satire. But per- 
 haps the strongest reason for the scanty amount of satire lies in 
 I the nature of the miracle plays themselves. Their aim was first 
 and always didactic. 
 
 Somewhat different from the case of the miracle plays is 
 that of the moralities. These plays although at first didactic, 
 written to teach ethics rather than Biblical story, widened their 
 field until they included pedagogical, controversial, and political 
 moralities as well as the old Biblical type. Hence we may ex- 
 pect to find more satire in them than in the miracles. 
 
15 
 
 A still greater freedom of subject-matter appears in the 
 interlude. We shall restrict the meaning of this word to its 
 specific use suggested by Mr. Childs, namely, that it was a play 
 characterized by the free use of old materials and old methods 
 with the object of pleasing rather than teaching the audience. 
 
 ^ 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 SATIRE IN THE MIRACLE PLAYS. 
 
 The miracle plays were by very nature inartistic in aim. 
 Written primarily to instruct, they were concerned with attracting 
 the attention of the rude and unlettered to the story of the Bible, 
 , or with relating to them miracles performed by saints, or episodes 
 I in the lives of martyrs from which some lesson might be drawn. 
 Being written with the idea of instruction foremost and the idea 
 of anuisenient lacking or subordinate, all miracles have to be 
 classed as didactic and constructive in aim. We cannot expect, 
 therefore, much satire in the miracles for satire is by nature 
 destructive. Occasionally in some of the pageants which were 
 run together to form cycles, we find snatches of satire forced 
 in with comic and secular material. We rarely find a pageant 
 which contains in any great degree satiric matter. The best is 
 the twenty-fifth pageant in the Ludus Coventriae edited by J. 
 O. Halliwell. 
 
 In connection with the reason that the didactic aim excludes 
 satire, we should consider the authors of the cycles, their sub- 
 ject-matter, and their audiences. First the authors of the cycles 
 were priests and clerks who were infused with the didactic not 
 the satiric aim, and who w.ere either too loyal or too subservient 
 to the church to satirize her. Then. too. the subject-matter of 
 "4 the miracles was limited to Scriptural narrative or to legends 
 of saints or martyrs. The material was devotional. It did not 
 deal with questions of government, with criticisms of church or 
 society. It was not controversial or polemical. It was Biblical. 
 Convention drew lines within which the authors had to keep. 
 If. to satisfy the cravings of the human mind for interest and 
 variety, comic and realistic touches were added, they were added 
 not in connection with the main characters which were conven- 
 ' tional and therefore not to be changed, but with the minor char- 
 1 acters in certain pageants which were largely the production of 
 the imagination and not transcripts from Bible story. Lastly the 
 audiences were made up of all classes of people. Occasionally 
 
 16 
 
the king and the queen were present. There were lords and 
 ladies, churchmen, citizens, and the rabble. Take them at their 
 best the rude unlettered element predominated. They were not 
 intellectually alert; they were not critical; they would have been 
 incapable of appreciating delicate satire had it been presented 
 them. And satire was not supposed to be given them. What 
 the audience got, as the Church wished, was the story of the Bible 
 pictured by living characters dressed in mediaeval costume. 
 
 Though the cycles were apparently in the hands of the people, 
 they were still close to the church, not only in authorship but 
 also in presentation. They were generally given in connection 
 with the great festival of the church known as the Corpus Christi 
 Procession; or they were given at Whitsuntide or occasionally on 
 some other Feast day in the year. 
 
 It is not strange, therefore, that an examination of the mir- 
 acle cycles vields but few examples of satire. These deal most 
 lightly with the clergy and with religious subjects. If any such 
 rude satire as the Fescennine verses of Rome found their way 
 into the mouth of an improvising actor, we need not expect to 
 find it in our copies, for they are undoubtedly marked by modifi- 
 cations and omissions of much that was presented. Our manu- 
 scripts are late "Renvid or newly translate" and may have never 
 been intended for playbooks. The Chester manuscripts, for in- 
 stance, must owe their existence to the desire of literary antiqua- 
 ries either to preserve the old plays or possibly revive them at a 
 time when miracle plays were almost gone out of Fashion." 
 
 No miracle cycle ever breathes a word of satire against a 
 monk. The only men of the church who are even lightly touched 
 are priests, friars, and the Pope. In the Chester plays, which 
 are late, the Pope who is saved at Doomsday is made to confess 
 to negligence in fulfilling Christ's commandments while the Pope 
 who is damned, bitterly regrets his covetousness and simony. The 
 satire on priests and friars is very faint. We have no picture of 
 the fat, indolent, begging friar or the deceitful pardoner such as 
 we find in "Jack Upland" or in the "Song on the Friars"* — no 
 such picture as we find in Chaucer,^ Hey wood,'' or Lyndsay.*" 
 This bareness of characterization is due, I think, to the didactic 
 nature of the plays, to the class for whom they were written and 
 to the censorship of the plays. Chaucer wrote for a limited 
 
i8 
 
 reading public ; Heywood, for an aristocratic audience seated in 
 a small hall, and not for an immense out-of-door audience of 
 common people. Lyndsay's play is later than the York cycle, 
 the Towneley. and Ludus Coventriae by almost a century. It 
 represents the progressive thought of the sixteenth century in a 
 morality in Scotland in contrast to the conservatism of the Ches- 
 ter miracle cycle. Lyndsay, however, could well be a little bolder 
 than the English author or scribe for he had the king of Scot- 
 land at his back. 
 
 Taking up the Chester cycle which is thought to be one of 
 the oldest from early accounts of its performance and from the 
 time of its performance — Whitsun week not Corpus Christi Day, 
 we find little religious satire. The play on Doomsday,^ however, 
 does represent two popes — one damned, the other, saved — in the 
 embarrassing situation of confessing their sins. Here are the 
 words of the Papa Damnatus : 
 
 '"Now booties is toaske mercye, 
 For livinge higheste in eairth was I, 
 And cuninge chosen in cleargye. 
 And covetousness did me care : 
 Also silver and symoneyc 
 That bornes me nowe full witterlye 
 I-'or lilisse 1 am full bare." 
 
 The infallibility of the Pope is a thing of the past when a 
 craft guild dares represent him before the masses as guilty of 
 bribery, simony, and covetousness. But. as I have said, the cycle 
 may have been a literary attempt. In representing one pope as 
 damned and another as saved we have an instance of discrimina- 
 tion so characteristic of old English writers. Their wish to be 
 fair rendered them incapable of representing all popes as wicked. 
 In this case, however, the Papa Salvatus is not shown as leading 
 an exemplary life for he confesses: 
 
 "Thy great e godheade. that is so good 
 Me knewc 1 never, but ever was woode 
 Worshippe for to wyn ; ... . . .*. 
 
 The higheste office under thee 
 
 In eirth thou putteith in 
 
 Thou graunteste me. Lorde, through thy grace 
 
 Petteres power and his place 
 
 Vet was I blentel alas! alas!'" 
 
19 
 
 When I ill eirth was at my will 
 This worlde me blente lowde and still 
 But thy commaundmente to fulfill 
 I was full necligente." " 
 
 There is no religious satire in the York plays ; in the Ludus 
 Coventriae the nearest approach to it is a didactic hint by 
 Joachim on tithe-giving. After telHng how he divides his goods 
 into three parts — one for himself, one for pilgrims, and "por" 
 men and one for the temple, he adds : 
 
 "So xulde every curat in this werde wyde 
 Geve a part to his chauncel i wys 
 A part to his parocheners that to povert slyde 
 The thryd part to kepe for hym and his." '* 
 
 In the remarks of the doctors in the temple, we expect sar- 
 casm from the nature of the scene and their characters. One 
 scornfully bids Jesus : 
 
 "Goo hom, lytl babe, and sytt on thi moderes lappe 
 And put a mokador aforn thi brest : 
 And pray thi modyr to fede the with the pappe 
 Of the for to lerne we desyre not to lest."''' 
 
 Again we are not surprised when the high-priest advises 
 Pilate to bribe the soldiers to keep them from spreading the news 
 of the Resurrection. In his philosophy he reminds us of Lang- 
 fend's Lady Meed of the fourteenth century. 
 
 "For mede doth most in every quest 
 And mede is mayster both est and west 
 Now trewly seres, I held this best 
 With mede men may bynde berys." " 
 
 In the Crucifixion scene, the words of the executioners sug- 
 gest realistically the mocking, jeering crowd of Jews mentioned in 
 the Bible -.^^ 
 
 "Lo, fela, here a lyth takkyd on a tre." 
 
 " and I trowe thou art a worthy king!" 
 
 "A good sere, tell me now what helpyth thi prophecy the?" 
 " . or any of thi fals prechyng!" 
 
 )C 
 
 "Come now down of that tre !" 
 "Yf thu be Goddys sone, as thou dedyst teche 
 ffrom the cros come now downe!" 
 
20 
 
 \j'j Of all miracle plays, the 1 ovvneley contain the most satire, 
 
 I possibly because the author or one of the authors possessed 
 greater literary power than did his contemporaries and was in- 
 I* tellectually keener in seeing inconsistencies. He did not, how- 
 ever, indulge in much religious satire. He evidently did not like 
 the Lollards for he makes Titivillus in the Doomsday pageant 
 say : 
 
 "1 was your chief tollare 
 Nom am I master lollar and of sicli men I mell me." " 
 
 Later he boasts of having on his lists of doomed souls some 
 men of the church : 
 
 "Yet of these kyrkchaterars here ar a menee 
 Of bargenars. okerars and lufars of symonee."" 
 
 There may be a slight trace of satire when Cain unwilling to 
 ofTer tithes slyly hints at the uselessness of such a practice: 
 
 "My farthyng is in the preest hand 
 Syn last tyme I offyrd."" 
 
 Perhaps it may not be too far-fetched to see a touch of 
 burlesque when one of the shepherds proposes gathering up the 
 scraps of their supper : 
 
 "Geder up, lo. lo, ye hungre begers fifrerys."'" 
 
 And later when Home chafifs Gyb on his Latin : 
 
 "What speke ye here in myn eeres? 
 Tell me no clerge, I hold you of freres 
 Ye preche." "" 
 
 The interlude of Mak in the Shepherds' Play undoubtedly 
 has an idea of burlesque at its basis. The stolen sheep con- 
 cealed by Mak in the cradle ; the search of the shepherds for their 
 stolen property ; the discovery resulting from the desire of one 
 of them to make a gift to Mak's new-born child may be a bur- 
 lesque on what follows — the search of the shepherds for the 
 Christ-Child and the offering of the customary gifts. This bur- 
 lesque both Dean Joseph V. Denney and Dr. George H. McKnight 
 have perceived. I think we may fairly classify this most famous 
 
21 
 
 example of early English farce as a travesty written, however, 
 with no idea of malice. 
 
 Passing to the fragmentary cycles, we find no religious satire ^ 
 in them neither in the Non^cli, the Newcastle, the Coventry nor 
 in the Digby "Killing of the Children." The same thing is true i 
 of the apparently independent plays on Abraham and Isaac pre- 
 served in the Dnjjlin.and in the Brome manuscripts. There is 
 a similar lack of religious satire in the "Conversion of St. Paul," 
 in "Dux Moraud," and in the "Croxton Play of the Sacrament." 
 But in "Mary Magdalene" we do find a trace of satire and a rude 
 burlesque of the church service. The boy twits the presbyter : 
 
 "Ye have so fellyd' yower belly with growell 
 That it growitt grett as the dywU of hell 
 Onshaply thou art to see 
 Thi body is so grett and wyde 
 That never horse may thee byde 
 exseptt thou breke his bakk asoundyr." ^ 
 
 After the religious satire comes political and social satire so 
 closely connected that I shall consider them together. The Eng- 
 lish have always felt that society reflected the evils of politics and 
 even in their earliest drama have shown signs of discontent in 
 their complaints against haughty lords and heavy taxes. In the 
 Chester Plays, Joseph complains of the tribute: 
 
 "Poor men's weale is ever in were 
 I wan no good this seven yeaire 
 Now comes the king's messingere 
 To gette all that he maye." '^ 
 
 The imperator confesses to gluttony, covetousness, and 
 manslaughter ; 
 
 "Wrong ever I wroughte to ech wighte 
 For pynchynge poore in paine I pig'hte 
 Religion I reaved against the righte""' 
 
 The justice remembers with contrition his past life and con- 
 fesses at the judgment seat: 
 
 " falses causes took in hande 
 
 And moche wooe did elles 
 
 When I soughte silver or riches founde, of baron, burges or of baude- 
 
 His matter to further ever I would founde were it never so false 
 
22 
 
 All my life I was ever boune 
 
 To troble poore in tower and towne 
 
 Payn holye churches possession 
 
 And sharply them to shendt- 
 
 To reve and robbc religion 
 
 That was all my devocion."-* 
 
 These instances are in a sense political, but those to follow 
 are social dealing with classes of people, with merchants, tap- 
 sters, brewers, and with the conventional satire on woman. For 
 example, the merchant confesses to having purchased land falsely; 
 having "occured and used wilfully"; and to having .staid at home 
 from church. The mulier in the "Harrowing of Hell" also con- 
 fesses to deception. She has sold adulterated ale and used false 
 measures : 
 
 "Some tyme I was a tavernere, 
 
 A gentill gossipe and a tapstere 
 
 Of wyne and ale a trustie brewer. 
 
 Which wo hath we wroughte 
 
 Of Cannes I kepte no trewe measuer, 
 
 My cuppes I soulde at my pleasuer 
 
 Deceavinge manye a creature, 
 
 Tho my ale were naughte, 
 
 And when I was a brewer longe 
 
 With hoopes I made my ale stronge 
 
 Ashes and erbes I blende anionge 
 
 And marred so good maulte 
 
 Therfore I maye my handes wringe 
 
 Shake my cannes and cuppes ringe 
 
 Sorowfull maie I sicke and singe 
 
 That ever I so dealed. 
 
 Taverners. tapsters of this cittie 
 
 Shal be promoted heare by me 
 
 For breaking statutes of this countrey 
 
 Hurtinge the commonwelth !""' 
 
 Noah says of women : 
 
 "Wemen be crabbed aye 
 And non are meke I dare well say."""* 
 
 The third shepherd expresses the same conventional idea: 
 
 "I'or to good men this is not unknowne 
 To husbandes that be heare aboutes 
 That iche man must to his wife bownc. 
 And conunonlye for fear of a clowte."'""' 
 
23 'A 
 
 In the Cornish plays there is a hint of inconsistency 
 in the actions of pubHc officials, for instance, Pilate is anxious to 
 hush up a matter when he sees danger threatening himself. He 
 has just bitterly reproved the soldiers for having let Jesus escape, 
 but when they in turn demand of him Joseph and Nicodemus who 
 have miraculously escaped, he becomes very pleasant. They, 
 however, reply with a touch of irony : 
 
 "Since thou art so courteous 
 We will do as thou sayest.""* 
 
 The Ludus Coventriae has a trace of political satire, class 
 satire on the summoner, satire on fashions, and the conventional 
 satire on woman; of this, Joseph is the spokesman. After stren- 
 uously objecting to the decision of the blossoming rods, he reluc- 
 4:antly becomes a bridegroom. But hear his protest : 
 
 "What xuld I wedde? God forbede 
 I am an old man, so God me spede, 
 And wyth a wyff now to levj'n in drede 
 It wore neyther sport nere game 
 
 "An old man may never thryff 
 With a yonge wyff so God me save ! 
 Xuld I now in age begynne to dote, 
 If I here chyde she wolde clowte my cote 
 Blere myn ey, and pyke out a mote 
 And thus oft^^n tymes it is sene.""' 
 
 Later he advises men against marriage saying : 
 
 " alle olde men to me take tent 
 
 And weddyth no wyff in kynnys wyse 
 
 That is a yonge wenche be myne asent 
 
 ffor doute and drede and swyche servyse 
 
 Alas ! alas ! my name is shent ! 
 
 Alle men may me now dyspj^se 
 
 And seyn, "olde cokwold thi bowe is bent 
 
 Newly now after the Frenche gyse."*" 
 
 And finally he concludes with a proverb verified as he thinks : 
 
 "Here may alle men this proverb trow 
 That many a man doth bete the bow 
 Another man hath the brydde.'"^ 
 
24 
 
 The summoner is represented as abusive and corrupt. He 
 is evidently avaricious, for after reading a list of names of the 
 people who should appear at court, he advises them to come 
 with money if they exj)ect to win their case: 
 
 "And loke ye ryiige wele in your purs 
 ffor ellys your cause may specie the wurs."" 
 
 In summoning Mary and Joseph he makes a threat thor- 
 oughly in character with the usual idea of the summoner : 
 
 "But yet sum mede and ye me take 
 I wyl with draws my gret rough toth 
 Gold or sylvyr I wyl not forsake 
 But evyn as all somnores doth.'"" 
 
 In the sixth pageant there is a contrast drawn between the 
 rich and the poor, but I think it can hardly be called satire. 
 
 "ffor ryche men do shewe oftyntymes pompe and pride 
 on holy dayes, as oftyn is sene 
 Whan pore men passe and go besyde 
 At wurthy festys rich men wolle bene."^* 
 
 The first shepherd in the sixteenth pageant pathetically re- 
 veals the hardships of the poor: 
 
 "Myght we se onys that bryght on bed 
 Oure sorow it wolde unbynde 
 We xulde shadyr for no shoure.'"" 
 
 Joseph also shrinks and complains of his hard lot: 
 
 "Lord what travayl to man is wrought 
 Rest in this werd behovyth hym non 
 Octavyan our emperor sadly hath besought 
 Our trybute hym to here, ffolk must forth ichon.'"' 
 
 In the twenty-fifth pageant of this cycle, we find Satan 
 dressed as a gallant, haranguing the people. In his speech occurs 
 • the strongest satire in the miracles. He advises the assembled 
 spectators to gather a fellowship after their own "entent" : 
 
 "A beggerys dowtcre to make gret purvyauns 
 To cowntcrfcte a gentylwoman dysguyscd as she can 
 Ajid yf mony lakko, this is the ncwe chevesauns 
 
25 
 
 With her prevy plesawns to gett it of sum man 
 
 Her colere splayed and furryd with ermyn calabre or satan : 
 
 A seyn to sell lechery to hem that wyl buy 
 
 And thei that wyl not by it, yet inow xal thei han 
 
 And telle hem it is for love, she may it not deney." 
 
 He is very explicit on the proper dress of a gallant : 
 
 "Off fyne cordewan a goodly peyre of long pekyd schon 
 Hosyn enclosyd of the most costyous cloth of cremseyn 
 Thus a bey to a gentleman to make comparycion 
 With two doseyn poyntys of chevrell, the aglottes of sylver feyn. 
 
 "A shert of feyn Holond, but care for the payment 
 A stomacher of clere reynes the best may be browth 
 Thow poverte be chef, lete pride be ther present 
 And all tho that repreff pride, thou sette hem at nowth. 
 
 "Cadace wolle or flokkys where it may be sowth 
 To stuffe withal thi dobbelet, and make the of proporcyon 
 Two smale legges and a gret body, thow it ryme nowth. 
 Yet loke that thou desyre to an the newe faccion. 
 
 ''A gowne of thre yerdys, loke thou make comparison 
 Uuto all degrees dayly that passe thin astat 
 A purse withoutyn mony, a daggere for devocyon 
 And ther repref is of synne, loke thou make .debat. 
 
 "With syde lokkys I schrewe thin here to thi colere hangyng downe. 
 To herborwe queke bestys that tekele men onyth 
 An heye smal bonet for curing of the crowne 
 And alle beggeres and pore pepyll have hem in dyspyte. 
 
 "Onto the grete othys and lecherye gyff thi delyte *^ 
 To maynteyn thin astate lete brybory be present 
 And yf the law repreve the, say thow wylt ffyth, 
 And gadere the a felashep after thin entent. 
 
 "Loke thou sett not be precept nor be comawndement 
 Both sevyls and canon sett thow at nowth 
 Lette no membre of God but with othys be rent."" 
 
 This long tirade is really a sermon in satire. Those who give 
 themselves up to oaths, foolish fashions, hypocrisy, and im- 
 morality are but following the advice of the devil. The method of 
 attack — irony — is much more effective than any direct rebuke or 
 generalized lament and the idea of making the devil the mouth- 
 
26 
 
 piece of the ironical advice was a happy thought on the part of 
 the author ; his chief lesson was spoken not by some pious ab- 
 straction but by the devil, a character who never failed to attract 
 attention. 
 
 The Towneley cycle contains more satire than the other 
 miracles, but the subject-matter is much the same, — satire on 
 woman, on classes, on misgovemment, and on fashions. It has 
 no satire, however, as bitterly ironical as the quotation just given 
 from the Ludus Coventriae. The pageant which furnishes the 
 greatest opportunity for satire is, as in the Chester Plays the 
 "Juditium." 
 
 In this play the demon, Titivillus, refers to misgovemment 
 when he spreads out his rolls and says triumphantly of the 
 doomed souls whom he is soon to summon before the tribunal 
 of the Lord : 
 
 "Thise rolles 
 Ar of bakbytars 
 And fals indytars.'"' 
 
 also when he speaks of the oppression of the poor 
 
 "The pore pepyll must pay if oght be in honde 
 The drede of God is away and lawe out of lande.""" 
 
 "fals swerars shall hider com mo then a thowsand skore 
 In sweryng thai grefe godys son and payn hym more and more 
 Therfor mon thai with us won in hell for ever more 
 
 I say this 
 That rasers of the fals tax 
 
 And gederars of greyn wax 
 Diabolus est mendax 
 Et pater eius."'"' 
 
 The speeches of both Pilate and Caiaphas are satire on the 
 law. Pilate in his boastful way begins: 
 
 "ffor I am he that may make or mar a man 
 myself if I it say as men of cowrte now can 
 Supporte a man today to morn agans hym than 
 On both parties than I play 
 And fenys me to ordan the ryght. 
 But all fals indytars 
 Quest mongers and Lurers 
 And all thise fals out rydars 
 Ar welcom to my sight."" 
 
^7 
 
 In pageant twenty-two, he again shows his hypocrisy : 
 
 "ffor like as on both sydys the iren the hamer makith playn 
 So do I, that the law has here in my kepyng 
 The right side to socoure, certys, I am full bayn 
 If I may get therby vantege or wynyng : 
 Then to the fals parte I turne me agayn 
 ffor I se more vayll will to me be risyng 
 Thus every man to drede me shal be full fayn 
 And all faynt of thare fayth to me be obeyng."*^ 
 
 Caiaphas speech, terse and to the point leaves the same im- 
 pression of double-dealing: 
 
 "Whoso kepis the lawe, I gess 
 he gettis more by parches 
 Then bi his fre rent."" 
 
 The conditions of the poor are reflected in the first and in 
 the second Shepherds' Play. The first shepherd complains of 
 the ta^: 
 
 "ffermes thyk are comyng. my purs is bot wake 
 I have nerehand nothynge to pay nor to take."" 
 
 The second shepherd, also, has a grievance. He is tired of 
 the oppression and arrogance of upstarts — retainers of the great 
 lords. He prays : 
 
 "Both bosters and bragers god kepe us fro, 
 That with thare long dagers dos mekyll wo ; 
 fifrom all byll hagers with colknyfys that go 
 Sich wryers and wragers gose to and fro 
 
 fifor to crak. 
 who says hym agane 
 Were better be slane 
 Both plogh and wane. 
 Amendys will not make. 
 
 He will make it as proud a lorde he were 
 
 with a hede lyke a clowde flfeltered his here 
 
 He spekys on lowde with a grym here 
 
 I wold not have trowde so gayly in gere 
 
 As he glydys 
 
 I wote not the better 
 
 Nor wheder is gretter 
 
 The lad or the master 
 
So st(jwtly he strydys 
 
 If he aske ine oght that he wold to his pay, 
 
 fFul dere bese it boght if I say nay."" 
 
 In pageant XII p. 103 i. 92 the first shepherd continues the 
 lament 
 
 "Is none in this ryke a shepard farys wars." 
 
 The second rejoins : 
 
 "Poore men ar in the dyke and ofttyme mars 
 The world is slyke, also helpars 
 Is none here."" 
 
 1/ In the Second Shepherds' Play there is the same complaint 
 of oppression : 
 
 "But we sely shepardes that walkyn on the moore. 
 In fayth we are nere handys outt of the dore 
 No wonder as it standys if we be poore 
 ffor the tylthe of our landys ys falow as the flore 
 
 As ye ken 
 
 We ar so hamyd 
 
 ffortaxed and hand tamyd 
 
 with thyse gentlery men, 
 
 "Thus thay refe us oure rest oure lady theym wary 
 These men that ar lord fest cause thay the ploughe tary 
 That men say is for the beste we fynde it contrary 
 Thus ar husbandys opprest in pointe to myscary 
 
 On lyfe. 
 Thus hold thay vs hunder 
 Thus thay bryng vs in blonder 
 
 It were greatte wonder 
 And ever shuld we thryfe. 
 
 ffor may he gett a paynt slefe or a broche now on dayes 
 wo is hym that hym grefe or onyst agane says 
 Dar noman hym reprefe what mastry he mays 
 And yet may noman lef none word that he says 
 
 No letter. 
 He can make purveance 
 With boste and bragance 
 And all is thrugh mantenance 
 Of men that are gretter. 
 
"Ther shall com a swane as prowde as a po 
 he must borow my wane, my ploghe also 
 Them I am full fane to graunt or he go, 
 Thus lyf we in payn. Anger, and wo 
 
 By nyght and day ! 
 He must have if he langyd 
 
 If I shuld forgang it 
 I were better be hangyd 
 Then oones say hym nay. 
 
 "Thise laddys thai leven as lordys riall."" 
 
 Titivillus indulges in class satire when he describes the 
 misers : 
 
 "Thar neghburs thai towchid with wordys full ill 
 The wurst ay thai sowchid and had no skill 
 
 The pennys thai powchid and held thaym still ' : 
 
 The negons thai mowchid and brad no will 
 
 ffor hart fare 
 Bot riche and ill-dedy 
 Gederand and gredy 
 Sore napand and nedy 
 Youre godys for to spare."" 
 
 The intemperate also come in for a share of his abuse . 
 
 "Thai call arid thai cry go we now, go ! 
 I dy nere for dry and ther syt thai so 
 All nyght 
 
 With hawvell and lawvell 
 Syngyng of lawvell 
 Thise ar howndys of hell."" 
 
 Dice players are given a bad character : 
 
 "Thise dysars and thise hullars 
 Thise cokkers and thise hollars 
 And all purs-cuttars 
 
 Bese well war of thise men."'"' 
 
 The general wickedness of the world is shown by the number 
 of souls who seek admittance into hell. The devil Titivillus in 
 despair exclaims : 
 
 "Saules cam so tliyk now late unto hell 
 .As ever 
 Oure porter at hell gate 
 
30 
 
 Is haldyn so strate 
 Up erly and down late 
 he rystys never."" 
 
 "^ On dress there is the following tirade : 
 
 "Gay gcre and witless his hoode set on koket, 
 As prowde as pennyles his slefe has no poket, 
 
 fful redles ; 
 With thare hemmyd shoyn 
 All this must be done 
 Bot syre is out at hye noyn 
 And his barnes bredeles. 
 
 "A home and a duch ax his slefe must be flekyt 
 A syde hede and a fare fax his gowne must be spekytt."" 
 
 also — 
 
 "An Nell with hir nyfyls of crips and of sylke 
 Tent well youre twyfyls youre nek abowte as mylke 
 With your bendys and your bridyyls of Sathan — ''" 
 
 In pageant XXX, Titivillus driving the lost souls before him, 
 sarcastically reminds them of their vanity : 
 
 "Gay gyrdyls, jagged hode. prankyd gownes, whedir?"" 
 
 This was aimed at the men as well as at the women. The 
 men, however, are not satirized as a class. The women are : 
 the Wakefield dramatist seems to find great pleasure in ridiculing 
 their shrewishness and their vanity. Noah's wife expresses her- 
 self on the troubles of inarried life and wishes for freedom. 
 She speaks according to the shrewish character that is given her 
 in all the miracle cycles except the Ludus Conventriae and the 
 Cornish. 
 
 "Lord, I were at ese and hertly full hoylle 
 Might I onys have a measse of wedows coyll ; 
 ffor thi saul. without lese shuld I dele penny doyll 
 So wold mo, no frese, that 1 se on this sole 
 Of witis that ar here, 
 flfor the life that thay leyd 
 Wold thare husbandis were dede 
 ffor, as ever I ate brede 
 So wold I oure svre were."'^' 
 
31 
 
 We get the other side of the story when Noah complains of 
 his wife's irritabiHty : 
 
 "flfor she is full tethee 
 ffor littill oft angre 
 If any thyng wrang be 
 Soyne is she wroth."** 
 
 * 
 
 And also when he advises young men on the management of 
 their wives : 
 
 ■'Yee men that has wifis whyls they are yong 
 If ye luf youre iifis chastice thare tong."" 
 
 Joseph, too, complains saying of Mary: 
 
 "Certys I forthynk sore of hir dede 
 Bot is long of yowth-hede 
 All sich wanton playes ; 
 flfor yong women wyll nedys play them" " 
 
 Of the same nature is the proverb which Gyb quotes to his 
 fellow-shepherds : 
 
 "A man may not wyfe 
 And also thryfe 
 And all in a yere."^ 
 
 A similar complaint against marriage follows in pageant 
 thirteen : 
 
 "These men that ar wed have not all thare wyll 
 When they ar full hard sted thay sygh full styll 
 God wayte thay ar led full hard and full yll, 
 In bower nor in bed thay say noght ther tyll 
 This tyde. • 
 
 Wo is hym that is bun 
 flfor he must abvde 
 
 Som men wyll have two wyfis and som men thre, 
 
 In store 
 
 Some are wo that has any. 
 
 But so far can I 
 
 Wo is hym that has many 
 
 flfor he felys sore. 
 
32 
 
 "Bot yong men of wowyng for God that you boght 
 Be well war of wedying and thynk in youre thoght 
 'had I wyst'is a thyng it scmys of noght 
 Mekyll styll movvrnyng has wedyng home broght, 
 
 And grefys. 
 With many a sharp showre 
 fFor thou may cache in an owre 
 That Ihall (savour) fulle sowre 
 As long as thou lyfifys.""" 
 
 In pageant XXXVIII, Paul is quoted as saying: 
 
 "Ther is no trust in woman's saw 
 No trast forth to belefe 
 ffoT with thare quayntyse and thare gyle 
 Can they laghc and wepe som while 
 And yit nothyng theym grefe. 
 
 "In our bookes thus fynde we wretyn 
 All manere of men well it wyttyn 
 
 Of women on this wyse ; 
 Till an appyl she is lyke — 
 Withoutten faill ther is non slyke 
 
 In horde ther it lyse. 
 
 Bot if a man assay it witterly 
 It is full roten inwardly 
 At the colke within ; 
 Wherfor in woman is no laghe 
 fifor she is withoutten aghe 
 As Crist me lowse of syn 
 Thcrfor trast we not trystely 
 Bot if we sagh it witterly 
 Than wold we trastly trow- 
 In womans saw affy we noght 
 ffor thay ar fekill in word and thoght.""' 
 
 Even doubting Thomas takes up the wearisome subject when 
 he says to his awe-stricken companions : 
 
 "^'e ar as women rad for blood and lyghtly oft solaced 
 it was a ghost before you stood.""" 
 
 In pageant XXX .some satirical dialogue passes between th« 
 demons as they look over their rolls: 
 
 "has thou oght writcn there of the femynyn genderc?" 
 "Yci, mo then 1 may here of rolles for to render 
 Thai ar sliarp as a spero if thai seme but slender 
 
33 
 
 Thai ar ever in were if thai be tender 
 
 yll fetyld 
 She that is most meke 
 When she semys full seke 
 She can rase up a reke 
 
 if she be well nettyld.""' 
 
 "Of femellys a quantite here fynde I parte."** 
 
 On woman's vanity and deceitfulness there is the following: 
 
 '"If she be never so fowll a dowde with her kelles and her pynnes 
 The shrew hir self can shrowde both hir chekys and hir chynnes 
 She can make it full prowde with japes and with gynnes 
 hir hede as hy as a clowde bot no shame of hir synnes 
 
 Thai f ele : 
 When she is thus paynt 
 She makys it so quaynte 
 She lookys like a saynte 
 And wars then the dayle 
 
 "She is hornyd like a cow — "'" 
 
 Joseph's complaint of marriage is as follows : 
 
 "howsehold and husbandry 
 fiful sore it may ban 
 That bargan dere I by 
 Yong men, bewar, red I 
 Wedjmg makes me all wan."** 
 
 Of the independent plays possibly once forming part of a 
 cycle, the Norwich, the Newcastle, and the two plays on Abra- 
 ham and Isaac are not satirical. The two Coventry plays, how- 
 ever, show satire on woman. Here as in the complete cycles, 
 Joseph complains at length i**' 
 
 "Wele-awey ! woman now may I goo 
 Begyld as many another ys." 
 
 "For the that woll nott there wyffis plese 
 Ofte tymes schall suffur moche dysees ! 
 
 Therefore I holde hym well at es 
 That hathe doo with non. 
 
 "So full of feyre wordis these wemen be 
 Thatt men thereto must nedis agre." 
 
 The maner of my wyff ys soo 
 ,S That with hvr nedis must I goo 
 
34 
 
 Wheddur 1 wyll or iiyl!. 
 Now ys nott tliis a cumlmrs lytT? 
 Loo, sirs, what yit ys to have a wyfF. 
 Vet had I leyvcr, nor to live in stryff 
 Apply c'vyii to hir wyll." 
 
 In the Digby "Killing of the Children", Watkyn the boast- 
 ful soldier is represented as very fearful of an angry woman. 
 His remarks can scarcely be called satire, but they do show the 
 fondness of the mediaeval author for twitting woman : 
 
 "But yitt 1 drede no thyng more than a woman with a Rokke 
 ffor if I se ony suche, he my feith I come agen.""" 
 
 "The Conversion of St. Paul" shows sarcasm in the remarks 
 of Saul's servant to the hostler ; and the "Croxton Play of the 
 Sacrament" has a comic character Colle take ofif the failing of 
 his master. Doctor Brendyche of Brabant : 
 
 "He ys a man off all scyence 
 But off thryfte — I may yow dyspence ! 
 He syttyth with sum tapstere in the spence 
 Hys hoode there wyll he sell 
 He seeth as well at noone as at nyght 
 And sumtyme by a candelleyt 
 Can gyff a judgment aryght 
 As he that hath no eyn 
 In every taverne he ys detter.""" 
 
 The satire in the miracle plays, cyclic and non-cyclic, is for 
 the most part general and conventional. There is the satire on 
 woman ; that on the clergy somewhat limited in amount and 
 scope, it is true, but nevertheless depicting the Pope as guilty 
 of simony and covetousness and hinting that perhaps tithe-giving 
 was a useless practice. We have only to look to the early poems 
 and songs in English to see how meagre and weak these dramas 
 are in the satirical quality. For example, note the "Song against 
 the Friars." The first stanza makes them more devout than 
 monks, priests, or canons. The second ironically continues : 
 
 "Men may se by thair contynaunce 
 That thai are men of grete penaunce 
 And also that thair sustynauncc 
 
 Symple is and wayke. 
 I have lyved now fourty yere 
 . And fatter men about the ncres 
 
35 
 
 Yit sawe I never then are these frers 
 In contreys ther thai rayke 
 Meteles so megre are thai made 
 And penaunces puttes hem doun 
 That ichon is an hors lade 
 When he shall trusse of town."™ 
 
 The nearest approach to any thing like it in length or satirical 
 power is the twenty-fifth pageant of Ludus Coventriae in w^iich 
 Lucifer satirizes fashions, hypocrisy, and immorality. 
 
 The strongest satire is foimd in the Chester Plays, in the ' 
 Ludits Coventriae. and in the Towneley collection. As to quantity 
 and variety, the Towneley cycle heads the list. 
 
 The subjects of miracle satire range over pope, friar, priest, 
 Lollard; over imperator. rex. lord, lawyer, questmonger. justice, 
 tax-collector, summoner. merchant, and tapster. It attacks drink- 
 ing, dicing, miserliness, women, fashions, hypocrisy, bribery, the 
 oppression of the poor, the arrogance of lords and upstarts, and 
 the failure of officials to execute the laws. There are. however, 
 but few references to each of the following — Lollards, friars, 
 priests, and popes. The men of the church were not so far as 
 we can determine from the plays subject to any satire other than 
 a chance sling, such as ridicule of their Latin and of their custom 
 of begging. Monks go scot-free perhaps because monkish au- 
 thors considered it a violation of good taste and good sense to 
 ridicule their own institution and its members before a demo- 
 cratic audience — an audience whose esteem they wished to keep. 
 The Pope is nowhere mentioned in the fifteenth century manu- 
 scripts of miracles. It is only in the late Chester Plays of the six- 
 teenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth that he is 
 shown in the Doomsday pageant. There the Dance of Death' 
 motife may have had something to do with his admission. 
 
 The oppression of the poor was a favorite subject. Joseph »/ 
 and the shepherds complain of taxes and hardships. The Towne- 
 ley Plays add to the taxes the insults which the poor had to suffer 
 at the hands of swaggering upstarts and others who did much as 
 they pleased, supported as they were by the maintenance of some 
 great lord whose livery they wore. Here we come close to the 
 satire found in the morality "Wisdom" which was of the same 
 period as the Towneley Plays ; and to that of the fourteenth 
 century poem "On the Servants of the Rich." 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 STAIRE IN THE PKE-TUDOR MORALITIES. 
 
 According to Creizenach literary historians liave given the 
 name morality to all plays written during the latter part of the 
 Middle Ages and at the time of the Reformation, the characters 
 of which are wholly or mainly personified abstractions. For 
 studying these plays, the classification of the Cambridge History 
 of English Literature' seems best. This groups them under the 
 following heads: (i) IVe-Tudor Mtjralities. (2) Rarlicr Tudor 
 Moralities, (3) Elizabethan Moralities. 
 
 Classified as Pre-Tudor Moralities are the following plays: 
 the "Pride of Life". "The Castle of E^erseverance". "Mind. Will 
 and Un:ierstanding''. and "Mankind". These plays have been' 
 given the following dates l)y scholars:' 1410. 1425. 1460-3. 1475. 
 They are the earliest specimens of English Moralities extant. As 
 the dates show they were contemporary with the miracle cycles. 
 "Wisdom" or "Mind Will and L^nr'erstanding" ; and "Mankind'' 
 have approximately the same date as the "York Plays", the 
 "Ludus Coventriae", and the Towneley Plays. We have found 
 some satire in the miracles; we may expect to find a greater 
 amount in the moralities since they f'ealt with questions of 
 ethics, and even went so far as to discuss social, political, and 
 religious problems ; and since they were often in their early 
 history and almost exclusively in their later productions, 
 presented before an aristocratic and therefore a limited 
 audience. "Wisdom" was probably jDresented in an abbey 
 before a body of monks. Its author was in all ))roba- 
 bility a monk who felt called upon to satirize the 
 growing spirit of apostasy among the monks and the practice of 
 maintenance among the lords and the nobles. On the other hand 
 "The Castle of Perseverance" from its unique stage-drawing 
 must have been presented out of doors and before an immense 
 popular audience possibly very much the same kind of audienc^ 
 as gathered to see the "Ludus Coventriae" which from stage- 
 directions'' must have been presented on a fixed stage with several 
 
37 
 
 pageants. Whether these were arranged in a circle or not, we do 
 not know. 
 
 The_satire in the oldest morality, "The Pride of Life" is of 
 the nature of a generalized lament spoken by a bishop who sees 
 nothing but evil in the times. The world no longer reverences 
 God ; might makes right ; the rich oppress the poor ; and the 
 people are given up to bribery, lechery, and gluttony. Here is 
 his criticism of the age:* 
 
 "Ye world is nou, so wo lo wo 
 in sue bal i bound 
 yat dred of god is al ago 
 &treut is go to ground 
 
 "med is mad a demis man 
 streyint bet it ye lau 
 gocyl is mad a cepman 
 &truyt is don of dau. 
 
 "Wyt is nou al trecuri 
 oyis fals &gret 
 play is nou uileny 
 &corteysi is let 
 
 "lou is nou al lecuri 
 
 cildrin bet onlerit ; 
 
 halli^ay is gloWni : 
 ' yis Ian is bot irerit. 
 
 "slot men blet bleynd 
 &lokit al amis _, 
 he bicomit onkynd 
 &yat is reut i uis 
 
 "frend may no man find 
 of fremit ne of sib 
 ye ded bet out of mind 
 gret soru it is to lib. 
 
 "Yes ricmen bet reuthyles, 
 ye por got to ground, 
 &fals men bet schanles : 
 the sot ic hau i found 
 
 "paraventur men halt me a fol 
 to sig yat fot tal ; 
 yai farit as ficis in a pol ; 
 ye gret eteit ye smal. 
 
38 
 
 "ric men spart for noying 
 to do the por worng; 
 yai yingit not on hen ending 
 ne on det, yat is so strong. 
 
 "noyir yai louit god, ne dredit 
 noyir him no his lauis ; 
 touart hel fast him draut 
 ayeins har ending daus." 
 
 The "Castle of Perseverance" which is thought to date from 
 1425 is largely didactic. Here and there is a hint of satire on 
 executors ; on the pope, on abbeys ; on fashions ; on the power of 
 money; and on the fickleness of fortune. Adultery, sloth, deceit, 
 extortion, false assize, and simony are also mentioned. The 
 abstraction Avaricia speaks in character. He is a satire on the 
 universal desire of men to make money. Superbia is a satire on 
 the desire to look well. We find on executors the following 
 criticism : 
 
 "he sendyth aftyr his sekkatours, ful fekyl to fynd 
 &his eyr aftyrward comyth evere behynde, 
 I wot not who is his name, for he hym not knowe 
 
 "Man knowe not who schal be his eyr and governe his good 
 he caryth mor for his catel thanne for his cursyd synne : 
 to put his good in governaunce he mengyth his mod 
 he wolde that it were scyftyd amongis his ny kynne 
 but ther schal com a lythyr ladde with a torne hod 
 I wot nevere who schal be his name, his clothis be ful thynne 
 schal eryth the erytage that nevere was of hys blod 
 whanne al his lyfe is lytyd upon a lytyl pynne at the laste."^ 
 
 Avarice's advice to Mankind reminds us of that of Lucifer 
 to the audience in the "Ludus Coventriae" : 
 
 "thou must gyfe thee to symonye 
 extorsion and false asyse 
 helpe no man but thou have why ; 
 pay not thi servauntys here serwyse. 
 thi neyborys, loke thou dystroye 
 tythe not on no wyse ! 
 here no begger, thou he crye, 
 &thanne schalt thou ful sone ryse 
 &whanne thou usyste marchaundyse 
 loke that thou be sotel of sleytys, 
 and also swere al be deseytys, 
 
39 
 
 bye and sell be fals weytys 
 for that is kynde coveytyse. 
 
 "be the peny in thi purs 
 lete them cursyn &don here beste' 
 
 to pore men take none entent."^ 
 
 Accidia says : 
 
 "Men of relygyon I rewle in my ryth.'" 
 
 Superbia advises : 
 
 "Use these new Lettes 
 loke thou blowe mekyl bost 
 with longe Cracows on thi schon 
 Jagge thi clothis in every cost."' 
 
 Mankind is also advised to show anger :^° 
 "be also wroth as thou were wode 
 
 be redy to spylle mans blod . . ! 
 
 "speke thi neybour mekyl schame 
 pot on hem sum fals fame." 
 
 Mankind invites Envy to sit with him saying: 
 
 "Cum syt here softe ! • 
 For in abbeys thou dwellyst ful ofte."" 
 
 Some satire in the form of advice to mankind on fasting 
 follows : 
 
 "Fast no day, I rede be the rode 
 Thou chyde these fastyng cherlys." ^' 
 
 Mankind comments on adultery ; 
 
 Spousebreche is a frend ryth f re ; 
 Men use that mo thanne inowe;" 
 
 And when Accidia says: 
 
 Whanne the messe-belle goth 
 lye stylle, man, &take non hede 
 Chyrche goynge thou forsake.'"* 
 
he replies ; 
 
 40 
 
 "Men lofe wel now to lye stylle 
 In bedde to take a charowe swot 
 To chyrcheward is not here wylle." 
 
 Accidia like the demon in the Towneley "Juditium" re- 
 joices in the number of people who are under his sway :^' 
 
 "XXXti thousende that I wel knowe, 
 In my lyf lovely I lede, 
 that had levere syttyn at the ale, 
 iij mens songs to syngj'n lowde 
 thanne toward the chyrche for to crowde." 
 
 Avarice dwells on the power of money:" 
 
 "thi purs schal be thi best frende 
 thow thou syt al day and prey 
 no man schal com to thee nor sende ; 
 but if thou have a peny to pey, 
 men schul to the thanne lystyn &lende." 
 
 he also says 
 
 "it is good whon so the wynde blowe 
 A man to have sum-what of his owe." 
 
 on the other hand, Abstinencia presents the fickleness of fortune :* 
 
 "Worldis wele is lyke a iij-foted stole 
 it faylyt a man at hys most nede." 
 
 Be he never so ryche of worldis wone,*° 
 hys seketowris schul makyn here mone 
 'Make us mery & lete hym gone ! 
 he was a good felawe' 
 "the ton sekatour seyth to the tothyr, 
 'make we mery & a ryche fest 
 & lete hym lyn in dedis fodyr.' " 
 
 Mankind, however, realizes the value of money, for he 
 says: " 
 
 "Penyman is mekyl in mynde 
 
 "Penyman best may spede 
 he is a duke to don a dede 
 now in every place." 
 
41 
 
 He continues his proverbial speeches :■ 
 
 " 'More & more' in many a place 
 certys that song is oftyn songe. 
 
 "Inow, Inow was nevere songe." 
 
 Avarice lends Mankind money but gives him advice against 
 lending it :^^ 
 
 "Lene no man hereof for no karke, 
 thou he schuld he hange be the throte, 
 monke nor Frere, prest nor clerke 
 ne helpe therwith chyrche nor cote 
 tyl deth thi body delue. 
 thou he schuld sterve in a caue 
 lete no pore man ther of haue." 
 
 "Wisdom" or "Mind Will and Understanding'" is for the 
 greater part didactic. Written about 1460 and as Dr. Walter 
 Kay Smart-* has said for the purpose of counteracting the grow- 
 ing spirit of apostasy among the monks, it does show considerable 
 satire on the political and social corruptions of that time. The 
 satire occurs in the stages of the plot known as Temptation and 
 Life-in-Sin. 
 
 Lucifer dressed in his favorite costume — that of the gallant — 
 advises the characters, ]\'Iind. Will and Understanding, who must 
 have been costumed as monks, to leave their life of contempla- 
 tion .--^ 
 
 "Leave your stodyes, thow (they) ben dywyn ; 
 Yowur prayers, yowur penance, of Ipocryttis the syne 
 And lede a comun lyff ! 
 What synne in met, in hale, in wyn ! 
 
 "Ser by Sent Powle !"'"' 
 But trust not thes prechors, for they be not goode. 
 For they flatter & lye as they were woode 
 Ther ys a wolffe in a lambys skyn." 
 
 Satire on the times appears in Wyll's speech on lechery to 
 which he proposes to abandon himself. He refers to it — "As was 
 sumtyme the gyse of Frawnce". His speeches and those of Mind 
 and Understanding show the prevailing evils of the day — avarice, 
 maintenance, and immorality. Understanding says r^ 
 
42 
 
 "The ryche covetyse, wo, dare blame, 
 Off govell and symony thow he here the name 
 To be fals, men report it game." 
 
 Wyll adds in a similar tone :-* 
 
 "And of lechery to make avawiite 
 Men fors yt no more than drynke atavvnt 
 Thes thyngis be now so conversant 
 We seme yt no schame." 
 
 From Mynde, we have ;-" 
 
 "Thys ys a cause of my worschyppe 
 I serve mj^ghty lordeschyppe 
 Therfor moche folke me dredis 
 Men sew ti my frendeschyppe 
 I supporte hem by lordeschyppe ; 
 For to gette goode. this a grett spede ys." 
 
 We learn Understanding's methods from this i^" 
 
 "And I use Jirowry 
 Embrace questis of perjury 
 Choppe and chonge with symonye 
 &take large jeftis 
 By the cause never so try 
 I preve yt fals, I swere, I lye." 
 
 In the following speeches, Wyll comments on immorality: 
 
 "Few placis now ther be, 
 But onclennes we xall ther see" 
 
 Lust ys now comun as the wa}'." 
 
 Mynd discusses law :^- 
 
 "Law procedyth not for meyntnance" 
 "Wo will have law must have monye." 
 
 And on lordship he says :^^ 
 
 "Wo lordschyppc xall sew, must it bye." 
 
 Wyll supports this statement :^* 
 
 "Ther poverty ys the male-wrye 
 Thow ryght be, he xall nevermrenewe." 
 
43 
 
 Mynde reminds us of Lady Meed in "Piers Plowman", and 
 of the advice of the high-priest in "Ludus Coventriae" :^^ 
 
 "Wrong ys born upe boldly 
 Thow all the worlde know yt opynly 
 Mayntnance ys now so myghty 
 And all ys for mede." 
 
 Understanding brings up the conventional complaint against 
 law:^" 
 
 "The law ys so coloryde falsly 
 By sleytes and by perjury 
 Brybys be so gredy 
 
 that to the pore, trowth ys take ryght nought 
 a hede." 
 
 Wyll says :' 
 
 "Mayntnaunce &perjury now stande 
 Ther wer never so moche reynande 
 Sith Gode was bore." 
 
 Mynde adds :'' 
 
 "And lechery was never more usande 
 Off lernyde and lewyde in this lande." 
 
 Perjury and Wyll characterize the Holborn jury which was 
 noted for its corruption -.^^ 
 
 "Thys menys consyens ys so streytt 
 That they report as mede yewt (beyght) 
 Here is the quest of Holborn an euyll endyrecte 
 They daunce all the londe hydyr &thedyr." 
 
 "Have they a brybe, have they no care 
 Wo hath wronge or ryght."*" 
 
 The three Mights lay plans for their future action. Under- 
 standing proposes to go to Westminster :*^ 
 
 "At Westmynster without varyance 
 the nex terme xall me avawnce 
 For retoryns, for enbraces, for recordaunce." 
 
44 
 
 Mynd will be at St. Pauls :*- 
 
 "And at the parvyse 1 wyll be 
 At Powlys betwyn ij and iij 
 With a menye folowynge me." 
 
 He with Understanding will fight and arrest the husband of 
 Cousin Janet with whom Will has an intrigue :*•"* 
 
 "Arest hym fyrst to pes for fyght 
 Than in another schere hym endyght 
 He ne xall wete by wom ne howe 
 Have hym in the Marschalse anyght 
 Than to the Amralte for they wyll byght 
 A 'prevenire facias' than have as tyght 
 And thou xalt hurle hym so that he xall have inow." 
 
 In "Mankind" we come to a morality written about 1475, 
 which contains more realism and rough humor than the preced- 
 ing plays. The element of burlesque for comic effect enters in the 
 I take-oiT on Mankind's prayer and in the court-scene where Man- 
 kind is initiated by New Guise, Nowadays and Nought. There 
 are frequent references to localities and numerous sarcastic re- 
 marks from the vices, for instance. New Guise speaking to Mercy 
 says :** 
 
 "Ey, ey ! yowur body ys full of Englysch Latin" 
 
 "Now opyn yowur sachell with Laten wordis 
 And sey me this in clerycall manere." 
 
 There is possibly a sly touch of satire in the long speeches 
 sprinkled throughout Mercy's speeches. The author at any rate 
 seems to have loaded the dice against his good character and to 
 have joined with the vices in making sport of him. Mercy warns 
 Mankind against the three vices :*^ 
 
 "thei harde not a masse this twelmonyth 
 1 dare well sei." 
 
 Nought warrants this accusation when he introduces him- 
 self as having been with the "comyn tapster of Bury." He 
 boasts of his ability to "pype in a Walsyngham Wystyll." 
 
 New Gyse maps out his itineracy evidently referring to well- 
 known characters and places :*^ 
 
45 
 
 , ' " "FyTst 1 xal3 begyn at Master Huntyngton of Sanston 
 F"ro the«s 1 xall go to W ylliam Thurlcy of Hanston 
 And so forth to Rycharde of Trumpyngton. 
 
 Nowadays has a similar purpose in mind, New Gyse knows 
 the danger of their undertaking:*^ 
 
 "If we may be take, we com no more hethyr 
 lett us con well our neke verse 
 That we have not a cheke." 
 
 Nowadays is not thoughtful of future dangers. He con- 
 tinues planning. 
 
 "A chyrche her besyde xall pay for ale, brede, &wyn" *^ 
 
 Later New Gyse comes running in with a halter about his 
 ■neck. He explains his situation to Mankind by saying that he is 
 wearing "Sent Awdrys holy bende", for 
 
 "I have a lytyll dyshes as 3t plese god to sende 
 Wyth a running rynge-worme."*" 
 
 In the burlesque court-scene. Mankind is received into the 
 compaiiy of the vices by answering "I wyll, ser" to the questions 
 put to him: (i) if he will commit adultery, (2) if he will rob, 
 steal, and kill (3) if he will visit taverns, forbear mass, matins, 
 hours, and prime. He is then instructed to carry a long "da 
 pacem."^" 
 
 The satire in these Pre-Tudor Moralities varies from the 
 dull generalized lament in the "Pride of Life" to a more specific 
 attack on follies in the ''Castle of Perseverance", "Wisdom", and 
 ^'Mankind". There is comment upon the irony of life, — the use- 
 lessness of hoarding up wealth for an unknown heir, possibly the 
 fickle executor. There is ironical advice to yield to the Seven 
 Deadly Sins — to practice extortion and simony, to slander one's 
 neighbors, to ignore the poor, and to assume a swaggering air. 
 The prevalence of slothfulness and immorality is also noted. 
 Maintenance, perjury, and the spirit of apostasy among monks 
 bear the brunt of the attack. Besides this last there is little satire 
 on religion. Mankind hints that Envy's home is in abbeys ; and 
 Lucifer advises the three Mights against the flatteries of "preach- 
 ers". 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SATIRE IN THE EARLY TUDOR MORALITIES. 
 
 The division of Early Tudor Moralities includes the fol- 
 lowing plays; "Four Elements". "Mundus et Infans", "Every- 
 man", "Hickscorner", "Magnificence", "Nature", "VVyt and 
 Science", "Kynge Johan", "Lusty Juventus", "Respublica", 
 "Youth", and John Bale's "Thre Lawes". 
 
 In treating these plays I shall consider "Mundus et Infans" 
 first, as it was probably written in the latter part of the fifteenth 
 century although it was not printed until 1522. 
 
 The play does not contain much satire. Manhood calls con- 
 science "false flattering frere" and Folly gives this account of 
 himself :^ 
 
 "Over London bridge I ran 
 And straightway to the stews I came 
 And took lodging for a night 
 And there I found my Iirother Lechery 
 
 Straight to all the freres 
 
 And with them I dwelled many years 
 
 And they crowned Folly a king — 
 
 Into abbeys and nunneries also 
 
 By my faith sir into London 1 ran 
 
 To the tavern to drink the wine. 
 
 And then to the inns I took the wav 
 
 .And there I was not welcome to the ostler 
 
 But I was welcome to the fair tapster 
 
 And to all the household I was ryght Dc-'.r" 
 
 He also says that he has lived long in London, was born in 
 Holborn and is well known at Westminster.- 
 
 "To Westminster I used to wend 
 For I am a servant of the law 
 Covetise is mine own fellow 
 We twain plete for the king 
 And poor men that come from Upland 
 We will take their matter in hand 
 be it right or wrong 
 Their thrift with us shall wend." 
 46 
 
47 
 
 London seems to be considered the home of folly ; Manhood 
 says :^ 
 
 "Folly will me lead to London to learn revel 
 To London to seek Folly will I fare." 
 
 There are also references to Newgate and Eastcheap.* 
 In "Four Elements" written between 15 15 and 1520 we have 
 the first morality to change the subject of instruction from re- 
 ligion to science. The author in the prologue given to the mes- 
 senger, writes our earliest bit of dramtic literary satire. He 
 satirizes both the subject-matter of the books of his day and the 
 neglect of the English tongue :^ 
 
 "What number of books in our tongue maternal 
 Of toys and trifles be made and imprinted 
 And few of them of matter substantial ; 
 For though many make books, yet unneth ye shall 
 In our English tongue find any works 
 Of cunning, that is regarded by clerks. 
 
 If clerks in their realm would take pain so, 
 Considering that our tongue is now sufficient 
 To expound any hard sentence evident. 
 They might, if they would, in our English tongue 
 Write works of gravity among. 
 
 "But now so it is, that in our English tongue 
 Many one there is, that can but read and write 
 For his pleasure will oft presume among 
 New books to compile and ballads to indite. 
 Some of love or other matter not worth a mite 
 Some to obtain favor will flatter and glose 
 Some write curious terms nothing to purpose." 
 
 The messenger's speech also includes a satire on the high es- 
 timation of riches :*"" 
 
 "But he that for a commonwealth busily 
 Studieth and laboureth, and liveth by God's law 
 Except he wax rich, men count him but a daw. 
 So he that is rich is ever honoured 
 Although he have got it never so falsely." 
 
 Sensual Appetite, who leads Humanity off to the tavern, re- 
 fers to the king's servant as being the cause of the scanty fare :^ 
 
4« 
 
 1 iS for capons 
 
 Ye can get none 
 
 The king's taker took up each one." 
 
 He finds the taverner ready to crack a joke on woman. The 
 latter says when asked for quail because it is light of digestion 
 from "their continual moving", that he knows a still lighter 
 meat — woman's tongue — "for that is ever stirring." 
 
 Passing to the moral play "Everyman" (1525) we find little 
 satire. God complains of the devotion to riches and to selfish 
 interests :^ 
 
 "In worldly riclies is all their mind." 
 
 "For now one would by envy another up eat; 
 "Charity they do all clean forget." 
 
 Knowledge gives a bit of religious satire :" 
 
 "Sinful priests giveth the sinners example bad 
 Their children sitteth by other men's tires I have heard, 
 And some haunteth women's company 
 With unclean life, as lusts of lechery." 
 
 In "Hickscorner" we find a different kind of morality. It 
 has none of the dignity of "Everyman". It 'deals with low types. 
 Pity appears with a generalized lament on the times and is 
 scoffed at by the libertine Hickscorner, and by his accomplices, 
 Imagination and Freewill. First the lament :^" 
 
 "I have heard many men complain piteously 
 They say they be smitten with the swerd of poverty. 
 
 Few friends poverty doth find 
 
 And these rich men been unkind 
 
 For their neighbours they will nought do 
 
 Widows doth curse lords and gentlemen 
 
 For they constrain them to marry with their men 
 
 Yea whether they will or no. 
 
 Men marry for good, and that is damnable 
 
 Yea with old women that is fifty and beyond." 
 
 Here the author agrees with "Piers Plowman" on the sub- 
 ject of marriage. He continues :^^ 
 
 "Priests lack utterance to show their cuning 
 People have now small devotion 
 
49 
 
 And all the while that clerks do use so great sin 
 Among the lay people look never for no mending." 
 
 Imagination, one of the vices, characterizes himself as fol- 
 lows :^^ 
 
 '"I can imagine things subtle 
 For to get money plenty 
 In Westminster Hall every term I am 
 To me is kin many a great gentleman 
 I am knowen in every country 
 And I were dead, the lawyers thrift were lost 
 For this will I do, if men would do cost 
 Prove right wrong, and all by reason 
 And make men lose house and land." 
 
 Peach men of treason privily I can " 
 
 And when we list, to hang a true man 
 
 If they will be money tell 
 
 Thieves I can help out of prison 
 
 And into lords favours I can get me soon 
 
 And be of their privy council 
 
 I can look in a man's face and pick his purse 
 
 And tell new tidings that never was true iwis 
 
 For my hood is all lined with lesing." 
 
 Freewill interrupts with, "Yea, but went ye never to Tyburn 
 a pilgrinriage ?" 
 
 Imagination answers ■}* 
 
 "No, iwis, nor none of my linege 
 For we be clerks all and can our neck verse 
 And with an ointment the. judges han I can grease 
 That will heal sores that be incurable." 
 
 Hickscorner represented as a boisterous sailor, reports as 
 sunk in the sea all true religious women, true maidens, true 
 monks, alms-deed doers, true buyers and sellers, true married 
 people, and good rich men that helpeth folk out of prison. In his 
 own boat came Falsehood, Favell, Jollity, thieves, whores, 
 liars, backbiters, flatterers, brawlers, walkers by night, murderers, 
 oppressors, swearers, false law, wanton wenches and hatred. 
 
 Freewill shows some of New-gyse's humor when he speaks of 
 the gyves as "a medicine for a pair of sore shins". An op- 
 portunity comes later for him to have the medicine administered. 
 He speaks of the experience :^^ 
 4 
 
50 
 
 "For woe then I wist not what to have done 
 And all because I lacked money 
 But a friend in court is worth a penny in purse." 
 
 Pity again breaks forth into a tirade against the sins of the 
 people — their use of oaths, their fondness of extreme fashions, 
 the inefficiency of mayors, the injustice of- lawyers, and the 
 general immorality of the young :^" 
 
 "Worse was it never 
 We have plenty of great oaths 
 And cloth enough in our clothes 
 But charitv men loathes. 
 
 Alas now is lechery called love indeed 
 And murder named manhood in every need 
 
 Extortion is called law — 
 
 Bawds be the destroyers of many young women 
 
 'Mayors on sin doeth no correction 
 
 While gentle men beareth truth adown 
 
 Avoutry is suffered in every town." 
 
 Devotion is gone many days sin 
 Courtiers go gay and take little wages 
 "And many with harlots at the taverns haunts. 
 They be yeomen of the wreath that should be shackled 
 in gyves." 
 
 God punisheth full sore with great sickness 
 As pox, pestilence, purple, and axes 
 Yet was there never so great poverty 
 Ther be som sermons made by noble doctors 
 But truly the fiend doth stop men's ears." 
 
 Here we see an instance of English discrimination. Some- 
 doctors' are noble and worthy. What he adds is an excuse for 
 those who do not preach : 
 
 "All truth is best not said 
 .And our preachers nowadays be half-afraid." 
 
 Freewill refers to localities of doubtful repute:^' 
 
 "If I might make three good voyages to Shooter's Hill 
 And have wind and weather at mv will 
 
51 
 
 Then would I never travel the sea more ! 
 
 But it is hard to keep the ship from the shore 
 
 And if it hap to rise a storm 
 
 Then thrown in a raft and so about borne 
 
 On rocks or brachs to run 
 
 Else to shake aground at Tyburn 
 
 That were a murderous case. 
 
 For that rock of Tyburn is so perilous a place 
 
 Young gallants dare not venture into Kent 
 
 But when their money is gone and spent 
 
 With their long boots they row in the bay 
 
 And any man-of-war lie by the way 
 
 They must take a boat and throw the helm ale 
 
 And full hard it is to escape that great jeopardy 
 
 For at Saint Thomas of Watering and they strike a sail 
 
 Then they must ride in the haven of hemp without fail. 
 
 And were not these two per parlous places indeed. 
 
 There is many a merchant thither would speed. 
 
 But yet we have a sure channel at Westminster 
 
 A thousand ships of thieves therein may ride sure ; 
 
 For if they may anchor-hold and great spending 
 
 They may live merry as any king." 
 
 We come next to "Magnificence" a play written by John 
 Skelton, it is thought, in 15 16. Magnificence the prince stands 
 for Henry VIII ; the vices represent the evil qualities of his great 
 minister, Wolsey. The forces for good probably represent the 
 party of the Duke of Norfolk who was opposed to the ex- 
 travagent policy of the upstart, Wolsey. The satire in the play 
 has been thoroughly discussed by Dr. Robert Lee Ramsay in the 
 introduction to the Early English Text Society's edition of the 
 play; hence I shall confine myself in giving instances which may 
 be construed as satire. Some of these are the familiar attack 
 on the times as :^- 
 
 "But men nowe a dayes so unhappely be uryd 
 That nothynge than welth may be worse enduryd" 
 
 "Yet lyberte hath ben lockyd up and kept in the mew" 
 "Yet measure hath ben so longe from us absent 
 That all men laugh at lyberte to scorne ; 
 Welth and wyt, I say, be so threde-bare worne 
 Tha all is without measure, and fer beyond the mone." 
 
 Fancy refers to Louis XII of France as having been a gen- 
 erous prince : 
 
52 
 
 "Largesse is he that all prynces doth avaunce 
 
 "I reporte me herein to King Lewes of Fraunce, 
 
 S\th he dyed largesse was lytill used." '" 
 
 He shows the hostility existing between England and France 
 in his account of his experiences with the coast officers:^" 
 
 "By God at the see syde 
 Had I not opened my purse wyde 
 I trowe, by our lady, 1 had been slayne 
 Or elles I had lost myne eares twayne 
 
 there is such a wache 
 
 That no man can scape but they hym cache 
 They bare me in hande that I was a spe : 
 And another bade put out myne eye 
 Another wolde myne eye were blerde 
 Another bade shave halfe my berde 
 And boys to the pylery gan me plucke 
 And wolde have made me Freer Tucke 
 To preche out of the pylery hole." 
 
 Counterfeit Countenance probably a satire on Wolsey boasts 
 of his sway :" 
 
 "A knave wyll counterfet nowe a knyght 
 
 A lurdayne lyke a lord to fight 
 
 A mynstrell lyke a man of myght 
 
 A tappyster lyke a lady bryght 
 
 Thus at the laste I brynge hym ryght 
 To Tyburn where they hang on hyght 
 
 Counterfet maters in the law of the lande, 
 Wyth golde and grotes they grese my hande 
 In stede of ryght that wronge may stande." 
 
 Of wives, he says :^^ 
 
 "To counterfet she wyll assay 
 All the newe gyse freshe and gaye 
 And be as praty as she may 
 And jet it joly as a jay." 
 
 He speaks too, of "counterfet prechynge and byleve the con- 
 trary", and adds some proverbs: 
 
53 
 
 "Ryches rideth out. at home is poverty."' 
 
 A knokylbonyarde wyll counterfet a clarke 
 
 He wolde trotte gentylly but he is too starke 
 
 At his cloked counterfetynge dogges dothe barke'' 
 
 This may refer to Cardinal Wolsey, who was looked upon 
 with jealousy by the lords. He continues:^* 
 
 '"To counterfet this freers have learned me 
 This nonnes now and then, and it myght be 
 Wolde take in the way of counterfet charyte 
 The grace "of God under benedicite 
 To counterfet theyr counsell they gave me a fee 
 Chanons can not counterfet but upon thre 
 Monkys may not for drede that men sholde them se.' 
 
 Another of the vices, Cloked Collusion, is dressed as a 
 priest in cope and vestment. From this we may infer that he was 
 meant to represent Wolsey. His remarks p. 20, i. 620. "Hath 
 Magnificence any treasure?" is significant. His characteriza- 
 tion of himself is said to fit Wolsey:-"* 
 
 'Two faces in a hode covertly I here 
 Water in the one hande and fvre in the other" 
 
 By Cloked Collusion, I say. and none other 
 Cumberance and trouble in England iyvst I began 
 From that lorde to that lorde I rode and I ran 
 And flatered them with fables fayre before theyr face 
 "And tolde all the myschyef I coude be hynde theyr backe." 
 
 Courtly Abusion dressed in the latest fashion — the "new 
 foune jet out of France" — may be a satire upon Wolsey's fond- 
 ness for dress and show. He comments on the tendency to follow 
 fashion :^* 
 
 "A carlys sonne 
 
 Brought vp of nought, 
 
 Wyth me wyll wonne, 
 
 Whylyst he hath ought 
 
 He wyll have wrought 
 
 His gowne so wyde 
 
 That he may hyde 
 
 "His dame and his syre 
 Within his slyve 
 
54 
 
 Spende all his hyre 
 That men hyiii gyve; 
 Wherfore I preue 
 A Tyborne checke 
 Shall breke his necke." 
 
 Folly boasts that he makes fools of idle men and others. He 
 must be speaking of Wolsey when he refers to a certain upstart 
 who has become very powerful. These are his words :-' 
 
 "And those be they that come up of nought 
 As some be not ferre and yf it were wejl sought 
 Such dawys, what soever they be, 
 That be set in auctorite 
 Anone he waxyth so hy and prowde 
 He frownyth fyersly, brymly browde 
 The knawe wolde make it koy and he cowde ; 
 All that he dothe muste be alowde ; 
 And, 'This is not well done, Syr. ; take hede.' " 
 
 He alludes to men who have been bearing tales to the 
 sovereign, but their identity is unknown:-* 
 
 ''Ther be two lyther, rude and ranke, 
 Smykyn Tytyuell and Pers Pj'kthanke ; 
 These lythers I lerne them for to lere, 
 What he sayth and she sayth to lay good ere, 
 And tell to his sufferayne euery whyt ; 
 And then he is moche made of for his wyt; 
 And be the mater yll more or lesse 
 He wyll make it mykyll worse than it is : ■ 
 
 Crafty Conveyance satirizes the times :-^ 
 
 "It is a wonder to se the worlde aboute 
 To se what Foly is in vsed in euery place ; 
 
 By the quality of Crafty Conveyance "many one is brought 
 up of nought," for instance, Wolsey. The "full ungracious sorte'' 
 around Magnificence may refer to Wolsey's party. 
 
 As has been suggested by Dr. Ramsey, the boastful speech 
 of Magnificence when at the height of his power is a satire on 
 Henry VHI's youthful extravagance and may also contain a 
 trace of literary satire. Magnificence says of Courtly Abusion's 
 language :'" 
 
55 
 
 "* * * with Pleasure I am supprysyd 
 Of your langage, it is so well devj'sed ; 
 PuUyshyd and fresshe is your ornacy. 
 
 He is not lyuynge your maners can amend 
 
 Mary, your speche is as pleasant as though it were pend." 
 
 Cloked Collusion comments on the recklessness of the times :^* 
 
 "For I here but fewe men that gyue ony prayse 
 Unto Measure, I say, nowe a days" 
 
 "They catche that catche may, kepe and hold fast 
 Out of all measure themselfe to enryche ; 
 No force what thoughe his neyghbour dye in a dyche, 
 With pollynge and pluckynge out of all measure." 
 
 He advises Magnificence how to distribute his money :^^ 
 
 "Better to make iii ryche than for to make many 
 Gyve them more than ynoughe and let them not lacke 
 And as for all others let them trusse and packe 
 Pluck from an hundred and gyve it to thre 
 Let neyther patent scape them nor fee." 
 
 Lyberte is disgusted with the stinginess of nobles. He says r^' 
 
 "But nowe adayes as huksters they hucke and they stycke, 
 And pynche at the payment of a poddynge prycke ; 
 A laudable Largesse I tell you, for a lorde, 
 To prate for the patchynge of a pot sharde'. 
 Spare for the spence of a noble that his honour myght saue. 
 And spende c. s for the pleasure of a knaue." 
 
 On the other hand, he says too much liberty results in 
 ruin :^* 
 
 "And some in the worlde, theyr brayne is so ydyll 
 That they set theyr chyldren to rynne on the brydyll. 
 In youth to be wanton, and let them have theyr wyll 
 And they never thryue in theyr age, it shall not gretly skyll 
 Some fall to Foly, them selfe for to spyll 
 And some fall prechynge at the Toure Hyll : 
 
 . nonnes wyll leve theyr holynes and ryn after me; 
 Freers, with Foly I make them so fayre 
 "They cast up theyr obeydyence to cache me agayne ; 
 At Lyberte to wander and walke ouer all. 
 That lustely they lepe somtyme theyr cloyster wall." 
 
56 
 
 So much for Magnificence. The next play to be considered, 
 "Nature" was written between i486 and 1500. It satirizes the 
 conventional sins, pride and avarice. Pride struts about as a 
 gallant reminding one of the fops of a later day, for instance, 
 Lord Foppington in Van Brugh's play, "The Relapse". He 
 says of his own appearance :^^ 
 
 "1 love yt well to haue syde here 
 Halfe a wote byneth myne ere 
 For ever more I stande in fere 
 That myne nek shold take cold 
 I knyt yt vp all the nyght 
 And the day tyme kemb yt down right 
 And then yt cryspeth and shyneth as bryght 
 As any pyrled gold. 
 
 "My doublet ys onlaced byfore 
 A stomacher of satin and no more 
 Rayn it, snow yt never so sore 
 Me thynketh I am to bote 
 Than have I suche a short gown 
 Wyth wyde sieves that hang a down 
 They wold make some lad in thys town 
 A doublet and a cote. 
 
 Later he tells man that he should get some new clothes :^^ 
 
 "For now there is a new guyse 
 It ys nowe ii. days a gon 
 Syth that men beggan thys fassyon 
 And every knave had yt anon, 
 
 He confides in Worldy Affection his future plans concerning 
 Man :^^ 
 
 "Syr our mayster shall have a gown 
 That all the galandys in thys town 
 
 Shall on the fassyon wonder 
 It shall not be sowed but wyth a lace 
 bytwyxt every some a space 
 of two handful! assonder 
 
 "Than a doublet of the new make 
 Close byfore and open on tlic bak 
 
 No sieve vpon hys arnic 
 vnder that a shyrte as soft as sylk 
 and as wbyte as any mylk 
 
 to kepe the carcas warm. 
 
57 
 
 "Than shall hys hosen be stryped 
 Wyth corselettys of fyne veluet slyped 
 
 Down to the hard kne 
 And fro the kne downward 
 His hosen shalbe freshely gard 
 
 Wyth colours ii or thre 
 
 "And whan he is in suche aray 
 There goth a rutter men w\-ll say 
 
 a rutter huf a galand 
 ye shall se these foles on hym gase 
 and muse as yt were on a mase 
 
 Xew brought into the land." 
 
 Envy says of Wrath's ability to corrupt a jury:'* 
 
 "Syr yt happyned in Westmynster Hall 
 Even before the Juges all 
 Hys handys were bound fast 
 And never upon hym that God ever made 
 Dager, sword nor knyfe he had 
 And yet at the last 
 He drave XH men into a corner 
 And an houre after durst they not appere." 
 
 He adds a touch of the conventional satire on woman :'* 
 
 "Now he that wold warre or stryfe 
 I pray god send hym a shrewd wyfe." 
 
 Sensuality ascribes avarice to priests and lawyers :*" 
 
 "He dwelled wyth a prest as I herd say 
 For he loveth well men of the chyrche and they hym also 
 And lawyars eke whan they may tend therto. 
 Wyll follow hys cOunsell." 
 
 In the controversial drama, "Lusty Juventus". which dates 
 from the period 1 547-1 553, the satire is chiefly anti-papal. 
 Knowledge on the side of the Reformation informs Lusty Ju- 
 ventus that he has not been instructed right in God's laws by the 
 elders :*^ 
 
 "Because they themselves were wrapped in ignorance 
 Being deceived by false preachers." 
 
58 
 
 The devil and Hypocrisy are represented as supporters of the 
 Catholic faith. The former laments his loss of power :*- 
 
 "The old people would still believe in my laws 
 But the younger sort lead them a contrary way, 
 They will not believe they plainly say 
 In old traditions and made by men 
 But they will live as the scripture teacheth them 
 
 The latter tells how he has deceived the people :*^ 
 
 "Holy cardinals, holy popes, holy vestments, 
 holy copes, holy hermits, holy friars, holy priests, 
 holy bishops, holy monks, holy abbots, holy pardons, 
 holy beads, holy saints, holy images, etc. 
 with holy, holy, holy blood 
 holy stocks, holy stones 
 yea and holy, holy wood 
 holy clouts, holy bones, 
 holy skins, holy bulls, 
 holy rochets, and holy cowls 
 holy crouches and holy staves 
 holy hoods, holy caps 
 holy mitres, holy hats 
 All good holy holy knaves, 
 holy days, holy fastings 
 holy visions and sights 
 holy wax, holy lead 
 holy water, holy bread 
 
 The devil and Hypocrisy both lament the spread of the new 
 religious teaching. The devil complains :** 
 
 "God's word is so greatly sprung up in youth 
 That he little regardeth my laws or me 
 He telleth his parents that is very truth 
 That they of long lime deceived have be." 
 
 and Hypocrisy adds in the same strain :*^ 
 
 "The world was never merry 
 Since children were so bold 
 Now every boy will be a teacher 
 The father a fool, and the child a preacher," 
 
 Good counsel also has a grievance against the times :*''' 
 
 "O where may a man find now one faithful congregation 
 "That is not infected with dissension or discord 
 
59 
 
 Who useth not now covetousness and deceit 
 Who geveth unto the poor that which is due." 
 
 The time were too long now to recite 
 
 What whoredom, uncleannes and filthy communication 
 
 Is dispersed with youth in every congregation 
 
 To speak of pride, envy, and abhominable oaths 
 
 They are the common practices of youth 
 
 To avaunce your flesh, you cut and jag your clothes" 
 
 In "Youth" dating from 1546 (?) we have a didactic mor- 
 ality aimed at the particular sins of youth ; Riot typifying one of 
 these sins says when questioned about his experiences in New- 
 gate that he has never really been there very long.**' 
 
 "For I have learned a policy 
 That will loose me lyghtly 
 And soon let me go. 
 
 Once, he continues :*^ 
 
 "The Mayor of London sent for me 
 Forth of Newgate for to come 
 For to preach at Tyburn." 
 
 The rope broke, however, and he escaped punishment. 
 
 We now pass to a bitter attack upon the mummery of the 
 Roman Catholic in John Bale's "Kyng Johan". Ynglond com- 
 plains against the clergy :^^ 
 
 "Alas, yowr clargy hath done very sore amys 
 In mysusyng me ageynst all ryght and justyce." 
 Suche lubbers as hath dysgysed heads in their hoodes 
 Whych in idelnes do lyve by other menus goodes, — 
 Monkes, chanons and nones in dyvers coloure and shappe 
 Both whyght, blacke and pyed. God send their increase ill happe 
 
 "I told you before the faulte was in the clergye 
 
 For they take from me my cattel, howse and land 
 My wods and pastures with other commodyteys : 
 
 The Pope is referred to as "the wyld bore of Rome," and 
 his followers are called "pigges" fed with vile "ceremonyes". 
 They are further described :^^ 
 
 "And unto the lawys of synfuU men they leane 
 Lyke as the vyle swyne the most vyle metes dessyer." 
 
6o 
 
 Sedition who aj)pears later in the play as Stephen Langton 
 says that he was born under the' Pope in Rome. He adds :°^ 
 
 "In every relygyon and munkysh secte I rayne, 
 Havyng you princes in scorne, hate and disdayne. 
 
 Sumtynie I can be a monke in a long syd cowle 
 Sumtyme I can be a none and loke like an owle ; 
 Sumtyme a chanon in a syrples f ayer and whyght ; 
 A chapter howse monke sumtyme I apere in ryght 
 I am ower Syr John sumtyme, with a new shaven crowne 
 Sumtyme the person and swepe the stretes with a syd gowne 
 Sumtyme the bysshop with a myter and a cope ; 
 Agraye fryer sumtyme with cutt shoes and a rope ; 
 Sumtyme I can playe the whyght monke, sumtyme the fryer. 
 The purgatory prist, and every man's wyffe desyer 
 
 sumtyme lam a cardynall." " 
 
 sumtyme a pope." ^ 
 
 There is a satirical reference to the supervision of abbeys:" 
 
 "In abbeyes they have so many suttyl spyes 
 For ones in the yere they have secret vysytacyons 
 And yf ony prynce reforme ther ungodly facyons, 
 Than ii of the monkes must forthe to Rome by-and-by 
 With secret letters to avenge ther injury." 
 and one on lawyers when Sedition claims them as his friends. 
 
 King John, we expect to be violent in his denunciation of the 
 clergy. He says •.^■' 
 
 "Yt was never well syns the clargy vvrought by practyce 
 And left the Scripture for mens ymagynacyons 
 Dyvydyng themselvys in so many congrj'gacyons 
 Of monkes, chanons and fryers, of dyvers colors and facyons 
 
 With your Latyne howrs, sermonyes, and popetly playes." 
 Rekyn fyrst your tythis, yowr devocyons and yowr offerynges 
 Mortuaryes, pardons, bequests and other thynges 
 Besydes that ye cache for halowed belles and purgatorye 
 For juelles, for relyckes, confessyon and cowrts of baudrye 
 For legacyes, trentalls, with scalacely messys 
 You prists are the cawse that chronycles doth defame 
 So many prynces and men of notable fame."™ 
 
 Dissimulation is strongly opposed to the methods of ap- 
 pointing church officials :®^ 
 
6i 
 
 "Though we playe the knavjs. We must shewe good pretence." 
 
 "To win the peple I appoynt eyche man his place ; 
 Sum to synge Latyn, and sum to ducke at grace 
 Sum to go mummyng, and sum to beare the crosse 
 Sum to stowpe downeward as ther heades wore stopt with mosse, 
 Sum to rede the epystle and gospell at hygh masse 
 Sum syng at the lectorne with long eares lyke an asse. 
 The pawment of the chyrche the aunchent faders tredes 
 Sumtyme with a portas, sumtyme with a payre of bedes. 
 
 Speaking of the power of the Pope, he says :^* 
 
 He shall make prelates, both byshopp and cardynall 
 Doctours and prebendes with furdewhodes and syde gownes 
 "He wyll also create the orders monastycall 
 Monkes, chanons, and fryers with graye coates and shaven crownM 
 And buyld them places to corrupt cyties and townes : 
 The dead sayntes shall shewe both vysyons and myracles 
 With ymages and rellyckes he shall worke sterracles 
 
 He wyll make mattens, houres. masse and evensonge 
 To drown the Scriptures for doubte of heresye 
 Latyne devocyons with the holy rosarye. 
 "The Popys power shall be above the powers all, 
 And eare confessyon a matere necessary^ 
 
 The gospell prechyng wyll be an heresy." 
 
 The Pope is made to say in person :*'*' 
 
 "I will all-so reyse up the fower begging orders 
 That they may preche lyes in all the christen borders." 
 
 Cyvyle Order tells Clargy -.^^ 
 
 "For yf they decay, ower welth ys not alyve" 
 
 I never knew lawer which had ony crafty lernyng 
 That ever escapte you withowt a plentyous levyng" 
 
 The king remonstrates against their power :"- 
 
 ' "Our prists are rysyn throwgh lyberte of kyngs 
 by ryches to pryde and other unlawfull doynges. 
 
 See ye not how lyghte the lawyers sett the poure" 
 
62 
 
 Commonalty, too, accuses the clergy in his answer to the 
 king's question where his money has gone/'^ 
 
 "By pristes, channons, and nionkes which do but fyll ther bely 
 With my swett and labour for thcr popysh purgatory." 
 
 Ynglond warns King John : 
 
 "But, yf ye permytt contynuaunce of ypocresye 
 In monkes, and pristes, and mynysters of the clergyp 
 Your realme shall never be without much traytery." 
 
 and to Pandulph she says f'* 
 
 "I smarte all-redy throw yowr most suttell practyse 
 And am clene ondone by yowr false merchandyce. 
 Yowr pardons, yowr bulles, yowr purgatory-pjkepurse 
 Yowr Lent — fasten, yoowr schryftes, that I pray God 
 geve yow his cursse ! 
 
 After John consents to give up the crown, Sedition gives 
 vent to his joy :*^^ 
 
 "Now may we realmes confounde 
 Oure Holye Father maye now lyve at hys pleasure 
 And have habundance of wenches, w^ynes and treasure. 
 
 Now shalle we ruffle it in velvetts, gold, and sylke 
 
 With shaven crownes, syde gownes, and rochettes whyte as mylke." 
 
 Treason confesses:*^® 
 
 "I have so convayed that neyther priest nor lawer 
 wyll obeye Gods wurde nor yet the gospell faver." 
 
 and calls paganistic the various ceremonies of the church : 
 
 "All your ceremonyes, your copes and sensers doubtlesse 
 Your fyers, your waters, your oyles, your aulters, your ashes 
 Your candlestyckes, your cruettes, your sake with such lyke washes 
 
 Of the paganes ye have your gyldcd ymages all 
 
 With crowchynges, with kyssynges and settynge up of lyghts 
 Bearynge them in processyon and fastynges upon their nyghtes 
 Soom for tothe-ake, some for the pestylence and poxe ; 
 with ymages of waxe to brynge moneye to the boxe." 
 
63 
 
 To Yrjglond's question, "What have they of Christ in the 
 church?" Treason replies:"' 
 
 "Mary, nothynge at all, l)ut the epystle and the gospell 
 And that is in Latyne that no man shoulde it know." 
 
 King John's final opinion of the power of the clergy and 
 their vindictiveness is given in the following line :*"'* 
 
 ■'Ther is no niaylce to the malyce of the clergye." 
 
 Sedition remains hopeful of the Pope's power :®^ 
 
 "The popes ceremonyes shall drowne the gospel styll 
 Some of the byshoppes at your injunctyons slepe. 
 Some laugh and go bye, and some playe boo-peep 
 Some of them do nought but searche for heretykes, 
 Whyls their priestes abroade do playe the scysmatykes. 
 Tell me in London how manye their othes discharge 
 Of the curates there : vet it is much wurse at large. 
 
 Get they false wytnesses they force not of whens they be. 
 Be they of Newgate, or be they of Marshallsee. 
 
 the prelates do not preche. 
 
 But persecute those that the holy Scriptures teache. 
 
 This play is the most outspoken of all the controversial 
 dramas. In the selection of details and in the enormities with 
 which the clergy is charged, it is surpassed only by the same 
 author's "Three Lawes". 
 
 In this play Infidelitas who has as accomplices. Sodomismus 
 dressed as a monk and Idololatria as a necromancer, begins by 
 characterizing the latter. The Christmas and Easter Festivals 
 according to him smack of Idolatry. Sodomismus agrees with 
 this and adds to the characterization of Idololatria :'° 
 
 "Mennys fortunes she can tell 
 She can by sayenge Ave Marye 
 
 "And by other charmes of sorcerye, 
 Ease men of toth ake by and by, 
 Yea and fatche the deuyll from hell." 
 
 Idololatria is made to relate her numerous accomplish- 
 ments :^^ 
 
 "With holye oyle and watter 
 I can so clovne and clatter 
 
64 
 
 That I can at the latter 
 Many suttyltees contryve 
 
 I never mysse but paulter" 
 Our blessed ladyes psaulter 
 Before saynt Sauers aulter 
 With my bedes ones a daye 
 And thys is my common cast 
 To heare masse first or last 
 And the holy frydaye fast 
 In good tyme mowt I it save 
 
 "With blessynges of Saynt Germayne 
 I wyll me so determyne 
 That neyther foxe nor vermyne 
 Shall do my chickens harme 
 For your gese seke saynt Legearde 
 And for your duckes saynt Lenarde 
 For horse take Mosyes yearde 
 Thre is no better charme. 
 
 "Take me a napkyn folte 
 Wyth the byas of a bolte 
 For the healynge of a colte 
 No better thyng can be 
 
 "For the cough take Judas eare, 
 With the parynge of a peare 
 And drynke them wfithout feare 
 If ye wyll have remedy 
 Three syppes are for the hyckock, etc. 
 
 "If ye cannot slepe but slumber 
 Geve otes unto saynt Uncumber 
 And beanes in a serten number 
 Unto saynt Blase and saynt Blythe 
 Geve onyons to saynt Cyryake 
 If ve wvll shunne the head ake." 
 
 Sodomismus boasts -J^ 
 
 "And now the popysh hypocrytes 
 Embrace me every where 
 I am now become all spyrytuall 
 For the clergye at Rome and over all 
 For want of wyves to me doth fall, 
 To God thev have no feare." 
 
65 
 
 "If monkysh sectes renue '* 
 
 And popysh prestes contynue, 
 
 Whych are of my retynue, 
 
 To lyve I shall be sure, 
 "Cleane marryage they forbyd, 
 
 Yet can not their wayes be hyd 
 
 Men knowe what hath betyd, 
 
 Whan they have been in parell 
 
 Oft have they buryed quycke, 
 
 Such as were never sycke 
 
 Full many a propre trycke 
 
 They to helpe their quarrel! 
 
 "In Rome to me they fall 
 Both Byshopp and Cardynall 
 Monke, fryre, prest and all 
 More ranke they are than antes 
 Example in Pope Julye 
 Whych sought to have in hys furye 
 Two laddes, and to use them beastlye 
 From the Cardynall of Nantes." 
 
 Infidelitas sends Idolatry and Sodomy forth to pervert man- 
 kind with rings, brooches, beads, and the hke. Here are the 
 instructions -J^ 
 
 "Take thu part of them here 
 Beades, rynges, and other geare 
 And shortlye the bestere 
 To deceyve man properlye 
 
 "Take thys same staffe and scryppe 
 With a God here of a chyppe 
 And good beldame forewarde hyppe 
 To set fourth pylgrymage 
 Set thu fourth sacramentals 
 Say dyrge and synge for trentals 
 Stodye the popes Decretals 
 And mixt them with briggerage 
 
 "Here is a stoole for the 
 
 A ghostlye father to be 
 
 To heare Benedicite 
 "A boxe of creame and oyle 
 
 Here is a purse of rellyckes 
 
 Ragges, rotten bones and styckes 
 
 A taper with other tryckes." 
 
66 
 
 Infidelitas, burlesque prayer is a terrible satire on the pope:''" 
 
 "Omiiipotens scmpiternc Deus, qui ad iiiiaginem et siinilitudinem 
 nostram formasti laicos, da quaesumus ut sicut eorum sudoribus vivimus, 
 ita eorum uxoribus, filiabs, et domicellis perpeto frui mereamur. Per 
 dominum nostrum Papam. 
 
 He follows the prayer with general satire on the times :^^ 
 
 "Now underneth her wynges 
 Idolatry hath kyiiges, 
 With their nobylyte 
 / Both dukes, lordes, knyghtes and earles 
 
 Fayre ladyes with their pearles 
 And the whole commenalte 
 
 "Within the bownes' of Sodomye 
 Doth dwell the spirytuall clergye, 
 Pope, cardinal! and pryst, 
 Nonne, chanon, monke and fryre, 
 W'ith so many els as do desyre 
 To reigne undre Antichrist 
 
 "Detestynge matrymonye 
 They lyve abhomynablye 
 And burn in carnall lust 
 Shall I tell ye farther newes? 
 At Rome for prelates are stewes 
 Of both kyndes, Thys is just. 
 
 Naturae Lex deplores the iniquities of the day ■J^ 
 
 "I abhorre to tell the abusyons bestyall 
 That they dayly use, whych boast their chastyte 
 Some at the aulter to incontynency fall, 
 In confessyon some full beastly occupyed be 
 Amonge the close nonnes reyneth thys enormyte 
 Soch chyldren slee they, as they chaunce for to have, 
 And in their prevyes, prouyde them of their grave. 
 
 "Ye Christen rulers, se you for thys a wave, 
 Be not illuded by false hypocresye. 
 By the stroke of God, the worlde wyll els decaye. 
 Permyt prestes rather, God's lawfull remedye 
 Than they shuld incurre, most bestyall Sodomye 
 Regarde not the pope, not yet hys whorysh kyngedom 
 For he is the master of Gomor and Sodome." 
 
67 
 
 Infidelitas sees the influence of the spirit of the Reforma- 
 tion and fears the passing away of unheard of iniquities. After 
 dwelHng upon the vices of priests, monks, and bishops, he dis- 
 cusses the new rehgious spirit :"** 
 
 "Now are the knaves bolde 
 With Scriptures to holde 
 And teache them ever}- where 
 The carter, the sowter, 
 The bodger, the clowter 
 That all wyll awaye I fere 
 
 "As us so they pulle 
 Our lyvynges are dulle 
 We are now lyke to fall 
 If we do not fyght 
 For the churches ryght 
 By the messe we shall lose all. 
 
 InfideHty next tries to destroy Moses' law. His two ac- 
 compHces are Avaritia dressed as a jurisconsultus and Ambitio 
 as a prelate. He tells what they stand for :®° 
 
 ■'Somtyme for lucre, somtynie for the hygher place 
 Yet for advantage, in thys we all agre. 
 To blynde the rulers, and deceyve the commynalte." 
 
 Avaritia shows his character in a long speech from which I 
 take the following excerpt. ^^ 
 
 "To labour with a spade 
 Our colour wolde it fade 
 We may not with that trade 
 We love so moch our ease 
 We must lyve by their sweate 
 And have good drynke and meate 
 Whan they have not to eate 
 The substaunce of a pease 
 
 "Our lowsye latyne howres 
 In borowes and in bowres 
 The poore people devowres 
 And treade them undre fete. 
 
 Ambitio as his name suggests gapes for "empyre and wor- 
 shypp." He says :®- 
 
68 
 
 'I lokc up aloft 
 
 And loue to lye soft 
 
 Not carynge for my flocke 
 
 Hygh thynges I attempt 
 "And wyll me exempt 
 From prynces iurysdyccyon." 
 
 He tells how he deceives the people :*^ 
 
 "Wyth fylthy gloses and dyrty exposycyons, 
 Of God's lawe wyll I hyde the pure dysposycyons 
 The keye of knowledge, I wyll also take awaye 
 By wrastynge the text to the scriptures sore decaye 
 
 "We must poyson them, with wyll workes and good intentes 
 Where as God doth saye. no straunge goddes thu shalt have 
 With sayntes worshyppynge, that clause we wyll deprave 
 And though he commaunde, to make no carved ymage 
 For a good intent yet wyll we have pylgrymage 
 
 "No Sabboth wyl we, with Gods worde sanctyfye 
 But with lyppe labour and ydle ceremonye 
 To father and mother, we maye owe non obedyence 
 Our relygyon is of so great excellence 
 Though we do not slee, yet maye we heretykes burne 
 If they wyll not sone from holye scripture turne 
 What though it be sayd, thu shalt do no fornycacyon 
 Yet wyll we mayntene, moch greatter abhomynacyon 
 Though theft be forbyd, yet wyll we contynuallye 
 Robbe the poore people, through prayer and purgatorye 
 God hath inhybyted to geve false testymonye 
 Yet we wyll condempe, the Gospell for hcresye. 
 
 "We shuld not covet our neybers horse nor vvyfe 
 Hys servaunt nor beast, yet are we therein most ryfe 
 Of men make we swyne by the draffe of our tradycyons, 
 
 "And cause them nothinge to regard but superstycyons 
 
 In his turn the avaricious Juris consultus says:^* 
 
 "Both howse and medowe 
 From tbe poor wydowe 
 I spare not for to take 
 Ryght heyres I rob 
 And as bare as Job 
 The fatherles I make 
 For sylver and golde 
 
69 
 
 With falsehed I holde 
 
 Supportynge every evyl 
 
 I have it in awe 
 
 for to choke the lawe 
 
 And brynge all to the devyl." 
 
 "With superstycyons the Jewes ceremonyall lawes" 
 I wyll so handle they shall not be worth two strawes 
 The laws Judycyall through cawtels and delayes 
 I wyll also drowne to all ryghteouse mennys decayes, 
 To set thys forwarde, we must have sophystrye 
 Phylosophye and Logick, as Scyence necessarye 
 The byshoppes must holde, their prestes in ignoraunce 
 with longe latyne houres, least knowledge to them chaunce 
 Lete them have longe mattens, long evensonges, and lorige masses 
 And that wyll make them, as dull as ever were asses 
 That they shall never be able to prophecye 
 Or yet to preach the truth to our great injurye 
 
 "Lete the cloysterers be brought up ever in sylence 
 Without the scriptures in payne of dysobedyence 
 In the laye people, praye never but in latyne 
 
 "Lete them have their crede and servyce all in latyne 
 That a latyne beleve maye make a latyne sowle 
 Lete them nothynge knowe of Christ nor get of powle 
 
 "If they have Englysh, lete it be for advauntage 
 For pardons, for Dyrges, for offerynges and pylgrymages 
 I recken to make them a new Crede in a whyle 
 And all in Englysh, their conscyence to begyle. 
 
 The proposed creed is as follows :^^ 
 
 "First they shall beleve in our holy father, Pope 
 Next in hys decrees, and holy decretals 
 Then in holy church, with sencer, crosse and cope 
 In the ceremonyes and blessed sacramentals 
 In purgatory then, in pardons and in trentals 
 In praynge to sayntes and in Saynt Frances whoode 
 In our lady of Grace and in the blessed roode 
 They shall beleve also in rellyckes and relygyon 
 In our ladyes psalter, in fre wyll and good wirkes 
 In the ember dayes, and in the popes remyssyon 
 In bedes and in belles not used of the turkes 
 In the golden masses agaynst soch spretes as lurkes 
 With charmes and blessynges, thys crede will bring in moneye 
 In Englysh therfor, we wyll it clarkely conveye 
 
70 
 
 Ambitio suggests :^ 
 
 "Then I holde it best that we alwayes condempne 
 The Byble readers, least they our actes contempne." 
 
 Infidelitas after comparing Ambitio's mitre to a wolf's 
 mouth adds:®* 
 
 "But thy wolvyshnesse, by thre crownes wyll 1 hyde 
 Makynge the a pope, and a captayne of all pryde 
 That whan thou dost slee soche as thy lawes contempne 
 Thou niayst say, not I, but the powers ded them condempne 
 
 And thu covetousnesse, lete no bell rynge in steple 
 Without a profyght, tush, take moneye every whear 
 So nygh clyppe and shave that thu leave never a heare." 
 
 Avaritia boasts :*" 
 
 "I caused the pope to take but now of late 
 Of the Graye fryres, to have canonyzate 
 Franciscus de Pola, thre duckates and more 
 And as moch besyde, he had not longe afore 
 For a Cardynall hatte, of the same holy order 
 Thus drawe to us, great goodes from every border 
 Pope Clement the 'seventh payed ones for hys papacye 
 Thre hondred thousand, good duckates of lawful moneye 
 
 The methods by which he got so much money are explained 
 by Avarice :"" 
 
 by pollage, and by shedynge Christen blood 
 
 Crosers and mytars in Rome are good merchandyce 
 And all to lyttle to maj'nteyne their pompe and vyce, 
 
 InfideHtas says :^^ 
 
 "Now byshopryckes are solde 
 and the holy ghost for gold 
 The pope doth bye and sell 
 
 The people prestes do famysh 
 And their goodes from them ravysh 
 Yea. and all the worlde they blynde 
 All prynces do they mock 
 And robbe the syllye flocke 
 Notliynge they leave behynde." 
 
71 
 
 To destroy Christ's law, Infidelitas sends out Hypocrisis and 
 Pseudo-Doctrina. The former indulges in some unquotable re- 
 marks, and the latter is not far behind him. If true, they show 
 great corruption among high church officials and extreme bold- 
 ness on the part of the author in making accusations by name 
 instead of skulking behind abstractions. For instance, we have 
 Pseudo — doctrina accusing two cardinals by name:®^ 
 
 "In kynge ferdynands tyme in Spayne was a Cardynall 
 Petrus menoza, was the very man that I meane, 
 Of lemans he had, great nombre besydes the quene. 
 One of his bastardes was earle, an other was duke 
 Whom also he abused, and thought it no rebuke, 
 
 "Joannes Cremona an other good Cardynall, 
 For reformacyon of the clergye spyrituall 
 Came over into Englande, to dampne prestes matrymonye 
 And the next nyght after was taken doynge bytcherye 
 
 "Doctor Eckius also, whych fearcely came to dyspute 
 In lipsia with Luther, myndynge there hym to confute 
 For maryage of prestys, thre chyldren had that yeare." 
 
 Infidelitas fears the new sect, He tells Pseudo-doctrina :®' 
 
 "They save, thu teachest, nothynge but lowsy tradycions 
 And lyes for lucre with damnable superstycyons. 
 And thus they conclude that the draffe of popysh prystes 
 Is good ynough for swyne, by whom they meane the papystes 
 
 And all thys knowledge they have now of the Gospell, 
 
 Pseudo-doctrina plans a campaign with Hypocrisis against 
 Christ's law.«* 
 
 "Four knyghtes wyll we hyre, whom we shall streyghtly charge 
 To kepe hym downe hardes. The first are ambycyouse prelates 
 Then covetouse lawers, that God's words spyghtfully hates 
 Lordes without lernynge and justyces unryghtfull 
 These wyll kepe hym down and rappe hym on the scull 
 Then someners and ther scribes, I warande ye shall stere 
 With balyves and catch polles to holde hym downe every where" 
 
 Hypocrisis offers to — ^^ 
 
 " rayse up in the unyversytees 
 
 The seven sleepers there, to advance the popes decrees 
 As Dorbel and Duns, Durande and Thomas of Aquyne. 
 
/- 
 
 The stage directions as to the "aparellynge of the six vyces 
 or frutes of Infydelyte" are interesting:"" 
 
 "Lete Idolatry he decked lyke an old wytche, Sodomy lyke 
 a monke of all sects, Amhycyon lyke a byshop. Covetousness lyke 
 a pharyse or spirituall lawer, false doctryne lyke a popysh doctour 
 and hypocrisy lyke a graye fryre, the rest of the partes are easye 
 ynough to conjecture." 
 
 John Bale's 'i^lay "God's Promises" may contain satire in 
 the speech of Pater Coelestis. but it is, I think, merely a con- 
 ventional complaint :°' 
 
 "O froward people, given all to superstitions: 
 Unnatural children, expert in blasphemies 
 Provoketh me to hate by their idolatries 
 
 1 abhor your fasts and your solemnity : 
 
 For your traditions my ways ye set apart 
 
 Your works are in vain, I hate them from the heart." 
 
 In "Respublica" dating from 1553, we have another con- 
 troversial drama which, in contrast to the two just considered, 
 is opposed to Protestantism. It represents England as almost 
 ruined by the policy of Edward VI and his ministers. These 
 appear in the play under the abstract names of Avarice. Op- 
 pression, Insolence, and Adulation. They plot to rob Respublica 
 and divide lands, plate, lordships, "manour places," castles, towns, 
 pastures, and woods among themselves. • 
 
 People complains :^^ 
 
 "vor we ignoram people 
 
 wer ner so ipolde zo wrong and zo I — torment 
 
 Lord Jhese Christe whan he was I — pounst & I — pilate 
 
 Was ner so i — trounst as we have been of yeares late. 
 
 We passeive ther falleth of corne and cattail 
 
 wull, shepe, woode, leade, tynne, Iron & other metall 
 
 and of all thinges, enoughe vor goode and badde,"" 
 
 and yet the price of every thing is so dere 
 
 As thoughe the grounde dyd brynge forth no such no where." 
 
 After the four vices have fleeced Respublica, they report to 
 one another their winnings: Oppression begins :^°" 
 
7Z 
 
 "I maie were myters fower or fyve 
 I have so many haulfe bisshoprikes at the leaste" 
 
 We left the best of them a thredebare bishop." "' 
 
 Avarice says his bags are full of "old aungelots and Ed- 
 wardes."^"- He names over his bags. In them he has leases 
 encroached and resold, interest, usury, bribes, sales of livings, 
 clerks' fees, sectourships. church goods, customs filching, forged 
 wares, exports wrongful, smuggled goods. He rebukes Oppres- 
 sion for not being able to understand Latin : 
 
 "Loe, here a fyne felowe to have a bishopricke!. 
 A verse of Latynne he cannot understande. 
 Yet dareth he presume boldely to take in hande 
 Into a deanerie or archdeaconrye to choppe 
 And to have the livelihood awaie from a bisshop.""' 
 
 He turns to his own policy :"* 
 
 "I have a good benefyce of an hundred markes 
 Yt is smale policie to give suche to greate clerkes — 
 They will take no benefice, but thei must have all ! 
 A bare clerke canne bee content with a lyvinge smale 
 Therefore Sir John 'Lacke Latten my friend shall have myne 
 And of hym maie I ferme yt for eyght powndes or nyne 
 The rest maie I reserve to myself for myne owne share 
 For wee are good feeders of the poore. so we are," 
 
 Respublica, however, does not agree with him. She laments 
 the fate of priests and bishops :^°^ 
 
 "(Whan) they had theire lyvinges, men were both fedde and cladde." 
 
 People complains of the heavy taxes :^°^ 
 
 "Whan chadwith zwette of browes got up a fewe smale crummes 
 Att paiing my debtes ich coulde not make my sommes 
 
 Thei have all the woodes throughout the realme destroyed. 
 Which might have served long yeares, beeing well emploied 
 & than the great cobbes have zo take the rest to hire 
 that poore volke cannot gett a sticke to make a fire." ^"^ 
 
 We have now considered all the Pre-Tudor Moralities and 
 the Early Tudor Moralities. The latter are similar to their 
 predecessors in subject-matter. They still use the old gen- 
 
eralized lament over the corruption of the times. They deal with 
 avarice, uncharitableness, immoral clergy, oppression of the poor, 
 bribery in the law courts, inefficiency of public officials, and the 
 swav of fashion. They are, however, bolder and more specific 
 in tlieir charges of corruption against the clergy. Where in the 
 Pre-Tudor Moralities we have the suggestion from Mankind that 
 Envy dwells in abbeys ; and the assertion of Lucifer that preachers 
 are false, we have in the Early Tudor Moralities, in comparison 
 with these two sly, and unemphasized thrusts, whole plays prac- 
 ticallv given up to accusations of the church, for instance, "Kynge 
 Johan," "Three Lawes," and "Lusty Juventus." Even the staid 
 ])lay "Everyman" is not free from such satire. The specific 
 attack is upon priests. "Mundus et In fans'" does not hesitate 
 in representing Folly as crowned king of the "freres" and a wel- 
 come lodger in abbeys. Practically the same thing happens in 
 "Piers Plowman" and in the Scottish play "Ane Satyre of the 
 Thrie Estaitis." "Hickscorner emphasizes the bad example set 
 bv the clergy for the people, complains of the ignorance of 
 priests, and the fear of the few honest preachers to speak the 
 truth. "Magnificence" attacks the hypocrisy of canons, priests, 
 monks, nuns, and friars. The object of satire here, however, 
 is principally some arrogant upstart who has wormed his way 
 into high ecclesiastical and high public positions. This satire, 
 thought to be directed at Wolsey, shows an advance upon the 
 preceding morality plays in its combination of personal, relii^ious, 
 and political satire. A still further advance is shown in the 
 controversial plays written by John Bale. Hatiag Rome and 
 the Pope, he did not hesitate to be specific in his attacks ; he often 
 descended to the coarsest kind of invective and abuse. The 
 only play which retaliates is the anonymous "Respublica." It does 
 not answer the gross charges brought against the Catholics but 
 represents the Protestant advisers of Edward AT as having 
 brought the country to the verge of ruin, when fortunately for 
 Ensfland Queen Marv ascends the throne. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 SATIRE IN THE ELIZABETAAN MORALITIES. 
 
 As Elizabethan Moralities we list according to the "Cam- 
 bridge History of English Literature" the following plays: 
 "Wealth and Health," "Nice Wantop," "Impatient Poverty," 
 "Godly Queen Hester," "King Darius," "Albyon Knyght," "The 
 Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene," "The Triall of Trea- 
 sure," "Like Wil to Like," "Marriage of Wit and Scyence," 
 "Longer thou Livest More Fool Thou Art," "New Custome," 
 "Tide tarrieth No Man," "All For Money," "The Conflict of 
 Conscience," "The Three Ladies of london." "The Three Lords 
 and Three Ladies of London," "Contention between Liberalite 
 and Prodigalite," and the Scottish play, "Ane Satyre of the 
 Thrie Estaitis." This last play though presented as early as 1540 
 is Elizabethan in spirit. 
 
 These twenty plays dating from 1540 to 1600 have for their 
 main object the presentation of a moral lesson by means of 
 abstract personified characters together with real, individual 
 characters. They are merely a late development of the morality 
 with a stronger effort in most of them toward indirect didac- 
 ticism — satire. This satire like that which preceded it still spends 
 its main force on the clergy, reiterating, though not so coarsely, 
 the attacks of John Bale on the mummery of the Roman Cath- 
 olic Church. 
 
 Beginning with "Wealth and Health", we find a touch of 
 satire on the Flemish war. The Flemings are looked upon as 
 intruders. Their representative is the drunken Hance of whom 
 Will says : 
 
 "Such dronken flemminges your company wil mar."^ 
 
 and adds :'- 
 
 "by war in flaunders ther is welth store." 
 
 Lawyers and merchants are given their usual characteristics :^ 
 
 "Men of the lawe, and joly rych merchauntes 
 These be welthy both of goodes and lands," 
 75 
 
76 
 
 Helth says of the rich:* 
 
 "When a man is lyttle hit and welthy 
 And hath in his cheste treasures plentyc 
 Then wyl he wrangle and do shrewdly 
 By his power and might 
 With his neighboures he wyll go to lawe 
 And a wreke his malyce for valew of strawe 
 
 The next play "Nice Wanton" has the "prodigal motive" at 
 its basis. There are two "bad children and one "goody-goody." 
 The former arouse the ire of Eulalia a neighbor to them. Her 
 comment is upon the rearing of children :^ 
 
 "Lord what folly is in youth 
 How unhappy be children now-a'-days 
 And the more pity to say the truth 
 Their parents maintain them in evil ways." 
 
 Further the baily is represented as trying to bribe the judge 
 to let the criminal Ismael go :^ 
 
 "The man is come of good kin 
 If your lordship would be so good to me 
 As for my sake to set him free 
 I could have twenty pounds in a purse 
 Yea and your lordship a rightt fair horse 
 Well worth ten pound." 
 
 The judge, however, proves incorruptible. 
 In "Impacyent Poverty" the typical usurer appears in Ha- 
 boundance. He explains his methods of making money 'J 
 
 "I sell my ware so dear 
 1 make XL of XX in halfe a veare." 
 
 Envy boasts :" 
 
 "Sometyme beloved I was wyth the spyritualitye 
 But now coveteouse and symony doeth them so avauce 
 That good instvtutvon is turned to other ordvnaunce." 
 
 To'Conscience's remark:" 
 
 "In holy cliurcli symony can not abyde." 
 
77 
 
 Envy retorts r^" 
 
 "He goeth in a clocke, he can not be espyde 
 And covetouse so crabtely doth prouyde 
 That bonus pastor oyium is blynd and wyl not see !" 
 
 Mysrule comments on the rapid rise of upstart foreigners: 
 
 "Colehasarde came late from beyond the see 
 Ragged and torne in a garded cote 
 And in his purse never a grote 
 And now he goeth lyke a lorde." 
 
 To Prosperity's question, "Is he a gentleman bore?" Envy 
 answers :^^ 
 
 "Tushe take no thought therefore 
 For be he gentleman knave or boye 
 If he come hether with tryfle or a toye 
 He can no money lacke." 
 
 In "Godly Queen Hester" we have a drama which may have 
 been written by John Skelton. Like "Magnificence" it satirizes 
 some upstart who has become exceedingly powerful. If Skelton 
 wrote the play, Cardinal VVolsey must have been the prototype 
 of Aman. Of him Pride says:^- 
 
 "I tell you at a worde, Aman that newe lorde 
 Hathe bought up all good clothe 
 
 And hath as many gownes as would serve ten townes 
 Be ye never so lothe ! 
 
 And any manne in the towne doe bye him a good gowne 
 He is very wrothe 
 And wyll hym strayte to tell the statute of apparell 
 
 Wherefore by this daye, I dare not goe gaye 
 Threde bare is my hoode." 
 
 'For all law est and west & adulation in his chest 
 Aman hath locked faste. 
 
 And by his crafti patience hath law into flattering 
 So that fyrst and laste 
 
 The client must pay or the lawyer assaye 
 The lawe for to clatter 
 And whe ye wene he saide right, I assure you 
 
 by this light. 
 He doth not els but flatter 
 
 "For yf Aman wynkes, the lawyer shrynkes 
 And not dare say yea nor naye 
 
7cS 
 
 And yf he speaks the law the other calles him daw 
 No more then dare he say, 
 
 So that was law yisterday, is no lawe thys daye 
 But flatterynge lasteth alway, ye may me beleve." 
 
 "Dyvines yt do preache, me thynkes they should teache 
 And flatteryng reprove." 
 
 Adulation replies :^^ 
 
 'Syr they have lefte prechyng & take them to flatterynge 
 moste part of them all 
 
 When they preached, and the truthe teached 
 
 Sume of them caughte a knocke 
 
 And they yt should assisted, I wote not how they were brysted 
 
 "But they did nothing but mocke. 
 And that sawe they, and gate them away 
 As fast as myght be 
 
 They sold theyr woll and purchased a bull 
 Wyth a pluralyte 
 
 And lefte predication, and toke adulation 
 They gat the nomynation of every good benefyce 
 So better by flatterynge then by preachynge 
 
 'For yf yt be a good fee. .\min sayeth that longeth to me 
 Be it benefyce or parke." 
 
 A general criticism of the times follows :^* 
 
 "Sum tyme where was plenty now ye barnes be empti 
 And many men lackes bread. 
 
 And wher som tyme was meat ther now is none to get 
 But all be gone and dead. 
 
 Bec9:"rs now do banne and crye out of Aman, 
 That ever he was borne. 
 
 They swere by the roode, he eatyth up all their foode 
 So that they get no goode, neyther even nor morne 
 
 And nowe the dores standes shet and no man can we ge; 
 To worcke neither to fvghte. 
 
 "Aman Handelles all thynge so 
 That every office and fee, what soever it bee 
 That may be sene and founde 
 
 By his wit he wyl it featche and or it fal he wul it catche. 
 That never commeth to the grounde.""' 
 
79 
 
 There are two other references and then we leave this play. 
 The first speaks of lying friars and the second, "Carnifex Aman"^® 
 may mean Wolsey whose father is said to have been a butcher. 
 
 That incoherent play "King Darius" has little satire. It 
 contains, however, a few allusions to the Pope. Equity's prayer, 
 for instance, — ^' 
 
 "And plucke from theyr malycyousness 
 Theyr papystry and all theyr coveytousness." 
 
 and Iniquity's reference to his father:^® 
 
 "In Rome he dwelleth, that is his common place 
 Where all other bowe before hys face 
 All nations to hym do obaye 
 And never agayne hym a prowde word dare say 
 I warrant you hys landes are very greate, 
 He doth poule poore men and lyveth by theyr sweat 
 He hath as much landes I warrant you 
 As lyeth between thys and Southhampton 
 Every house that standeth between thys and that 
 Are his, by my trouth I say, I care not what." 
 
 There is also a trace of the conventional satire on woman :^^ 
 
 "Alany one in earth there is 
 That loveth his wyfe wonderous well ywisse 
 Out of theyr wyts also they do run 
 And bond slaves for their wives sake are become, 
 Peryshed also many have 
 And are become Sathans bond slave 
 Many also are fallen into syn * 
 
 And all through the cause of women." 
 
 The next play to be considered is a political morality. It 
 is the only one of the kind extant and is a mere fragment. This 
 "Albyon Knyght" pictures the government as torn by factions 
 which prevent the passage of good laws and the execution of 
 those which already exist. I quote :-" 
 
 "Where Justice is treited with due equitie 
 And where no fauour nor mede shuld bee 
 And when reason hath tried there everie deale 
 That such an acte were good for the comen weale 
 If therein anie losse may bee 
 To the disaduantage of Principaiitie 
 Such an acte leseth all hvs sute 
 
With a lytic indoysing of reason astute 
 
 And if it touche the Lordes Sprytuall 
 
 Or be (disadvantage) to the Lordes temporall 
 
 Fare well go hett, this bill may slepe 
 
 As well as through the parlyament crepe 
 
 And if that Marchauntes be moouid with all 
 
 Or any multitude of the comen hall 
 
 This not for us say they than 
 
 This bill is naught but to wype a pan 
 
 And this is all your new equitie." 
 
 Injury, a vice, masking as Manhood says to Albion :^^ 
 
 "For with hie reason they saie ye can dispute 
 And trie out perils with laborous sute 
 And eke the treasure for the comen vaile 
 As far as wit or reason can assaile 
 But when all is done and your statute made 
 Then forth ye go in a wise trade 
 To brynge it all to good conclusion 
 And put it never in execucyon 
 Then speke they further in steede of a mocke 
 
 "They have made a statute lyke a woodkoke 
 That hath but one eye and the other blynde 
 And it wyll turne with every wynde." 
 
 Injury's solioquy contains some satire on the law i'^ 
 
 "&than of mee croaketh every man 
 How lyke a Lorde this fellow stere can 
 The law to defend without a fall 
 For all theyr pledying in Westminster hall 
 * Or say what they wyll and bable there 
 
 Yet mayntenaunce and I wyll kepe the chere 
 
 Division an accomplice of Injury plots to stir up strife:-^ 
 
 "Fyrst I myselfe wyll enterpryse 
 That peace shall have no exersyse 
 Betweene the comons and Pryncypalitie 
 Nor betweene lords spiritual & lords of the tcmporalite 
 
 He will send Double Devyce "Pryncypalyte and the comons 
 to set at dy vysyon ; and as to Old Debate, he says :-* 
 
 "Hym wyll I send to the lordes spirituall 
 To cause them to wrangle wt the lords temporall 
 The one to principalytie shall surmyse 
 Thai '.he comons hartes do aryse 
 
8i 
 
 Against him when that he dpth aske 
 
 In tj^me of neede, our monej- for to taske 
 
 His harte to mooue with such vnkyndness 
 
 Then the same spye shall vse lyke doublenes 
 
 And go the comons and to them tell 
 
 That Principalytie with equitie doth rebell 
 
 More to hys lucre in euerie deale 
 
 Applyeng his affection then to the comen weale 
 
 "And how that he of neglygence 
 Doth not apply for theyr defence 
 Neither by Sea nor by lande 
 Neither by hye wayes, neither by stron'de 
 But theves and raveners and murders eke 
 Dayly true men they pursue and seke 
 ^ And that his laws indifferently 
 
 Be not used but maintenance and brybary 
 Is suffred alone without reformacion 
 That the poore comons is in altercation 
 Of this matter and wote not what to say 
 Brynging them in opinion yt they ought not to pay 
 To pryncypalytie theyr duety of very desarte 
 Except lyke duetie be mynistred on hys parte." 
 
 Old Debate:-^ 
 
 "Shall enfourme the lordes temporal! 
 That the spyrytuall men wolde rule all." 
 
 In "The Life and Repentance of Mary Magdalene" the sa- 
 tire is scattering. It consists of a few trite remarks on immoral 
 priests, dress and women. "Infidelitie the \^ice boasts :-® 
 
 " with the chief princes now I do dwell: 
 
 The bishops, priests and pharisees do me so retayne 
 That the true sense of the lawe they do disdayne." 
 
 xA.fter dressing up to tempt Mary, he comments on his per- 
 sonal appearance :-^ 
 
 "Lyke obstinate Friers I temper my looke 
 Which had one eie on a wench, an another on a boke." 
 
 On women he says :-® 
 
 "This is a true proverb and no famed fable 
 
 "Few women's words be honest, constant, and stable." 
 
aTid- 
 
 82 
 
 "Tlio hoddc vvlierin lietli any married wife 
 Is never without cliidyn^, l)rawling. and strife." 
 
 The advice given to Mary by Pride, Cupiditie, Infidelitie. and 
 tl'.e malicious judge is satirical. Pride says:^" 
 
 "Take vow none but gentlemen with velvet coates ; 
 It is to be thought that they are not without groates." 
 
 Cupidite adds : 
 
 "in any wise see tliat your lovers lie young and gry 
 And suche fellowes as be well al)le to pay." 
 
 The malicious judge remarks:'^ 
 
 "Women's heartes turne oft as d'lth the wynde, 
 And agayne of the law they know not the sense." 
 
 His opinion of the value of hypocrisy is shown by the follow- 
 ing remark :^- 
 
 "Tushe, hyde self in a Pharisees gowne 
 Such a one as is bordered with the commaundments 
 And then thou must dwell both in citie and in towne 
 Being well accepted in all men's judgments." 
 
 The next play "The Triall of Treasure" is not satirical. 
 Just replies sarcastically to the vice, Lust, who has ridiculed 
 her somber garments :^^ 
 
 "Mine apparel is not like unto thine 
 Disguised and jagged of sundry fashion 
 Howbeit it is not gold always that doth shine 
 Rut corrupting copper of small valuation." 
 
 and Lu.st refers to Smithfield as his favorite locality.^* 
 
 In "Like Wil to Like" (1568) Nichol Newfangle the Vice 
 asserts that he has been under the instruction of Lucifer. From 
 him he says :^^ 
 
 "I learn'd to make ruffs like calves chitterlines 
 Caps, hats, coats, with all kind of apparels 
 And especially breeches as big as good barrels 
 Shoes, boots, buskins with many pretty toys." 
 
83 
 
 To Lucifer's request that he bring people under the sway of 
 fashion, he says :^® 
 
 "Tush, Tush, that is already brought to pass 
 For a very skipjack is prouder I swear by the mass 
 And seeketh to go more gayer and more brave 
 Than doth a lorde though himself be a knave." 
 
 Tom the ColHer boasts of his abiHty to cheat :^^ 
 
 "To every bushel cha zold but three peck 
 Lo, here be the empty zacks on my neck 
 cha beguild the whoresons that of me ha' bought 
 But to beguile was their whole thought. 
 
 It is a common trade nowadays this is plain 
 To cut one another's throat for lucre and gain. 
 
 Tom Tosspot, another boisterous character, as his name 
 implies, says :^^ 
 
 "I am acquainted with many a woman 
 That with me will sit in every house and place 
 But then their husbands had need fend their face 
 For when they come home, they will not be areard 
 To shake the goodman and sometimes shave his beard, 
 And as for Flemish servants I have such a train 
 That will quass and carouse and therein spend their gain 
 
 In a likestrain Ralph Roister says :^^ 
 
 "And I may say to you I have such a train 
 That sometime I pitch a field on Salisbury plain." 
 
 There are references to places of execution,*" such as, 
 Tyburn, and Thomas-a-waterings. Newfangle in his description 
 of the gallows to Cutpurse and Pickpurse uses figurative lan- 
 guage :" 
 
 "This piece of land whereto you inheritors are 
 Is called the land of the two-legged mare 
 In which piece of ground there is a mare indeed 
 Which is the quickest mare in England for speed." 
 
 In "Longer thou Livest more Fool thou Art" the generalized 
 lament voiced by Exercitation appears :*- 
 
 "Certaine persons I coulde rehearse by name 
 Have pretended a great perfection 
 
84 
 
 And why? to avoydc punishment and sliame 
 Due for their vicious infection: 
 As sum have entred into religion 
 Wherefore? because they will not pay their det." 
 
 Discipline shakes his head and agrees that the times are 
 degenerate :** 
 
 "Two thingcs destroyc youth at this day 
 Indulgentia parentum, the fondness of parents 
 Which will not correct their nought ways 
 But rather embolden them in there entents : 
 Idlenesse, alas, Idlenesse is another 
 who so passeth through England 
 To se the vouth he would wonder 
 
 God preserve London, that noble citie.'' 
 
 People adds his complaint :** 
 
 "Good Lord how are we now molested ! 
 The devill hath sent one into our countrie 
 A monstre whom God and man hath detested 
 By honest men he setteth not an oynion — " 
 
 Discipline gives some advice which ends in satire on the 
 Pope :*^ 
 
 "Companie not with any Heretike. 
 An Heretike him holy Doctors do call, 
 Which erreth in God's most sacred Scripture, 
 Which is blinde and seeth not his owne fall. 
 But maliciously doth in errour endure. 
 The greatest Heresie that ever was 
 Hath the pope and his adherents published. 
 Yea. the Heresie of Arius it doth passe 
 For Christe and his benefits it hath extinguished 
 Example by the wicked masse satisfactorie 
 Which to Christes death they make equivalent. 
 For they call it a sacrifice propiciatorie. 
 Which is an Heresie most pestilent. 
 Agayne, praier to Sainctes that be dead. 
 Which is a poynte of infidelitie." 
 
 In "Xew Ctistom" (1573) we have a controversial drama. 
 Perverse Doctrine hegins :*" 
 
 " the world was never in so evil astate 
 
 Do you not see how these naw-fangled pr.ittling elves 
 Prink up so pertly of late in every place 
 And go about us ancients flatly to deface." 
 
85 
 Against conceited preachers, he says :*^ 
 
 "For how should they have learning that were born but even now 
 As fit sight it were to see a goose shod or a saddled cow 
 As to hear the prattling of any such Jack Straw 
 For when he hath all done I count him but a daw 
 As in London not long since, you wot well where 
 They sang to a sermon and we chanced to be there 
 Up stert the preacher, I think not past twenty years old 
 With a sounding voice and audacity bold 
 
 And began to revile at the holy sacraments and transubstantiation. 
 What young men to be meddlers in divinity? it is a goodly sight! 
 Yet therein now almost is every boy's delight 
 No book now in their hands but all scriptures, scriptures 
 Either the whole Bible or the New Testament you may be sure, 
 
 They have revoked divers old heresies out of hell 
 
 As against transubstantiation, purgatory, and mass 
 
 And say that by Scripture they cannot be brought to pass." 
 
 They have brought in one, a young upstart lad, as it appears 
 
 I am sure he hath not been in the realme very many yeares 
 
 With a gathered frock, a polled head and a broad hat 
 
 An unshaved beard, a pale face ; and he teaceth that 
 
 All our doings are nought, and hath been many a day 
 
 He disallowed our ceremonies and rites, and teaceth another way 
 
 To serve God, than that which we do use*' 
 
 It is a pestilent knave, he will have priests no corner caps to wear 
 Surplices are superstition ; beads, paxes and such other gear 
 Crosses, bells, candles, oil, bran, salt, spittle, and incense. 
 With censing and singing, he accounts not worth three half-pence 
 
 And cries out on them all 
 
 Such holy things wherein our religion doth consist 
 But he commands the service in Englysh to be read." 
 
 New Custom praises the good old times :*^ 
 
 "If neighbours were at variaunce ; they ran not straight to law 
 Daysmen took up the matter and cost them not a straw 
 
 Adultery no vice, it is a thing so rife^" 
 
 A stale jest to be with another man's wife! 
 
 Covetousness they call 
 Good husbandry when one would fain have all. 
 
 Whoso will be so drunken that he scarcely knovveth his way 
 
 O, he is a good fellow, so now-a-days they say >^^k 1 
 
86 
 
 Gluttony is hospitality, while they meat and drink spill 
 Which would relieve disease whom famine doth kill 
 
 Theft is but policy, perjury but a face." 
 
 Referring to the Catholic Church, he says :^^ 
 
 "Brought they in their monsters, their masses, their lights 
 Their torches at noon to darken our sight 
 Their popes and ther pardons, their purgatories for souls 
 Their smoking of the church and flinging of coals; 
 
 Hypocrisy urges Perverse Doctrine to continue his reHgious 
 pretences :^- 
 
 "Still pretend religion, whatsoever you say 
 And that shall get thee good credit alway 
 Pleasing the multitude with such kind of gear 
 Square caps, long gowns with tippets of silk 
 Brave copes in the church, surplices as white as milk 
 Beads and such like." 
 
 Perverse Doctrine tells of his dififiiculties r'^ 
 
 "For since these new heretics, the devil take them all. 
 In all corners began to bark and bawl 
 At the Catholic faith and the old religion 
 
 Hypocrisy hath so helped at every need. 
 
 In "Tyde Tarrieth No Man" we are reminded of the "Ship 
 of Fools" when Corage the Vice invites all to his barge :^* 
 
 "There are usurers great who with their braynes do beat 
 In devising of guyles, False dealers also 
 A thousand and mo which know store of wyles 
 
 "Crafty cutpurses, maydens mylchnurses 
 Wives of the stampe who love mo then one. 
 
 "Husbands as good as wigges made of wood 
 We have there also, with servauntes so sure 
 As packthred most pure which men away throw. 
 
 "And some by Corage now and then 
 at Tiborne make their will.'"" 
 
87 
 
 Greediness tells of the preacher who scored evil citizens and 
 Helpe of methods which were worthy of condemnation:^*^ 
 
 " we love best with straungers to deale 
 
 To sell a lease dear, whoever that will 
 
 At the french or dutch church let him set up his bill 
 
 And he shall have chapmen I warrant you good store 
 
 Looke what an English man bids, they will give as much more. 
 
 Furtheraunce uses similar methods :^' 
 
 "I will worke so on both the sydes, 
 That of both parties I will obtayne brybes 
 
 The Courtier next tells how he has been duped :^* 
 
 "Each man then a porcion would have 
 The marchaunt for loue, the Broker for his payne 
 And the scrybe for wrytyng, ech man had a gayne." 
 
 At the close of the play, Corage is dragged off for punish- 
 ment by Correction. As he is led off, he asks the spectators:^* 
 
 "Is there no man here that hath a curst wife 
 If he will in my stead, he shall end his life." 
 
 In "All for Money" (1578) the satire is as the name of the 
 play implies, chiefly on money. Theologie says :*'° 
 
 "So many would not study me but for money 
 And thereby to live and in wealth 
 The bishop, the priest, and the doctour of divinitee 
 Would give over their studie not regarding their soul's health 
 And use some other things, for as it appeareth 
 The artificer doth leave his arte and occupyng 
 And becomes a minister for monev and easie living" 
 
 For the wicked riche man and the lover of money 
 
 Regarde but for gayne neither you nor me 
 
 So they have money they care not for us a gnate"**^ 
 
 "Many marchant man that is ryght simple borne 
 With unsociable games encreaseth more and more 
 He will not abate his price for helpyng the poore. 
 
 Money boasts :®- 
 
 "The doctor, the draper, the plowman, the carter 
 In me have their joy and pleasure 
 
88 
 
 Money is my name, all over is my fame 
 I dwell with every degree. 
 
 The smith and the shoemaker, tlic minstrell, the daunser 
 With me will drink and be mearie 
 
 Yea manie loves me better then God. 
 
 For servants and prentises will privily robbe their masters 
 
 To me they have such a minde." 
 
 Learning without Money scores the learned rich :^' 
 
 "Of manie learned riche I craud but could get nought. 
 But the poore sorte unlearned haue given me to feede; 
 Many that be learned and riches haue with all 
 Are more out of frame then some who nothing haue at all 
 Their learning makes them think with their riches to be so strong 
 That they will oppresse their neighbour be it never so wrong" 
 
 Money without Learning taunts him :*'* 
 
 "Who will esteeme thee onlesse thou haue lining?" 
 
 Learning without Money then discusses the inconsistencies 
 of the rich •.'^^ 
 
 "For it is the nature of the churlish rich man 
 To be friend to such as of him standes no neede 
 But if his riches fayle farewell friendship than 
 He will not then bid him with hime once to feede." 
 
 Money without Learning rejoices that though he has no 
 learning to defend his, yet he has in his bags "a friend will 
 pleade — in Westminster Hall."*'*' 
 
 Money maintains that he is very influential 
 
 .67 
 
 "I have made many a crooked matter straight 
 The theefe that was all night robbing and stealing 
 If I beare him witness was all night in his bed sleeping 
 A man's wife taken in bed with another 
 Coulde have no harme when I did excuse her 
 When I spoke she was taken to be of good behaviour. 
 There was a man killed and twenty witnesses by 
 But I said he killed himself with his owne dagger 
 And when I had spoken everie one held his peace 
 .^nd then the officers the murtherer did release." 
 
89 
 
 Synne comments on the priest Sir Lawrence Livingless :®^ 
 
 "I promise you he is very well learned if you wish to oppose him 
 But it must not be in Greek, Ebrewe, nor Latin 
 A cure he is able sufficiently to discharge 
 He can reade very well upon a paire of cardes." 
 
 Sir Lawrence, however, proves unable to tell Synne how 
 many epistles Paul write after his conversion. He answers :®^ 
 
 "By the masse he writ to manie 
 I would they were all burned 
 
 For had they not bene and the newe Testament in English 
 I had not lacked living at this time I wisse 
 Before the people knew so much of the Scripture 
 Then they did obey us and loved us out of measure 
 And nowe we can not go in the streets without a mocke." 
 
 "The Conflict of Conscience" is a satire on the Catholic 
 church and its ceremonies, Satan is made to say :'" 
 
 "So- hath my boy devised very well 
 Many pretty toys to keep men's souls from hell 
 Live they never so evil here and wickedly 
 As masses, trentals, pardons and scala coeli." 
 
 Avarice and Tyranny tell of their influence with the clergy. 
 The former says :^^ 
 
 "Well may the clergy on our side hold 
 For they by us no small gain did reap 
 But all the temporalty I dare be bold 
 To venture in wager of gold a good heap 
 At our preferments will mourn, wail, and weep." 
 
 Tyranny replies :'■ 
 
 "In the clergy I know no friends we shall want 
 Which for hope of gain the truth will recant 
 And give themselves wholly to set hypocrisy 
 Being egged on by Avarice and defended by Tyranny." 
 
 Hypocrisy tells of the plans made by him and the pope:^* 
 
 "The Pope and I together have devised 
 Firstly to inveigle the people religious 
 For greediness of gain who will be soon pressed 
 And for fear lest hereafter they should be despised 
 Of their own free will maintain Hypocrisy 
 So that z\varice alone shall conquer the clergy." 
 
90 
 
 Caconos the priest is a satire on the ignorance of church offi- 
 cials and their consequent inefficiency. He rejoices over the per- 
 secution of lieretics and the restoration of Catholic ceremonies :''* 
 
 *' new agen within awer land installed is the Pope 
 
 Whese legate with authority tharaward awr -country goth 
 
 Far to spay awt, gif that he mea, these new-sprang arataics 
 
 Whilk de disturb awr hally kirk laik a sect of saysmatics 
 
 Awr gilden Gods ar brought agen intea awr kirks ilkwhare 
 
 That unte tham awr parishioner ma offer thar gude-will 
 
 For holly mass in ilk place new thea autars de prepare 
 
 Hally water, pax, cross, banner, censer, and candell 
 
 Cream, crismatory, holly bread, the rest omit ay will 
 
 Whilt hally fathers did invent fre awd antiquity 
 
 .Be new received inte awr kirks with great solemnity 
 
 Bay. these though lemen been apprest. the clargy all but gean 
 
 Far te awr sents theis affer yifts all whilk we sail receive 
 
 Awr hally mass, thaw thea bay dere, thea de it but in vain 
 
 Far thaw ther frends frer Purgatory te help thea dea believe 
 
 Yet of ther hopes, gif need rewhayre, it wawd theam all deceive 
 
 Sea wawd awr pilgrimage, reliques, trentals and pardons 
 
 Whilk for awr geyn wite awr Kirk ar brought in far the nonce. 
 
 Far well a nere what war awr tenths and taythes that gro in Hid 
 
 What gif we han of glebed land ene plawark bay the year 
 
 Awr offring dear de vara laytell ar nething te us yield 
 
 Awr beadrool geanes, awr chrisom clethes de laytle mend awr fare 
 
 Gif awt of this we pea far vale, we laytle more can spare. 
 
 Sawlmasses, diriges. moneth mayndes and buryings 
 
 Alsowlnday, kirkings, banasking and weddings 
 
 The sacraments, if we mowt sell, war better than thea alle 
 
 Far gif the Jews gave thratty pence te hang Chraist on a tree 
 
 Gude Christian folk thrayse thratty pence wawd count a price but small 
 
 Sea that te eat him with their teeth delaivered he mawght be 
 
 New of this thing delaiverance ne man can make but we 
 
 Se that the market in this punt we priests sawd han at will 
 
 And with the money we sowd get awr poodies we sowd fill." 
 
 When Tyranny informs him that he has a commission to 
 search his house for seditious books, he exclaims in great sur- 
 prise :'^ 
 
 "Whe ay? wel a near, ay swear bay the sacrament 
 Ay had rather han a cup of nale than a Testament." 
 
 and he replies to Hypocrisy's question. How he can discharge 
 his office without it by saying: 
 
91 
 
 "It is the least thing ay car far, bay my charge 
 Far se lang as thea han images wharon te luke 
 What need thea be distructed awt af a buik?" 
 
 "For in my portace the tongue ay de nat know 
 Yet when ay see the great gilded letter 
 Ay ken it sea well, as nea man den better 
 As far example : on the day of Chraist's nativity 
 Av see a bab in a manger and two beasts standing bv 
 
 The service whilk to New Year's day is assignd 
 
 Bay the paicture of the circumcision ay faynd 
 
 The service whilk on Twalfth day mun be done 
 
 Ay seeke bay the mark of the three kings of Cologne 
 
 Bay the devil tenting Chraist ay find whadragesima. 
 
 Bay Chraist on the cross ay serch out gude-fraiday. 
 
 Ayenst Hall-Thursday is pented Christ's Ascension 
 
 Thus in mayn own buke ay is a gude clerk : 
 
 But gif the sents war gone, the cat had eat my mark 
 
 Se the sandry mairacles, whilk ilk sent have done, 
 
 Bay the pictures on the walls sal appear to them soon 
 
 Bay the whilk thes ar learned in every distress 
 
 What sent thei mun prea te for succour, doubtless 
 
 Sea that all lepers to Sylvester must prea 
 
 That he wawd frae tham ther disease take away 
 
 Besides this ignorant type of priests there is another church 
 official higher up who is represented as unworthy. The Car- 
 dinal thinks of his own comfort first when he says 'J^ 
 
 "I will not lose one meal of my diet 
 Though therein did hang an hundred men's fait." 
 
 The "Three Ladies of London" deals with the same satirical 
 matter as the preceding plays. By love we have the importance 
 of Lucre presented. ''^ 
 
 "Tis Lucre now that rules the roost ; 'tis she is all in all 
 'Tis she that holds her head so stout, in fine, 'tis she that works our fall. 
 
 "For lucre men come from Italy, Barbary, Turkey 
 From Jewry; nay Pagan himself 
 Endangers his body to gape for pelf 
 
 They forsake mother, prince, country, religion, kiff, and kin 
 Nay men care not what they forsake so Lady Lucre they win." 
 
 Simplicity says that he has known Fraud before at Ware 
 and Gravesend."^ On Simony he says :'^ 
 
92 
 
 "And Simony-a-per-se-a- Simony, too, he is a knave for 
 
 the nonce. 
 He loves to have twenty livings at once 
 And if he let an honest as I am to have one 
 He'll let it so dear that he shall be undone 
 And he seeks to get persons living into liis hand 
 And puts in some old dunce that to his payment will stand 
 So if the parsonage be worth 40 or 50 £ a year 
 He will give one 20 nobles to mumble service once a month there 
 
 Lucre asks Usury : 
 
 80 
 
 "Why earnest thou into England 
 Seeing Venice is a city 
 Where usury by Lucre may live in great glory? 
 
 and Usury answers : 
 
 "I have often heard your good grandmother tell 
 that England was such a place for Lucre 
 As was not in Europe and the whole word beside." 
 
 Simony gives the following account of himself :^^ 
 
 "My birth, nursery, and bringing up hitherto hath been in 
 Rome that ancient city 
 At a banquet some said Rome's religious wealth 
 Came from the princes and by stealth 
 But the friars and monks with all the ancient company 
 Said that it first came in and is now upholden by me Simony 
 
 "And sirrah when I was at Rome and dwelt in the Friary *- 
 They would talk how England yearly sent over a great mass 
 
 of money; 
 And that this little island was more worth to the Pope 
 Than .3 byger realms which had a great deal more scope 
 For here were smoke-pence, Peter pence, and Paul-pence to 
 
 be paid 
 
 The merchant as usual, is representd as greedy:®^ 
 "Me will tie and forswear myself for a quarter so much as my hat." 
 
 Lucre wants him to smuggle goods into England. He is, 
 however, afraid of the consequence. He says :^* 
 
 "I tink some skall knave will put a bill in Parliament 
 For dat such a tings shall not be brought here." 
 
93 
 
 But Lucre insists that he knows tricks by which he can out- 
 wit the customs ofificials :''■' 
 
 " by stealth bring over a great store 
 
 And sa\' it was in the realm long tyme before 
 And do but give the searcher an odd bribe in his hand 
 I warrant you he will let you scape roundly with 
 such things in and out the land," 
 
 We have another instance of class satire when the lawyer ex- 
 claims r^** 
 
 "Tush, sir I can make black white and white black again 
 Tut he that will be a lawyer must have a thousand ways to feign 
 Why, sir what shall let us to wrest and turn the law as we list 
 Seeing we have them printed in the palms of our fist : 
 
 Sincerity after trying to get a benefice without success, re- 
 grets having studied divinity f^ 
 
 " Divines that preach the word of God sincerely and truly, 
 
 Are in these days little or nothing set by. 
 
 There never was more preaching and less following, the people 
 
 live so amiss 
 But what is he that may not on the Sabbath day attend God's 
 
 word to hear 
 But he will rather run to Iiovvls, set at the ale-house than 
 
 one hour afford. 
 Telling a tale of Robin Hood, sitting at cards, playing at 
 
 skittles or some other .vain thing." 
 
 He tells Dissimulation :^* 
 "Thou art akin to the lawyer, thou wilt do nothing without a fee." 
 
 and continues :®^ 
 
 "Flatterers now-a-days live gentleman-like 
 And with prating get praise." 
 
 There is a reference which shows that rents were high and 
 consequently the houses, especially in .foreign districts, v^rere 
 overcrowded: The merchant says strangers are content :^'^ 
 
 "To dwell in a little room and pay much rent 
 For you know da Frenchmans and Flemings in dis country be many 
 So dat thev make shift to dwell ten houses in one verv gladlv. 
 
94 
 
 Conscience bewails the hypocisy seen in the inns, breweries, 
 tanneries, bakeries, chandler-shops etc."^ Fraud walks about the 
 streets in a citizen's gown. Usury lurks at the exchange, Simony 
 walks in Paul's and confers on intimate terms with the clergy ."'- 
 
 The sequel of this play ''The Three Lords and Three Ladies 
 of London" contains little satire. Dissiinulation appears again 
 and tells us how he shifts about in three sundry shapes i'-*^ some- 
 times as a friar, for they can dissemble ; sometimes as a woman, 
 for they do little else ; and sometimes as a saint and a devil — 
 and so is a woman. Sometimes he steals into Leaderhall and 
 sometimes into Westminster Hall. His accomplice, Fraud, has 
 been entertained by artificers and ill-conscienced lawyers.''* 
 
 Simplicity announces that there '11 be no more fraud ; and 
 consequently he'll be much missed in the trades. The tailors will 
 miss him in cutting out garments, the tanners in making leather, 
 the tapsters in filling pots, and the very oyster man in mingling 
 their oysters at Billingsgate."^ 
 
 In great fear of arrest Fraud proposes to Usury and Simony 
 that they go to sea to join with the Spaniards :"® 
 
 "We may either go with them and live in Spain where we and such 
 good fellows are tolerated and used or come slyly again hither." 
 
 Simony says that he is hated in Scotland and the Low 
 Countries. He gives the nationality of the dififerent vices to- 
 gether with his own. 
 
 "I Simony am a Roman ; Dissimulation, a mongrel, half an Italian, 
 half a Dutchman ; Fraud is too — half French and half Scotch and thy 
 parents were both Jews though thou went born in London and here. 
 Usury thou art cried out against by the preachers. Join with us to 
 better thy slate, for in Spain preaching toucheth us not.""" 
 
 The Spaniard in the play is made to say :^^ 
 
 "What's England to the power of Spain 
 A molehill to be placed where it pleaseth them." 
 
 In the "Contention between Liberality and Prodigality" there 
 is a satire on high prices and poor food at times,"" on the vanity 
 of women^"" and the generalized lament on the times. Liberality 
 says :■""' 
 
 "So wonts the world to pamper those that nought deserve 
 Where such as merit best, without relief dt) starve." 
 
95 
 
 Virtue concludes with i^"- 
 
 *You see but very few that make of virtue any price 
 You see all sorts with hungry wills run headlong into vice. 
 
 These EHzabethan MoraHties still retain the dull, generalized 
 lament so common in their predecessors, such as the common- 
 place assertion that children were ill-reared ; good men scarce ; 
 and all minkind deaf to advice. But it is not nearly so prominent 
 as in the early days. The reader gets the idea — the moral lesson 
 — without being told in so many words that "worse was it never" 
 or if he is told, he forgets the statement in the specific action 
 which follows. "Nice Wanton," for instance, has the grumbling 
 neighbor Eulalia complain of the poor training that children 
 receive from their parents. This complaint, however, is sub- 
 ordinate and auxiliary to the main action : we are likely to for- 
 get it in following the main action — the characters Dalila and Is- 
 mael through the various steps in their downfall. Again in this 
 play of the sixteenth century we have a specific character, a baily 
 so eager to accept a bribe that he ventures to approach the judge 
 though without success. Contrast this action with the statement 
 in the fifteenth century Morality, "Wisdom": "Wo will have 
 law must have monye." This comes from the mouth of an 
 abstraction, "Mynde". And yet we cannot say that "Wisdom" 
 is entirely general. "Perjury" takes a specific jury that of Hol- 
 born which seems to have been notorious for injustice and holds 
 it up to scorn. Even in the old miracle cycles, for instance, the 
 Ludus Coventriae, the high priest is represented as advising the 
 bribery of the soldiers to prevent their spreading the news of the 
 Resurrection. 
 
 The point of difference seems to me to lie in the purpose of 
 the authors. The authors of Elizabethan moralities were growing 
 away from the old didactic purpose. At any rate they did not so 
 directly set forth their didacticism. They gave their crude au- 
 diences materials ; from which one could draw the moral for him- 
 self with perhaps just a suggestion of a moral as a preparation for 
 the action. Or if more moralizing was present than I have indi- 
 cated, it simply serves to show the tendency of authors to follow 
 old forms and old methods rathen than to attempt .new ones. 
 
 The Scotch play "Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis" by Sir 
 David T.vndsav. though classified with Elizabethan Moralities 
 
96 
 
 should be considered by itself. It reflects conditions very similar 
 to those in England. It is unsparing in its criticism of classes 
 and the clergy. The play is started with a bit of woman satire 
 w^hen Diligence as prologue requsts silence :^ 
 
 "Let everie man keip weill ane- toung 
 And everie woman tway." 
 
 The ecclesiastical satire begins with a speech by Wanton- 
 ness :- 
 
 "First, at the Romane Kirk will ye begin, — 
 Quwhilk is the lemand lamp of lechery 
 Quhair Cardinals and Bischops generally 
 To luif Ladies thay think ane pleasant sport 
 And out of Rome hes baneist Chastity, 
 Quha with our Prelats can get na resort. 
 
 Solace supports his statement :^ 
 
 "For all the Prelats of this nation 
 For the maist part 
 
 Thay think na schame to haue ane huir ' 
 
 And sum hes thrie vnder thair cuir. 
 
 Speir at the Monks of Bamirrinoch, 
 Gif lecherie be sin." * 
 
 The prioress is also implicated ; and even the court of Rome 
 is said to be given up to Sensuality, for the latter boasts :^ 
 
 "That few or nane refuses me, at all 
 Paipis, patriarks, or Prelats venerabill, 
 Common pepill, and Princes temporall 
 Ar subiect, all, to me, Dame Sensuall 
 
 Gude Counsall critizes the times :^ 
 
 "For 1 have maid my residence 
 With hie Princes of greit puissance 
 In England, Italic, and France, 
 And monie other land 
 Bot out of Scotland — wa ! alace ! 
 I haif bene fleimit lang tymc space: 
 
 There is class satire when the character Dissait gives his 
 dwelling place as "Amang the merchands" ; when Flatterie pro- 
 poses to disguise himself as a clerk "new cum out of France."^ 
 
97 
 
 He incidentally voices satire on the friars when he discusses the 
 possibility of using the dress of a friar:* 
 
 "Perchance He cum (till) that honour 
 To be the Kings confessour 
 Pure Freirs are free at any feast. 
 And marchellit, ay, amang the best, 
 Als, God to them hes lent sic graces, 
 That Bischops puts them in thair places, 
 Outthrow their Dioceis to preiche : 
 Bot f erlie nocht, howbeit thay fleich ; 
 For, schaw thay all the veritie, 
 Thaill want the Bischops charitie. 
 And thocht the corne war never sa skant, 
 The gudewyfis will not let Freirs want : 
 For quhy thay ar thair confessours, 
 Thair heauinlie prudent counsalours." 
 
 Flatterie is versed in palmistry, an art which he learned in 
 Italy.^ He is later much alarmed at the appearance of \^eritie in 
 the land and advises Spiritualitie against her:^" 
 
 "Dame Veritie hes lychtit, now of lait 
 And in hir hand beirand the Newtestament. 
 Be scho ressauit, but doubt wee are bot schent : 
 Let hir nocht ludge thairfoir, into this Land. 
 
 The abbott agrees with him :^^ 
 
 "For with the King gif Veritie be knawin. 
 Of our greit gloir wee will degradit be. 
 And all our secreits to the commons schawin." 
 
 and the parson urges :^- 
 
 "■ go distroy all thir Lutherians. 
 
 In special!, yon ladie Veritie. 
 
 They go, therefore, to Vertitie. and Flattrie acts as spokes- 
 man :^^ 
 
 "Quhat buik is that, harlot into thy hand? 
 Out! walloway I this is the New Testament 
 In Englisch toung, and printit in England I 
 Herisie! herisic ! fire! firel incontinent. 
 
 Chastity is banished by Prioresses, nuns, spirituality, and 
 temporarlity and is chased off by the wives of the carping tailor 
 
98 
 
 and the cobbler. These two types give some satire on woman. 
 The tailor congratulates the priests on their celibacy :'* 
 
 "Now wcils vow Proists, now weils yow all your lifes. 
 That ar noclit wcddit with sic wickit wyfes." 
 
 To return to Chastity, we find iier thrown into the stocks just 
 as Pity was in "Hickscorner". Her lamentation is that since the 
 Pope has become a king. Ladie Sensualitie" rules the country .^'^ 
 
 The entrance of Correction's servant causes the vices to 
 think of flight. Flattrie propose hiding in some cloister: Dis- 
 sait with the merchants ; Falset among the craftsmen i^" and Sen- 
 sualite,^^ among the prelates at Rome. 
 
 The interlude of the Pauper contains satire on the law, on 
 heriot, on mortuary tax and on the clergy. The pauper says of 
 the Edinburgh courts :^* 
 
 "I socht law thair this monie deir day: 
 "Bot I culd get nane at Sessioun nor Seinze 
 
 Then he relates how he has been stripped of his property by 
 the death tax and how with his "ane Inglis grot" he intends to go 
 to law. Diligence laughs at his simplicity :^^ 
 
 "Thou art the daftest fuill that ever I saw 
 Trows thou, man, be the law to get remeid 
 Of men of Kirk? Na, nocht tell thou be deid." 
 
 and gives him some advice when he asks by what law a priest 
 can rob a poor man of his three cows, and by what law a man 
 of the church can be immoral and go unpunished.-*' 
 
 "Hald thy toung, man ! It seems that thou war mangit 
 Speik thou of Preists, l)ut doubt thou will be hangit." 
 
 The pardoner expresses his hatred of the Reformation : 
 
 "I giue to the deuill, with gude intent. 
 This vnsell wickit New-testament. 
 With them that it translaitit. 
 Sen layik men knew the veritic. 
 Pardoners get no charitie. 
 Without that thay debait it 
 Amang the wives, with wunks and wyles, 
 
 "Of all credence now I am quytc 
 For ilk man holds me at dispyte. 
 
99 
 
 That reids the New-testiment. 
 
 Duill fell the braine that her it wrocht ! 
 
 Sa fall them that the Bulk hame brocht ! 
 
 Als, I pray to the Rude, 
 
 That Marten Luther, that fals loun 
 
 Black Bullinger, and Melancthoun 
 
 Had bene smorde in their cude." 
 
 Johne The Common-weill complains to Rex Hnmanitas that 
 the common weal is neglected and explains how :-^ 
 
 "As far our reverent fathers of Spiritualitie, 
 Thay ar led by Couetice and cairles Sensualitie, 
 And, as ye se, Temporalitie hes neid of correctioun, 
 Quhilk hes, lang tyme bene led be publick oppressioun. 
 
 Loe ! heir is Falset and Dissait, weill I ken,** 
 Leiders of the merchants and sillie craftsmen. 
 Quhat mervell thocht the thrie estaits backwart gang, 
 Quhen sic an vyle cnmpanie dwels them amang." 
 
 The first Serjeant who is instructed by Correction to help 
 put the vices in the stocks, says :-^ 
 
 "Thair is nocht. in all this toun, — 
 Bot I wald nocht this taill was tald, — 
 Bot I wald hang him for his goun, 
 Quhidder that it was Laird or laid." 
 
 Spiritualitie, when he sees Sensuality and Covetousness led 
 off, vows -.-^ 
 
 "I mak ane vow to God, I sail complaine 
 Unto the Paip how ye do me iniuris." 
 
 Gude Counsall takes the part of the commons :^^ 
 
 "Thir pure commons, daylie, as we may se, 
 Declynis doun till extreme povertie ; 
 For sum ar hichtit sa into thair mail!, 
 Thair winning will nocht find them water-kaill. 
 How Prelats heichts thair teinda, it is well knawin. 
 That husband-men may not weill hald thair awin. 
 And now begins a plague amang them, new. 
 That gentill men thair steadings taks in few : 
 Thus man thay pay great ferme, or lay thair steid." 
 
 John the Common-Weill begs Correction to begin at the bor- 
 der with the thieves :-® 
 
"I'^or how can we fend vs aj^ains Ini>lan(l, 
 Qulien we can iiocht, within our native Land, 
 Destroy our awin Scots common trator theilis 
 Qnha to leill hiborers daylie dois mischiefis? 
 
 and then punish tlie idle-beggars, fiddlers, pardoners, jugglers, 
 jesters, gamblers, and great fat "Freiris." He insists that the 
 courts be reformed, too. for. as it is. petty thieves are hanged:'"'* 
 
 "Bot he tliat all the warld hes wrangit, — 
 Ane cruell tyrane, ane Strang transgressiour. 
 Ane common, publick. plaine oppressour, — • 
 By buds may he obteine fauours 
 Of Tresurers and compositours : 
 Thocht he serue greit punitioun. 
 Gets easie compositioun. 
 And throch laws consistoriall. 
 Prolixt, corrup. and perpetuall, 
 The common peopill ar put sa under 
 Thocht thay be puir it is na wonder." 
 
 He complains against the vicar :^° 
 
 "The pyre Cottar being lyke to die 
 Haifand young infants, twa or thrie, 
 And hes two ky, but ony ma ; 
 The Vicker most haif ane of thay 
 With the gray frugge that civers the bed, 
 Howbeit the wyfe be purely cled, 
 And gif the wyfe die on the morne, 
 Thocht all the bairns sould be forlorne, 
 The other kow he cleiks away. 
 With the pure cot of raploch gray. 
 Wald God this custome war put doun, 
 Quhilk never was foundit be reassoun : 
 
 Against the parson he has :^^ 
 
 "Oure Persone, heir, he takis na vther pyne 
 But ti ressaue his teinds, and spend them syne ; 
 Howbeit he be obleist, be gude ressoun. 
 To preich the Evangell to his parochoun. 
 Howbeit thay suld want preiching sevintin yeir, 
 Our Persoun will not want ane scheif of beir, 
 
 The Pauper also has a word against bishops :''- 
 
 "Our bishops with thair lustie rokats quhyte 
 Thay flow in riches, royallie, and delyte. 
 
lOI 
 
 Lyke Paradice bene thair palices and places, " 
 
 And wants na pleasour of the fairest faces. 
 
 Als, thir Prelates hes great prerogatyves ; 
 
 For quhy thay may depairt, ay, with thair wyues, 
 
 Without ony correctioun or dammage, 
 
 Syne, tak ane vther wantoner, but marriage." 
 
 John the Common-Weill addresses the lords:'' 
 
 "Tak tent, now, how the land is clein denudit 
 Of gould and silver, quhik daylie gais to Rome 
 For buds, mair then the rest of Christen dome." 
 
 The merchant support John's assertion and begs for relief. 
 Gude Counsall also puts in a plea against abuses and pluralities :^* 
 
 "It is schort tyme sen ony benefice 
 Was sped in Rome, except greit Bischopries; 
 Bot, now, for ane vnworthie Vickarage 
 Ane Priest will rin to Rome, in Pilgrimage 
 Ane cavell quhilk was never at the scule 
 Will rin to Rome, and keip ane Bischops mule 
 And syne, cum hame, with mony colorit crack, 
 With ane buirden of benefices on his back; 
 Quhilk bene against the law, ane man alane 
 For till posses ma benefices nor ane. 
 Thir greit commends, I say, withoutin faill, 
 Sould nocht be given bot to the blude Royall. 
 So I conclude, my Lords, and sayis for me. 
 Ye sould annul all this pluralitie : 
 
 In the general discussion at the Parliament of the Thrie 
 Estaitis, it is decided that priests should have but one benefice, 
 that bishops should preach ; and that the clergy should be quali- 
 fied for their work and worthy to perform it. Veritie says that 
 at present the clergy are not worthy :^^ 
 
 "My prudent Lords, I say that pure craftsmen 
 Abufe sum Prelats ar mair for to commend. 
 Gar exame them, and sa ye sail sune ken. 
 How thay in vertew Bischops dois transcend." 
 
 Gude Counsall backs up this statement:'® 
 
 "Sowtars and tailyeours thay ar for mair expert 
 In thair pure craft, and in thair handle art, 
 Nor ar our Prelatis in thair vocatioun." 
 
I02 
 
 Spiritualitie when forced to give an account of himself to 
 Correctioun, confesses to covetousness, luxury, and immorahty. 
 He does part of his work by proxy — having a friar to preach in 
 liis place.-" In turn, the abbot, abbas, parson, and prioress make 
 similar confessions.'*^ When later, they "spuilze" the Prioress, 
 according to stage directions, "scho sail haue ane kirtill of silk 
 vnder hir habite,''" On being exposed. Spiritualitie blames the 
 friars for his ruin ; the abbot curses the Reformation ; and the 
 parson decides to go to France, and become a soldier.*" 
 
 According to the acts of Parliament, noblemen are not to 
 connive at thieves ; nuns are to be a class of the past ; benefices 
 are to be bestowed on ecclesiastics ; bishops are not to ordain 
 ignorant men as priests ; death presents are not be exacted ; no 
 man is to hold a plurality ; and no baron, to exact heriot.*^ 
 
 Flattrie who escapes the fate of his accomplices, Common 
 Thift, Dissait, and Falset exults over having escaped the hang- 
 man :*~ 
 
 "Becaus I servit, — be Alhallows ! 
 
 Till haue bene marchellit amang my fellows, 
 
 And heich aboue them hangit, 
 
 I maid far ma falts nor my maits ; 
 
 I begylde all the thrie estaitis 
 With my hypocrisie. 
 
 Quhen I had on my freirs hude 
 
 All men beleifit that I was gude, 
 Now judge ye if I be. 
 
 Tak me an rackles rubyatour, 
 
 Ane theif, ane tyrane or ane traitour, 
 Of everie vyce the plant; 
 
 Gif him the habite of ane freir, 
 
 The wyfis will trow, withoutin weir 
 
 He be ane verie Saint 
 
 I knaw that cowle and skaplarie 
 
 Genners mair hait nor charitie, 
 
 Thocht thay be blak or blew, 
 
 Quhat halines is thair within 
 
 Ane wolfe cled in ane wedders skin?" 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 INTERLUDES OR FARCES. 
 
 There are some plays which do not appear in the classifica- 
 tion of the "Cambridge History of English Literature" which 
 really belong to the crude early attempts at drama. Such are the 
 plays which E. K. Chambers classifies as farces. First under 
 farces of mediaeval type appear "The Pardoner and the Friar", 
 "The Four P's," "The Weather," "Johan, Tyb, and Syr John," 
 and perhaps we should add that play of domestic life, "Tom Tyler 
 and his Wife," Then there are farces on classical models — for in- 
 stance, "Gammer gurton's Needle," "Ralph Roister Doister,' and 
 ^'Jack Juggler. In addition to farces, Mr. Chambers has a di- 
 vision of translations. From the Spanish he lists "Calisto and 
 Meliboea" ;^ from the Neo-Latin, "Thersites" and "The Diso- 
 bedient Child". Under pseudo-interlude there is that interminable 
 disputation by John Heywood called "Love" and the contro- 
 versial dialogue, "Robin Conscience." 
 
 But neither the classification of the "Cambridge History 
 of English Literature" nor that of E. K. Chambers, nor a com- 
 bination of the two succeeds in including all our early plays not 
 belonging to the regular drama. In the Malone Society Reprints 
 we find "Love feigned and Unfeigned," "Johan the Evangelist," 
 ''Temperance and Humility," "The Cruell Debtter," "The Prodi- 
 gal Son" — all moral plays. In the Shakespeare Jahrbuch there 
 is a play, "The Cobbler's Prophecy" which still retains traces of 
 the morality plays. There also three moral tragedies which 
 should be considered — "Appius and Virginia," "Cambyses," and 
 "Horestes." These, however are not satirical. 
 
 Passing to a consideration of the satire in these plays we 
 have in the fragmentary morality, "Love Feigned and Unfeigned" 
 some advice from Falshod on getting rich :^ 
 
 "Wherefore my masters yf in riches and wealthe 
 Ye would abound ye must practise deceipt and stealth 
 fere nothinge to sweare by his nales woundth or blode 
 So thow maj' have thy purpose and increase thy good 
 
 103 
 
I04 
 
 Thoughe some man should say that of wcalthe thowe hast plentye 
 thow must alhvays fayne that thy purse ys but cmptye 
 I praye ye what ma goeth throwe the wode 
 but he that can play two faces in one hode. 
 
 He boasts of his own power:- 
 
 "I reigne as an Imperiall magystrate at Rome 
 I am honored in all nations whersoe I come 
 He that hath not practyse in his conversation 
 Ys tearmed an asse and rude in comunicatyon." 
 
 Love Feigned says :^ 
 
 "Yea and youe must love fayn^dlie your Christia brother 
 tell hime one tale and thinke in herte one other 
 
 Marke me nowe adayes yf there be an heire of lands 
 howe they practyse by falshod to have it out of hir hands 
 Well yf you should studye familiarite to please 
 Where youe be a gentle ma should not be worth two p — 
 Oh they will cap hime and sugred words render 
 they will seme as that much your selfe they do tender 
 All is to have your lands in their possession 
 Which, yf the may attayne by any condicion 
 then may ye go alone wyth a flea in youre eare 
 Yender goeth the ayre of lyn ye may se by his geare 
 let him packe as a begger vnto the beggers shoole 
 Such is the end of everye foole." 
 
 In "Johan the Evangelist" Evil Counsell says :^ 
 
 "1 have sought England thorowe and thorowe 
 Vyllage, towne, cytie and borowe 
 Mith many a thousande bequeyntyd I am 
 As yll tongued churles and many a prowde gentyll man 
 That shrewdly riundeth many a pystell 
 Whan they in yonge wyves eeres dithe whystell 
 Of maters partaynyng to Venus Actes 
 With fair flateryng wordes and prety knackes 
 
 In Cornewall I have ben and in Kent 
 Westmynster. Saynt Katheryns and in unthryfts rent 
 
 In England shall nothing me let. * 
 
 Idlenesse gives an account of Sensuality his brother :" 
 
 "Syr I lefte hym on the playne of Salysbyre 
 Ae told me that he wolde Ivsfte 
 
I05 
 
 Some good felowe from his thryfte 
 And as I trowe somewhat he wyll gette. 
 
 In the next play "Temperance and Humility" Disobedience 
 insolently remark to the two characters who give the play its 
 name :* 
 
 "What make ye in this countre 
 
 Youre worke is all in vanyte 
 
 Ye can not prevayle 
 
 A)udacyte and dysobedience 
 
 W)ith Adversytees presence 
 
 )US wyll we vayle 
 
 ) court in constry and in many a couent 
 
 In) every order we dwell present 
 
 Oduely we assayle 
 
 So many foloweth now our intent 
 
 And I sholde tell all I sholde be shent 
 
 For both spriall and teporall 
 foloweth our ca( 
 
 And after vs wyll do. 
 
 There is a trifling bit of satire in the fragment of the "Cruel! 
 Debtter". Flateri says -J 
 
 "The higher that the court is & the more iniquytie 
 More flatery is not in the worlde reygnynge 
 Then is in the courte of any noble kynge."' 
 
 On Symulation he says :* 
 
 "In the worlde is not so false a knave as hee 
 For by hym all states deceyved bee 
 In Byshops and pastors he is humylitie 
 And yet must be full of pryde and crudelytie 
 In all the Clergy he semeth to be holynes 
 Whan in them is a multytude of wyckednes, 
 In magystrates he semeth to be Offabilitie 
 Yet theare lurketh dysdayne and austerytie 
 In the comons he semeth to be neyghbourlynes 
 Yet is theare enuye, hate, and coueytousness. 
 
 There is nothing in "The Prodigal Son" of a satirical nature 
 unless it is a reference to shrewish wives :® 
 
 "O woo is to that man all dayes of his lyfe 
 That hath a shrewde queane to his wyfe." 
 
io6 
 
 We may proceed now to the "Cobbler's Prophecy", "Raph''' 
 the cobbler has a dream which is a satire on the times. ^"^ 
 
 "Below me thought, there were false knaves! 
 Walking like honest men verie craftely 
 .Ajid few or none could be plainly secne 
 to thrive in the world by honcstie 
 
 Men, masters and maids 
 Yea, and wives too and all are too too bad. 
 
 But O. the Baker how he plaid false with the baliance, 
 
 And ran away from the takers tallants. 
 
 The Bruer was as bad, the Butcher as ill 
 
 For its their tricke to blow up leane meate with a quill." 
 
 He warns the scholar :^^ 
 
 "Harke ye, mas Scholler, harke ! 
 The time shall come not long before the dome, 
 That in despite of Rome 
 Latin shall lacke 
 
 And greeke shall beg with a wallet at his backe 
 For all are not sober that goes in blacke. 
 
 His prophecy to the coimtry gentleman is:^- 
 
 "The hie hill and the deepe ditch 
 Which ye digd to make your Selues rich 
 The chimnies so many, and alwies not anie 
 The widowes wofull cries 
 And babes in streete that lies 
 The bitter sweate and paine 
 That tenants poore sustaine 
 Will turn to your bane." 
 
 This is followed by threats of hell and the question :^' 
 
 "Then where will be the schollers allegories 
 Where the Lawier with his dilatories 
 Where the Courtier with his braverie 
 And the money monging mate with all his knaverie 
 
 Clio says ■}* 
 
 "Yes divers Princes make good lawes, 
 But most men overslip them 
 And divers dying give good gifts 
 But their executors nip them." 
 
I07 
 
 Charon complains that he is worked to death just as the 
 porter of hell does in the Towneley "Juditium" :^^ 
 
 "Why, Popes and Prelates, Princes and Judges more than I number can. 
 But the covetous misers, they fret me to the gall ; 
 For they way the divel and all. 
 
 Raph interrupts -.^^ 
 
 "Mas, and may well be, for theres little money 
 Stirring on the earth," 
 
 A Gray Friar comes to Charon's barge and when questioned 
 as to who he is replies :^^ 
 
 "The ghost of a gray Frier 
 So troubled with nunnes, as never Frier was." 
 
 Next comes Codrus the poor man, He wishes to know if 
 hell can be any worse than earth. Charon answers :^^ 
 
 "Codrus, I cannot help thee now and yet I wish thee wel ; 
 Theres scarcely roome enough for rich 
 So that no poore can come to hell 
 
 For where one wont to come to hell 
 I telle thee now comes five or sixe." 
 
 Further there is a dialogue between Nicenes and New- 
 fangle :^'' 
 
 "For once a day for fashion sake my Lady must be sicke 
 No meat but mutton, or at most the pinion of a chicke 
 Today hir own haire best becomes, which yellow is or gold 
 A perriwigs better for to morrow, blacker to behold ; 
 Today in pumps and chevrill gloves, to walke she wilbe told 
 Tomorrow cufifes and countenance for feare of catching cold 
 Now is she barefoot to be seene, straight on hir muffler goes. 
 Now is she hufift up to the crowne, straight nusled to the nose." 
 
 Th moral tragedies, "Appius and Virginia" and "Horestes" 
 are not satirical. "Cambyses has a slight trace of satire. The 
 Vice Ambidexter says :-'* 
 
 "Yet with mine eares I have heard some say, — 
 That ever I was married, now cursed be the day ! 
 Those be they that with curs'd wives be matched 
 That husband for hawks' meat of them is up snatched. 
 
io8 
 
 Head lirokc with a bed-staff, face he all to scratched; 
 
 Such were bettor unmarried, nij- masters I trow 
 Than all their life after to he matched with a shrow." 
 
 In referring to the crtielty of Cambyses, he speaks of Bishop 
 Booner.'-^ 
 
 "He was akin to Bishop Bonner. 1 think verily; 
 For both their delights was to shed blood, 
 Hut never intended to do any good." 
 
 'I'aking u\) now the mediaeval interlude or farce, we find 
 in "The Pardoner and the Friar"-- satire of characterization. 
 These two types are represented as discussing their importance 
 to society and the value of prayers and relics. Each underrates 
 the other. Both try to talk at once but neither managing to say 
 more than a sentence at a time, a fight ensues to settle who shall 
 have the floor. The quarrel is extended to include the curate and 
 Neighbour Pratt who come to prevent the desecration of the 
 church. In the end the newcomers are beaten and driven ofif, 
 leaving the pardoner and the friar in possession of the field. 
 Plainly the aim of the author is to make sport of these two types. 
 He is not serious ; he has no lesson to teach. He has grasped 
 the idea that the true function of the drama is to amuse ;hence 
 he does not consider it necessary to retain the Old English fair- 
 ness and make modifications conceriiing certain friars and cer- 
 tain pardoners, for his purpose the two types are fit subjects for 
 ridicule. 
 
 The author of the play just discussed — John Hey wood — 
 wrote three other satirical farces : "The Four P. P." "The 
 Weather," and "Johan, Tyb and Syr John. All are satirical of 
 classes — of the palmer, the pardoner, the priest, the duped hus- 
 band, and the unfaithful wife. Here we have the best illus- 
 tration of early dramatic satire. The method is no longer that of 
 the preacher but that of the dramatist. 
 
 In "The Four P. P." a palmer and a pardoner boast of their 
 claims to merit and distinction much as they do in the preceding 
 play. The palmer is proud of the number of shrines that he has 
 visited; but the ])ardoner contem])tuously refers to them :-^ 
 
 "For all \fiur labour and ghostly intent 
 \"e will come home as wise as ve went." 
 
I09 
 
 and tells him that he could have granted him remission of his 
 sins ; for he is truly a pardoner. The palmer retorts : 
 
 "Truly a pardoner ! that may be true 
 But a true pardoner doth not ensue. 
 Right seldom is seen or never. 
 That truth and pardoners dwell together." 
 
 To this the pardoner says : 
 
 "By the first part of this last tale 
 It seemeth ye came of late from the ale." 
 
 When the pedlar displays his goods, the palmer tells him :-* 
 
 ''we be like friars ; 
 We are but beggars, we be no buyers." 
 
 When the pardoner makes his visit to hell in behalf of his 
 friend, Margery Corson, Lucifer readily grants his request for 
 her freedom :-^ 
 
 "For all we devils within this den 
 Have more to do with two women 
 Than with all the charge we have beside ; 
 Wherefore, if thou our friend will be tried 
 Apply thy pardon to women so. 
 That unto us there come no mo." 
 
 The palmer, however, takes up the defence of woman and 
 wins the prize for telling the greatest lie :-** 
 
 "His tale is all much perilous; 
 But part is much more marvellous 
 As where he said the devils complain 
 That women put them to such pain. 
 Be their conditions so crooked and crabbed 
 Forwardly fashioned, so wayward and wrabbed 
 So far in division, and stirring such strife 
 That all the devils be weary of their life. 
 This in effect he told for truth. 
 Whereby much marvel to me ensueth, 
 That women in hell such shrews can be, 
 And here so gentle, as far as I see 
 Yet have I seen many a mile 
 And many a woman in the while 
 Not one good city, town, or borough 
 In Christendom but I have been thorough 
 
no 
 
 And thus I would yc should understand 
 
 I have seen women tive hundred thousand 
 
 And oft with them long time tarried. 
 
 Yet in all places where I have been 
 
 Of all the women that I have seen 
 
 I never saw nor knew in my conscience 
 
 Any one woman out of patience." 
 
 Heywood's "Weather" is purely farcial ; the different classes 
 are represetited as anxious to secure weather that will promote 
 business. Each of course is selfish in its interests. The wea- 
 ther that will dry the clothes of the laundress will spoil the com- 
 plexion of the beauty. The coarse play "Johan, Tyb and Syr 
 John" satirizes the three types — the henpecked husband, the un- 
 faithful wife and immoral priest. His other play "Love" is a 
 wordy disputation which can not be classed as satirical. 
 
 The farces on Classical models — "Jack Juggler". "Gammer 
 Gurton's Needle", and "Ralph Roister Doister" were written with 
 the idea of amusement foremost. Diccon in "Gammer Gurton", 
 "Jack Juggler" in the piece of the same name and Matthew 
 Merrygreek in "Roister Doister" remind us of the old vice in the 
 moral plays. In their control of the plot they come close to the 
 Vice, Haphazard in "Apius and Virginia" and Ambidexter in 
 "Cambyses". 
 
 Of these plays "Jack Juggler" seems to be the only one that 
 is satiric ; and here the satire is hidden. The prologue says that 
 the author takes the grounds of his comedy from Plautus and 
 with a satirical touch adds :'-' 
 
 " fi-r higher things indite 
 
 In nn \v:?e he would, for yet the time is so queasy. 
 
 That he that speaketh best is least thankworthy. 
 
 Therefore, sith nothing but trifles may be had 
 
 You shall hear a thing that only shall make you merry and glad. 
 
 ''And such a trifling matter, as when it shall be done, 
 Ye may report and say ye have heard nothing at all. 
 Therefore I tell you all, before it be begun 
 Thrit no man look to hear of matters substantial, 
 Nor matters of any gravity either great or small 
 For this maker showed us that such manner things 
 Do never well beseem little boys' handlings. 
 
Ill 
 
 But in contrast to this tone of innocence we find in an un- 
 assigned part, apparently a prologue the following hints of a hid- 
 den meaning:^* 
 
 "Somewhat it was, saith the proverb old 
 That the cat winked when her eye was out, 
 That is to say no tale can be told, 
 But that some English may be picked thereof out 
 If so to search the Latin and ground of it men will go about 
 As this trifling interlude that before you hath been rehearsed. 
 May signify some further meaning if it be well rehearsed. 
 
 "Such is the fashion of the world now-a-days 
 That the simple innocents are deluded, 
 And an hundred thousand divers way 
 By subtle and crafty means shamefully abused 
 And by strength, force, and violence ofttimes compelled 
 To believe and say the moon is made of a green cheese 
 Or els have great harm, and percase their life lese. 
 
 "He must say he did amiss, though he never did offend 
 He must ask forgiveness, where he did no trespass 
 Or els be in trouble, care and misery without end, 
 And be cast in some arrearage without any grace 
 And" that thing he saw done before his own face 
 He must by compulsion stiffly deny 
 And for fear whether he woll or not sa tongue, you lie." 
 
 Bongrace scouts at the excuse of Jenkin Careaway's — 
 namely, that a double has taken his place -."^ 
 
 "Why, thou naughty villain, darest thou afiirm to me 
 That which was never seen nor hereafter shall be? 
 That one may have two bodies and two faces 
 And that one man at one time may be in two places? 
 
 In this there may be a hidden thrust at the doctrine of tran- 
 substantiatiion. A reading of "Tom Tyler and his wife" shows 
 some amusing domestic comedy. The poor henpecked Tom after 
 securing an advantage over his wife through the trick of his 
 friend the tailor, unwisely loses it by telling her that his friend 
 had given her the beating for him. The poor fellow's Song 
 is:^« 
 
 "I am a poor Tyler in simple aray 
 
 And get a poor living but eight pence a day 
 
 My wife as I get it, doth spend it away 
 
1 12 
 
 And 1 cannot lielp it, she saith ; wot ye why 
 For wedding and hanging is destiny 
 
 By marrying of strife which I chose to my wife, 
 To leade such a life with sorow and grief 
 As I tell you true, is to had for a Jew." 
 
 In the old play "Common Conditions" there is some more of 
 this crude criticism of women -.^^ 
 
 "Proffer them the thing thei most desire, they would it denie 
 Thei are so full of sleightes and fetches that scarce the Foxc. hee 
 In every poicte with women maie scarce compared bee ; 
 For when men praie, they will denaie ; or when men most desire 
 Then mark me a woman, she is sonest stirred to ire 
 Their hedds are fantastical!, and full of varietie straunge 
 Like to the moone. whose operation it is often tymes to chaunge." 
 
 In "Calisto and Meliboea" Sempronio the parasite tries to 
 cheer the jilted lover, Calisto, by telling him that women are not 
 the goddesses that they seem :^- 
 
 "Flee from their beginnings, eschew their folly : 
 Thou knowest they do evil things many 
 They keep no mean, but rigour of intention: 
 Be it fair (or) foul, wilful without reason. 
 Keep them never so close, they will be showed. 
 Give tokens of love by many subtle ways : 
 Seeming to be sheep, and serpently shrewd ; 
 Craft in them renewing that never decavs. 
 
 it is a wonder to see their dissembling. 
 Their flattering countenance, their ingratitude. 
 Inconstancy, false witness, feigned weeping; 
 T]:e'r vain-glory and how they can delude 
 Their foolishness, their jangling not mew'd 
 Their lecherous lust and vileness therefore; 
 Witch crafts and charms to make men to them lore 
 Their embalming and their unshamef acedness ; 
 Their bawdry, their subtlety, and fresh attirin-?; 
 What trimming, what painting to make fairness ! 
 Their false intents and flickering smiling! 
 Therefore lo ! it is an old saying 
 That women be the devil's net, and head of sin. 
 And man's misery in Paradise did begin." 
 
 The next play "Thersites" may be taken as a satire upon 
 boasters, but it :.- probably only realistic and comic in intent. 
 
113 
 
 This is true to a less extent in the case of "The Disobedient 
 Child." The son is in character ; he complains of school-life :^^ 
 
 "Yet like to the school none under the sun 
 Bringeth to children so much heaviness. 
 
 "For as the bruit goeth by many a one, 
 Their tender bodies both night and day 
 Are whipped and scourged, and beat like a stone 
 That from top to toe the skin is away. 
 So long as my wits shall be mine own 
 The schoolhouse for me shall stand alone." 
 
 The father regrets his inability to control his child :^* 
 
 "Science and learning is so little regarded. 
 That none of us doth muse or study 
 To see our children well taught and instructed. 
 We deck them, we trim them with gorgeous array. 
 We pamper and feed them, and keep them so gay 
 That in the end of all this they be our foes." 
 
 The priest, too, has a complaint; the clerk has gone to the 
 ale-house leaving his work to the care of his superior.^^ 
 
 "Great pity it were that the church should be disordered, 
 Because that such swillbowls do not their works. 
 And to say truth in many a place, 
 And other great towns besides this same, 
 The priests and parishioners be in like case 
 Which to the churchwardens may be shame. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. 
 
 It has been shown that satire j^lays an important part in the 
 Marly Enghsh Drama, especially in the moralities where it en- 
 livens the direct didacticism of these dull old plays with virile 
 attacks upon the church and society ; and thus teaches in an indi- 
 rect manner what should be by attempting to abolish what should 
 not be. The reformatory idea, however, was not always pres- 
 ent. The authors at times merely gave expression to that common 
 satirical spirit by virtue of which men delight in ridiculing the 
 follies of others. And yet the great seriousness of the English 
 people on the whole leads us to conclude that the larger part of 
 this early satire was reformatory in purpose. 
 
 The most fertile field of this satire lay in the controversial 
 drama foreshadowing and centering about the Reformation. The 
 three greatest names are those of John Skelton, John Bale, and 
 Sir David Lyndsay. All three show the vigor so characteristic of 
 the English and Scotch in making their attacks upon religious and 
 social evils ; all, though priests, stoop to coarseness and ob- 
 scenities which had better be let die. The only point in citing 
 them is that, if true, they serve to show the prevailing cor- 
 ruption of the church, the looseness of morals in general, and 
 the inefficiency of the government. .-\nd they were undoubtedly 
 true in a great degree ; the native fairness of English satire 
 leads to this conclusion. Another fact which seems to strengthen 
 this inference — that the licentiousness of the times was a re- 
 flection of the influence of the immoral clergy upon society — 
 is the small amount of satire aimed at the Protestant reformers. 
 We have one play "Respublica" which accuses the Protestant min- 
 isters of having brought ruin upon the Commonwealth. In "New 
 Custom" both parties Catholics and Protestant are represented. 
 Each satirizes the other. The conclusion of the jilay, however, 
 shows that the author wrote with the intention of disparaging the 
 Romish Church. Its three satirical abstractions represent the 
 two faults of Popish priests — Perverse Doctrine and Ignorance — 
 
 ]14 
 
// 
 
 and the cardinal sin of the Middle Ages — Hypocrisy. If we 
 accept satire as the weapon of the persecuted, then the small 
 quantity of saitre directed against the promulgators of the Ref- 
 ormation indicates where the corruption lay. Again, if we be- 
 lieve satirists appear when society and its institutions become 
 decadent and appear as spokesmen of the popular thought, then 
 we must conclude that in this period which was to culminate in 
 the Reformation, there was ample material for satire and that 
 there were a few who believed the drama, or what was then the 
 drama, the most efifective means of presenting it. For three 
 centuries there had been a more or less scattered attack upon 
 the evils and inconsistencies of the church in the undramatic 
 literature of the time. Now in the sixteenth century when afifairs 
 were approaching a crisis, the drama became a potent factor in 
 presenting the vexed questions to the mind of the people. 
 
 A classification of the old English plays into groups — (i) 
 those which contain considerable satire. (2) those which are only 
 incidentally satiric — shows the following lists. Under the first 
 heading we should name the twenty-fifth pageant of the Ludus 
 Coventriae as containing the broadest and best sustained satire 
 of all the miracles cycles, addressed as it is in an ironical vein to 
 the audience by a character who was always able to get a hear- 
 ing — the Devil. \\'ith it should be mentioned the twenty-eighth 
 Towneley pageant noted for its social satire. For the essen- 
 tially satiric moralities we name the following plays : "Magnifi- 
 cence." "Ane Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis," ''Respublica." "Xew 
 Custom." "Lusty Juventus," "King John." and the "Three Laws." 
 The_sa.tirical farces are: "The Four P's," "Johan. Tyb. and Sir 
 Jhcn." "The \\'eather." and the "Parr'oner and the Friar." l''^nder 
 the second heading as representatives of the miracles, we note the 
 various plays of the Towneley cycle and the Ludus Coventriae 
 not included in the first division and also the Chester plays. 
 The moralities only incidentally satiric take in : "The Pride of 
 Life." "The Castle of Perseverance," "Mind, Will and Under- 
 standing." "Mankind." "Everyman." "Mundus et Infans." "Na- 
 ture." "Hickscorner." "Youth," "Four Elements." "The Diso- 
 bedient Child." "Nice Wanton," and perhaps we should note for 
 the farces. "Jack Juggler." 
 
 All this satire fits in admirably with the didactic subject- 
 matter and purpose of the Old English plays. These beginning 
 
ii6 
 
 with the idea of teaching the crude, ignorant people the story of 
 the Scriptures continued to do so until the close of the six- 
 teenth century ; but at the same time widening their scope, they 
 came to include the representation of religious lessons which ap- 
 l)ealed more to the intellect than did the narrative of the miracles. 
 The same audience went to the miracle plays and the morality 
 plays, at least to the popular moralities. The one taught them 
 the Bible ; the other, ethics. In both satire appeared but of 
 course with more prominence in the moralities; for these plays 
 not being bound so strictly by convention to a close representation 
 of the Scriptures nor so much under the sway of the clergy as 
 the miracles, could attack evils in the church and society and 
 still conform to the didactic purpose of the plays even though they 
 did so indirectly. 
 
 In the farces or interludes which had an entirely different 
 purpose from the two kinds of religious drama in that they gave 
 up the old idea of instruction for that of amusement, satire came 
 in nicely as one of the means of raising a laugh. 
 
 A survey of this informal satire shows the use of both the 
 direct and the indirect methods. The first is well illustrated in 
 the advice of the devil in the "Ludus Coventriae" ; in the Bis- 
 hop's complaint on the times in the "Pride of Life"; in x\varice's 
 advice to Mankind in the "Castle of Perseverance" ; in the mes- 
 senger '-s rebuke in the "Four Elements to authors w4io neglect 
 their native English ; in Pity's complaint in "Hickscorner". -Com- 
 pare the speech of Good Counsel in "Lusty Juventus" with that of 
 a character of the same name in the Scottish play, "':Ane Satyre 
 of the Thrie Estaitis." The first is a dull lament in the direct 
 method : 
 
 "O where may a man find now. one faithful congregation 
 That is not infected with dissension or discord 
 Who useth not now covetousness and deceit 
 Who giveth to the poor that which is his due." 
 
 The second, though still a lament is dramtic. indirect. Gude 
 Counsall represents herself as driven out of Scotland in a speech 
 tliat makes her almost human : 
 
 "Rut out of Scotland — wa ! alace ! — 
 I haif bene fieimit lang tyme space." 
 
117 
 
 Of the two methods, the indirect is. the more effective. It 
 must have been exceedingly impressive to see a Pope in despair on 
 the Judgment Day and hear from his own hps his confession 
 of worldliness and simony. Such daring occurs only once in the 
 miracles — in the 1591 edition of the "'Chester Plays". Here its 
 seeming boldness is not so wonderful after all if we consider its 
 late occurrence at a time when Protestantism was established in 
 England and the Pope no longer so highly esteemed as he had 
 been in preceding ages ; or if we admit that it may be onlv the 
 transfer to the drama by literary antiquarians of the Dance of 
 Death motive so common in mediaeval art. But to take up an- 
 other instance which can not be discounted, we revert to the time 
 of the Reformation — to the reign of King Henry VHI. Here 
 w^e find an attack upon the Pope by the fiery Bishop Bale. As 
 in the Chester play, the Pope appears on the stage, but not to 
 confess his sins ; he rather proposes to indulge in them to the 
 utmost. Unlike the Chester Pope he is at times an abstraction 
 — Usurpyd Powder ; at times a specific Pope — for instance. In- 
 nocent the Third. 
 
 After excommunicating King John, he says to Dissimulation: 
 
 "I shall soch gere avaunce 
 As wyll be to us a pereptual furderaunce ; 
 Fyrst eare-confessyon, than pardons than purgatory 
 Sayntes — worchyppyng than sekyng of imagery 
 Than Laten servyce, with the cerymonye meny 
 Whereby our byshoppes and abbots shall get money. 
 I wyll make a law to burne all herytykes. 
 And kyngs to depose -whan they are sysmatykkes. 
 I wyll allso reyse up the fower begging orders 
 
 The tone and spirit of the satire is pessimistic but not so 
 sweepingly pessimistic as to exclude the natural hopefulness of 
 the English and their desire for impartiality. Often after a 
 bitter denunciation of the clergy which would seem to include 
 the entire ecclesiastical hierarchy, the author modifies his state- 
 ments by exceptions. 
 
 In type the satire is for the most part impersonal ; the author 
 speaks not so much his own opinions as those of his class. He 
 is the mouthpiece, the spokesman for society against its abuses 
 whether in church, the state, or the members. 
 
 The objects of attack are those which have always been the 
 
ii8 
 
 target of scorn and ridicule, foibles in politics, religion, and 
 society . .The Political and religious satire is peculiarly English ; 
 the Social satire is conventional and little different from the Latin 
 except that it lays more stress upon the morals of classes than 
 ;Upon those of individuals. 
 
 Taking up Political satire, we find jiist one play, and that 
 a fragment which may be classed as a Political Morality. It is 
 "Albyon Knyght". Other plays, however, contain political allu- 
 sions — for instance, "Magnificence," "Godly Queen Hester," 
 "Respublica." "Wealth and Health" and "King John." Among 
 the miracle cycles, the Towneley plays have reference to mis- 
 government in the complaint of the shepherds upon the economic 
 conditions of their day and in the enumeration among the devil's 
 followers of false inquest-holders and tax-gatherers. "Magnifi- 
 cence" written early in the sixteenth shows the hostility 
 existing between the government of England and France 
 in Fancy's report of the close watch kept for spies at 
 the sea-coast. It also shows the inconsistencies in the 
 character and in the methods of the leading politician of the 
 day — \\'olsey — by the four abstractions. Counterfeit Count- 
 enance, Crafty Conveyance, Cloked Collusion, and Courtly Abu- 
 sion. each one of which is thought to embody some leading trait 
 of this powerful statesman. They represent him as a vain, haughty 
 upstart who has intrenched himself in the favor of the king until 
 his power is about regal. The whole play is a satirical protest 
 against the false, scheming politicians and tale-bearers who are 
 wont to gather about a young prince. And in this case the great 
 politician is Wolsey. 
 
 "Respublica" also has reference to political affairs — to the 
 mal-administration of the ministers of Edward VI. The realm 
 is represented on the verge of ruin through their sweeping public 
 robberies and their oppression of the church. 
 
 "Wealth and Health" has a political allusion to the Flemish 
 war anri a protest against the influx of the Flemish weavers. 
 These the play represents as drunken and undesirable subjects 
 both in AVill's description and in the character. Drunken Hance. 
 
 "King John" is political to the extent that it portrays the 
 ill feeling existing between the government and the papal power. 
 .Sedition who is al)le to appear as any member of the clergy, 
 regular or secular, holds princes the representatives of the tern- 
 
119 
 
 poral power in "scorne, hate, and disdayne." On the other hand 
 King John expresses his opinion of the spiritual power as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 "Ther is no malyce like to that of the clergy." 
 
 "Godly Queen Hester" alludes to an upstart lord who has 
 become very powerful. The satire is upon him and the social 
 conditions which follow as a result of his prominence in politics. 
 The accusations against him are similar to those against Wolsey 
 in "Magnificence", and may be aimed at Wolsey. 
 
 But as has been said the essentially Political ^Morality is 
 "Albyon K - ^-it." It shows the selfishness of the four orders in 
 the state — the ruler, the nobles, the clergy, and the common 
 people. Each works for its own interests in Parliament and pre- 
 vents the passage or execution of laws which may in any way be 
 to its disadvantage. Injury by means of maintenance corrupts 
 the law courts. Division, his accomplice, sends two well-named 
 characters. Double Devyce and Old Debate to set the commons 
 against the king and to stir up strife between the nobles and the 
 clergy — the "lordes temporall and the lordes spirituall." It is a 
 realistic portrayal, as far as it goes, of the inner workings of 
 politics. 
 
 A brief review of the subjects of political satire includes the 
 following topics : ( i ) the failure to pass laws or to enforce 
 them through the existence of selfish factions in the government — 
 in Parliament, (2) the pride, arrogance, extravagance, avarice, 
 and double-dealing of upstart politicians. (3) the extortion of 
 false taxcollectors, (4) the Flemish War and its results — taxation 
 and an influx of foreigners, and (5) the fleeing of the clerg}^ by 
 unprincipled ministers of state. 
 
 Under Social satire which deals with the morals of society, 
 with fashions, and with the foibles and follies of classes, we find 
 much of the generalized lament against the sins of the age. Here 
 are tirades against ambition, superstition ; pride, arrogance, prodi- 
 gality, flattery ; against drunkenness, gambling, quarrelsomeness, 
 and dishonesty in trade such as adulteration of ale, use of false 
 weights and false measures; and against usury, bribery perjury. 
 and the Seven Deadly Sins, especially avarice, gluttony, sloth, and 
 immorality. 
 
 The fashions and follies that are satirized embrace clothes. 
 
120 
 
 the haunting of taverns, the playing of bowls and skittles, the 
 telling tales of Robin Hood, the marrying of old women for 
 their money, the writing of ballads and matter not worth a 
 "mite". The satire against fashionable clothes is generally de- 
 livered by Lucifer, Satan, Lust, or Pride. The devil claims to be 
 the originator of new styles and to have no difficulty in inducing 
 men and women to follow them. 
 
 The classes satirized are: officials such as imperator, rex, 
 judge, justice, mayor, jurors, summoner, tax-collector, and exec- 
 utor, courtier, lawyer, merchant, broker, miser, doctors, min- 
 strels, dancers, upstarts, foreigners, and workmen such as colliers, 
 [ilowmen. carters, cobblers, tailors and servants. 
 The richest field of English satire, however, is Religious sa- 
 ire. The entire clergy is accused of avarice, immorality, and 
 hypocrisy from the Pope to the humblest person or priest. Some- 
 times the Pope appears on the stage in person, either unnamed or 
 specified, as Innocent the Third, or Pope Julie, or as in the case 
 of Clement the Seventh he is reported as guilty of some enormity 
 such as buying the Papacy. Sometimes his agents, wicked ab- 
 stractions such as Iniquity, Tyranny, and Avarice, characterize 
 him. Sometimes the devil himself claims him as his son. The 
 most terrible satire on the Pope is, I think, in "The Three Laws." 
 A list of the other esslesiastics who come under the lash of the 
 satirists would include cardinals, bishops, prelates, abbots, par- 
 sons, priests, monks, canons, nuns, friars, presbyters, preachers, 
 divines and curates. 
 
 To consider this religious satire in greater detail than the 
 other kinds seems proper as it forms the bulk of the informal 
 dramatic satire. There was satire directed at the hypocrisy of the 
 friars; the Latin of the clergy; the ignorance of many of the 
 inferior clergy; sinful priests, unchaste nuns, avaricious prelates, 
 false preachers, lazy divines, and apostate monks. There was the 
 bitterest satire against the form and ceremonies of the church in 
 the Controversial dramas. Lender the ban were legacies, lie- 
 quests, mortuaries, bulls, pardons, indulgences, relics, hallowed 
 bells, tapers, candlesticks, censers, portas. bedes. copes, surplices, 
 oil salt, bran, cruettes, mass, trentals. pilgrimages, and worship 
 of saints ; also the singing in Latin, the ducking at grace, the 
 mummyng. the bearing of the cross, the crouching, the setting 
 up of lights, the reading of the gospel and epistle, the fasting in 
 
121 
 
 Lent — all these were condemned by the reformers. The satirist 
 noted the striking contrast between the attention the clergy paid 
 to Christ and that to idle useless ceremonies; he bewailed their 
 working upon the superstition of the ignorant masses their false 
 glosses on the Scriptures, their hostility to princes, their join- 
 ing with lawyers, their methods of securing money at the ex- 
 pense of the poor. 
 
 The religious satire in the drama dealt with the same sub- 
 ject-matter as the early undramatic satire. Both aired the same 
 inconsistencies. The thirteenth century "When Holy Church is 
 under Foot" points out the same fault in the church as the late 
 morality, "Three Ladies of London", and that College play "The 
 Return from Parnassus" or "The Scourge of Simony." Skelton 
 and Lyndsay of the sixteenth century merely renew the attack 
 upon the church which had begun as early as the thirteenth cen- 
 tury. This they cast in the most popular literary form of the 
 time — the drama. The brunt of the attack falls upon the friar. 
 Heywod in his farces and Lyndsay in his "Pleasant Satyre" give 
 us the same opinion of him as the early "Jack Upland" and 
 "The Song on the Friars." In the last a probationary friar who 
 has become disgusted before his year of probation is up, charges 
 them with hypocrisy and immorality. They pretend to be ab- 
 stemious and to lead a life of prayer and study, but in reality they 
 are good livers, good dressers, and keen sportsmen. They do 
 not practice what they preach. 
 
 "Full wysely can thai preche and say 
 Bot as they preche no thing do thai." 
 
 There is the same accusation in the poem "On the Minorite 
 Friars" ; 
 
 "Thai preche alle of povert, bot that love thai noght ; 
 For gode mete to thair mouthe the toun is thurgh soght 
 Wyde are thair wonnynges, and wonderfully wroght ; 
 
 Sle thi fadre. and jape thi modre. and thai vvyl the assoile." 
 
 The generalized lament so common in the Aloralities appears 
 in these early poems. In the fourteenth century "On the Times" 
 we find, "Dred of God is went" and "Goddes dere halydays ar 
 noght." In "A Poem on the Times of Edward 11", the specific 
 charge is simony. 
 
122 
 
 "Voys of clerk shal lytyl be lierd 
 At the court of Rome 
 Were he never so godc a clerk 
 Without selvcr an lie come; 
 
 \ John Qower in the i)rologue to his "Confessio Amantis" 
 speaks of the inconsistencies in the church in th same tone as the 
 foreg^oing poem : 
 
 "For if men loke in lioly churche 
 Betwene the word and that they wirche 
 There is a ful gret difiference." 
 
 ^ 
 
 So, too, he and the author of "Piers Plowman" express 
 opinions on the responsibility which prelates feel, similar to that 
 of Exercitation in "Longer thou Livest more Fool than Art" : 
 
 "Ther ben of suche many glade. 
 Whan they to thilke estate ben made 
 Nought for the merite of the charge 
 But for they wolde hem self discharge 
 Of poverte and liecome grete." 
 
 / We may say that the drama deals with contemporary prob- 
 lems — religious, social, and political — just as the songs, ballads, 
 and other literary forms. It has laments, direct rebuke, and invec- 
 tives. It reflects social conditions which do not differ from those 
 in "Piers Plowman". There is discontent, hunger, lack of em- 
 ployment, hosts of beggars, and the custom of haunting taverns 
 and marrying for money. Its subject matter, then, is not new. 
 Its method is generally narrative and its characterization, if we 
 can call it by that name, direct, a character analyzes himself or 
 another character. But that the dramatic method, crude- as it is, is 
 superior to the undramatic may be shown by this instance. The 
 early poems speak of the inferior clergy as ignorant and ineffi- 
 cient ; the drama, at least in two cases, gives us types of the stupid 
 ecclesiastic in Caconos and Sir Lawrence Livingless. The first 
 is characterized indirectly by what he says he does and the second, 
 both indirectly and directly. They are real, concrete and there- 
 fore more effective than any general statement concerning ig- 
 norant prists. 
 
 Compared with the informal dramatic satire of Ben Jonson. 
 this early satire is lacking in unity and characterization. Its 
 satire is not so all pervading as that in "The Alchemist" and 
 
123 
 
 "\'olpone". It is rather a foerunner of the satirical drama of 
 the later decades of the Elizabethan period. Ben Jonson satirizes 
 a particular religious sect — the Puritans, and the follies of 
 mankind in general by excessive exaggeration. The satire on 
 woman is represented in the characters, "Fine Madam Would-be" 
 and "Dame Pliant". The best Puritan types are the two charac- 
 ters in "The Alchemist" — Tribulation Wholesome and the deacon 
 Ananias — and the sactimonious Zeal-of-the Land-Busy in "Bar- 
 tholomew Fair". Here in Ben Jonson's dramas we find satire 
 treated in an artistic manner ; it is considered material not for 
 instruction but for amusement. Many of the characters in the 
 plays still show morality relationship by their names. The in- 
 creased dramatic skill affords a stronger presentation of satire 
 than the authors of the early moralities were able to secure. John 
 Heywood in his farces had the right idea that the function of the 
 drama was not the same as that of the sermon. 
 
 To sum up the political and social traits reflected in this 
 early drama would require mention of allusions to jealousy of 
 royal ministers, to arrogant political upstarts, to maladministra- 
 tion in the reigns of Henry VHI, Edward \ I, and Mary, and to 
 dissension between the different orders in Parliament in Eliza- 
 beth's reign. Social references would include all the satire di- 
 rected against the various classes, such as the greedy merchant( 
 the dishonest tapster, the avaricious lawyer, the quack doctor, 
 and the upstart foreigner. The gallant should not be omitted, 
 for he furnishes us data for fashions, high small bonnets, high 
 head dresses, horns, side locks, jagged hoods, collars splayed with 
 fur, ruffs, paint, perfume, jagged clothes, prankyd gownes, no 
 sleeves, wide full sleeves, wide gowns, gowns of three yards, 
 velvet coats, shirts of fine Holland, stomachers, doublets opened in 
 front and behind, gay gyrdyls. "empti purses", a dagger, breeches 
 as big as good barrels, crimson hose, striped hose with corselettys 
 of fyne velves slyped to knee, and below the knee hosen parti- 
 colored. There was the same inconsistency in dressing in those 
 days as now : they did not dress according to that old play Nature, 
 "to kepe the carcas warm." 
 
 "My doublet ys onlaced byfore 
 A stomacher of satan and no more 
 Rayn it. snow yt never so sore 
 Me thvnketh I am to bote." 
 
124 
 
 The allusions to religion, however, fcjrni the bulk of the 
 \ early ('ranitic satire. They show the strife that existed between 
 the temporal and the spiritual powers ; the corruption that was 
 prevalent in the clergy and the intense feeling aroused by it, 
 which became especially marked as the era of the Reformation 
 approached. These allusions enforced by others in the songs 
 and poems of the period, and in pamphlets and tracts such as 
 "Rede me and be Nott Wrothe" lead us to infer that they were 
 in grreat measure true. 
 
REFERENCES. 
 
 CHAPTERS I AND II. 
 
 1. Alden, Raymond M., "The Ri^e of Formal Satire in England under 
 CTassical Influence." 
 
 2. Tucker, Samuel Marion, 'A'erse Satire in England before the 
 Renaissance." 
 
 3. Pollard, A. W. 
 
 4. "Political Poems and Songs Relating to English History during the 
 Period from the Accession of Edw. Ill to that of Rich. III., Ed. 
 Thomas Wright I. 263. 
 
 0. "The Complete Works of Chaucer," Ed. W. W. Skeat. 
 
 6. Dodsley's Old English Plays. Ed. Hazlitt. vol. I. 
 
 7. Early English Text Society. 37 Part 4, Lyndesays Works; 
 
 8. Chester Plays. Ed. T. Wright, Shak. Sos. 
 !i. Ibid. 
 
 1(1. Ibid. 
 
 11. Ibid. 
 
 12. "Ludus Coventriae." Ed. J. C. Hallivvell-Phillips, Shak. Soc. 1841. 
 p. 71ff. 
 
 13. Ibid. XX p. 190. 
 
 14. Ibid. XXV p. 352. 
 
 15. Ibid. XXXII pp. 319-21. 
 
 10. Towneley plays, Ed. George England, E. E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 71, XXX p. 
 374. 
 
 17. Ibid. XXX p. 376 11. 296flf. 
 
 18. Ibid. II p. 12 11 104 f. 
 
 19. Ibid. XII. p. 109 11 285-6. 
 
 20. Ibid. XII, p. 112. 
 
 21 . Digby Mysteries, Ed. F. J. Furnivall, E. E. T. S. EX. SER. 70. 
 
 22. Chester Plays, vol. I, VI. p. 106. 
 
 23. Ibid. XXV, pp. 184-5. vol. II. 
 
 24. Ibid. vol. II. XXV. p. 187. 
 
 25. Ibid. 
 
 26. Ibid. 
 
 27. Ibid. 
 
 28. Ancient Cornish Drama, Ed. E. Norris, p. 215, vol. II. 
 
 29. Ludus Coventriae, J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, X, p. 98. 
 
 30. Ibid. XII, p. 118. 
 
 31. Ibid. XII, p. 119. 
 
 32. Ibid. XIV, p. 131. 
 
 33. Ibid. XIV, p. 136. 
 
 125 
 
126 
 
 a-4. ll.id. \"I. p. (il. 
 
 Mo. Il)i(l. XVI. p. 158. 
 
 •Mi. Ibid. XV, p. 14o. 
 
 ■A7. J bid. XXV pp. 241 ff. 
 
 .•{8. Towncley Plays. E. E. T. S. ex ser. 71, XXX p. 373 11. 183 ff. 
 
 39. Ibid. XXX p. 373 11. 189 f. 
 
 40. Ibid. XXX p. 376 11. 279 ff. 
 
 41. Ibid. XX pp. 204-5 11 19 ff. 
 
 42. Ibid. XXII p. 243 11. 15 ff. 
 
 43. Ibid. XXI. p. 233 11. 159-63. 
 
 44. Ibid. XI 1 p. 1(11 11. 31-2. 
 
 45. Ibid. XLl p. 102 11. 55-75. 
 
 46. Ibid. XII p. 102 1. 93 f. 
 
 47. Ibid. XXX p. 377, 11 307-22. 
 
 48. Ibid. XXX p. 385 11. 570 ff. 
 
 49. Ibid. XXX pp. 377-8 11. 333-9. 
 
 50. Ibid. XXIV p. 292 1. 372 ff. 
 
 51. Ibid. XXX p. 379, 1. 372 ff. 
 
 52. Ibid. XXX pp. 374-5 11. 233-43. ' 
 
 53. Ibid. XXX p. 371 11. 323-31. 
 
 54. Ibid. XXX p. 384 1 552. 
 
 55. Ibid. p. 34 11 389-96. 
 
 56. Ibid. Ill, p. 28 11. 186-89. 
 
 57. Ibid. III. p. 35 11. 397 ff. 
 
 58. Ibid. II pp. 94-5 11. 299 ff. . • 
 
 59. Ibid. XII p. 103 1. 95 ff. 
 
 60. Ibid. XIII p. 118 11. 73-98. 
 
 61. Ibid. XXXVIII pp. 338-9 11. 30-5,2. 
 
 62. Ibid. p. 347 1. 233. 
 
 63. Ibid. XXX p. 372 1. 161. 
 
 64. Ibid. XXX p. 375 1. 253. 
 6.5. Ibid. XXX p. 375 1260 ff. 
 
 66. Ibid. XV p. 164 11. 146-50. 
 
 67. Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays. Ed. Hardin Craig. E. E. T. S. 
 ex. ser. 87. 
 
 68. Digby Mysteries. Ed. F. J. Furnivall, E. E. T. S. ex. ser. 70. 
 
 69. \on-Cycle Mystery Plays. E. E. T.S. ex. ser. 104. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Cambridge History of Englisb Literature, vol. pp. 
 Furnivall, F. J., 'Pollard, A. W. and Walter Kay Smart 
 
 3. Ludus Coventriae pp. 
 
 4. Quellen und Forschungen. Ed. Alois Brandl. pp. 24-26 
 The Macro Plays. Ed., F. J. Furnivall, and A. W. Pollard, E. 
 E. T. S. Ex. ser. 91 p. 80. 
 Ibid. pp. 102-3 11 843ff. 
 Ibid. p. 103 1. 858ff. 
 Ibid. p. 103 1. 865. 
 
127 
 
 !). 
 
 Ibid. p. 109 1. 1060 ff. 
 
 
 10. 
 
 Ibid. p. 110 1. 1091 
 
 
 11. 
 
 Ibid. p. Ill 1. 1130 f. 
 
 
 1-2. 
 
 Ibid. p. Ill '. 1149 t. 
 
 
 13. 
 
 Ibid. p. 1' -2 1. 1158 f. 
 
 
 14. 
 
 rbid. p. 113 ]. 1198. 
 
 
 15. 
 
 Ibid. p. 113 1. 1215. 
 
 
 16. 
 
 Ibid. p. 147 1. 2333. 
 
 
 17. 
 
 Ibid. p. 152 1. 2527 ff. 
 
 
 18. 
 
 Ibid. p. 153 1. 2542 f. 
 
 
 19. 
 
 Ibid. p. 154 1. 2559 f. 
 
 
 20. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 154-5 11. 2606 ff. 
 
 
 21. 
 
 Ibid. p. 156 1. 2664. 
 
 
 22. 
 
 Ibid p. 158 1. 2716 ff. 
 
 
 23. 
 
 Ibid., p. 158 1. 2731 ff. 
 
 
 24. 
 
 Smart, Walter Kay. "Some English and Latin Sources 
 lels for the Morality of Wisdom." 
 
 and Paral 
 
 25. 
 
 The Macro Plays. E. E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 91. 1. 470 ff. 
 
 
 2(i. 
 
 Ibid. p. 51 1. 487 ff. 
 
 
 27. 
 
 Ibid. p. 55 1. 604 ff. 
 
 
 28. 
 
 Ibid. p. 55 1. 608 ff. 
 
 
 2!'. 
 
 Ibid. p. 56 1. 632 ff. 
 
 
 30. 
 
 Ibid. p. 56 1. 640 ff. 
 
 
 31. 
 
 Ibid. p. 56 1. 652 f. 
 
 
 32. 
 
 Ibid. p. 57 1. 6-50 and 669. 
 
 
 33. 
 
 Ibid. p. 57 1. 666. 
 
 
 34. 
 
 Ibid. p. 57. 670 f. 
 
 
 35. 
 
 Ibid. p. 57 1. 672 ff. 
 
 
 36. 
 
 Ibid p. 57 1. 676 ff. 
 
 
 37. 
 
 Ibid. p. 57 1. 681 ff. 
 
 
 38. 
 
 Ibid. p. 58 1. 684 f. 
 
 
 39. 
 
 Ibid. p. 59 1. 732 ff. 
 
 
 40. 
 
 Ibid p. 60 1. 741 ff. 
 
 
 41. 
 
 Ibid. p. 61 1. 770. 
 
 
 42. 
 
 Ibid. p. 61 1. 796. 
 
 
 43. 
 
 Ibid. p. 63 1. 854 ff. 
 
 
 44. 
 
 Ibid. p. 5 1. 124. 
 
 
 45. 
 
 Ibid. p. 11 1. 291. 
 
 
 46. 
 
 Ibid. p. 19 1. 498. 
 
 
 47. 
 
 Ibid. p. 1. 
 
 
 48. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23 1. 626. 
 
 
 49. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23 1. 622. 
 
 
 'iO. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 24-26. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 
 1. Dodsley. Old English Plays, vol. I, p. 263. 
 
 2. and 3. Ibid. p. 262. 
 
 4. Ibid. p. 270. 
 
128 
 
 5. 
 
 Dodslcy, O. E. P. vol. I, p. 7. 
 
 (). 
 
 Ibid. p. 8. 
 
 7. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 8. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 100-1. 
 
 y. 
 
 ibid. p. 134. 
 
 10. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 151-2. 
 
 11. 
 
 Ibid p. 153. 
 
 12. 
 
 Ibid. p. 156. 
 
 13. 
 
 Ibid. p. 157. 
 
 14. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 15. 
 
 Ibid. p. 178. 
 
 16. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 174-5. 
 
 17. 
 
 Ibid. p. 185. 
 
 18. 
 
 E. E. T. S. ex. ser. Ed. Robert, Lee Ramsay, p. 1. 
 
 19. 
 
 Ibid. p. 10 1. 279 ff. 
 
 •20. 
 
 Ibid. p. 12 1. 347 fif. 
 
 21. 
 
 Ibid. p. 14 1. 417 ff. 
 
 22. 
 
 Ibid. p. 15 1. 462. 
 
 23. 
 
 Ibid. p. 16 1. 474 ff. 
 
 24. 
 
 Ibid. p. 1. 487. 
 
 25. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23 1. 710 ff. 
 
 2(3. 
 
 Ibid. p. 29 11. 897 ff. 
 
 27. 
 
 Ibid. p. 39 1. 1240 ff. 
 
 28. 
 
 Ibid. p. 40 1. 1267 ff. 
 
 29. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 41-2 1. 1327 ff. 
 
 30. 
 
 Ibid. p. 48 1. 1529 f; 1 1537 f. 
 
 31. 
 
 Ibid. p. 54 1. 1750 ff. 
 
 32. 
 
 Ibid. p. 55 1. 1772 ff. 
 
 33. 
 
 Ibid. p. 66 1. 2121 ff. 
 
 34. 
 
 Ibid. p. 66 1. 2135 ff. 
 
 35. 
 
 Ibid. p. 66 1. 2145 ff. 
 
 36. 
 
 "Quellen und Forschungen." Ed. Alois Brandl. p, 
 
 37. 
 
 Ibid. p. 106. 
 
 38. 
 
 Ibid. p. 139. 
 
 39. 
 
 Ibid. p. 141. 
 
 40. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 145-6. 
 
 41. 
 
 Dodskey's O. E. P. vol. 11. p. 57. 
 
 42. 
 
 Ibid. p. 62. 
 
 43. 
 
 Ibid. p. 65. 
 
 44. 
 
 Dodsley's 0. E. P. vol. II. p. 66. 
 
 45. 
 
 Ibid. p. 76. 
 
 46. 
 
 Ibid. p. 90. 
 
 47. 
 
 Lbid. p. 94. 
 
 48. 
 
 Ibid. p. 14. 
 
 49. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 14-15. 
 
 50. 
 
 Specimens of Pre-Shakespearean Drama. Manly 
 
 
 27 ff. 
 
 51. 
 
 ll)id. p. 528 1. 80 f. 
 
 105. 
 
 J. M. p. 526 1. 
 
129 
 
 52. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 582 1. 
 
 187 f. 
 
 53. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 532 1. 
 
 195 f. 
 
 54. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 534 1. 
 
 245. 
 
 55. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 537 1. 
 
 334. 
 
 56. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 540 1. 
 
 415. 
 
 57. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 549 1. 
 
 687-97. 
 
 58. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 559 1. 
 
 990 f. 
 
 59. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 560 1. 
 
 9.97 f. 
 
 (JO. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 562 1. 
 
 1081 ff. 
 
 Gl. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 569 1. 
 
 1262 f. 
 
 02. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 577 1. 
 
 1515 f. 
 
 G3. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 579 1 : 
 
 1565 f. 
 
 ti4. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 581 1. 
 
 1623. 
 
 65. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 584 1. 
 
 1684 ff. 
 
 (j(i. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 588 11. 
 
 1787 ff. 
 
 67. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 589 1. 
 
 1806 f. 
 
 68. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 600 1. 
 
 2123. 
 
 69. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 613 1. 
 
 2487 ff. 
 
 70. 
 
 Angl 
 
 ia 5, 1882. 
 
 p. 172 1. 400 ff. 
 
 71. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 173 1. 
 
 439 ff. 
 
 72. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 175 1. 
 
 496 ff. 
 
 73. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 176 1. 
 
 570 ff. 
 
 74. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 178 11. 
 
 628-647. 
 
 75. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 179 11. 
 
 660-678. 
 
 76. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 180. 
 
 
 77. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 180 11. 
 
 7714-31. 
 
 78. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 pp. 181-2 
 
 11. 758-771. 
 
 79. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 184 11 
 
 . 846-857. 
 
 79. 
 
 ' Ibid. 
 
 p. 184 11 
 
 . 846-857. 
 
 80. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 189 1. 
 
 979 ff. 
 
 81. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 189 1. 
 
 984-1012. 
 
 82. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 190 11, 
 
 . 1021-1058 f. 
 
 83. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 pp. 192-3 11. 1123 ff. 
 
 84. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 pp. 191-2 
 
 11. 108(1 ff. 
 
 85. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 193 1. 
 
 1163 ff. 
 
 86. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 194 1. 
 
 1187. 
 
 87. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 194 1. 
 
 12(^8 f. 
 
 88. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 195 1. 
 
 1211 ff. 
 
 89. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 195 1. 
 
 1222 ff. 
 
 90. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 195 1. 
 
 1231 f. 
 
 91. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 197 1. 
 
 1274 ff. 
 
 92. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 205 11. 
 
 1516-28. 
 
 93. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 206 11 
 
 . 1573 ff. 
 
 94. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 208 1. 
 
 1608. 
 
 95. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 208 1. 
 
 16-7. 
 
 96. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 223. 
 
 
 97. 
 
 Dodsley, 0. E. 
 
 P. vol. 1. 
 
130 
 
 98. 
 
 E. E. T. S., ex. scr. 91 
 
 . ]). 11 11. (11!) 
 
 99. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23 1. 007 f. 
 
 
 100. 
 
 Ibid p. 2() 1. 7H1 f. 
 
 
 101. 
 
 E. E. T. S., ex. ser. p. 
 
 27 1. S(i:?. 
 
 102. 
 
 Ibid. p. 20 1. 708. 
 
 
 103. 
 
 Ibid. p. 30 1. 921. 
 
 
 104. 
 
 Ibid. p. 31 1. 950 ff. 
 
 
 105. 
 
 Ibid. p. 35 1. 1070. 
 
 
 10(). 
 
 Ibid. p. 30 1. 1077. 
 
 
 I(i7. 
 
 Ibid. p. 30 1. 1093 ff. 
 
 CHAPTI-R \ 
 
 Malone Society Collections. 1. loo. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 420. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 93 f. 
 
 Ibid. 1. 140 ff. 
 
 Dodsley's O. E. P. vol. II p. lOii. 
 
 Ibid. p. 170. 
 
 "Materialien zur Kunde des iiltercn En^lisclicn 
 
 Bang, p. II, 11. 285-0. 
 
 8. 
 
 Ibid. p. 16. 
 
 
 
 9. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 
 10. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 
 
 11. 
 
 Ibid. p. 26. 
 
 
 
 12. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 16-7. 
 
 
 
 13. 
 
 Ibid. p. 18. 
 
 
 
 14. 
 
 Ibid. p. 20. 
 
 
 
 15. 
 
 10. 
 
 Ibid. p. 21. 
 Ibid. p. 34. 
 
 , 
 
 
 17. 
 
 "Quellen und Forschungen" 
 
 . ]). 378. 
 
 
 18. 
 
 Ibid. p. 390. 
 
 
 
 19. 
 
 Ibid. p. 413. 
 
 
 
 20. 
 
 Malone Society. I. 1911, \). : 
 
 •J;|,;> 
 
 
 21. 
 
 Ibid. p. 23, 1 9(i ff. 
 
 
 
 22. 
 
 Ibid. p. 235. 
 
 
 
 23. 
 
 Ibid. p. 238, 1. 259 ft'. 
 
 
 
 24. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 238-9 1. 271 ff. 
 
 
 
 25. 
 
 Ibid. p. 239. 
 
 
 
 20. 
 
 "The Life and Repentance 
 penter. p. 15. 
 
 of Mary Magd 
 
 alene." 
 
 27. 
 
 Ibid. p. 21. 
 
 
 
 28. 
 
 Ibid. p. 31, 1. 0.38 f. 
 
 
 
 29. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 31-2. 
 
 
 
 30. 
 31. 
 
 Ibid. p. 32. 
 
 Ibid. p. 06. 11. 1520-.3O. 
 
 
 
 32 . 
 
 Ibid. p. 06 11. 1539 ff. 
 
 
 
 33. 
 
 Dodsley's 0. E. P. vol. IT! 
 
 p. 264. 
 
 
 34. 
 
 Ibid. p. 260. 
 
 
 
 Ed. F.-J. Car- 
 
131 
 
 35. Ibid. p. 26j. 
 
 36. Ibid. p. 312. 
 
 37. Ibid. p. 314. 
 
 38. Ibid. p. 32o. 
 
 39. Ibid. p. 326. 
 
 40. Ibid. p. 324. 
 
 41 . Ibid. p. 335 
 
 42. Shakespeare Jahrbuch, 36. p. 29, 1. -jol fif. 
 
 43. Ibid. p. 41, I. 1011 fif. 
 
 44. Ibid. p. 57. 
 
 45. Ibid. p. 22. 
 
 46. O. E. P. vol. Ill, p. 7. 
 
 47. Ibid. p. 8. 
 
 48. Ibid. pp. 10-11. 
 
 49. Ibid. p. 14. 
 
 50. Ibid. p. 16. 
 
 51. Ibid. p. 17. 
 
 52. Ibid. p. 28. 
 
 53. Ibid. p. 30. 
 
 54. Shakespeare Jahrbuch 43. pp. 14-5. 
 
 55. Shakespeare Jahrbuch 43. p. 18 11. 2!*3-4. 
 
 56. Ibid. p. 23 1. 458 ff. 
 
 57. Ibid. p. 24 1. 554 ff. 
 
 58. Ibid. p. 35 1. 1094 ff. 
 
 59. Ibid. p. 51. 1. 1824 f. 
 
 60. Shakespeare Jahrbuch XL. p. 1!8 11. 11:J-1!I. 
 
 61. Ibid. p. 149, 1.147 ff. 
 
 62. Ibid. p. 151 1. 209-17. 
 
 63. Ibid. p. 162. 
 
 64. Ibid. p. 163 1. 689. 
 
 65. Ibid. p. 163 1. 704 ff. 
 
 66. Ibid. p. 166. 1. 809. 
 
 67. Ibid. p. 169, 1. 915 ff. 
 
 68. Ibid. p. 178 1. 1247 ff. 
 
 70. O. E. P. vol. VI. pp. 36-7. 
 
 71. Ibid. p. 50. 
 
 72. Ibid. p. 50. 
 Ibid. p. 61. 
 Ibid. pp. 70-74. 
 
 - . Ibid. p. 73. 
 
 6. O. E. P. vol. VI. p. 97. 
 
 77. Ibid. p. 249-50. 
 
 78. Ibid. p. 255. 
 
 79. Ibid. p. 260. 
 
 80. Ibid. p. 268. 
 
 81. Ibid. p. 269. 
 
 82. Ibid. p. 271. 
 
 83. Ibid. p. 276. 
 
 73. 
 74. 
 75. 
 
132 
 
 SI. 
 So . 
 S(!. 
 ST. 
 SS. 
 8!). 
 90. 
 ill. 
 i'2 . 
 
 m. 
 
 !»4. 
 
 9.J . 
 
 96. 
 
 97. 
 
 98. 
 
 99. 
 100. 
 101. 
 102. 
 
 Ibid. p. 277. 
 
 Ibid. p. 278. 
 
 Ibid. p. 28:?. 
 
 Ibid. p. 287. 
 
 Ibid. p. 293. 
 
 Ibid. p. 291. 
 
 Ibid. p. 305. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 325-6. 
 
 Ibid. p. 364. 
 
 Ibid. p. 412. 
 
 Ibid. p. 413. 
 
 Ibid. p. 501. 
 
 Ibid. p. 456. 
 
 Ibid. pp. 456-7. 
 
 Ibid. p. 470. 
 
 O. E. P. vol. VIII p. 335. 
 
 Ibid. p. 341. 
 
 Ibid. p. 343. 
 
 Ibid. p. 373. 
 
 "ane pleasant satyre of the thrie estaitis 
 
 1. E. E. T. S. 37. Part 4. p. 379 1. 76 ff. 
 
 2. Ibid. p. 384. 1 237 ff. 
 
 3. Ibid. p. 385 1. 253. 
 
 4. Ibid. p. 385 1 261. 
 
 5. Ibid. p. 394 1. 507 ff. 
 
 6. Ibid. p. 396. 1. 574 ff. 
 
 7. Ibid. p. 401 1. 722 ff. 
 
 8. Ibid. p. 402 1. 743 ff. 
 
 9. Ibid. p. 410. 1. 904 ff. 
 
 10. Ibid. p. 417. 1. 1091 ff. 
 
 11. Ibid. p. 417 1. 1110 ff. 
 
 12. Ibid. p. 418. 1. 1118 ff. 
 
 13. Ibid. p. 419 1. 1144 ff. 
 
 14. Ibid. p. 427. 1. 1360 ff. 
 
 15. Ibid. p. 431 1. 1456 ff. 
 
 16. Ibid. p. 433. 1. 1516 ff. 
 
 17. Ibid. p. 440. 1. 1722. 
 
 18. Ibid. p. 450. 1. 1966 ff. 
 
 19. Ibid. p. 451 1. 2006 ff. 
 
 20. Ibid. p. 452 1. 2029 ff. 
 
 21. Ibid. p. 453 1. 2050. 
 
 22. Ibid. p. 454 1. 2065. 
 
 23. Ibid. p. 469 1. 2445. 
 
 24. Ibid. p. 469 1. 2451 ff. 
 
 25. Ibid. p. 471 1. 2479 ff. 
 
 26. Ibid. p. 471 1. 2497 ff. 
 
133 
 
 •27. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 475 1. '2567 ff. 
 
 •28. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 475 1. 2583 fif. 
 
 21). 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 477 1. 2658. 
 
 :?0. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 480 1. 2725 ff. 
 
 31. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 480 1. 2745 f. 
 
 32. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 480 1. 2751 f. 
 
 33. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 484 1. -28:38 f. 
 
 34. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 485 1. 2859 ff. 
 
 35 . 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 495 1. 3127 ff. 
 
 36. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 496 1. 3149. 
 
 37. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 503 1. 3347 ff. 
 
 38. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 pp. 505-6. • 
 
 39. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 514. 
 
 40. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 518 1. 3760. 
 
 41. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 pp. 519-20. 
 
 42. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 p. 534 11. 4245 ff. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1. Malone Society Collections, I, 1911. p. "20. 
 
 •2. Ibid. p. 24. 
 
 3. Malone Society Reprints, 1907. 1. 385 ff. 
 
 4. . Ibid. 1. 413. 
 
 5. Ibid. 1. 454. 
 
 (5. Malone Society Collections I, p. "245 . 1911. 
 
 7. Ibid. p. 317. 
 
 8. Ibid. p. 319. 
 
 9. Ibid. p. 28. 
 
 10. Shakespeare Jahrbuch, XXXIII, p. 13. 
 
 11. Ibid. p. 16 1. 109 ff. 
 r2. Ibid. p. 16 1. 1^22 ff. 
 
 13. Ibid. p. 17 1. 137 ff. 
 
 14. Ibid. p. 22 1. 118 ff. 
 
 15. Ibid. p. 24 1. 26 ff. 
 
 16. Ibid. p. '24 1. 31. 
 
 17. Ibid. p. 24 1. 36. 
 
 18. Ibid. pp. 24, 25. 
 
 19. Ibid. p. 29 1. 9ff. 
 
 •20. Dodsley's. O. E. P., vol. IV, p. •23^2. 
 
 21. Ibid. p. '244. 
 
 '22. Dodsley's, O. E. P., vol. I. 
 
 '23. Ibid. pp. 343-5. 
 
 24. Ibid. p. 352. 
 
 25. Ibid. p. 378. 
 
 26. Ibid. pp. 379-80. 
 
 27. O. E. P., vol. II. p. 112. 
 •28. Ibid. p. 154. 
 
 29. O. E. P., vol. II. p. 144. 
 
134 
 
 •'iO. Malonc Society Reprints, 1!)1h. p. J. 1. ds (Y. 
 
 'M. "Quellen und Forsclniiigen." Alois P>raii(ll. pp. (;(i:?-4. 
 
 :V2. O. E. P., vol. 1. pp. (50-(il. 
 
 38. O. E. P., vol. II. pp. 272-3. 
 
 34. Ibid. pp. 280-1. 
 
 35. Ibid. p. 293. 
 
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