UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ^*flBi ABRAHAM LINCOLN The Liberator A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH " Lincoln, the man who freed the slave" BY CHARLES WALLACE FRENCH FUNK & WAGNALLS NEW YORK LONDON TORONTO 1891 Printed in the United States All rights reserved LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1891, by FUNK & WAGNALI.S, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C. PREFACE. BIOGRAPHICAL writings in general may be divided into two distinct classes. The first, which may be called the objective class, is made up of those works which regard the individual as only a factor in the world's progress. They narrate more or less faith fully the important events in his life, and trace their connection with, and influence upon, the life and thought of the age. Thus the life of the individual becomes a chapter in universal history. Such works may have great historic value but if they go no fur ther they lack the essential element of true biography. The works of the second, or subjective class, deal no less carefully with facts and environments not as finalities, but as manifestations of character. Through the deed they seek to know the doer and to trace his moral and intellectual growth. The writer studies the life of the individual as closely as the botanist studies the development of a strange plant, and for the same purpose. The scientist cares little for the leaves and flowers, simply as leaves and flowers, but rather as exponents of the life and habits of the plant. So the true biographer would read a man's character in his deeds, calling attention to its weaknesses that other men may be warned, and exalting its virtues that they may excite the emulation of mankind. The career of Lincoln is so closely interwoven with the great events that make up the nation's history in the most critical period of its existence, that the temp tation is strong to dwell more upon his deeds and IV PREFACE. environments, than upon himself. Therefore, many of his biographies fall within the first class, notably the larger and more pretentious works, which are but little more than histories in which the great President figures as the principal hero. On the other hand, his personality was so unique and attractive that it forces itself into prominence even in histories of the period. Probably no character in history offers a more tempting field for research, and yet few are more difficult to comprehend. Previous to his election to the Presidency, no one believed him to be possessed of the elements of greatness, and dur ing his whole life he had few if any friends who fully appreciated his character. Many of his acts were misunderstood and his most intimate friends some times distrusted him. It is not strange, then, that his biographies are too often one-sided and inaccurate. Indeed, it is doubtful if it is possible even yet, to make a complete and just analysis of his many-sided char acter. It is much easier to relate what he said and did, than to correctly describe the man himself as he was. It is probable that generations may pass before his true biography can be written. Certain it is that suf ficient time must pass to dim the memory of the great events of the Civil War, and to obscure the bright light in which they stand to-day. Events lessen in importance as they recede into the past, but great characters shine the brighter as the ages roll on. Meantime, the character of Lincoln must be re garded as one of the most precious possessions of the American people, precious not only as a cherished memory, but also as a living power, influencing life PREFACE. V and character to-day no less strongly than when he was yet alive. The multiplication of his biographies, then, cannot be deplored since each one must present his life from a different, and, to some extent, novel point of view ; and each new book must add to the great circle of readers and help to extend an influence which is as beneficent as it is powerful. The historic field has been so thoroughly searched that few new facts can be procured. The material has been practically exhausted and the most enter prising biographer can only hope to present familiar facts in a new form and with different lights and shadows. The author has no excuse for adding this simple work to the long list of biographies already in exis tence beyond that of a deep reverence and love for the great man, " who, though dead, yet speaketh." And if a single reader shall obtain a truer apprecia tion of his character, and a deeper love for the coun try whose altar was stained with the blood of so noble a sacrifice, the effort will not have been made in vain. CHICAGO, January 30, 1891. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER 1 9- 19 CHAPTER II _ 20- 34 CHAPTER III 35- 44 CHAPTER IV . _ 45- 57 CHAPTER V__ _ _ 58- 74 CHAPTER VI 75- 84 CHAPTER VII _ _ 85- 99 CHAPTER VIII _ ... 100-115 CHAPTER IX 116-128 CHAPTER X -_. 129-140 CHAPTER XI 141-154 CHAPTER XII 155-168 CHAPTER XIII 169-187 CHAPTER XIV. 188-204 CHAPTER XV 205-224 CHAPTER XVI r r . , 225-234 vii Viil CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII _ . 235-255 CHAPTER XVIII 256-270 CHAPTER XIX 271-298 CHAPTER XX 299-316 CHAPTER XXI 317-330 CHAPTER XXII 33 1-350 CHAPTER XXIII 351-364 CHAPTER XXIV 365-380 CHAPTER XXV 381-390 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. CHAPTER I. THE attention of an observer, who stands upon the seashore, and surveys the changing surface of the deep, is not attracted so much by the mighty mass of waters spread out before him, as by the waves which lift their crests high in the air, as if to assert their individuality and power, and then dash themselves upon the beach in the vain attempt to burst through the barriers which confine them. So, in studying the history of past ages, the atten tion of the student is not attracted by the masses of the people, who have inhabited the earth during any given period, but rather by the individuals, who, by their genius, heroism or devotion to principle, have towered above the dead level of humanity and per formed deeds or perpetuated institutions of which the memory and influence have become immortal. It is such men as these who, by directing the giant forces of society, government and religion, have made history. Thus all history must be, to a large extent, biographical, for it is the record of the thoughts and deeds, not of the many, but of the few who have played the principal parts in the great drama of life. IO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. There are many men who have secured renown by their achievements, but comparatively few have been so fortunate as to have their names linked with the triumph of a great principle over opposing forces. There are multitudes of great generals, who have conquered empires, or conducted glorious military campaigns. The annals of time teem with the names of statesmen and philosophers who have formed and directed governments and institutions, or opened up hidden treasures of knowledge. But the number is small of those who have been instrumental in insti tuting great moral or political reforms. Yet there are some names that always suggest the great move ments with which they are connected and with which they have become almost synonymous. Thus the history of religious reform centres around the lives of such men as Luther, Huss, Wickliffe and Wesley ; while Cromwell, Mirabeau and Washington are always identified with the cause of popular freedom against tyranny and oppression. And no less inti mately are the names of Wilberforce, Alexander and Lincoln identified with the cause of personal liberty. The careers of most of these men have passed into the domain of history, and it is possible to estimate their character and influence, unbiased by the glamor of their achievements or the sentiment in spired by their personality in those who came into contact with them. But this is not true of Lincoln. The generation, which witnessed his deeds, has not passed off the stage, and there are men still living who have clasped his hand and felt the charm of his presence. Future generations may arrive at a true ABRAHAM LINCOLN. II estimate of his character, but those who have lived in the same century with him can never do so. An observer at the base of a mountain can see the rocks, trees and precipices and note the solidity and ruggedness of the great mass, but in order to form a just estimate of its symmetry and majesty, he must take his position at a distance so great as to render the minor details invisible. So it is with any man who has achieved a history for himself. Those who stand within the circle of his life are too near to take the measure of his char acter and influence. It matters little what shall be the verdict of history in the case of Abraham Lincoln. Whether it shall rank him as the foremost American and the peer of the world's greatest men, or only as a patient, faith ful toiler, who was suddenly raised to a position of high responsibility, and who triumphed over the dif ficulties of the place by hard common-sense and painstaking industry, but not by the brilliancy of genius, which is commonly considered to be the es sence of such success. The great fact must still be recognized that he saved the country from a peril that threatened her very existence ; and that he inspired and encouraged a burdened people, in the midst of a terrible civil war, by his own indomitable energy and unwavering faith in ultimate success. Whatever future ages may say, the American people will always regard him as a national benefactor, and will inscribe his name high up beside that of Washington, the two heroes whom a grateful country most delights to honor. When the Romans conquered Britain, they both 12 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. established a military supremacy over it and also intro duced their own manners and customs, locating colonies, founding cities and leaving the impress of their civilization upon the lives and character of the native inhabitants. Among their many prosperous colonies was one which they called Lin Colonia, located in the fertile country between the River Humber and the Wash. This old Roman colony has developed into a prosper ous county, the largest, save one, in England. But its name, Lincoln, is to-day the only reminder of its ancient founders. While it is easy to ascertain the origin of the name, it is impossible to trace the lineage of the modern Lincoln family back to it. Yet it is certain that the great war President was descended from one of the sturdy, Lincolnshire families, who have done so much to develop the English character of to-day. In 1638, or thereabouts, one Samuel Lincoln emi grated with his family from the county of Norfolk, Eng., to Massachusetts, where he settled in the little town of Hingham. From this pioneer settler in the new world the various Lincoln families, scattered over the country, are probably descended. These early Lincolns were a devout people and earnest students of the Bible. For a number of generations their children were named after some of the Old Testament heroes, many of them bearing such names as Mordecai, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Samuel's eldest son, Mordecai, removed to New Jersey and thence to Pennsylvania, where he accumu lated a large property. Upon his death one of his sons, John, received, as his share of the inheritance, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 13 an estate In Virginia, to which he removed, where he developed into a prosperous planter, and was blessed with a large family of children. At this time but little was known of the imperial domain which stretched out in an unbroken wilder ness of prairies, forests and mountains from the Alle- ghanies to the Pacific. A few venturous pioneers had entered the wilderness, where attracted by the fertil ity of the soil and the boundless resources of the country, they had formed small settlements. The lives they led were laborious and full of danger, for they were compelled to contend not only with want and hardship, but also with the savages who roamed about in large numbers. The career of Daniel Boone had just begun in Ken tucky, and it is probable that he was a personal friend of the Lincolns, and that, induced by his glowing de scriptions of that land of promise, Abraham, John's eldest son, with his wife and five children, decided to emigrate to a place where it was possible to ob tain a great estate for a nominal price. He soon se lected a location in Mercer County, and pre-empted a claim, afterwards, at various times, securing posses sion of tracts of land, which amounted in all to 1,800 acres. He thus obtained a splendid estate, which, with its fertile valleys and thickly wooded hill-sides, would have enriched his descendants could they have retained possession of it. The labor of clearing the land and rendering it fit for cultivation was great. A heavy growth of trees, obstructed by dense undergrowth, covered much of the ground, all of which must be cut away and burned, and the land thoroughly worked before seed 14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. could be sown and harvest gathered. Nor were these natural difficulties the only ones that assailed the pio neers. The blue grass regions were among the most highly prized hunting-grounds of the Indians, and different tribes were continually contending for their possession. Hence they regarded the whites with savage hatred, who were striving to dispossess them of their lands. The settlers were thus compelled to be constantly upon the alert. The rifle and the spade were insepar able companions, where every stump might conceal a savage foe, or every unwary move bring a tomahawk hurtling through the air, thrown with unerring aim. Courage and persistence of purpose alone could ena ble men to overcome such difficulties and labor on in the almost hopeless attempt to convert the wilder ness into productive farms and prosperous communi- vUes. Many men were overwhelmed by their discour- agmg-surroundings, and, not possessing the requisite means to return to their former homes, settled back into a wretched existence, doing just enough to keep the wolf, real and figurative, from the door, fretting and repining throughout their miserable lives at the fate that had brought so much evil upon them. This class increased in numbers with increasing popula tion, and came to bear about the same relation to so ciety, as the " poor whites " of later days. Into this class of unfortunates many of the descendants of the well-to-do Lincoln family 'relapsed. Aside from a number of wandering hunters and trappers, but few people had entered the country up to this time ; but now a migratory instinct seemed to seize the families along the borders, and large num- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 15 bers entered " the dark and bloody grounds," to set tle there permanently. Yet the settlements were widely separated, and communication was difficult between them. The Lincolns built a rude log-cabin in the midst of a clearing, upon or near the site of the present city of Louisville, and began their exhaustive labors of taming the wilderness and gaining a living from it. A few years afterwards, while at work with his sons a short distance from the house, Mr. Lincoln was shot and instantly killed by an Indian, who had been hid den in the bushes. When Mordecai, the eldest son, saw his father fall, he ran to the house, seized his rifle, and shot the Indian while he was attempting to scalp the dead man, aiming at a medal on his breast. Thus the head of the family was taken away, and the boys were compelled to take the burden of the farm and family upon their own shoulders. The youngest, Thomas, was a lad of seven when his father was murdered, and barely escaped capture at the hands of the Indians at that time. He grew up into a typical hunter, poor and thriftless, yet brave, good-natured and honest. He is said to have been an inveterate talker and to have been accustomed to embellish his conversation with numerous stories and anecdotes, which always gained him an appreciative audience, whenever he entered the frontier settle ments. He partially learned the carpenter's trade, and sometimes worked at it, but never continued long in any occupation or place. He was noted for his phys ical strength, and though not anxious to exhibit it, when aroused, he was capable of performing almost l6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. incredible feats. At one time he is said to have " thrashed the bully of Breckenridge County in three minutes, and come off without a scratch." Many of the great Lincoln's prominent traits of character may be traced to this lazy, good-natured Hercules of the Kentucky backwoods. At the age of twenty-eight, he was married to Nancy Hanks, a tall and beautiful brunette. She was ambitious and proud, but her spirit was soon broken by the hardships she was compelled to endure, and her strength undermined by unceasing toil. They settled first in Elizabethtown, in a small rudely built house, where the young husband hoped to earn a liv ing by working at his trade. He found this a diffi cult task and soon removed to a little farm in La Rue County, which he had bought on credit, agreeing to pay for it in instalments. The struggle that the young couple had entered upon, was a hard one. The land was rocky and barren, both difficult to cultivate and unproductive, hardly yielding sufficient to supply their immediate wants, and leaving no margin to as sist in raising the debt. Mrs. Lincoln proved to be an efficient helper to her inefficient husband. When her housework was done, she worked at his side with hoe or axe till sunset, or shouldered a gun and entered the forest in search of game to add to their scanty stock of provisions. She was able to read and write, an unusual accomplish ment among the pioneer families, but she lacked both time and means to gratify her taste in this direc tion, so that they became almost forgotten accom plishments. Yet her taste made their little log-cabin, with its rude furnishings, far more attractive than the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 7 dwellings of their neighbors, and had she lived amid more favorable surroundings, she would, no doubt, have become a refined and cultured woman. In the midst of such surroundings as these, and in the most abject poverty, Abraham Lincoln was born on the 1 2th day of February, 1809. Never was hero brought into this world under more inauspicious cir cumstances. There was, in the lonely life of the Lin coln family, no hint of the glory, which was to crown their name and draw the attention of the world to their humble cabin. Nor did it seem possible that, amid such surroundings and privations, a child could be born and nurtured, whose hand in after-life should wield the fate of a nation. There were in all three children : the eldest, Sarah, and the youngest, Thomas, who lived but a short time. The family remained on the little rocky farm until Abraham was four years old, when they removed to a much better farm on Knob Creek, which might have been developed into a valuable estate. But the shiftless father, content with a diet of milk and corn- meal, and satisfied, if his physical wants were moder ately well supplied, only attempted to cultivate a small patch of about six acres. He met with his usual indifferent success, although his patient wife did her best to make up for his deficiencies. He paiol_ but little attention to the education of his children, and their overburdened mother could do but little more than clothe and feed them. Twice they attended a school in the neighborhood for a few weeks, at one time being compelled to walk four miles each way, carrying a well-worn spelling-book, their only text; book, and a scanty lunch of corn bread. The course 1 8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. of study included only reading, writing, spelling and a few simple arithmetical rules. Young Abraham spent the most of his time out-of-__ doors hunting and fishing, or helping his father in the farmwork. He was bright and active, and his free life in the open air no doubt laid the foundation of the sturdy good health which afterwards was of so much value in the terrible physical strain to which /s he was subjected. Yet from childhood he was subject to the fits of melancholy which afterwards so frequently over shadowed his life. He had inherited the sensitive nature of his mother, and the gloom of his surround ings and prospects seemed to impress itself upon him, even at an age when most boys would have been oblivious to it. Whether working at his father's side, or wandering aimlessly about in the grand old forests, or fishing in the clear waters of the creek, he was still oppressed by the atmosphere of poverty and shift- lessness in which he was compelled to live. In after-life he always looked back upon these early years with pain, and rarely alluded to them. They were characterized by no important occurrence, and their story was but " the short and simple annals of the poor." Yet the habits of simple living, of 7 rising above hardships and of overcoming ther obstacles of life, were of more value to him than schools, society and culture to many a more favored- youth. The school of necessity is a hard one but it teaches its lessons well and thoroughly. After a residence of four years in this place, Mr. Lin coln, becoming uneasy and discontented, determined to move again. He had probably been able to pay ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 19 but little, if anything, on the land, and may have been compelled to seek another location. At any rate, he sold his interest in the land for ten barrels of whiskey and twenty dollars. Having built a rickety flat-boat and laden it with the whiskey, he set sail alone upon the Ohio for the purpose of seeking a new home for himself and family. After a short voyage, his boat went to pieces, and the cargo sank to the bottom of the river. He fished it up with much labor, and leaving it at a house on the Indiana shore, he pushed into the wilderness to select a suitable spot to settle. He soon found one, and immediately moved his family and furniture from the old location to the new. The comforts of a home this poor, wandering family hardly knew. His household possessions were scanty and of little value, consisting of a little bedding, a few coarse dishes and two or three wooden stools, with his kit of carpenter's tools. His neighbors assisted him in the task of moving, ferrying the family with their goods across the river, and the remainder of the journey was made with the help of a yoke of oxen and a cart, both borrowed. CHAPTER II. MR. LINCOLN was no doubt influenced in his deter mination to leave his Kentucky home by the fact that his relations with his neighbors were becoming more and more unpleasant. His poverty and shiftlessness, together with his tendency to become implicated in disreputable affairs, all combined to make him a social outcast. Hence in leaving the State of his nativity he had but few ties to break and few friends to bewail his departure. In Indiana, the Mecca of their pilgrimage, this for lorn family could look forward to no friendly wel come, nor even to a comfortable home. When they arrived, they were compelled to camp out until a miserable hut, commonly called a " lean-to," could be built for a temporary shelter. It was made of poles and was open on one side to the wind and weather. Here they lived for nearly a year, suffering great privations, and hardly protected at all from the storms and cold. In the mean time, Mr. Lincoln broke up a small piece of ground and planted it with corn, work ing in the intervals upon a rude log-hut, in which, when completed, they lived for three years, without either door or windows. Furniture was almost wholly lacking. A few three- legged stools and a rough board for a table with a bed made of a large bag of leaves placed upon slats fas- (20) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 21 tened to the walls and held up by poles resting on a crotched stick, completed the list. The children slept on the ground, for there was no floor, except on the coldest nights, when they crawled into the primi tive bed with their father and mother. The house was located upon an eminence about six teen miles from the Ohio River, in what was then known as Perry County, near the present village of Gentryville. It was in the midst of a thickly wooded country, where were found great oaks, maples, wal nuts and many other native trees, with little or no undergrowth. The location was charming and pic turesque and lacked nothing but water, which had to be brought from a considerable distance. The coun try abounded in deer and other inoffensive wild animals, which furnished an abundance of meat together with the materials of which the pioneers were accustomed to make their clothes. Abraham was about eight years old when the family removed to Indiana ; yet he was possessed of con siderable strength, and assisted materially in the ardu ous labors of the journey. He afterwards said in regard to this period of his life : " We reached our new home about the time that the State came into the Union. It was a wild region with many bears and other animals still in the woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, so-called, but no qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond ' readin', ritin' and cipherin' to the rule of three.' If a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for an education. Of course, when I came 22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. of age, I did not know much; still, somehow, I could read and write and cipher to the rule of three, and that was all. I have not been to school since. The little advance I have now made upon this store of edu cation, I have picked up from time to time, under the pressure of necessity. I was raised to farm work at which I continued until twenty-two." Life in Southern Indiana was like that in other back-woods regions, the story of which is familiar to all. Neighbors were few and distant. A sister of Mrs. Lincoln with her husband soon after settled near by, and this family furnished about the only society accessible to them for several years. Educational advantages were few and primitive. In all, young Lincoln attended school less than a year, yet he made the most of that time and obtained a working knowledge of the rudiments, which he after wards increased materially by home reading and study. A man by the name of Hazel Dorsey was Lincoln^ first teacher in Indiana. The school-house, which was built of logs, was distant nearly two miles from the Lincoln homestead. At school young Abraham gained the reputation of being a good scholar and soon won the affection of his teacher and playmates. ^ He was compelled to lose much time in school, in order to help his father split rails; yet upon his return he quickly regained his position in the class. During his short attendance upon this school he gained a knowledge of the rudiments which enabled him to continue his studies by himself and make rapid prog ress in them. Farm work was never a congenial occupation, for ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23 he seemed to feel, even then, that he was fitted for a higher sphere and was eager to make preparation for it. He was compelled to labor hard and incessantly, sometimes at home, and frequently for some neighbor who happened to be short of help. It is said that he was inclined to slight his work, and that he had in herited something of his father's shirking propensi ties. It was his great delight to stop in the midst of his labors and, mounting a stump, to make a speech to his fellow laborers, who were always ready to hear " Abe " speak, much to the disgust of their employer. He would select a subject, sometimes a text from the Bible, and embellish his harangue with stories and jokes, which, with the contortions of his awkward fig ure, would keep his hearers in a roar of laughter. When he went to the country store or to the mill, he was generally surrounded with loafers and often for got his errand in his attempt to amuse his rude au dience. This propensity was a source of considerable an noyance to his father, who strove in vain to conquer it. One of his old neighbors 1 declared that "Abe was awful lazy." He says, " He worked for me fre quently, a few days only at a time. He once told me that his father had taught him to work, but never learned him to love it. He would laugh and talk and crack jokes and tell stories all the time ; didn't love to work, but did dearly love his pay." The following description is given of his personal appearance at the age of fifteen. 2 " He was growing 1 John Romine. a Lamon. 24 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. at a tremendous rate, and two years later attained his full height of six feet and four inches. He was long, wiry and strong ; while his big feet and hands, and the length of his legs and arms, were out of all pro portion to his small trunk and head. His complexion was very swarthy, and his skin was shrivelled and yel low even then. He wore low shoes, buckskin breeches, linsey-woolsey shirt and a cap made of the skin of an opossum or coon. The breeches clung close to his thighs and legs and failed by a large space to meet the tops of his shoes. Twelve inches remained uncovered, and exposed that much of shin- bone, sharp, blue and narrow." He soon acquired an insatiable thirst for knowledge, although at first it required considerable persuasion to induce him to attend to the intellectual tasks set be fore him. There was no book in the house save the Bible, but .this he never tired of reading, until his fa miliarity with it became remarkable. He used, fre quently, in after-life to quote from it in his conversa tion and speeches, and the simplicity and clearness of his literary style was largely produced by his study of its matchless diction. There were a few books of standard merit possessed by the different families in the neighborhood all of which he borrowed and read many times. Among them were Weem's " Life of Washington," " Esop's Fables," " Robinson Crusoe," " Arabian Nights " and the " Speeches of Henry Clay." He dearly loved to stretch himself out on the grass beneath the shadow of some great tree and pore over his book. During the long evenings he would lie at full length on the floor beside the great fireplace and read until the fire ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25 went out. He was accustomed to write out with char coal on bits of board the passages, which struck him most forcibly, and afterwards to commit them to memory. He became intensely interested in the speeches of Henry Clay, many of which he committed to mem ory. His father was a Democrat and he had natur ally inclined in that direction, but now he became an_ ardent admirer of the Kentucky statesman and a de termined and persistent Whig, remaining of that pol itical belief until he became one of the leaders of thej young Republican party. While on his way to Washington, in later years, to assume the duties of the Presidency, he passed through Trenton, N. J., and, in a speech before the State Senate, made the following allusion to the deep impression, which one of these books had made upon him : " May I be pardoned if, on this occasion, I mention that, away back in my childhood, in the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, such an one as few of the younger members have seen, Weem's ' Life of Washington.' I remember all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and strug gles for the liberties of the country; and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton. The crossing of the river, the struggle with the Hessians, the great hardships endured at that time, all fixed themselves in my memory more than any other single Revolutionary event, and you all know, for you have all been boys, how these early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I 26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was, that there must have been something more than common that these men struggled for. I am exceed ingly anxious that that thing which they struggled for, that something even more than national independ ence, that something that held out a great promise to all people of the world for all time to come, I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution and liberties of the people, shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made." This same " Life of Washington " was the firs^ book which he ever owned. He acquired possession of it, however, in a manner not wholly satisfactory to himself. He had borrowed it from a neighbor, named Crawford, who was not noted for his generosity. One night Lincoln took it to bed with him and con tinued to read until his pin^ knot lamp burned out, when he thrust the book into a crevice between the logs in the side of the house. During the night a severe storm came up and the book was soaked. He went to Mr. Crawford in the morning, and telling him of the mishap, offered to pay for the book. Crawford set him to work pulling cornfodder, and kept him at it for three days, making the young stu dent pay an extortionate price in labor for an old and worn-out book. Young Lincoln was much dissatisfied with such parsimony, and afterwards unconsciously following the example of an old Greek poet, wrote several bits of doggerel verse, in which he ridiculed so forcibly the personal appearance of Crawford, that his flat nose and scowling visage became a byword throughout the whole community. | When he was ten years old his mother died after a ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 27 long and distressing illne$2._^)During her sickness he cared for her as tenderly as a girl, and often sat at her side and read the Bible to her for hours. The dying mother gave him much loving advice, which he stored up in his memory as a precious legacy, and over which he pondered deeply. Her loss must have been se verely felt by the household in the long winter which followed. The burden of the household duties fell upon Sarah, who was hardly yet in her teens, but was developing into a quiet, useful woman. There was no minister in the vicinity at the time of Mrs. Lincoln's death, and she was buried in the grove near the house without ceremonies, beyond one or two simple prayers from the neighbors. A few months afterwards an itinerant preacher, Elder Elkin, was invited by a letter composed and written with laborious care by young Lincoln, to come and per form the simple funeral services then in vogue. It was a clear and beautiful day when the neigh bors, to the number of about two hundred, gathered in the little grove to take part in the services. The minister, a plain and simple man, was much affected by the circumstances and surroundings, and spoke with a rude eloquence that moved every heart and made a deep impression, especially upon the two motherless children. He spoke tenderly of the patient Christian character of the deceased, and com memorated her many virtues with touching words, commending her example for the emulation of all. Mrs. Lincoln's life had been a dull and hard one, a daily routine of care and trouble, yet she had made a deep impression upon the character of her son, and in after-life his mind often reverted to the lonely grave 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. by the Ohio, with love and reverence. Long after wards, when the forest flowers had bloomed above her grave for two score years, he said to a friend, with tears in his eyes : " All that I am or hope to be I owe to my angel mother blessings on her memory." In the autumn of the same year, Mr. Lincoln returned to his old home in Kentucky, and married a.n widow lady, who had been one of his youthful sweet hearts. He represented himself to be a well-to-do farmer with considerable property, and the new Mrs. Lincoln was much disappointed at the state of affairs which she found at her journey's end. But like the true woman that she was, she determined to make the best of what she could not help. She brought with her a large load of furniture, which the children regarded with amazement Tor nothing so grand had ever been seen in the neighborhood before, and for the first time in his life Abe rejoiced in a warm com fortable bed. With Mrs. Lincoln came her own three children, but she showed no partiality to them, and the two motherless children soon learned to regard her with warm affection. In speaking of her stepson she once said : " Abe never gave me a cross word or look, and never refused, in fact or appearance, to do all I requested of him." A new era was inaugurated in the cheerless cabin by her arrival. Floors were laid, a door was hung, windows were fitted into the open spaces in the walls, and a new spirit of order and progress pervaded the domestic economy. She not only strove to improve the material condition of the household, but also determined to give the children better opportunities to secure at least the rudiments of an education. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29 One of his early friends says that Abe was accus tomed to come in from the field after his day's labor, go to the cupboard and snatch a piece of corn-bread and sit down, literally upon his shoulder-blades, with his feet upon the mantel. In this position he would remain, absorbed in his book, until it became too dark to see, when he would crouch down by the fire and take advantage of its unsteady light. Inasmuch as writing materials were so costly as to be beyond his reach, he was accustomed to write upon strips of pine- board with charred sticks, and when the board was full would shave it down until he had a clean surface again. It was early his ambition to become a public speaker, and he not only practiced constantly on his friends whenever he could secure an audience, but he seized every opportunity to listen to speeches. In those days, the courts were literally circuit courts, the judge and lawyers riding on horseback from one county-seat to another, where they spent a number of days or weeks trying cases. There was a great deal of oratorical display on the part of the lawyers, who made use of much bombastic eloquence in the trial of the petty cases which came up before the Court. Young Lincoln generally managed to attend court regularly, when it was in session, and was deeply interested in its proceedings. He would arise early in the morning, " do the chores," and walk to Booneville, the county-seat, which was located seventeen miles away, returning in season to do up the evening's work. He once listened with eager interest to a speech made by John A. Breckenridge, and was so impressed with it that he ventured to congratulate 30 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the lawyer at the close of the session. After he became President, he told Mr. Breckenridge that it was listen ing to his speech that first inspired him with the determination to become a lawyer. When his parents were away to church Sundays he ;used to take the Bible and select a text, from which he would preach a sermon to his sister and other children who happened along. His sermons may have been somewhat faulty from a doctrinal point of view, but they were entertaining. He always felt a deep compassion for any person or animal in suffering, and was exceedingly bitter in his denunciation of cruelty to animals. " One day, a boy caught a land-terrapin, brought it to the place where Abe was preaching, threw it against the tree and crushed the shell. It quivered all over and seemed to be suffering much. Abe then made a really effective speech against cruelty to animals, contending that an ant's life was as sweet to it as ours to us." This habit of speech-making soon developed into a great nuisance, for it distracted the attention of the men who were ready to stop work at any time to hear him speak. His speeches were simple and crude, contained many sharp points, and were illustrated with numerous stories which kept his audience in roars of laughter. Oftentimes his father was com pelled to interrupt the incipient orator by the use of force, and he was dragged from his rude rostrum and hustled off to work with no gentle hand. He was not discouraged by these setbacks and difficulties, but persisted in his practice until he became recognized as a promising orator. He commenced early to write compositions, and ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31 soon gained a considerable rural repute by having several articles published in the country newspapers. One of his earliest efforts was an essay upon " Cruelty to Animals," which was published and was considered a marvellous production by his friends. He generally wrote with a humorous vein, and frequently directed his jokes against the failings of his friends. He was specially inclined to rhythmical composition, and pos sessed a rude talent in stringing together pointed couplets. Upon the page of one of his copy-books, among numerous other poetical effusions, appears the suggestive couplet : " Tis Abraham Lincoln holds the pen, He will be good, but God knows when." He wrote several long poetical productions of a satirical character, introducing broad jokes and " take- offs " which would hardly grace a printed page. At one time there was a double wedding in the Gentry family, the leading family of the community. He was not invited, ard felt the slight keenly. He was possessed of too combative a disposition to quietly put up with what he deemed to be an insult, and determined to avenge himself in poetic measures. He wrote a cutting satire, in which the members of the offending family figured as prominent characters. It was a bold, audacious thing, and created a great deal of excitement in the neighborhood, being highly applauded by his friends. The victims of the joke were highly incensed, and one of the younger mem bers of the family challenged him to fight. He accepted the challenge, and the fight took place. Instead of fighting in person, however, he substituted his step brother in his place, who was badly whipped. Young 32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Lincoln stepped into the ring, and swinging his long arms around his head, dared any one to attack him. But his strength and prowess were too well known, and he proudly left the field with his honor vindi cated as the champion of the neighborhood. His agility and strength were remarkable, and no one in the vicinity could throw him in a wrestling match. He is said to have been able to carry a load which three men could hardly lift, and he once picked up a hen-house weighing over six hundred pounds and carried it a considerable distance. At another time, seeing a number of men preparing sticks upon which to lift some heavy timbers, he shouldered the timbers and easily carried them to their destination. "He could strike with a maul," says Mr. Wood, "a heavier blow than any other man. He could sink an axe deeper into the wood than any other man I ever .saw." He enjoyed being upon the water, and more than once sought to obtain employment upon the river boats. In his leisure moments he built a small flat- boat, which he used for short excursions up and down the river. While at work upon it one day, he was approached by a couple of gentlemen, who requested him to put their baggage upon a steamer which was passing down the river. For this he was paid a dol lar in silver, the first dollar he had ever earned. While President, he related the story to Mr. Seward and remarked : " I could scarcely believe my eyes when I received the money. You may think it was , a very little thing, and in these days it seems to me a trifle, but it was the most important incident in my life. I could scarcely credit that I, a poor boy, had ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 33 earned a dollar in less than a day that by earnest work I had earned a dollar. The world seemed wider and fairer before me, I was a more hopeful and confident being from that time." In March, 1828, he went to work for Mr. Gentry, who lived near by. Shortly afterwards, his employer fitted out a scow to be laden with corn, bacon and other country produce, which was to be taken down the river, and disposed of at the towns along the route. Fie put Abe in command of the little craft, who, in company with a young man somewhat older than himself, made the trip successfully and conducted the business to the entire satisfaction of his employer. They were accustomed to drift with the current by day, and tie up to the shore by night. One night, a number of negroes boarded the craft intent upon plunder. The young men were awakened and attacked the intruders so vigorously, that four of them were knocked into the river and the rest took to flight. But Lincoln, not content with a partial victory, leaped from the boat and pursued the marauders, with so much vigor that he overtook them and gave them a severe thrashing. It was the first and last time that Lincoln lifted his hands against any representa tives of the colored race. It was his first trip out into the world and the broad river, with its numerous steamers filled with passengers, and the villages and cities along the shores, gave him many hints of a broader life than any he was acquainted with, as well as much food for reflection. It is probable, that, on this trip, he came into actual contact with slavery for the first time and saw something of the unnatural suffering and degra- 34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. dation caused by the iniquitous system. His heart was tender and easily touched by suffering, even when inflicted upon the lower animals, and the sight of men and women bending beneath the burdens of inhuman servitude must have been abhorrent to him. It may not be too much to say that the Emancipation Proclamation germinated in this trip. It is certain that, from this time on, he pondered deeply upon the great problems of American politics and humanity, and sought long and patiently for their solution. He learned much from the trip and returned home more than ever eager to fit himself for usefulness in a higher and wider sphere than that into which he had been born. The venture was a financial success, owing to his shrewd management. Mr. Lamon says that at one place, where they sold a quantity of provisions, they received in payment a counterfeit bill, which they did not discover until they were at some distance from the town. When his companion bewailed the loss, Lincoln remarked, by way of consolation, " Never mind, I guess it will soon slip out of our fingers." And it did. CHAPTER III. IN 1830, Mr. Lincoln became once more uneasy and dissatisfied with his surroundings and determined to move again, influenced in part by the unhealthful character of the Gentryville farm and locality. Reports of the peculiar fertility of the great State to the westward had been brought to his ears and he decided to emigrate to Illinois. This great commonwealth had been a member of the Union twelve years, and contained, at this time, a population of about a quarter of a million. The broad prairies in the central and northern portions of the State, now occupied by prosperous communities and populous cities, were then wholly without inhabi tants. The immigrants from other States passed over these great plains, unsuspicious of their marvellous fertility, believing them to be only fit for pasturage, and settled in the forests and oak openings of the south or along the water-courses near the borders of the State. There were no large settlements. Cairo, Alton, Galena, Decatur and a few other villages, now developed into large and prosperous cities, were then struggling to maintain a bare existence amid the adverse influences by which they were surrounded. Nature has been very. kind to Illinois and has granted it munificent gifts. Its broad and fertile prairies, its beautiful water-courses and the great coal (35) 36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. measures that underlie it, are treasure-houses that have developed its population from thousands to mil lions, and made it one of the wealthiest States in the Union. There was, however, but little to hint of its coming glor)r in 1830, although it attracted immi grants in increasing numbers from year to year. The population was mostly made up of families from the border States, especially Kentucky. There were few people from the East, and the "Yankees" were not regarded with any degree of tolerance, being always the objects of suspicion and aversion. While the people of the State had decided by a large majority not to permit slavery to be introduced, yet their sympathies were largely with the institu tion, sometimes even to the verge of persecuting its outspoken opponents, who lived in their midst. That there was deep feeling on the subject, is proven by the murder of Owen Lovejoy, some years later, at Alton, because he persisted in publishing an Aboli tion paper. The most of the people coming from Kentucky, had become familiar with slavery in its less deplorable aspects, and, while they would not introduce it into Illinois, would suffer no one to openly stigmatize it as an unjust or iniquitous institution. In the light of history it is easy to see how exactly the circumstances were adapted to the development of the peculiar personality of Lincoln. When he entered Illinois he was a tall, gaunt youth of twenty- one, unaccustomed to society and wholly ignorant of A the ways of the world, yet with the strong, innate consciousness that he was destined to better things, 1 and that his capabilities were greater than those of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 37 the men with whom he was accustomed to associate. Brute force and physical prowess were still in the ascendant in this pioneer State. The men of intelli gence and culture were to be found almost entirely in the larger settlements and in the practice of law. Lincoln was physically stronger than his associates, and this, with his great length of limb, made him easily the champion in the rough sports in which the young men were wont to engage. His reputation spread far and wide, both for his strength and his skill in wrestling. Many a redoubted champion, who had never before met his match, came from a distance to dispute for his laurels with the new arrival and went away ignominiously defeated. The people were generally ignorant, few of them! being able to read or write. In learning, Lincoln far| surpassed them all, not only being able to read and write, but having also acquired a considerable stock: of general knowledge. Had he been of higher birth than his associates, this might have been an occasion for jealousy and ill feeling, but he was as poor as they and of even humbler lineage, hence they were proud of his accomplishments and boasted of his wonderful knowledge, as if credit was thereby cast upon the whole community. His poverty and consequent struggles for a bare living contributed to strengthen his independence of character and honesty, which, in a less positive man, would have produced cringing servility and dis honesty. One of the most marked features of his career, as it was of the career of Washington, was the profound impression he made upon everybody with whom he 38 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was brought into close personal contact. This was, no doubt, owing to his intense and .harmonious per sonality, and in part to the quaint charm of his con versation. From early boyhood he had been accustomed to embellish his conversation with numberless stories and anecdotes of which he had an inexhaustible store and a skill of adaptation to the point in hand which has never been excelled. His early practice had given him a degree of proficiency in public speaking in which he made use of a rude and fervid eloquence which seldom failed to carry the audience along in sympathy with him. In those days, when men would go thirty or forty miles to hear a lawyer's speech in court or a political discussion, this was a commanding gift and quickly earned a local reputation for its possessor. Thomas Lincoln, with his family, settled first in Macon County; but he shortly afterwards moved to the vicinity of the present city of Mattoon, in Coles County. Young Lincoln took hold with energy to help his father settle in his new home. He chopped down trees and split rails and helped to fence in the whole farm. He now told his father, that, as he was of age and the law gave him his liberty, he desired to shift for himself and left his home never to return to it again except for a brief visit. His father, with his wander ing instinct unimpaired, continued to move from one place to another, hardly able to keep the wolf from the door, until he died, at the age of seventy-three, and was buried on the old homestead near Mat- toon. Mrs, Lincoln outlived her illustrious step- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 39 son, who always treated her with tenderest consid eration. For a time he worked wherever he chanced upon an opportunity, now splitting fence rails, and again helping to plant, cultivate and harvest a crop of corn. He once made a bargain to split rails for a woman, who was to furnish cloth and make him a pair of trousers in return for his labor. He agreed to split three hundred rails for every yard of cloth used in manufacturing the garments, and faithfully carried out his part of the bargain. Shortly afterwards a speculator, Offutt by name, came into the neighborhood looking for men to take a flatboat loaded with country produce to New Or leans and dispose of it. As young Lincoln had made one trip to New Orleans he engaged him to take charge of the expedition with two or three of his friends as helpers. As the boat was not ready at the appointed time, they were compelled to make one, a somewhat diffi cult task, as the materials were scarce and hard to obtain. But the ingenuity of Lincoln overcame all obstacles, and a good serviceable boat was completed and launched in four weeks. The voyage was safely made, although on the downward trip the boat was stranded on the dam at New Salem, a small place a few miles below Springfield, and nearly lost, but was saved together with its cargo by the skill and strength of Lincoln. New Salem was a small place, and the arrival and sad plight of the boat caused considerable excite ment. The whole population gathered upon the banks of the river and watched the operation of re- 40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. leasing it from the dam where it had stranded and partially filled with water. After all the efforts of the crew had proven fruitless Lincoln rolled up the legs of his trousers and stepped into the water, his length of limb standing him in good stead. By sheer strength he lifted the boat upon the edge of the dam and balanced it; then borrowing an auger he bored a hole in the bottom and allowed the water to escape. Having stopped up the hole, they continued the jour ney. This was Lincoln's first introduction to a com munity of which he was destined to become a promi nent and beloved member, while the people who had watched him were struck with admiration of his strength and ingenuity. This trip made a far deeper impression upon the mind of Lincoln than the former one. At New Or leans he first came into actual contact with the most horrible features of slavery. For the first time he entered the slave-market and saw human beings put up at auction and sold like cattle. He saw families separated and the hopeless sorrow of father and mother as the children were torn from their arms to be led away into a servitude which was worse than death. He saw the whipping-post with all its attend ant horrors, and heard the stinging blows of the lash and the groans of the poor victims. He said to one of his companions as they turned away from these terrible scenes, " If I ever get a chance to hit that institution, I will hit it hard, John !" His companions remarked of him that " his heart bled, he was mad, thoughtful, abstracted, sad and depressed." He did not at once become an Abolitionist. Indeed, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41 it is doubtful if he was ever an Abolitionist in the strict meaning of the term. His was not a nature to leap hastily to a conclusion. It was only after long thought and observation that his opinions attained the strength of convictions, but once formed, it was almost impossible to shake him from them. So now he observed all these things and meditated upon them, but it was many years before he became iden tified with an anti-slavery movement of any kind. There is a tradition that on this trip to New Or leans, in company with John Hanks, he visited a voodoo fortune-teller, and that during the interview "she became much excited and after various other predictions said: ' You will be President, and all the negroes will be free.' " The truth of this tradition cannot be established. If God, in times of old, appeared to Moses and foretold the great responsibility, about to devolve upon him, of leading the Children of Israel out from the land of bondage into freedom, might not the veil of the future have been raised a little from before the eyes of this modern Moses in order that he might obtain a glimpse of the greet deeds which he was destined to perform ? However this may be, he could never again look upon slavery as a dim shadow which lay upon a section of this sunny land, but it must henceforth be a grim and horrid reality which should oppress his spirits and excite his hatred and appre hension. Upon his return to Illinois his employer was so im pressed with his ability and faithfulness that he deter mined to retain his services. He had recently opened a store and a flouring mill, at the little settlement of 42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. New Salem, about twenty miles from Springfield. He offered Lincoln the position of clerk, which was accepted as the best opening that presented itself. Mr. Offutt was very proud of the strength and learning of his clerk, and frequently boasted of them. There were at that time, living in the adjoining settle ment of Clary's Grove, a number of rude, quarrel some boys, who had made themselves the terror of their neighbors by their wild and lawless deeds. The boasts of Mr. Offutt came to their ears, and they determined to "take the impudence" out of the young clerk. One day they went to New Salem with this intent, and finally succeeded in provoking Lin coln to enter into a wrestling match with Jack Arm strong, their leader, who was as strong as an ox and the champion wrestler of the neighborhood. After struggling a few moments, Lincoln seized him with both hands, and, holding him at arm's-length, shook him like a child. Upon this the Clary's Grove boys rushed forward to the assistance of their leader, when Lincoln backed up against the side of the store and coolly awaited their onset. Armstrong, however, was thoroughly subdued and shouted to his followers to stop, saying: "Boys, Abe Lincoln is the best man that ever broke into this settlement. He shall be one of us." After this Lincoln had no stauncher friends than these rough men, who never lost an opportunity to praise or to vote for him. Although he was now recognized as the champion of the whole region, he seldom exhibited his great strength except in the role of peacemaker. At one time, while he was waiting upon some ladies in the store, a drunken rowdy came in and began to indulge ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43 in abusive language. Lincoln politely requested him not to use such language in the presence of ladies, but he became very "angry and dared Lincoln to come out and fight, declaring that he had been waiting for a good opportunity to whip him. After the ladies had gone, Lincoln went out with him into the street, where he easily threw him to the ground, and picking up a handful of smartweed, he rubbed it vigorously into the face and eyes of the discomfited rowdy until he fairly howled for mercy. Then Lincoln assisted him to rise and brought him some water with which to wash his face. He never received a challenge to fight from the same source again. It was here at New Salem that he acquired the sobriquet of " Honest Abe," which clung to him through life. The honesty of his dealings is well illustrated by a single event. " One night, in count ing the receipts of the day, he found his cash on hand to be seven cents in excess of his sales. He con cluded that he had made an error of that amount in returning change to one of his customers, a poor woman, who lived six or seven miles a\vay. He im mediately closed the store and walked the whole dis tance to restore the money to her. He seized every opportunity to increase his store of knowledge, and spent hours daily in study, often to the detriment of his work. When there was too much noise in the store he would go out into the woods and stretch his ungainly limbs in the shadow of a tree upon the ground, and become so absorbed in his book as to be lost to all around. He once heard some one speak of the science of grammar, and immediately determined to penetrate 44 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. its mysteries. After diligent inquiries he found and borrowed a book on the subject from a family living several miles away. It took him but a short time to master the subject. This was considered a great achievement by his friends of New Salem and was made the subject of many boasts From this time on his life increases in interest. Hitherto he had done but little more than any active, ambitious boy could hope to accomplish, but now his great native ability began to develop under the spur of his fixed determination to make something of himself. CHAPTER IV. IN the spring of 1832 Mr. Offutt failed in business, and Lincoln found himself without employment. Almost at the same time the Blackhawk war broke out. The State issued a call for volunteers and he was one of the first to respond. Blackhawk was a chief of the tribe of the Sacs, who had been removed by the Government from their for mer home in north-western Illinois to a reservation west of the Mississippi. This Indian chief was a princely man and showed an independence and nobil ity of character, which belonged to few of the aborig ines. Believing that his people had been unjustly deprived of their lands, he formed the determination to return and, if possible, regain possession of them. He formed an alliance between nine of the most powerful tribes of the north-west and invaded Illinois. For a time the movement seemed to threaten a seri ous danger to the people of the Rock River valley. But the call of the Governor was quickly responded to, and several regiments were soon in the field. After much marching and counter-marching, with many alarms and but little bloodshed, the enemy was driven from the State. A company was formed in New Salem and vicinity of which Lincoln was elected captain. Although- the troops were called out in the State service, each (45) 46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. company was permitted to select its own officers. In the New Salem company there were two candi dates for the honor, William Kirkpatrick and Lincoln. According to the custom, when the time for electing officers had arrived, the two would-be captains took their stations at some distance from each other and the men ranged themselves about the object of their choice. Lincoln's popularity was so great that he was elected by a vote of two to one. In speaking of this event, many years afterwards, when the highest honors within the gift of the nation had been conferred upon him, he said, that he had never been more gratified in his life than by this, the first proof of public esteem he had ever received. It was the expression of the high regard in which he was held by all with whom he came into daily contact. The war offered no opportunities to win renown or perform glorious achievements. There were no bat tles worthy of the name and comparatively few hard ships to be endured. There were several long marches and the troops suffered somewhat from scarcity of provisions. One day there came into the camp an old Indian, weary and hungry. Although he had a safe conduct from Gen. Cass, the men, who had become terribly incensed against all of his race, declared the letter to be a forgery and denounced him as a spy. They rushed furiously upon him, intending to put him to death, when Lincoln suddenly stepped between them and their intended victim. In an imperative tone of voice he ordered them back and told them that they should not kill the defenseless Indian. He was thoroughly aroused and his determined mien and ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 47 commanding tones cowed them and compelled them suddenly to relinquish their purpose. At length, one of the men shouted from the crowd : " Lincoln, this is cowardly of you." Lincoln looked towards him in supreme contempt and said : " If any man thinks I am a coward let him test me." " You are larger and braver than any of us," was the reply. "That you can guard against," said he ;" choose your weapons." But nothing more was said, and the men slowly dis persed. Such an occurrence could only be rendered possible by the loose discipline which necessarily pre vailed among the volunteer troops. Had he attempted to arrest the insolent man, in all proba bility a mutiny would have resulted. He afterwards was wont to relate, in his inimitable way, a less tragic incident which happened in this expedition. He was marching at the head of his com pany through a field, when he came to a gate through which it was necessary to pass. "I could not for the life of me," said he, " remem ber the proper word of command to get my company through that gate endwise ; so, as we came near the place, I shouted, * Halt ! This company is dis missed for two minutes, when it will form on the other side of the gate.' " The evolution was success fully performed, and the company marched on. Lincoln was mustered into the service by Lieut. Robert Anderson, who afterwards directed the defense of Fort Sumter. After the evacuation of that ill-fated fortress Ander son called upon the President, and in the course of 48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. conversation Mr. Lincoln asked : " Major, do you remember ever meeting me before ?" " No, Mr. President, I have no recollection of ever having had the honor before." " My memory is better than yours," said Mr. Lin coln. " You mustered me into the service of the United States, in 1832, at Dixon's Ferry in the Black- hawk war." Many of the men, with whom he was associated in early life, gained a national reputation, and some of them became his most trusted and efficient helpers in his subsequent career. Lincoln was at this time in a painful position. He had no home and no regular occupation. His char acter was undeveloped, and his natural powers untrained. The difficulties that beset him, would, to another man, or in another age of the world, have been insurmountable. He had no money, and his clothes were of the poorest material : so coarse and ill-fitting that they exaggerated the natural ungairili- ness of his form. On his return trip, after being discharged from military duty, he was observed to be anxious and worried about his future prospects, and, while his comrades were light-hearted and happy, he was often sad and gloomy. His determination to make some thing of himself, however, had been strengthened by his association with older and more cultured men, and from that time he devoted himself more earnestly than ever to his studies. As was the custom for any one, who desired a pub lic office, he had announced himself as a candidate for the Legislature previous to his departure from ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49 New Salem, and had made a declaration of his prin ciples in the county paper. Ever since he had been old enough to entertain a decided opinion upon a political question, he had been a Whig and an ardent admirer of Henry Clay. But in local elections, national politics were scarcely considered. In Sanga- mon County, the great local issue pertained to the navigation of the Sangamon River, and the candidate who entertained the most radical views and who could sustain them by the most telling speech, was the favorite. The schemes, originated and championed by the aspirants for office, were visionary and impracticable and were urged more to obtain political support than with the belief that they would ever be carried into operation. The river was shallow, winding and full of obstructions, and the benefit to be derived from making it navigable was not at all commensurate with the immense expense that must have been incurred. Lincoln was an enthusiastic advocate of this and other similar public improvements. He was, no doubt, honest in the position he had taken, but was carried away by the popular delusion, the fallacy of which his judgment was not sufficiently developed to detect. His first political speech was made during this cam paign and was as follows : "Gentlemen and Fellow-citizens, I presume you all know who I am. I am humble Abraham Lincoln. I have been solicited by my friends to become a can didate for the Legislature. My politics are short and sweet, like the old woman's dance. I am in favor of a national bank, I am in favor of the internal-im- 50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. provement system and a high protective tariff. These are my sentiments and political principles. If elected, I shall be thankful : if not, it will be all the same." Only ten days remained before the election, and it was impossible to make a thorough canvas ; hence being but little known, he was defeated. After the election he was induced to buy a small store in New Salem in company with one Berry, a worthless fellow, in payment for which he gave his personal note. They afterwards purchased the stock of another store, thus adding to their liabilities with out materially increasing the extent and profit of their business. It would have been hard to find two men more totally unfitted to carry on such a business success fully. To Lincoln it was but a temporary expedient to furnish the means of subsistence while pursuing his studies, while his partner was drunken and dis reputable. As might have been expected, from the carelessness and inefficiency of both, the enterprise failed and Lincoln was left with a heavy debt, which seemed to him so large and hopeless a burden that he often spoke of it as the national debt. His reputa tion for honesty did not fail him even then, and he applied himself to the payment of the debt, which was not fully paid for sixteen years, when he sent a part of his Congressional salary from Washington to Mr. Herndon to discharge the last obligation. In 1832, he bought an old volume of Blackstone at an auction in Springfield, and immediately com menced to master it. The determination he had formed to enter upon the study of the law was not ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 51 hasty nor ill-considered. From the time when he was accustomed to walk fifteen miles in order to attend court and listen to the speeches, he seems to have had an earnest desire to become a lawyer. As he grew older and not only listened to speeches but began himself to gain a reputation as an orator, and as he became more acquainted with the world and recognized the many opportunities for acquiring wealth and distinction which a legal career offered, the desire was changed to a fixed determination to overcome every difficulty and fit himself for the Bar. After mastering Blackstone, he began the system atic study of law, borrowing books from a legal friend in Springfield, whose acquaintance he had made during his brief military career. To obtain the books he was compelled to walk to Springfield, a distance of fourteen miles. He was accustomed to stride along, book in hand, unmindful of all about him. He was frequently seen at the store lying flat upon his back on the counter, absorbed in his studies. At night he went to the village carpenter's shop, and having built a fire of shavings would read by its light as long as the fuel lasted. A friend speaks of having found him at his board ing-house, one day, stretched out at full length upon the bed, poring over a book and rocking the cradle of his landlady's baby with one foot. He soon obtained an old book of forms and began to draw up contracts, deeds, mortgages and other legal documents for his friends and neighbors, who were filled with wonder at the great learning dis>- played by their favorite. In io33 ; hewas appointed postmaster of New Salem 52 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. a position which was neither arduous nor lucrative. There was but one mail a week, and this was so small that he generally carried it in his hat, and when a letter was called for he would take off his battered tile and search for it in the depths. The pay was small, but his chief compensation lay in the fact that he now had the privilege of reading all the papers that came into the neighborhood before he turned them over to their owners, and he availed himself fully of the privilege. After a time the office was discontinued, and for some reason the balance of about seventeen dollars was not called for until sev eral years after Lincoln had moved to Springfield, during which time he had often been in want, with out suitable clothes and scarcely able to obtain the necessities of life; yet when the United States Inspec tor called upon him, unexpectedly, for the money he went to his trunk, and taking out an old stocking poured its contents on the table. It contained the exact sum in the identical coppers and silver pieces which he had received. It is a somewhat remarkable fact that America's two greatest heroes gained a livelihood in their youth by surveying, and that they were both masters of the art. Both surveyed many large and valuable tracts of land, the boundaries of which were in dispute, and the results attained by each were regarded as final. Washington took advantage of the opportunities thus afforded to buy valuable tracts of land, and thus laid the foundation of a great fortune and an immense landed estate. Lincoln never speculated in land, although he had the best of opportunities, or he, too, might have become a wealthy man. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53 His friends secured him the appointment as deputy-surveyor from John Calhoun, the county-sur veyor. This position was one of great responsibility and importance. Settlers were constantly moving in and acquiring titles in land, and speculators were buy ing and selling large tracts. Town sites were being marked out and subdivided, so that very much depended upon the accuracy with which the boundary lines were established. Lincoln was entirely ignorant of the science of sur veying, but with characteristic energy procured a trea tise upon the subject and commenced to master it. He succeeded so well that in a short time he was put to work. Through the kindness of his friends he secured a horse and a set of surveying instruments, and trav ersed the country from one end to the other, laying out claims, determining boundary-lines, and locating roads. An incident is related which illustrates the fidelity with which he performed his tasks. Two gentlemen had a dispute in regard to the location of a corner, the stake which marked it had apparently been lost. They agreed to leave the decision to Lincoln, who carefully made a survey and located the corner. So accurate were his calculations that, upon digging down a few inches, the old corner stake was found buried in the ground. For a time he prospered financially. His salary from the Post-office and his pay as surveyor made " good sailing," as he put it. But one of his creditors unexpectedly sued him and obtained judgment, to satisfy which his horse and surveying instruments 54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. were levied on and sold, but were bought back and restored to him by a friend. He had a faculty of making loyal friends, who were always ready to extend a helping hand. There was something whole some about this awkward, ungainly young man which attracted and attached to him those with whom he came in contact. His manifest unselfishness and his readiness always to help another in every possible way brought him many true friends. Every effort made in his behalf was warmly appreciated, and was certain to bear fruit, for there was evidently no mean future before him. At the next election he was again a candidate for the Legislature and this time was triumphantly elec ted. During his first candidacy he had issued a manifesto in which he fully outlined his political views. The closing sentences of this paper exhibit a modesty and deference to public opinion which is not com monly expected in such compositions. He said : " Upon the subjects of which I have treated, I have spoken as I thought. I may be wrong in regard to any or all of them ; but, holding it a sound maxim that it is better only sometimes to be right than at all times wrong, so soon as I discover my opinions to be erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them. . . . Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. Whether it be true or not I can say, for one, that I have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed of my fellow-men by rendering myself worthy of their esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this ambition is yet to be developed. . . . I was born, and have ever remained, in the most humble walks of life. I have no wealthy or powerful relations or ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55 friends to recommend me. My case is thrown exclu sively upon the independent voters of the county ; and, if elected, they will have conferred a favor upon me, for which I shall be unremitting in my efforts to compensate. But if the good people, in their wis dom, shall see fit to keep me in the background, I have been too familiar with disappointments to be very much chagrined." He entered vigorously into the campaign, going all over the district, making speeches and mingling with the people. He hud several advantages over his com petitors he was poor and a workingman, and he met the country people upon their own level, causing them to see that he was heartily in sympathy with them. Yet, by his evident abilities and superior attainments, he excited their respect and caused them to feel pride in him as one in whom they had a spe cial interest. His methods of speaking were well adapted to the people whom he addressed. His speeches were, as usual, enlivened by stories and anecdotes, which were irresistibly funny, yet always illustrated a point, and often proved more convincing than a long and labored argument. His audience was kept in good humor and expectant. It is said that he often descended to personalities, and even to the verge of vulgarity, and his stories were sometimes broad and partook too much of the corner-grocery style. Yet this was not so much his fault as that of the locality and circumstances in which he was placed. At one time during the campaign he visited the house of Rowan Herndon, who had a number of men cradling grain in a neighboring field. He asked per- 56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. mission to speak a few words to them, when one of them remarked that they would vote for no man whom they could cut out of his swath. "Well boys," said he, " I guess you will all vote for me then." And, seizing a cradle, he easily led them all around the field. After his election he found it necessary to borrow two hundred dollars, with which to buy clothes and to pay his expenses during the legislative term. The capital of Illinois was then located at Vanda- lia in the south-central portion of the State During the session many of the prominent men of the State took up their residence there, either as members, or because they were interested in the various measures to be considered. Lincoln eagerly availed himself of the opportunity to meet the men of whom he had so often heard and read. In the active work of the Legislature he took but little part, watching closely all the details, and so familiarizing himself with men and measures as to be fitted in coming sessions to act as leader of his party, which was in the minority. He is spoken of as modest, reserved and observant, always in his seat, and making many friends. Upon his return to New Salem he resumed his duties as deputy-surveyor, having been reappointed - by Thomas M. Neal, the new incumbent. He still applied himself as closely to his studies as the duties of the office permitted and slowly, but surely, per fected his preparation for the profession which he had chosen. While here in New Salem he became deeply at tached to a beautiful girl, named Anne Rutledge. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 57 She is described as being exceedingly attractive, both in appearance and character. Lincoln's love for her was deep and lasting, and she finally yielded to his suit, though never fully reciprocating his passion. Not long after their engagement she was taken ill, and died after a short sickness. For a time, Lincoln seemed like one demented, and his friends feared, and apparently with good reason, that he would become insane and take his own life. But after his violent grief subsided he returned to his labors, though the blow had left a lasting impression upon him. His life was saddened, and the gloom induced by this bereave ment never departed. Like a minor chord, it ran through all the harmony of his life, and at times became dominant. CHAPTER V. IN 1836 he was again a candidate for the Legisla-. ture. He had now become well known through the district, and had secured the good-will and confidence of his constituents. In the last session the Legisla ture, in a reapportionment bill, had increased the delegation from Sangamon County to seven Repre sentatives and two Senators. The days of convention rule had not then come. If a man was desirous of becoming a candidate for any local position, he issued handbills, boldly defining his views, and suing for the support of the people. In accordance with this custom Lincoln issued the fol lowing circular, which was printed in the county paper and scattered broadcast : " NEW SALEM, June 13, 1836. "To the Editor of the Journal: " In your paper of last Saturday I see a communication over the signature of ' Many Voters/ in which the candidates who are announced in the Journal are called upon to ' show their hands.' Agreed. Here is mine. I go for all, sharing the privileges of the Government, \vho assist in bearing its burdens ; consequently I go for admitting all whites to the right of suf frage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding females). If elected I shall consider the whole people of the Sangamon district my constituents, as well those that oppose as those that support me. While acting as their representa tive I shall be governed by their will on all subjects upon which (58) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59 I have the means of knowing what their will is, and upon all others I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best advance their interests. Whether elected or not, I go for dis tributing the proceeds of sales of public lands to the several States, to enable our State, in common with others, to dig canals and construct railroads, without borrowing money and paying the interest on it. If alive on the first Monday in No vember, I shall vote for Hugh L. White for President. " Very respectfully, " A. LINCOLN." The whole manifesto, so remarkable for its bold ness and independence, was characteristic of the times. His radical utterances upon the question of suffrage derive added significance from the fact that, through his instrumentality, the right of suffrage was afterwards extended to four millions of people who were at this time in bondage. The canvass upon which he now entered was more than usually exciting. There were numerous candi dates, many of whom were men of well-known ability and address. Political meetings were held in differ ent parts of the county, which were attended by great crowds of people, who assembled to hear debates or discussions by the rival candidates. Although ap pearing upon the platform with, and in opposition to, many old and skilled orators, Lincoln was nowhere worsted. His opponents soon learned that they could not attack him with impunity, and that in an argu ment he was the equal of the most adroit debater. Among the Democrats who were stumping the county was one Dick Taylor, a pompous and self- conceited fellow, who dressed in a most gaudy man ner, with ruffled shirts, embroidered vests and a large 60 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. amount of flashy jewelry. Notwithstanding this he made great pretensions of being one of the yeomanry, the oppressed lower class, and ridiculed the " Rag- Barons" and " Manufacturing Lords" of the Whig party. One day he was indulging in an unusually pro longed tirade against the Whigs, and accusing the opposing candidates of being the representatives of the aristocracy. Lincoln went up behind him, and suddenly threw his coat open, disclosing a bewilder ing display of ruffles and velvet and jewels. The crowd shouted with delight and Lincoln said : " While he (Col. Taylor) was making these charges against the Whigs over the country, riding in car riages, wearing ruffled shirts, kid gloves, massive gold watch-chains and flourishing a heavy gold- headed cane, I was a poor boy hired on a flat-boat at eight dollars a month, and had only one pair of breeches to my name, and they were buckskin and if you know the nature of buckskin, when wet and dried by the sun it will shrink and mine kept shrinking until they left several inches of my legs bare between the tops of my socks and the lower part of my breeches ; and while I was growing taller, they were becoming shorter, and so much tighter that they left a blue streak around my legs that can be seen to this day. If you call this aristocracy, I plead guilty to the charge." 1 As the campaign was drawing to a close he made an unusually brilliant speech at Springfield, which produced a profound impression upon the minds of 1 Brown's " Life of Lincoln." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 6 1 the audience. At its close a man by the name of Forquer, who was well known in the community as a man of no little ability, arose to reply to him. He had formerly been a Whig, but for some reason had seen fit to change his political faith and become a staunch Democrat. He had recently had his buildings protected from the lightning by numerous rods, which were the first ever seen in the vicinity, and were the objects of considerable curiosity and much unfavora ble comment. In the beginning of his speech, he said : " This young man must be taken down and I am sorry that the duty devolves upon me." He then took up Lincoln's points, one by one, and answered them in a fair and logical manner, although frequently indulging in coarse personalities and an assumption of superiority that was intensely annoy ing to Lincoln, who stood by becoming more and more wrought up as the speaker continued. When he had closed, Lincoln stepped upon the platform to reply. His answer was dignified, forcible and con vincing, and concluded as follows : " It is for you, fellow-citizens, and not for me to say whether I am up or down. The gentleman has seen fit to allude to my being a young man, but he forgets that I am older in )' r ears than I am in the tricks and trades of politicians. I desire to live and desire place and distinction ; but I would rather die now than, like the gentleman, live to see the day that I would change my politics for an office worth $3,000 a year, and then feel compelled to erect a lightning rod to protect a guilty conscience from an offended God." Forquer was completely answered and probably 62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. never heard the last of this pointed allusion to his lightning rods. In these sentences Lincoln struck a key-note of his life and character. Though often in a position to profit by the tricks of politicians he never descended to do so. In politics, as in his private life, he was strictly honest and frank and, where a principle was concerned, as firm and unyielding as a rock. In this campaign he greatly increased his reputa tion as a speaker. He excelled especially in original and vigorous thought, and clear, concise and pointed expression. His appearance upon the platform was awkward and unprepossessing, but this was soon for gotten in the interest which he never failed to excite. The election resulted in a large Whig majority in a county which had hitherto been a Democratic strong hold, and Lincoln's majority was larger than that of any of the other candidates. The members from Sangamon County were dubbed the "long nine." They were all of great height, averaging over six feet and more than 200 pounds in weight. They probably exerted a greater influence in legislation than any other delegation, and many of the extravagant and vicious laws of this session were traceable to them. There were many men in the Legislature with whom Lincoln came into more or less intimate asso ciation, who afterwards gained national reputations. There were several incipient Members of Congress and Senators and a number who afterwards gained distinguished military reputations. Foremost among them all was Stephen A. Douglas, whose career was only less brilliant than that of his great fellow-mem- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 her. Thus Lincoln was thrown into contact with Tnany of the brightest minds of the West, and was much benefited by his association with them. The principal business, considered during the ses sion, related to a most extravagant system of internal improvements, and many gigantic and reckless schemes were discussed. The people were deeply impressed with the great resources of the State, and believed that, if they developed its natural features, and established easy communication between the dif ferent sections, the State would immediately fill up with inhabitants and its prosperity be assured. The population was comparatively small, and the people were too few and poor to bear the heavy financial burdens thus entailed, so they determined to bond the State for a million dollars, which would have been but a small part of the cost of the contemplated improvements. The Legislature represented the extreme of public sentiment and commenced immedi ately to plan a system of internal improvements, which two generations and a great commonwealth have hardly yet completed. Many of the small streams, as well as larger rivers, were to be dredged, widened and made navigable. Upon them were to be placed lines of splendid steam ers, which were to connect the settlements and develop them into large and bustling cities. There was not a little cross-roads village or scattering ham let that did not have its visions of metropolitan splendors. Parks and boulevards, churches, city-halls and great business blocks were to spring up, as if by magic. The State was to be crossed by a net-work of rail- 64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. roads connecting the North with the South, the East with the West. These sanguine legislators expected to transform in a moment a wilderness with a half a million inhabitants into an old-world country with its crowded population and improvements, a process which hitherto centuries alone had been able to perfect. It was one of those periods of speculation and excitement through which every country must pass, and the inevitable reaction was quick to follow, retard ing the general prosperity just in proportion to the extravagance of the speculation. It is perhaps well for the State that it passed through this trying ordeal before its interests had been developed to any extent, or the crash would have been far greater and its results more lasting. Lincoln was the recognized leader of his delegation, and hence was influential in the proceedings of the House. Into all of the extravagant measures, which were brought forward, he entered heart and soul, and exerted all his power to secure their incorporation into the statutes of the State. The question of the permanent location of the State Capital came up at this time. Vandalia was not a desirable location for several reasons, and a number of cities were desirous of the honor and emoluments accruing from this distinction. Powerful lobbies were present from Alton, Decatur, Peoria, Jacksonville, Iltiopolis and Springfield. The " long nine" were, of course, pledged to do their utmost to secure for Springfield the coveted honor, and, under the shrewd leadership of Lincoln, they gained their end, after a prolonged and bitter struggle and the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65 beautiful city of the Sangamon was designated as the Capital of Illinois. Near the close of the session occurred a circum stance which attracted but little attention at the time, but which, in the light of subsequent events, is worthy of more than a passing notice. As has been said, Il linois occupied a somewhat anomalous position in regard to slavery. While the institution was rigor ously excluded from the State the majority of the people looked with greater abhorrence upon the Abo litionist than upon the slaveholder. But few Aboli tionists ventured to settle within its borders and they were sedulously avoided by the most of the people of the community, and sometimes neglect gave place to actual ill treatment. This sentiment was put in the form of a resolution and passed by the Legislature, near the end of the session in the following form : " Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Illinois : That we highly disapprove of the formation of Abolition soci eties and of the doctrines promulgated by them ; that the right of property in slaves is sacred to the slaveholding States by the Federal constitution, and that they cannot be deprived of that right without their own consent ; that the General Govern ment cannot abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against the consent of the citizens of said District without a manifest breach of good faith . . ." The Legislature thus recognized the absolute right of the slaveholding States to their peculiar institu tions and sought to establish the doctrine of non interference. The movement seemed at the time to be possessed of little significance, yet it was the co gent statement of a political doctrine which was des- 66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. tined, in after years, to exert a baleful influence over the whole country and to prove a great obstacle in the path of advancing freedom. Lincoln was not an Abolitionist. His early associa tions had so familiarized him with slavery as an estab lished institution that he looked with suspicion and alarm upon the radical doctrines of the new party which as yet had no political status, but of which he was in the future destined to become the leader. Yet slavery as a fact was wholly distasteful to him; hence, while he would not commit himself to the Abolition movement, he would not, on the other hand, subscribe to nor even give a silent consent to resolutions which were essentially pro-slavery. Accordingly, on the last day but one of the session, he prepared a protest against the resolutions and tried to secure the signature of his colleagues to it. Only one, Dan Stone, could be induced to sign it, and with but two names appended it was spread upon the records of the House. It reads as follows : " Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having passed both branches of the General Assembly, at its present session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of the same. They believe that the institution of slavery is founded upon both injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its evils. They believe that the Congress of the United States has no power under the Constitution to interfere with the insti tution of slavery in the different States. They believe that the Congress of the United States has power under the Constitu tion to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that the power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the people of the District. The difference between these opinions ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 and those contained in the above resolutions is their reason for entering this protest. DAN STONE, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Mr. Lincoln never materially departed from the political doctrine herein enunciated and never ceased to hold that the Constitution conferred no right upon any one to interfere with slavery in the slave States. At the close of the session he walked home from Vandalia, a distance of one hundred miles. The rest of the delegation rode upon horseback, but Lincoln was able to keep up with them and beguiled the tedium of the journey with many a story and pointed joke. The weather was cold and his clothes were thin and worn. Complaining of the cold, one of his compan ions told the future President that " it was no wonder he was cold, there was so much of him on the ground." No one enjoyed the joke more than its victim. Upon their return to Springfield they were greeted with the most extravagant manifestations of gratitude and joy. They had secured the greatly coveted honor for the city and the citizens could not do enough to show their appreciation of the service. In the midst of the feasting and rejoicing, Lincoln was observed to be sad and preoccupied. When ques tioned as to the cause of it he ascribed it to the un settled condition of his life, and the uncertainty of his future. In view of his lonely situation his friends determined to secure his removal to the Capital and to assist him, as far as he would permit, to secure lucrative employment. 68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. In April, 1837, he left New Salem and removed to Springfield, where he continued to live until he went to Washington. His possessions were few and easily carried in his saddle-bags. He intended to hire a small room and obtain his meals at a restaurant or boarding-house. Upon his arrival he went into the store of Joshua F. Speed, with whom he was slightly acquainted and inquired the price of the necessary furniture, at the same time remarking that, if he suc ceeded in his profession, he would pay for it in full ; but if he did not succeed, he should probably never pay for it. Struck by his appearance and apparent honesty, Mr. Speed offered to share his own room with him, an offer which Lincoln gladly accepted. He had been licensed to practice law in the preced ing month and soon entered into partnership with Major Stuart, who had superintended his legal educa tion and was a warm and consistent friend. He remained with him for four years when he entered into partnership with Judge Stephen T. Logan, one of the shrewdest and most successful lawyers of the State. The Springfield bar was at this time one of the most brilliant in the country and there were several lawyers connected with it, who could have held their own against the ablest advocates of the East. Among those who afterwards achieved a national reputation were Stephen A. Douglas, the prosecuting attorney, E. D. Baker, Ninian W. Edwards, Jesse B. Thomas, Samuel H. Treat and many others. It required a man of more than ordinary ability to make a place among such men. Lincoln did not appear much in the society of the ABRAHAM , LINCOLN. 69 place which, for a new town, was pretentious and exclusive. The population numbered less than 2,000, but there were representatives of many old Kentucky families who lived in a state of magnificence and dis play, which was unattainable for most of the pioneers. It is probable that Lincoln with his rude manners and uncouth appearance, together with his coarse and ill- fitting garments, could hardly find a place in the first circles. But he was intent on his work and found his amusement in more intellectual pursuits so that he did not miss the round of social gayeties. The means of mental improvement in those days were limited. Books were costly and scarce. The few newspapers that carne into the community were soon read and their contents discussed. In order to make up for this lack of material for literary culture, as far as possible, the young men were accustomed to form debating societies, where they discussed the great topics of the day and listened to addresses and papers prepared by the members. The meeting of the society was a great event in the smaller towns, and the room in which it was held was generally packed with sympathetic listeners. Such a society was organized in Springfield under the name of the " Young Men's Lyceum," and Lin coln was an enthusiastic member of it. This was a more dignified organization than the average debat ing society, and contained much of the best talent of the place. Speed's store was a popular gathering-place where, beside the great open fireplace, many an impromptu discussion took place. Here Lincoln and Douglas and Baker were often found with scores of others 7O ABRAHAM LINCOLN. engaging in heated political discussions, which sel dom ended with a decided advantage to either side. In 1837, Lincoln was invited to deliver an address before the Lyceum and took for his subject, " The Perpetuation of our Free Institutions." He spent much time in its preparation and it was so favorably received as to be subsequently published in the Weekly Journal of Springfield. The style was florid and declamatory, yet, considering his lack of educa tion, it was a remarkable production. It showed the profound thought and originality of a true statesman while it gave evidence of ardent patriotism and a genuine love of constitutional liberty. The style of thought and expression is in marked contrast to that exhibited in his Gettysburg address, perhaps the best example of true eloquence in the English lan guage. The one was at the beginning of his public career, the other, near the end. The Springfield address has the same true ring as the one made upon the great battle-field, but the development of his intellectual powers from the first product to the last contains the story of all that is most interesting in his career. In his exordium he speaks of the peculiar blessings enjoyed by the American people in their natural sur roundings and political institutions which conduce to to civil and religious liberty and then reviews the labors of our ancestors to secure to us these inestim able blessings. " Theirs was the task, and nobly they performed it, to possess themselves and, through themselves, us, of this goodly land, and to rear upon its hills and val leys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights ; ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71 tis ours only to transmit these, the former unpro- faned by the foot of an invader, the latter undecayed by the lapse of time. This, our duty to ourselves and our posterity, and love for our species in general, imperatively require us to perform At what point, then, is the approach of danger to be expected ? I answer, if it ever reaches us, it must spring up among ourselves. It cannot come from abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen we must live through all time or die of suicide." He graphically describes the dangers of mob-vio lence and lawlessness and speaks of the different menaces from within the people against the stability of our institutions. " Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified for any task they should undertake, may be ever found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or presi dential chair. But such belong not to the family of the lion, or the brood of the eagle. What ? Think you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar or a Napoleon? Never. Towering genius disdains a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. It sees no distinction in adding story to story upon the monuments of fame erected to the memory of others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve under any chief. It scorns to tread in the foot-prints of a predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and burns for distinction and, if possible, it will have it whether at the expense of emancipating slaves or enslav ing free men." He closed with a tribute to the soldiers of the Rev- 72 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. olution in which he characterized them as living histories : " But these histories are gone. They can be read no more forever. They were a fortress of strength ; but what invading foe men could never do, the silent artillery of time has the leveling of its walls. They are gone. They were a forest of giant oaks ; but the all-resistless hurricane has swept over them, and left only here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and unshaded, to murmur in a few more gentle breezes, and to com bat with its mutilated limbs a few more rude storms, then to sink and be no more. They were pillars of the Temple of Liberty, and now, that they have crumbled away, that temple must fall, unless we, their descendants, supply their places with other pillars hewn from the same solid quarry of sober reason. Passion has helped us but can do so no more. It will, in the future, be our enemy. Reason cold, calculat ing, unimpassioned reason must furnish all the materials for our future support and defense. Let these materials be moulded into general intelligence, sound morality, and, in particular, a reverence for the Constitution and the laws. Upon these let the proud fabric of freedom rest as the rock of its basis and as truly as has been said of the only greater institution, * The gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' " One evening, not long after, the discussion of poli tics in Speed's store became unusually animated Douglas, as usual, was the Democratic champion and not only warmly advocated his own political views, but bitterly attacked the doctrines of the Whigs and accused them indiscriminately of fraud, peculation ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 7J and political insincerity. In the midst of the babel of voices he suddenly sprang to his feet, exclaiming, " A store is no place to discuss politics," and chal lenged his opponents to a public debate. The chal lenge was accepted and a series of meetings arranged, to be held in the Presbyterian Church to last eight days, giving to each one an evening to present his views. The Democrats were to be represented by Douglas, Calhoun, Lamborn and Thomas, while the Whigs selected Logan, Baker, Browning and Lincoln to defend their cause. The speeches were long and intensely partisan, and when Lincoln's turn came on the last night, the people had become weary of the monotony, and but a small audience assembled to lis ten to him. He spoke without notes and his speech was pronounced the best of the series. He denounced in strongest terms the short-comings and corruption of the Administration. At times he seemed to have almost a prophetic inspiration and the sentiments he uttered were indicative of the most exalted patriot ism. He said : " Many countries have lost their liberties and ours may lose hers ; but if she shall, be it my proudest plume, not that I was the last to desert, but that I never deserted her." Could he for a moment have caught a glimpse of the supreme sacrifice he would be called upon to make when he said : " The probabilities that we may fall in the struggle ought not to deter us from the support of a cause which we deem just. It shall not deter me. If ever I feel the soul within me elevate and expand to those dimensions not wholly unworthy of its Almighty Architect, it is when I contemplate the cause of my 74 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. country, deserted by all the world beside, and I, stand ing up boldly and alone, hurling defiance at her vic torious oppressors. And here, without contemplat ing the consequences, before high Heaven and in the face of the whole world, I swear eternal fidelity to the just cause, as I deem it, of the land of my life, my liberty and my love." When the fulfilment of this oath was called for, and the suffering country he loved so well stretched out her hands to him in her dire extremity, he hesi tated not, but redeemed to the uttermost the solemn pledge he had given this night as if in anticipation of the event. CHAPTER VI. ALTHOUGH he was deeply interested in politics and gave up much of his time to side issues, Lincoln did not forget that it was by the practice of law that he was to make his living and, in his plodding and patient way, was slowly making a reputation. He never excelled in his knowledge of the law, unlike his partner, Judge Logan, who was ranked as the best- equipped nisi prins lawyer in the West. Nor did he apply himself to a single branch of the law, so as to become a recognized authority. He had, by persistent study, gained a sufficient knowledge of common and statute law to enable him to practice successfully in the circuit courts, and his quickness to take advantage of any flaw in the evi dence or to turn a point upon his adversary fully compensated for any lack of legal culture which he might have manifested. As an example of this an interesting story is related of his defense of the son of an old friend, who was accused, of murder. The incident was so striking and dramatic that it has been made the basis of a popu lar novel. 1 The murder was committed one Sunday evening at a camp-meeting. The victim was a young man against whom the accused had been heard to make violent threats. The principal witness was a disreputable man, who swore that he had heard the " The Graysons," by Edward Eggleston. (75) j6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. accused threaten to take the life of the victim, and that, on the night of the murder, he saw the deed performed from a thicket in which he had concealed himself. The chain of evidence seemed to be com pletely forged and public sentiment was strongly against the accused. To the surprise of all, Lincoln sat calmly in his seat during the trial, asked but few questions and produced no witnesses, except one or two to prove the previous good character of the young man. When it came his turn to address the jury he reviewed briefly the case and called to mind the fact that the leading witness had sworn that he had seen the foul deed performed by the light of the full moon. Producing an almanac he showed the jury that there had been no moon that night ; and then pointing his long finger at him, he accused the witness of the murder. He completed his speech with a most eloquent appeal to the jury to restore the young man to his widowed mother, and pictured so fervently the desolation of the home, deprived of the only son, that there was not a dry eye in the audience. It is needless to say that the jury returned a verdict of " not guilty," without leaving their seats. In those days lawyers were compelled to go from place to place to attend court, making the rounds of the circuit with the Judge. The cases were generally free from legal technicalities and required but little preparation. The fees were not large and were often in kind, so that it was not a difficult matter for even a poor lawyer to secure a horse. The lawyers gener ally traveled in congenial groups, and enlivened the monotonous journey with stories and anecdotes, or heated political discussions. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77 Lincoln was always a favorite traveling-compan ion and made an extensive circle of friends. For a young man, ambitious for political preferment, no mode of life could have been more favorable. Peo ple from the surrounding country flocked to the court-house during the session to listen to the speeches, and they made an appreciative audi ence, quick to recognize ability. They knew all the lawyers by name, frequently being person ally acquainted with them, and freely discussed their relative merits. Indeed, the court-session and the doings of the lawyers formed the topic of general conversation in the intervals, and the favorites were always cordially greeted. It is needless to say that Lincoln made many firm friends during this peripatetic life. His open and frank demeanor, his good memory, which enabled him to remember the names of even casual acquaint ances, his helpful disposition, and his geniality and good humor, all united to make him preferred above the most of his associates. The popularity thus acquired added to his political speeches and work soon caused him to be recognized as one of the Whig leaders in the State, and as such he gained no little prominence. There is always a tendency on the part of posterity to idealize great heroes and to see nothing but the good and great things in their lives. This hero- worship has always been specially directed towards, Lincoln. During the last four years of his life he occupied so lofty an eminence, and performed such signal services for humanity, as to be ranked in the short list of her greatest heroes. Using this period 78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. as a starting point, men paint the halo of perfection about his whole life. As the wise men followed the star from the East to the stable at Bethlehem, so it is a common tendency to picture Lincoln passing through the minute details of his life with the star of his destiny ever in sight and pointing him out, from early boyhood, as the man upon whom the fate of the nation should depend. This state of things was far from true. While he undoubtedly gave promise of a brilliant future, the great pre-eminence which he was to attain was but little more than hinted at. There were many more noted and learned lawyers, even in his own circuit. As an orator he had many peers, a few superiors. As a statesman he had had but little opportunity to show his mettle, but his efforts in that direction had been largely attended with failure and seemed indicative of political short-sightedness, if not of actual incapac ity. Had it not been for his captivating manners and the vast fund of story and anecdote, with which he illustrated and pointed his thoughts in conversation and public addresses, he would have attracted hardly more than passing attention. That he had the ele ments of true greatness in youth no one can deny, but they required much training before he was fitted to occupy an exalted position in the world. Many interesting stories are related of his sayings and doings while "riding circuit," that will be recog nized as thoroughly characteristic of the man. Two farmers, having a misunderstanding about a horse trade, went to law. By mutual consent Mr. Lincoln and his partner took the opposite sides. On the day of the trial Mr. Logan, having bought a new ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79 shirt, open in the back with a huge standing collar, dressed himself in extreme haste and put on the shirt with the bosom at the back, a li-nen coat concealing the blunder. He dazed the jury with his knowledge of " horse-points," and, as the day was sultry, took off his coat and summed up in his shirt-sleeves. Lincoln, sitting behind him, took in the situation, and when his turn came remarked to the jury: " Gentleman, Mr. Logan has been trying for over an hour to make you believe he knows more about a horse than these honest old farmers who are wit nesses. He has quoted largely from his ' horse doc tor,' and now, gentlemen, I submit to you (here he lifted Logan out of his chair, and turned him with his back to the jury and the crowd, at the same time turning up the enormous standing collar) what de pendence can you place in his horse knowledge, when he has not sense enough to put on his shirt." The roars of laughter that greeted this exhibition and the verdict that Lincoln got soon after gave Logan a permanent prejudice against "bosom shirts." Mr. Lincoln never made his profession lucrative to himself. It was very difficult for him to charge any one a heavy fee, and still more difficult for him to charge his friends anything at all for professional services. To a poor client he was quite as apt to give money as to take it from him. He never encouraged the spirit of litigation. One of his old clients says that he went to Mr. Lincoln with a case to prosecute, and that Mr. Lincoln refused to have anything to do with it, because he was not strictly in the right. " You can give the other party a great deal of trouble," said 80 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the lawyer, " and perhaps beat him, but you had better let the suit alone." About the time Mr. Lincoln came to be known as a successful lawyer, he was waited upon by a lady who held a real-estate claim which she desired to have him prosecute, putting into his hands, with the necessary papers, a check for two hundred and fifty dollars, as a retaining fee. Mr. Lincoln said he would look the case over, and asked her to call again the next day. Upon presenting herself, Mr. Lincoln told her that he had gone through the papers very care fully, and he must tell her frankly that there was not a " peg "to hang her claim upon, and he could not conscientiously advise her to bring an action. The lady was satisfied, and, thanking him, rose to go. " Wait," said Mr. Lincoln, fumbling in his vest pocket, " here is the check you left with me." " But, Mr. Lincoln," returned the lady, " I think you have earned that." " No, no," he responded, handing it back to her; i that would not be right. I can't take pay for doing my duty." At one time he and a certain judge were banter ing one another about trading horses, and it was agreed that the next morning, at nine o'clock, they should make a trade, the horses to be unseen up to that hour, and there was to be no backing out under penalty of twenty-five dollars. At the hour appointed the judge came up, leading the sorriest-looking specimen of a horse ever seen in those parts. In a few minutes Mr. Lincoln was seen approaching with a wooden saw-horse upon his shoul ders. Great were the shouts and the laughter of the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 8 1 crowd, and both were greatly increased, when Mr. Lincoln, on surveying the Judge's animal, set down his saw-horse, and exclaimed : "Well, Judge, this is the first time I ever got the worst of it in a horse-trade." It is said that Lincoln was always ready to join in a laugh at his own expense. He used to tell the fol lowing story with great glee: " In the days when I used to be on the circuit," said he, " I was accosted on the cars by a stranger, who said : " ' Excuse me, sir, but I have an article in my pos session which belongs to you/ "'How is that?' I asked, considerably aston ished. " The stranger took a jack-knife from his pocket. ' This knife/ said he, ' was placed in my hands some years ago, with the injunction that I was to keep it until I found a man uglier than myself. I have car ried it from that time to this. Allow me now to say, sir, that I think you are fairly entitled to the prop erty/" Attorney-General Bates was once remonstrating with the President against the appointment to a judi cial position of considerable importance of a Western man who, though upon the bench, possessed an indif ferent reputation as a lawyer. "Well now, Judge," returned Mr. Lincoln, "I think you are rather too hard upon Smith. Besides that, I must tell you, he did me a good turn long ago. When I took to the law, I was walking to court one morn ing with some ten or twelve miles of bad road before me, when Smith overtook me in his wagon. 82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " ' Hullo, Lincoln !' said he; 'going to the court house ? Come in, and I will give you a seat/ "Well, I got in, and Smith went on reading his papers. Presently, the wagon struck a stump on one side of the road, then it hopped off to the other. I looked out, and the driver was jerking from side to side in his seat; so I said, ( Judge, I think your coach man has been taking a drop too much this morning.' " ' Well, I declare, Lincoln,' said he, < I should not much wonder if you are right, for he has nearly upset me half a dozen times since starting/ So, putting his head out of the window, he shouted, 'Why, you infer nal scoundrel, you are drunk. ' "Upon which, pulling up his horses, and turning around with great gravity, the coachman said: i Be dad! but that's the first rightful decision your honor has given for the last twelve months I" An amusing incident occurred in connection with riding the circuit, which gives a deep glimpse into the good lawyer's heart. He was riding by a deep slough, in which, to his exceeding pain, he saw a pig struggling, and with such faint efforts that it was evident that he could not extricate himself from the mud. Mr. Lincoln looked at the pig and the mud which enveloped him, and then looked at some new clothes with which he had but a short time before arrayed himself. Deciding against the claims of the pig, he rode on, but he could not get rid of the vision of the poor brute ; and, at last, after riding two miles, he turned back determined to rescue the animal, even at the expense of his new clothes. Arrived at the spot, he tied his horse, and with considerable difficulty succeeded in rescuing the pig from its predicament. Washing his hands in the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 83 nearst brook, he remounted his horse and rode on. He then fell to examining the motive that sent him back to release the pig. At first thought, it seemed pure benevolence, but at length he came to the conclu sion that it was selfishness, for he certainly went to the pig's relief in order to "take a pain out of his own mind." To a client who had carefully stated his case, to which Mr. Lincoln had listened with the closest attention, he said: " Yes, there is no reasonable doubt that I can gain your case for you. I can set a whole neighborhood at loggerheads, I can distress a widowed mother and her six fatherless children and thereby get for you $600, which rightfully belongs; it appears to me, as much to the woman and her children as to you. You must remember that some things which are legally right are not morally right. I shall not take your case, but will give you a little advice, for which I will charge you nothing. You seem to be a sprightly, energetic man. I would advise you to try your hand at making $600 some other way." 1 Soon after he entered upon his profession at Spring field, he was engaged in a criminal case, in which there seemed to be little chance of success. By dint of hard work he succeeded in gaining the case and received for his services five hundred dollars. A legal friend, calling upon him next morning, found him sit ting before a table upon which his money was spread. " Look here, Judge," said he, " see what a heap of money I've got from the case. Did you ever see Browne's " Life of Lincoln." 84 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. anything like it? Why, I never had so much money in my life before, put it all together." Then crossing his arms across the table, his manner sobering down, he added, " I have got five hundred dollars; if it were only seven hundred and fifty dollars, I would go directly and purchase a quarter-section of land, and settle it upon my old stepmother." His friend said, if the deficiency was all he needed, he would loan him the amount, taking his note, to which Mr. Lincoln instantly acceded. His friend than said : " Lincoln, I would not do just what you have indicated. Your stepmother is getting old, and will not probably live many years. I would settle that property upon her for her use during her lifetime to revert to you upon her death." With much feeling Lincoln replied: "I shall do no such thing. It is a poor return, at the best, for all the good woman's devotion and fidelity to me, and there is not going to be any half-way business about it ;" and so saying, he gathered up his money and proceeded to carry into execution his long-cherished plan. CHAPTER VII. LINCOLN was again elected to the Legislature in, 1838, and served his term with acceptance. In 1840 he did not seek a re-election, as his business needed his close attention. His partner, Major Stuart, had been elected to Congress, and for three or four years he had attended to all the business of the firm, ren dering a scrupulous account of every transaction to his partner. In 1841 the partnership was dissolved, and he entered the office of Judge Logan as junior partner. For the first time he was associated with a man of thorough scholarship and his influence was just that of which Lincoln stood most in need. He was thus led to closer study and to take a deeper and broader view of the duties and responsibilities of his profession. In 1840 he had acquired sufficient political celeb rity to be nominated for elector on the Whig ticket, and he spent much time speaking in its interests dur ing the campaign in various parts of the State and in Indiana. This campaign, known as the " log-cabin and hard cider" campaign was the most unique one ever carried on in the country. General Harrison had been nominated by the Whigs, which party had been disastrously defeated in the last two Presidential campaigns. After his nomination the Democratic orators made slighting allusions to his obscure origin (85) 86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. and his supposed taste for hard cider. These were seized upon as the rallying cry of the campaign, and log-cabins sprang up, as if by the stroke of a magician s wand, in every part of the country. Many of these cabins were mounted on wheels, and drawn from one place to another, amid demonstrations of the wildest enthusiasm, in a sort of rude triumphal procession. The by-word and reproach of the enemy became the slogan of victory, and the tide set strongly in favor of the Whigs. The financial measures of Van Buren's administra tion had been of such a character, as to weaken, for a time, the confidence of the people in the Democratic policy and leaders, and Harrison was elected by a large majority, only to die within one month of his inauguration. Lincoln shared in the prevailing enthusiasm and contributed in no small degree to the vast increase in the Whig vote in Illinois. His peculiar ability in argument and discussion was often called into play, and several times he was pitted against Douglas, who was destined to be, in the future, his opponent in the great debates that attracted the attention of the Eng lish-speaking race. The discussions were more in the character of rough-and-tumble contests than of con flicts between trained gladiators, and Lincoln gen erally carried off the palm. His political work was performed at the expense of his legal practice, how ever, and at the end of the campaign he found him self richer in political influence, but with a financial loss which he could ill afford. It was shortly after the close of the "Log-Cabin" campaign that he met Mary Todd, who was destined ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 to exercise so great an influence over his after-life. She had recently come to Springfield from Kentucky, her former home, to live with her sister, the wife of Ninian W. Edwards, a prominent politician and lawyer, and who subsequently became Governor of the State. She was descended from one of the old Kentucky families of high respectability and aristocratic con nections. In appearance she was beautiful and attractive, of high culture and exceedingly bright in conversation. She joined to these agreeable attri butes a high temper and a great ambition. She was once heard to say that the man she should marry would become President. Lincoln became infatuated with her wit and beauty, and began to pay his addresses to her. Douglas, his political rival, also entered the list and strove for the favor of the young stranger. Personally Lincoln could bear no com parison with Douglas, yet Miss Todd finally chose him, for what reason it would be difficult to tell, since she is said to have preferred Douglas. Lincoln was accustomed to call upon her at the house of her sister, where he would sit for hours and listen to her brilliant conversation, as if under some magic spell. The contrast between the two could hardly have been greater, both physically and men tally. In one thing only were they in entire harmony, and that was ambition. General Singleton, who was a young lawyer in Springfield at this time, tells the following story : "The bevy of bright young ladies, to which Miss Todd belonged before her marriage to Mr. Lincoln, used to have a good deal of sport at this awkward young man's expense. One evening, at a little party, Mr. 88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Lincoln approached Miss Todd and said, in his peculiar idiom : " Miss Todd, I should like to dance with you the worst way." The young lady accepted the inevitable, and hobbled around the room with him. When Miss Todd had returned to her seat, one of her mischievous companions said : " Well, Mary, did he dance with you in the worst way ? " " Yes," she answered, " the very worst." His courtship was distinguished with the some what novel incident of a challenge to fight a duel. ' At this time there was living in Springfield, James Shields, a gallant, hot-headed bachelor, from Tyrone County, Ireland. Like most of his countrymen, he was an ardent Democrat, and he was also a great beau in society. Miss Todd, full of spirit, very gay and a little wild and mischievous, published in the Sangamon Journal, under the name of " Aunt Rebecca of the Lost Townships," some amusing satirical papers ridiculing the susceptible and sensi tive Irishman. Indeed, Shields was so sensitive he could not bear ridicule, and would much rather die than be laughed at. On seeing the papers, he went at once to Francis, the editor, and furiously demanded the name of the author declaring that, unless the name of the writer was given, he would hold the editor personally responsible. Francis was a large, broad man, and Shields was very thin and slim, and the editor realized that, with his great bulk, it would be 1 Arnold's " Life of Lincoln." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 very unsafe for him to stand in front of Shields' pistol. He was a warm, personal and political friend of Lincoln, and, knowing the relations between him and Miss Todd, in this dilemma he disclosed the facts to Lincoln, and asked his advice and counsel. He was not willing to expose the lady's name, and yet was extremely reluctant himself to meet the fiery Irishman in the field. Lincoln at once told Francis to tell Shields to regard him as the author. The Tazewell Circuit Court, at which he had several cases of importance to try, being in session, Lincoln departed for Tremont, the county-seat. As soon as Francis had notified Shields that Lincoln was the author of the papers, he and his second, General Whitesides, started in hot pursuit of Lincoln. Hear ing this, Dr. Merryman and Lincoln's old friend, Butler, started also for Tremont, " to prevent," as Merryman said, " any advantage being taken of Lin coln, either as to his honor or his life." They passed the belligerent Shields and Whitesides in the night, and arrived at Tremont in advance. They told Lincoln what was coming, and he replied, that he was altogether opposed to duelling, and would do any thing to avoid it that would not degrade him in the estimation of himself and of his friends, but if a fight were the only alternative of such degradation, he would fight. In the mean while, the young lady having heard of the demand that Shields had made, wrote another let ter in which she said : " I hear the way of these fire-eaters is to give the challenged party the choice of weapons, which, being the case, I'll tell you in confidence that I never fight 90 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. with anything but broomsticks, or hot water, or a shovelful of coals, the former of which, being some thing like a shillalah, may not be objectionable to him." While this badinage was going on, Shields had challenged Lincoln, and the challenge had been accepted. The weapons decided on were cavalry broadswords of the largest size, and a place of meet ing was selected on the west bank of the Mississippi, within three miles of Alton. The principals, and their seconds and surgeons, started for the place of meeting. As they approached the river, they were joined by Colonel Harding and others, who sought to brirg about a reconciliation. Hostilities were sus pended. Shields was induced to withdraw the chal lenge and satisfactory explanations were made. Lin coln declared that the obnoxious articles were written solely for political effect, and with no intention of injuring the personal or private character of Shields, and so the parties returned reconciled. With very heavy broadswords under the conditions of this meet ing, Shields, who was a comparatively weak man, could not have injured Lincoln, and Lincoln would not have injured Shields. If the meeting had taken place, however, nothing but a tragedy could have pre vented its being a farce." The date of the wedding was set, and the invited guests were present. The bride had arrayed herself in her bridal robes, but Lincoln failed to appear. The bride and the marriage-feast but no bride groom. After waiting some hours, the guests slowly took their departure, the bridal-robes were laid aside, and the brilliantly lighted house was soon in dark- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91 ness. As the time for the wedding had approached, Lincoln had been attacked with doubts as to his love for Miss Todd, and began to fear that he would com mit a great wrong if he married her, until he lapsed into one of his old fits of melancholy, which so closely resembled insanity. For weeks the burden of his misery seemed greater than he could bear, and his friends, fearing that he might be tempted to take his own life, stayed faithfully with him until his bosom- friend, Joshua F. Speed, invited him to spend a few months with him in his old home in Kentucky. Thither he went and spent some months of restful quiet. Speed's home was on a great estate a few miles from Louisville, and not far from Lincoln's earliest home. The peaceful surroundings and rest ful comforts were just what the overwrought young lawyer needed to restore his mental equilibrium. In a few months he returned to Springfield, and took up his work again. For some time he held no communication with Miss Todd, who, after she had recovered somewhat from the mortification resulting from his desertion, had broken the engagement. He felt great solicitude for her, and deplored deeply the injury he had done her. In some way, through the contrivance of a mutual friend, they were brought together again, the old relations were resumed, and the past was forgotten, at least forgiven. November 4, 1842, they were married in the pres ence of a large concourse of friends, and with the im pressive ceremonies of the Episcopal Church, a form that had never been used in Springfield before, and which attracted much attention. Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln went to live at a hotel, where 92 ABRAHAM LINCOLN; they remained for three or four years, paying four dollars a week for their accommodations. Mr. Lin coln then bought a small, but cheery and comfor table house of the Rev. Nathaniel Dresser, where they lived until they removed to Washington to occupy the White House. After the campaign of 1840, Mr. Lincoln had returned to his law practice, but the charm of politics had begun to exert its sway over him, and he became more and more desirous of political preferment. In 1842 he planned to secure the nomination for Con gress from the Springfield district, but was compelled to withdraw in favor of his friend, Edward D. Baker, who secured the support of the delegates from San- gamon County of whom Lincoln, contrary to his wish, was one. He remarked that his case was much like the young man who had a successful rival for ! the affections of a young lady in whom he was inter- j ested, and was afterwards invited to act as grooms- \^man at the wedding. At the convention, however, Mr. Baker lost the nomination, which was given to John J. Hardin, a strong and talented man, who represented the dis trict honorably for the next two years. In 1844 came the Presidential canvass, in which Henry Clay, the idol of the Whig party, was defeated, and James K. Polk was elected, almost as much to the surprise of the Democrats, as to the Whigs. Lincoln, being considered the Whig leader in Illi nois, was placed at the head of the electoral ticket, and again made an active canvass of Illinois and a part of Indiana. During the canvass he made a speech in Gentryville, which was near his former home. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93 While in the midst of his speech, an old friend, Nate Grigsby, entered the room. Lincoln recognized him on the instant, and, stopping short in his speech, cried out, " There's Nate." Without the slightest regard for the propriety of the occasion, he suspended his address totally, and, striding from the platform, began scrambling through the audience, and over the benches towards the modest Nate, who stood near the door. When he reached him, Lincoln shook his hand cordially, and, after felicitating himself sufficiently upon the happy meeting, he returned to the platform and finished his speech. There was scarcely a character in American history for whom Lincoln entertained a more enthusiastic ven eration, than for Henry Clay. This, no doubt, was due in part to the biography which he had so eagerly read in his childhood, since which time he had been a constant worshiper at the altar of the Southern sage. Hence he entered into the campaign with un usual vigor and enthusiasm, and his disappointment at the result was deep and bitter. Indeed, the defeat totally demoralized the Whig party for a time, and it hardly seemed probable that it would ever recover from the shock sufficiently to enter into the next cam paign. But the events of Folk's administration unexpectedly brought about a Democratic defeat, and General Taylor, the Whig candidate, was elected in 1848, more as a result of Democratic demoraliza tion than of Whig strength. Lincoln and his partner, Judge Logan, were both of them prominent Whigs, and to a considerable extent rivals for political preferment. Hence their relations to each other became somewhat strained. 94 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Logan believed that his claims should be preferred on account of his age and acknowledged ability. Lincoln based his claim upon his active services and great influence. As a result of their strained rela tions the partnership was dissolved, September 20, 1843, an d on the same day Lincoln entered into a part nership with William H. Herndon, a young lawyer and a relative of one of the Clary's Grove boys, who had always remained his warm friends. The firm was known under the name of " Lincoln & Herndon," and continued to exist until the senior member was removed by the assassin's bullet. In 1846 Lincoln received the long-coveted honor, and was elected to a seat in the Thirtieth Congress, being the only Whig representative from Illinois. In the nominating convention, Mr. Hardin sought a renomination, but finally withdrew in Lincoln's favor. His competitor, on the Democratic ticket, was the Rev. Peter Cartwright, the well-known and popular preacher. There was hardly a Methodist Congrega tion in Illinois to which he had not preached, and his name was a family word all over the State. By his eccentricity and eminent ability, which was coupled with a bluff good-humor and warm interest in the welfare, spritual and material, of those with whom he came in contact, he had gained a great influence in the community, and was undoubtedly the strongest candidate the Democrats could have selected. It was believed that aside from his political support he would receive the votes of the church people, irre spective of party affiliations. Lincoln was seldom seen inside of a church, and, though he had a deep reverence for true religion and ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 95 an abiding faith in God, the report was widely circu lated that he was, if not an atheist, at least out of sympathy with all things religious, and some of his public utterances, which were susceptible of such an interpretation, were cited against him. What his religious belief was at this time probably no one knows, and perhaps he had never formulated one. But he was a deep student of the Bible, and was far more familiar with it than with his law-books. Its principles wielded a lasting influence upon his life, and the latter part of his career proves that he was sustained by an unfaltering trust in God, and belief in the efficacy of prayer, else he could never have car ried his great burden without falling. The agencies arrayed against him in this struggle were powerful, but his personal popularity, and the confidence of the people in his ability and uncompro mising honesty triumphed, and he was elected by the largest majority probably ever given a Whig candi date in that district. In 1847 he took his seat in Congress, and from that time on became a notable figure in national politics. In this session of Congress he was associated with many men who were destined to figure prominently in national affairs in coming years. In the House were ex-President John Quincy Adams, whose long and honorable career was nearly ended, Alexander H. Stephens, the future Vice-President of the Confed eracy, Robert Toombsand Cobb. In the Senate, the great orator and statesman, Daniel Webster still lin gered with such men as Simon Cameron, John C. Calhoun, Lewis Cass and Jefferson Davis. In Congress Lincoln soon gained the reputation of 96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN being an able and effective speaker, and exhibited much shrewdness and political wisdom in his Con gressional relations. Whenever he addressed the House he secured and retained the attention of all, a fact indicative of more than common merit, when the usual procedure of the House is remembered. His first speech in Congress was upon an unimportant sub ject, and was made for the purpose of " getting the hang of the House," as he afterwards wrote to Mr. Herndon, remarking that he " found speaking here and elsewhere much the same." During his term the Mexican war was begun, and he was naturally arrayed with the opposition against the Administration. With the rest of his party he believed the war to be without just cause, and to be carried on entirely in the interests of the pro-slavery party, in order that more slave States might be added to the Union, and the preponderating influences of the Southern States be maintained. The slave power had long been aggressive and generally triumphant. For many years no Administration had dared oppose it, and it generally held the balance of power in the Councils of the Nation. The Southern people had long viewed with alarm the growth and development of the North-East, and the consequent increase in the number of free States. The Southern leaders saw their ascendency slowly but surely slipping from them, and to maintain it securely, they determined upon the annexation of the contig uous Mexican territory. And largely by their influ ence, assisted by political revolutions and entangle ments in Mexico, the war was brought about. After the declaration of war, the Whigs found them- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 97 selves in a dilemma, either horn of which was an embarrassing one. If they voted in favor of war measures, they violated their oft-expressed principles ; if they voted against them, they found themselves in the position of working against the Government, and liable to the charge of unpatriotic and treasonable conduct. Some of their representatives strove to avoid the issue by absenting themselves, when the war measures were put to vote, others sturdily main tained their political principles, and consistently opposed the administration, while others, and among them was Lincoln, although condemning the princi ple of the war, sustained the administration in all things wherein the honor and welfare of the country were concerned. The position which he took was one that com mended itself to the better sense of the people, but was quickly taken advantage of by his political ene mies to create a prejudice against him. In 1858, in one of the great debates, Judge Douglas spoke of Lincoln's having " distinguished himself in Congress by his opposition to the Mexican war, taking the side of the common enemy against his country." In reply, Mr. Lincoln said : " The Judge charges me with having, while in Con gress, opposed our soldiers who were fighting in the Mexican war. I will tell you what he can prove by referring to the record. You remember, I was an old Whig ; and whenever the Democratic party tried to get me to vote that the war had been righteously begun by the President, I would not do it. But whenever they asked for any money or land-warrants, or anything to pay the soldiers, I gave the same vote 9 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. that Judge Douglas did. Such is the truth, and the Judge has the right to make all he can out of it." On July 27, 1848, he made a strong and effective speech on " The Presidency and General Politics." He spent considerable time in ridiculing General Cass, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. He showed vividly, and often humorously, the short comings and unwarranted pretensions of the General, and raised many a laugh at his expense. While it was an able effort, it was intended mainly for political effect, and seems to have been sadly out of place in the great council of the nation. During the session he introduced a bill for the gradual and compensated abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, but the state of public affairs at that time was so disturbed that the bill was not brought before the House for consideration. After the close of the session, and the inauguration of General Taylor, he became a candidate for the position of Commissioner of the General Land Office, and actively exerted himself to secure the honor. All the influence he could summom was brought to bear to obtain the coveted honor, and the President seemed, personally, to favor him ; but a Mr. Justin Butterfield, of Chicago, was finally appointed. While the appointment was still uncertain he went to Washing ton to urge his claims in person. His appearance was characteristic, but hardly prepossessing. He was six feet four inches in height, and when he stepped from the train, he was dressed in a suit of light sum mer clothing with an old linen duster on, neither well-fitting nor clean. His pants came only to his ankles, showing the woolen socks above his coarse ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 99 brogans. With his great length of limb and ill-fitting garments he was a noticeable object in the street, but there was something in his general mien, as well as in the expression of his face, notwithstanding the sad ness and gloom apparent there, that made him a marked man, and led those who saw him, to feel that he was of no ordinary mould. He was deeply disappointed and chagrined at his failure, and afterwards adverted to it, when, during his Presidential term, he was asked to give an appointment to the son of his successful rival. When the application was presented, the President paused and, after a moment's silence said : " Mr. Justin Butterfield once obtained an appoint ment I very much wanted, and in which my friends believed I could have been useful, and to which they thought I was fairly entitled ; and I hardly ever felt so bad at any failure in my life. But I am glad of an opportunity of doing a service to his son." And he gave an order for his commission. CHAPTER VIII. LINCOLN would unquestionably have been glad to return to Congress for another term, for the life and duties at Washington were far more attractive to him than his law business. For certain reasons he felt disinclined to seek the nomination, and, as his course in Washington had not been generally popular among his constituents, he failed to secure a renomination. Upon his return to Springfield, he applied himself closely to his law-practice, and from 1849 to 1859 was actively engaged in it. Though taking part in the polit ical movements of the day, with more or less interest, he held no important public office during that time. It was largely a period of preparation, during which he was finding out the ground upon which he stood, and his principles were becoming more fully developed and established. It was an important and interesting period, and one in which his intellectual and moral growth were plain. He was analyzing the political situation, and defining more clearly to himself its vital points. Many of his most eloquent speeches and finest sayings were uttered during this time, and much that is immortal in literature issued from his pen. During his Congressional term the affairs of- the firm had been conducted by the junior member, so that, when he returned, he found a flourishing busi ness ready to be taken up. He entered into his labor (100) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IOI with great earnestness, as if his profession afforded a pleasing change from the responsibilitesand frictions of a political life. It was during this time that he largely earned his legal reputation, which gradually extended beyond the borders of the State. Had he died in 1849, he would have been unknown to posterity. Had this event occurred in 1859, he would have occupied a position in the history of the State, second only to Douglas, perhaps surpassing even him. His character as a lawyer was in many respects unique. He would never undertake a case unless reasonably certain that the cause was a just one. And he was several times known to surrender a case in the midst of a trial when unexpectedly convinced that his client was in the wrong. 1 " At a term of court in Logan county, a man named Hoblet had brought suit against a man named Farmer. The suit had been appealed from a justice of the peace, and Lincoln knew nothing of it until he was retained by Hoblet to try the case in the Circuit Court. Judge Treat, afterwards on the United States bench, was the presiding judge at the trial. Lincoln's client went upon the witness-stand and testified to the account he had against the defendant, gave the amount due, after allowing all credits and set-offs, and swore positively that it had not been paid. The attorney for the defendant simply produced a receipt in full, signed by Hoblet prior to the beginning of the case. Hoblet had to admit the signing of the receipt, but told Lincoln he supposed the defendant had lost Browne. IO2 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. it. Lincoln at once arose and left the court-room. The judge told the parties to proceed with the case ; and Lincoln not appearing, he directed a bailiff to go to the hotel and call him. The bailiff ran across the street to the hotel, and found Lincoln sitting in the office with his feet on the stove, apparently in a deep study, when he interrupted him with : ' Mr. Lincoln, the Judge wants you.' * Oh, does he ? ' replied Mr. Lin coln. ' Well, you go back and tell the Judge 1 can not come. Tell him I have to wash my hands' The bailiff returned with the message, and Lincoln's client suffered a non-suit. It was Lincoln's way of saying that he wanted nothing more to do with such a case." He was entirely innocent of all the tricks, which so many lawyers use to influence judge or jury. In his conduct of a case he was always straightforward and honest, often conceding points which the opposition had difficulty in establishing, apparently against his own interest, but the vital points he always grasped with unerring precision and presented them so clearly and pointedly that he seldom failed to win his case. There were many of his associates who excelled him in knowledge of the details of the law, but few who could seize and apply a general principle so forcibly and appropriately. He practiced not only in the common courts, but also in the Supreme, District and Circuit courts, and had equal success in them all. When he had an im portant case, or one in which some great principle was involved, he was absolutely invincible, asking compar atively few questions but such as would elicit facts directly bearing upon the case in hand. When he ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 103 addressed the jury, his view of the testimony was so pointed and straightforward as to carry conviction. He sometimes became so eloquent in his address to the jury that he moved the whole audience, judge, jury and spectators, to tears. At such times he was exceedingly impressive. His tall figure, now drawn up to its full height, and then bent over until his hands nearly touched the floor, acquired an unusual dignity. His gestures were simple, but exceedingly striking, while he would give utterance to vivid descriptions, or paint the sufferings and adversities of his client in living colors. Though holding himself from active participation in political affairs, he never faltered in his interest, and ardently longed to reenter the arena, yet he patiently bided his time, and when the supreme opportunity came, he was ready and fitted to the utter most to take advantage of it. During the campaign of 1852, he made a few speeches for General Scott, the Whig candidate, but they were not marked by much display of ability. Douglas, in opening the campaign for the Democrats, at Baltimore, had made an exceedingly partisan speech, and one which contained many utterances upon slavery which were obnoxious to the people of Illinois. Lincoln was asked to reply to the state ments and arguments of Douglas, but for some rea son made one of the poorest and least effective speeches of his life, failing to make an impression upon his audience. Slavery had always been the great disturbing ele ment in American politics. More than any other issue, it had tended to divide the people on sectional 104 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. lines, and was always developing and fomenting hos tility between them. In colonial times it had secured a foothold, not because the colonists specially desired or needed it, but because it suited the interests of European slave- traders to encourage its growth in the New World. It was the survival of an Old World custom, which, in former times, had obtained in every civilized country. It was like a serpent charming its conscious victim only to destroy him. In every country property declined in exact ratio to the advance of slavery. The more extensively the system was developed, the weaker the country became, and more than one great power fell in utter ruin because the slave-power became predominant. As civilization advanced in Europe, slavery became more and more distasteful to the people, until the nefarious trade, which had been a mine of wealth, almost ceased. In order that a better market might be opened up, the institution was forced upon the American colonies and, England, who could not toler ate the blight on her own fair soil, even abetted its introduction into her colonies. For a time it lan guished and several petitions were handed into the Crown looking towards a prohibition of the traffic, but George III. received them in contemptuous silence, and did nothing to prevent or even to check it in any way. The peculiar conditions of climate and soil in the Southern States rendered slave labor both agreeable to the people and profitable. The climate was so hot as to discourage active effort on the part of the white man, but was adapted to call out the best energies of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 105 the warm-blooded African. The products, too, could be raised to advantage in large plantations, which would require the labor of hundreds of men to culti vate. As land was plenty, the population sparse, and the products in good demand, especially after the invention of the cotton-gin, made that material avail able for the manufacture of a cheap fabric, the landed proprietors gradually acquired great estates, requir ing hundreds of laborers to till them. Thus the system became firmly rooted, and seemed to be an absolute necessity to the indolent and aristo cratic Southerners. They had no difficulty in persuad ing themselves that slavery was morally and legally right, and were ready to defend it with their best efforts, and even with their lives, if necessary. What the fathers looked askance upon, the sons came to regard as a right, and succeeding generations as a fixed institution which it was treason to attack. It was but natural that each assault upon it should in trench them more firmly in their position, and widen the breach between them and their Northern neigh bors. They early learned that, when they were compelled to assume the defensive, they were at a disadvantage, hence they became aggressive and combative, in society as well as in the State and national councils, making their pet institution the dominant question, and were ready to do battle for it even when no one attacked. The political situation, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, had been so confused, and the grounds for dissension so numerous, that the inser tion of a clause forbidding slavery would have 106 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. insured its rejection. Yet the majority of its fram- ers were undoubtedly opposed to the institution and believed that the best welfare of the nation would be subserved by its abolition, to such an extent that they made it possible for the Government to prevent the importation of slaves, after twenty years had elapsed, by a special provision. Through the efforts of Henry Clay, during the administration of Monroe, Missouri was admitted to the Union as a slave State in 1821, but the extension of slavery in all territory west of the Mississippi river and north of the southern boundary of Missouri, lati tude 36, 30", was forever forbidden. This seemed to assure the development into free States of the vast territory of the North-west, and to seal the final doom of slavery. For, as the North-west should gradually be populated and organized into free States, the balance of power would pass from the slave to the free States, and the latter would have it in their power to crush the institution out of existence. But the South would not give up without a strug gle. Avast territory was acquired from Mexico, and the question of its organization came up in Congress in 1850 for settlement. The " irrepressible conflict" broke out afresh, and again the representatives of freedom and slavery were pitted against each other. The conflict resulted in a compromise, again estab lished through the efforts of Clay. California was to be admitted as a free State. Territorial governments were to be organized in New Mexico and Utah, and slavery was to be tacitly admitted. Texas' claim to nearly ninety square miles, north of the parallel of 36, 30 'was to be recognized, and slavery was to be ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IO7 extended into it. Ten millions of dollars were to be paid to Texas as compensation for the territory of New Mexico. The slave-trade was to be abolished in Washington, but a new fugitive-slave law, more stringent and inhuman than any before enacted, was placed upon the national statute books. Evidently the South would not rest content with this success, and both sides began to prepare for the more deadly conflict which was to ensue. The Thirty-third Congress assembled December 5, 1853. One of the Senators from Illinois was Stephen Arnold Douglas, whose name was destined to become a noted one in American history. He was a native of Vermont, but had emigrated to Illinois in 1833, at the age of twenty, feeble, friendless and almost penniless, seeking bread and a career in the great West. The history of his subsequent life reveals a marvel ous career. Success greeted his every effort, and glory and renown came at his bidding. At the age of twenty-one he was admitted to the bar, where he made such rapid progress that only one year later he stood at the head of his profession in his district. At the age of twenty-three he was a member of the State Legislature ; at twenty-seven he was appointed Secretary of State in Illinois ; at twenty-eight, Judge of the Supreme Court. At thirty he was a Member of Congress, and at thirty-two United States Senator, and recognized as the leader of the great Democratic party. At forty-three he was a candidate for the nom ination to the Presidency, and was nominated at forty-six, but was defeated by an irreconcilable division in his party. In his forty-eighth year he 108 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. died in the prime of life, yet with a well-rounded career behind him. His life is inseparably connected with that of Lin coln. They were both admitted to the bar in the same year, and often practiced in the same courts. They served in the Legislature together, and were afterwards rivals for the hand of the same lady. Senatorial honors were contested for between them in one of the most brilliant State campaigns ever carried on. And finally they became rival candidates for the Presidency, and both died prematurely at apparently the very culminating point of their careers, and for each the country mourned irrespective of party. In all things they were consistently opposed to each other, yet each entertained a profound respect and admiration for the other, if not a feeling of genuine friendship. The contrast between the two was in every way most striking, with all the advantage, to a superficial observer, on the side of Douglas. Lincoln expressed one phase of this contrast very forcibly in a speech at Springfield, July, 17, 1858, during the Senatorial canvass : "There is still another disadvantage," -said he, " under which we (the Republicans) labor. It arises out of the relative positions of the two persons who stand before the State as candidates for the Senate. Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the anxious politicians of his party, or who have been of his party for years past, have been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to be President of the United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshalships ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 109 and cabinet appointments bursting and sprouting out in a wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their greedy hands. " On the contrary, nobody has ever expected me to be President. In my poor, lean, lank face nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out." In this session of Congress Douglas introduced a bill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, which became the absorbing topic of thought and conversation all over the land, the one issue which overshadowed all others. The Kansas-Nebraska bill, as it was called, contem plated the organization of these Territories into States, without insisting upon the prohibition of slavery, which the Missouri compromise had estab lished. Indeed, it was a virtual nullification of that compromise. The measure took the country by sur prise. It had not been demanded by the South, nor expected by the North, but each entered heart and soul into the controversy. Douglas was untiring in his efforts to procure the passage of the bill, and was seconded by others, who, if inferior to him in ability, were equal in enthusiasm, and the bill finally passed the Senate by a small majority, despite the efforts of those grand apostles of freedom, Sumner, Chase and Seward, who were arrayed against it. The struggle in the House was prolonged, but the bill was finally successful, and became a law. Thus at a single blow the whole statutory opposition to the spread of slavery was swept away, and there was nothing to hinder the introduction of the institution into any territory over which the American flag floated. Especially since, 110 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. in the Dred Scott case, the Supreme Court had decided slavery to be constitutional. For the moment the slave-power seemed to be absolutely triumphant, but its very success was a potent element in its overthrow. As a result of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, " squatter- sovereignty " was proclaimed in the disputed terri tory. This term, which was widely used, contained the essence of the new policy promulgated by Douglas as the central principle of his party. It was in effect that each State was sovereign, within its own limits, and had the power to adopt or exclude slavery as it desired. Hence each State was to decide upon its status, in regard to the institution, by ballot. The new doctrine was tersely summed up by Lincoln in a speech at Springfield as follows: " That if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object." The argument used by Douglas was incorporated in the bill in the following language: " It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." The subsequent agitation in Kansas, resulting in bloodshed and mob-violence, and the final admission of the Territories as free States, are familiar to every school-boy, and need not to be repeated here. Lincoln viewed the proceedings with deep interest and no little apprehension. Although he deprecated the necessity of agitation, he saw clearly that the whole question had come to a square issue, and that ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ill it must be firmly met, and he felt that the time for action had come. Many enthusiastic Abolitionists were starting for Kansas, and he was invited to make one of an armed band to go there and fight for free dom, but he refused to go, and earnestly counselled them to abstain from all violence, and to obey the laws of the country, showing that it was better to bear oppression from rulers than to enter into a rebellion against -the government. The passage of the bill proved the death-knell of the Whig party, indeed it introduced the utmost con fusion into political councils on every side, and for a time it was impossible to analyze the situation. Many Democrats were dissatisfied with the policy of the party, and joined with the Whigs, Abolitionists, Free- soilers and miscellaneous elements to form a new party, which was in the future to be known as the Republican party. Lincoln, without hesitation, joined his fortunes with the new movement, and became its recognized leader in Illinois. This party, which was soon to become the dominant power in American politics, numbered many strong and influential men in its ranks, and, although of conflicting political opinions previously, they now united upon the single issue of hostility to the extension of slavery and its prohibi tion in all Territories. A convention of all those who were in sympathy with these principles was called to meet in Blooming- ton, May 29, 1856, and the Republican party was for mally organized in the State. A national convention was called to meet in Philadelphia in June, which nominated a national ticket, at the head of which 112 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was placed the illustrious name of John C. Fremont. Lincoln's prominence in political circles was so great that he received one hundred and ten votes for the position of Vice-President. The party became wholly committed to the opposition to the spread of slavery, and, for the first time in the history of the country, the slave-holders found themselves squarely opposed by a great and compactly organized political party. The fact that the working forces of the new party must be drawn necessarily from the free States, and that the opposition must come mainly from the slave States, not only increased sectional antagonism, but led to a disruption of the Democratic party, each section following radical or conservative leaders. Although this division did not take place in the cam paign of '56, it so weakened the Democratic party in the next presidential campaign that the election of a Republican President followed. The campaign of '56 was one of the most animated and closely contested political campaigns since the formation of the government up to that time. How ever, the time was not ripe. Indiana and Pennsyl vania, two doubtful States, were carried by the Demo crats by narrow majorities, and Buchanan was elected. Lincoln, up to this time, had not been out spoken in regard to slavery. He had always looked upon it with horror and detestation. The horrors of the slave-mart, the barbarous cruelty of plantation life in many of its phases, and the utter disregard of human rights, shown on every side, had been inex pressibly shocking to him, yet he had never taken a prominent stand against it, and had looked with sus picion upon the Abolitionists and their bold efforts to ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 113 overthrow it. He stated clearly and tersely his atti tude upon the subject in a speech in reply to one of Judge Douglas in Chicago, July 10, 1858, as follows : " I have always hated slavery, I think, as much as any Abolitionist I have been an old-line Whig I have always hated it, but I have always been quiet about it until this new era of the introduction of the Nebraska bill began. I have always believed that everybody was against it, and that it was in the course of ultimate extinction. The great mass of the nation have rested in the ultimate belief that slavery was in the course of extinction." If he had held his peace hitherto, on the great topic, he was to do so no more. From this time on no heart was more earnest nor tongue more eloquent in behalf of the down-trodden millions than his. With him it was an ever-present evil, be coming more and more appalling as time went on, and more and more did he become impressed with the magnitude and imminence of the struggle, and the stupendous catastrophe threatened by it. He was always ready to assist fugitive slaves, and more than once put himself to great inconvenience and some personal danger by reason of his sympathy for the suffering slave fleeing from bondage. One afternoon an old negro woman came into his office, and told the story of her trouble. It appears that she and her offspring were born slaves in Ken tucky, and that her owner had brought the whole family into Illinois, and given them their freedom. Her son had gone down the Mississippi as a waiter or deck-hand on a steamboat. Arriving at New Or leans, he had imprudently gone ashore, and had been 114 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. snatched up by the police, in accordance with the law then in force concerning free negroes from other States, and thrown into confinement. Subsequently he was brought out and tried. Of course, he was fined, and, the boat having left, he was sold, or was in immediate danger of being sold, to pay his fine and expenses. Mr. Lincoln was very much moved, and requested Mr. Herndon to go over to the State House and inquire of Governor Bissell, if there was not something he could do to obtain possession of the negro. Mr. Herndon made the inquiry, and returned with the report that the Governor regretted to say that he had no legal or constitutional right to do anything in the premises. Mr. Lincoln rose to his feet in great excitement, and exclaimed : " By the Almighty, I'll have that negro back soon, or I'll have a twenty years' agitation in Illinois, until the Gover nor does have a legal and constitutional right to do something in the premises." He was saved from the latter alternative at least in the direct form which he proposed. The lawyers sent money to a New Or leans correspondent money of their own who pro cured the negro, and returned him to his mother. In 1854 Lincoln was nominated for the State Legislature, but refused to accept the proffered honor. His name, however, was presented to the people, and he was elected. But, feeling that he had earned a higher honor than this, he refused to take his seat. One of the duties of this session was to elect a United States Senator to succeed General Shields, the col league of Douglas. Lincoln ardently desired the position, and once, in speaking of it, said that he had rather have one full term in the Senate than the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 115 Presidency. His prospects seemed good to secure the coveted honor, but, through certain unexpected complications, his election became doubtful, and he magnanimously withdrew his name in favor of Judge Trumbull, who was immediately elected. When con sulted in the dilemma, he said: "You ought to drop me and go for Judge Trumbull, that is the only way you can defeat Mathison (the Democratic candi date)." Judge Logan came up and insisted on mak ing one more effort to secure Lincoln's election ; but the latter said: " If you do, you will lose both Trum bull and myself, and I think the cause in this case is to be preferred to men." This was certainly a rare instance of political self-sacrifice. CHAPTER IX AT the Bloomington Convention Mr. Lincoln was called upon to make a speech. It proved to be the inauguration speech of the new party in Illinois, and in it he advanced to higher political ground than he had ever done before. He seemed like one inspired as he gave utterance to the grandest political truths, and made close application of them to the condition of the country. One of the delegates says : " Never was an audi ence more completely electrified by human elo quence. Again and again, during this speech, the audience sprang to their feet, and by long continued cheers expressed how deeply the speaker had affected them." Herndon characterizes this speech as the grand effort of his life. The movement, thus enthusiastically inaugurated, gathered strength rapidly, and the young, but vigor ous party soon became a recognized power in the State. Lincoln had been one of the ruling spirits of the old Whig party, and he now became the recog nized leader of the Republican party, its great defender in the furious onslaughts made upon it, and its champion in the aggressive fight it was about to make upon the old parties. In the following national campaign, the first in which the Republican party had figured, his services (,16) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 117 were in great demand. Earnest requests to speak upon the principles of the party came to him from every district in Illinois, from Indiana, Ohio, Iowa and Wisconsin, and so far as possible he accepted the invitations. At one of the meetings, which he was addressing, an old Democrat arose from his seat and strode away, driving his cane viciously into the ground at every step, exclaiming : " He's a dangerous man, a dangerous man ! He makes you believe what he says in spite of yourself." The Republicans generally believed that Fremont would be elected, but Lincoln did not share in this confidence. He was too clear-sighted, and realized too fully the strength of the opposition, to be thus deceived by a false hope. During the campaign he said to Mr. Noah Brooks, a Chicago Journalist : " Don't be discouraged if we don't carry the day this year. We can't do it, that's certain, but we shall sooner or later elect our President. I feel confident of that." The event proved the truth of his forecast. Although the new party made a gallant fight, its ticket was defeated, and Buchanan was elected Pres ident. The closeness of the contest so alarmed the slave-holders that they began, even then, to perfect their plans for a revolution in the event of a Republi can victory at the next national election. In this they were materially aided by the weakness of the President who, though no doubt desirous of main taining the Union intact and upholding the Constitu tion, yet found himself powerless in the hands of the slave element. Il8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Lincoln, since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, had become recognized as the champion of the anti-slavery element in Illinois. Even before the for mation of the new party, he had ably and persistently opposed the measure as ill-advised and revolutionary. His opinions were always freely expressed on the subject both publicly and privately, and were well sustained by logical argument. When Douglas returned from Washington, after the passage of the bill, he found himself, more than once, compelled to defend his policy to his constituents, who were generally indignant at his course. Nor was he lacking in the ability to do this. Fresh from the Halls of Congress, where he had carried the bill by his fiery eloquence and power of logical reason ing, in the face of an opposition led by such masters of debate as Sumner, Chase and Seward, flushed with victory, and more than ever confident of his ability to overcome opposition, he appeared before great audi ences in Illinois eager to hear his vindication from his own lips. Soon after his return to Chicago, the State Fair opened in Springfield, and he was invited to address the assembled crowds upon the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. His task was a difficult one, for the majority of the audience were hostile to the measure. Incited by the adverse sentiment, he made a masterly address. He gave an historical review of the whole situation, and presented, in their most plausible form, the arguments by which he had won his victory in the Senate. Lincoln was present and listened intently, and, at the close of the address, it was announced that he ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 119 would speak in opposition to the measure on the fol lowing day. A large audience assembled in the State House to hear him. He spoke three hours, and most effectively answered the arguments brought forward on the pre vious day. The great audience was deeply affected, and gave close attention. Never before had he dis played so much feeling in public. At times his voice quivered and the tears filled his eyes, while loud and continued applause attested that his arguments struck home. Douglas went from Springfield to Peoria, where he again made a lengthy address, explaining and defend ing his course in Congress. He was followed and again answered by the indefatigable Lincoln, who sought to prove the fallacy of Mr. Douglas's position from an historical, political and moral standpoint. One by one he took the arguments of his opponent, and demonstrated their weakness. The following ex- tractwill conveysomeideaof hisconvincingeloquence. " Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's na ture; opposition to it, in his love of justice. These prin ciples are in eternal antagonism, and when brought into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings them, shocks, throes and convulsions must ceaselessly follow. Repeal the Missouri Compromise ; repeal all compromises; repeal the Declaration of Independence; repeal all past history you still cannot repeal human nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart, that slavery extension is wrong ; and, out of the abun dance of his heart, his mouth will continue to speak. . . . Thus we see the plain, unmistakable spirit of that early age towards slavery, was hostility to the princi- 120 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. pie, and toleration only by necessity. But now it is to be transformed into a * sacred right.' Nebraska brings it forth, places it on the high road to extension and perpetuity, and with a pat on its back says to it, ' Go and God speed you.' Henceforth, it is to be the chief jewel of the nation, the very figure-head of the ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's march to the grave, we have been giving the old for the new faith. Nearly eighty years ago we began by declaring that all men are created equal ; but now from that beginning we have run down to that other declaration, * that for some men to enslave others is a sacred right of self-government.' ... In our greedy chase to make profit of the negro, let us beware lest we cancel and tear to pieces even the white man's charter of freedom. . . * Our Repub lican robe is soiled, trailed in the dust. Let us repu- rify it. Let us turn and wash it white, in the spirit, if not the blood, of the revolution. Let us turn slavery from its claims of ' moral right,' back upon its existing legal rights and its arguments of * necessity.' Let us return it to the position our fathers gave it, and then let it rest in peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with it the prac tices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North and South let all Americans let all lovers of liberty everywhere join in the great and good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, but we shall have so saved it as to make and to keep it forever worthy of the saving. We shall have so saved it that the succeeding millions of free and happy people, the world over, shall rise up and call us blessed to the latest generations." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 121 In the course of his speech at Peoria, Mr. Douglas had remarked that the Whigs were all dead. When Mr. Lincoln arose to speak, he said: " Fellow-citizens : My friend, Mr. Douglas, made the startling announcement to-day that the Whigs are all dead. If this be so, fellow-citizens, you will now experience the novelty of hearing a speech from a dead man, and I suppose you might properly say, in the language of the old hymn : " ' Hark ! From the tombs a doleful sound.' " Douglas felt that, perhaps for the first time in his life, he had been worsted in the field of debate, and upon his proposal it was agreed between them that neither should make any more speeches, or rather that, if Lincoln would let him alone, he would quit. April 21, 1858, the Democratic State Convention met at Springfield, and heartily indorsing the course of Senator Douglas, announced him as the candidate of the party for another Senatorial term. June 16 following, the Republican State Convention met at the same place and unanimously declared that : " Abraham Lincoln is our first and only choice for United States Senator, to fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Judge Douglas's term of office." This action had been foreseen, and Mr. Lincoln had prepared a speech accepting the honor. In this speech, he uttered more exalted sentiments and pro claimed higher political doctrines than any great party-leader had ever ventured to do before ; so high, indeed, that it alarmed his partisans and delighted his opponents, who believed that he had 122 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sounded the death-knell of his own political career as well as that of his party. Although he suffered defeat at this time, the sequel showed that he was possessed of more foresight than the party, and demonstrated the wisdom which had made him a party-leader as well as his fitness for that position. The opening paragraph of the speech which occa sioned much comment and criticism, was as follows : " Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : If we could first know where we are and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ' A house t divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this / Government cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis solved I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advo cates will push it forward, until it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South." This statement was afterwards greeted with a per fect storm of disapproval, and formed the subject of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 123 many a speech and political debate throughout the country. It was a startling proposition, and, from a superficial point of view, it seemed to be entirely un warranted by the facts. For almost three-quarters of a century the Government had endured, over a country half slave and half free ; nor had the coun try, during that time, ever been at a standstill. In material progress and the development of its vast do main, it was the marvel of the world. From a little confederacy of puny states grouped on the Atlantic seaboard, it had developed into an imperial nation numbering thirty millions of souls. Its progress had been steady and almost uninterrupted, and its pros perity seemed to rest upon a secure foundation. How absurd then, said his opponents, to assert that this country is on the verge of disruption, nay, of de struction, because of differing opinions in regard to a single institution. Yet history proved his perfect vindicator, and more certainly than arguments or specious philosophy did coming events demonstrate the wisdom of his position. His friends, to whom he read the speech before de livering it, urged him to omit the first paragraph, all except his partner, Mr. Herndon, who said: "Lin coln, deliver that speech as read, and it will make you President." A prophecy destined to be wonderfully fulfilled, but seeming at the time to pass credence. One of his friends, after the speech, remonstrated with him against such " foolishness," to whom Lin coln replied that, if he were compelled to destroy every utterance of his life save one, he would select that one for preservation. He remarked to Mr. Herndon, who asked him if he deemed it wise or ex- 124 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. pedient to commit himself in such away at that time : " I had rather be defeated with this expression in the speech, and have it held up and discussed before the people, than to be victorious without it." 1 The speech was mainly directed against the en croachments of the slave-power upon the free domain, as exemplified by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the subsequent " Dred Scott " decision. He showed, in support of his main position, that every effort of the Southern party, open and insidious alike, was directed towards an opening up to slavery of the whole na tional domain, and he clearly demonstrated the active instrumentality of Senator Douglas in bringing about this result. To him the danger seemed more immi nent and startling than ever before. " We shall lie down, pleasantly dreaming," said he, " that the peo ple of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free ; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation that is what we have to do. . . . Our cause, then, must be intrusted to and conducted by its undoubted friends those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republi cans of the nation mustered over one million three hundred thousand strong. We did this under a single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant and even hostile elements, we 1 Herndon's " Lincoln." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 125 gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought this battle through, under the constant, hot fire of a disciplined and pampered enemy. Did we brave all to falter now ? now, when that same enemy is wav ering, dissevered and belligerent. The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mis takes delay it, but sooner or later the victory is sure to come." A little incident occurred during the campaign that illustrated Mr. Lincoln's readiness in turning a political point. He was making a speech at Charles ton, Coles County, when a voice called out, " Mr. Lin coln, is it true that you entered this State barefoot, driving a yoke of oxen ? " Mr. Lincoln paused for a full half a minute, as if considering whether he should notice such cruel impertinence, and then said that he thought he could prove the fact by at least a dozen men in the crowd, any one of whom was more respectable than his questioner. But the question seemed to inspire him, and he went on to show what free institutions had done for himself, and to exhibit the evils of slavery to the white man wherever it existed, and asked if it was not natural that he should hate slavery, and agitate against it. " Yes," said he, " we will speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution of our country guarantees free speech, until everywhere on this wide land the sun shall shine and the rain shall fall and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil." * 1 Holland's " Life of Lincoln." 126 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. It was at about this time that Lincoln made his first visit to Cincinnati, where he met the Hon. E. M. Stanton, with whom he was afterwards to be so inti mately associated. Among his law cases was one connected with the patent of the McCormick reaper, and it became necessary for him to visit Cincinnati, to argue the case before Judge McLean of the United States Circuit Court. It was a case of great impor tance, involving the foundation patent of the machine which was destined to revolutionize the harvesting of grain. Reverdy Johnson was on one side of the case, and E. M. Stanton and George Harding on the other. It became necessary, in addition, to have a lawyer who was a resident of Illinois ; and inquiry was made of Hon. E. B. Washburne, then in Congress, as to whether he knew a suitable man. The latter replied, "that there was a man named Lincoln, at Springfield, who had considerable reputation in the State." Lin coln was secured, and came on to Cincinnati with a brief. Stanton and Harding saw " a tall, dark, un couth man," who did not strike them as of any ac count, and, indeed, they gave him hardly a chance. Mr. Lincoln was a little surprised and annoyed, after reaching Cincinnati, to learn that his client had also associated with him Mr. Stanton of Pittsburgh, and a local lawyer of some repute ; the reason assigned being that the importance of the case required a man of the experience and power of Mr. Stanton to meet Mr. Johnson. The trial of the case came on ; the counsel for the defense met each morning for con sultation. On one of these occasions, one of the counsel moved that only two of them should speak on the case. This motion was acquiesced in. It had ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 127 always been understood that Mr. Harding was to speak, to explain the mechanism of the reapers. So this motion excluded either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Stan- ton. By the custom of the bar, as between counsel of equal standing, and in the absence of any action by the client, the original counsel speaks. By this rule Mr. Lincoln had the precedence. Mr. Stanton suggested that Mr. Lincoln make the speech. Mr. Lincoln answered, "No, you speak." Mr. Stanton replied, " I will ;" and taking up his hat, said he would go and make preparation. Mr. Lincoln acqui esced in this, but was deeply grieved and mortified ; he took but little more interest in the case, though remaining until the conclusion of the trial. He seemed to be greatly depressed, and gave evidence of that tendency to melancholy which so marked his character in after years. His parting words on leav ing the city cannot be forgotten. Cordially shaking the hand of his hostess, he said : " You have made my stay here most agreeable, and I am a thousand times obliged to you ; but, in reply to your request for me to come again, I must say to you I never ex pect to be in Cincinnati again. I have nothing against the city, but things have so happened here as to make it undesirable for me ever to return." If Mr. Lincoln was " surprised and annoyed " at the treatment he received from Mr. Stanton, the latter was no less surprised, and a good deal more dis gusted, on seeing Mr. Lincoln and learning of his connection with the case. He made no secret of his contempt for the " long, lank creature from Illinois," as he afterwards described him, " wearing a dirty f linen duster for a coat, on the back of which the per- 128 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. spiration had splotched wide stains that resembled a dirty map of the continent." He blurted out his wrath and indignation to his associate counsel, de claring that if " that giraffe " was permitted to appear in the case, he would throw up his brief and leave it. Mr. Lincoln keenly felt the affront, but his great nature forgave it so completely that, recognizing the singular abilities of Mr. Stanton beneath his brusque exterior, he afterwards, for the public good, appointed him to a seat in his Cabinet. CHAPTER X. THE memorable campaign opened vigorously on both sides. Each of the leading candidates entered the field, seeking to so influence the State election that the new legislature might be in his favor. Speeches had been made by both, in Springfield, Chicago and Bloomington, where Mr. Lincoln addressed the following note to his opponent : " Hon. S. A. Douglas. " MY DEAR SIR Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the same audiences during the present canvass ? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is authorized to receive your answer, and, if agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such arrangement. " Your obedient servant, "CHICAGO, ILL. July 24, 1858. A. LINCOLN." In the correspondence which followed, Douglas acceded to the request, though demurring somewhat at first; and it was finally agreed that they should meet in joint discussion at seven different places, viz., Ottawa, Freeport, Jonesboro, Charleston, Gales- burg, Quincy and Alton. In closing his last letter Mr. Douglas said : " I agree to your suggestion that we shall alter nately open and close the discussion. I will speak at Ottawa one hour. You can reply, occupying one (129) 130 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. hour and a half, and I will then follow you for a half an hour. We will alternate in like manner at each successive place." It was arranged that the first de bate should be held August 21, and the last one October 15. / These seven discussions now rank among the ablest forensic debates that have ever taken place in / America, perhaps in the world. They were widely reported in the newspapers, but, as they were deliv ered without manuscript, the reports failed to do justice to them, and conveyed but an inadequate idea of their effectiveness. The whole country followed the course of the debates with great interest, and from that time Lincoln's reputation transcended sectional bounds and spread throughout the nation. The man who could meet and overcome in debate, Judge Douglas, the redoubted champion of the Senate, could no longer remain unknown. The personality of the principals was reflected in their speeches. Douglas was fiery and impetuous, making his points with the brilliancy and dash of one who was assured of victory, because he had never known defeat, and with the adroitness which charac terized the successful politician. Lincoln was calm and straightforward. He was quick to see and able to take advantage of any weak point in his adversary's argument, relying less upon his eloquence and magnetism than upon frank state ments and clear reasoning to convince his audience. Douglas excited the more feeling at the time ; Lin coln made the deeper and more lasting impression. Douglas was greeted with applause and congratula tion for the brilliancy of his efforts ; Lincoln made ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 131 friends for his cause and influenced votes. The more self-sacrificing of the two, he sought to magnify the cause while he held his own personal interests in the background. A declaration in his Chicago speech well illustrates this. He said : " I do not claim, gentle men, to be unselfish. .1 do not pretend that I would not like to go to the United States Senate, I make no such hypocritical pretense; but I do say to you that, in this mighty issue, it is nothing to the mass of the people of the nation, whether or not Judge Douglas or myself shall be heard of after this night ; it may be a trifle to either of us, but in connection with this mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of the nation, perhaps, it is absolutely nothing." The contrast between the two men, in every way, could hardly have been greater, yet each felt that to win the victory would require his very best efforts, and went into the conflict with every power on the alert and every faculty in operation. When Douglas was congratulated in advance upon the ease with which he would vanquish his opponent, he replied that " he would rather meet any other man in the country in this joint debate than Abraham Lin coln." At another time, he said : "I have known Lin coln for nearly twenty-five years. There were many points of sympathy between us when we first got acquainted. We were both comparatively boys, and both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I was a school-teacher in the town of Winchester, and he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. He was more successful in his occupation than I was in mine, and hence, more fortunate in this world's goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who 132 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. perform with admirable skill whatever they under take. I made as good a school-teacher as I could, . . . but I believe that Lincoln was always more success ful in his business than I in mine, for his business enabled him to get into the Legislature. I met him there, however, and had sympathy with him, because of the up-hill struggle we both had had in life. He was then just as good at telling an anecdote as now. He could beat any of the boys in wrestling or running a foot-race, in pitching quoits or in pitching a copper, and the dignity and impartiality with which he pre sided at a horse-race or a fist-fight, excited the admi ration, and won the praise of everybody that was present. I sympathized with him because he was struggling with difficulties and so was I. Mr. Lin coln served with me in the Legislature of 1836, when we both retired, and he subsided, or became sub merged and was lost sight of as a public man for some years. In 1846, when Wilmot introduced his cele brated proviso, and the Abolition tornado swept over the land, Lincoln again turned up as a Member of Congress from the Sangamon District. I was then in the Senate of the United States and was glad to welcome my old friend." l The following estimate of Douglas by Lincoln is of interest in connection with the above : "Twenty- two years ago Judge Douglas and I first became acquainted. We were both young then, he a trifle younger than I. Even then we were both ambitious, I, perhaps, quite as much as he. With me, the race of ambition has been a failure a flat failure ; with 1 Browne. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 133 him it has been one of splendid success. His name fills the nation, and is not unknown even in foreign lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence he has attained; so reached, that the oppressed of my species might have shared with me in the elevation, I would rather stand upon that eminence than wear the richest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." Around the institution of slavery centred all the arguments of the joint debate. The positions taken upon this subject constituted the main issues between the Democratic and Republican parties. It was the absorbing topic of the nation. Lincoln's stand upon the question was firm, elevated and positive, and he sustained it with logical argument and close reason ing. Douglas sought to avoid the issue, attempting rather to overthrow the arguments of his opponent than to enunciate any decided policy other than that contained in his public measures. The debates everywhere attracted great crowds. At first both of the disputants refrained from offen sive personalities. But afterwards each accused the other of unfair conduct, of misrepresentation and even falsehood. The points brought forward and the arguments used to sustain them, were substanti ally the same in all the speeches, the methods of pre senting them being adapted to the circumstances and audience. In his first speech Douglas attacked the position taken by Lincoln in his previous speeches, especially on the three points that Lincoln had laid stress upon, viz., that the Union could not remain half free and half slave, but must become either one or the other; his opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and to the Dred Scott decision. He maintained 134 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. that the first proposition was not only an absurdity upon the face of it, but that it was treasonable in its tendency, as, if insisted upon, it must result in civil war between the two sections, and either the slave holders must carry slavery into all the free States at the point of the bayonet, or the Abolitionists must drive it into the sea before the muzzles of their cannon. He sustained his position on the other two points by the same arguments which he had so often advanced before, modified, only, to meet the present exigency. Upon Lincoln's opposition to the Dred Scott decis ion he made the following startling and dramatic comment, the truth of which Lincoln afterwards emphatically denied : " His conscientious scruples led him to believe that the negro is entitled by divine right to the civil and political privileges of citizenship on an equality with the white man. For that reason he wishes the Dred Scott decision reversed. He wishes to confer those privileges of citizenship on the negro. Let us see how he will do it. He will first be called upon to strike out of the constitution of Illinios that clause which prohibits free negroes and slaves from Kentucky or any other State coming into Illinois. When he blots out that clause, when he lets down the door, or opens the gate for all the negro population to flow in and cover our prairies, until at midday they will look dark and black as night : when he shall have done this, his mission will yet be unfulfilled. Then it will be that he will apply his principles of negro equality, that is, if he can get the Dred Scott decision reversed meantime. He will then change the Constitution again, and allow negroes to vote and hold office, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 135 and will make them eligible to the Legislature, so that, thereafter, they can have the right men for United States Senators. He will allow them to vote to elect the Legislature and the Governor, and will make them eligible to the office of Judge or Governor or to the Legislature. He will put them on an equal ity with the white man. What then ? Of course after making them eligible to the Judiciary, when he gets Cuffee elevated to the Bench, he certainly will not refuse his Judge the privilege of marrying any woman he may select. I submit to you whether these are not the legitimate consequences of his doc trine." Lincoln's reply was direct and forcible. He ac cused Douglas of misrepresenting him, and denied the truth of many of his assumptions. His reply to the allegation that he favored the admission of the negro to social and civil equality could leave no doubt as to his sentiments. He said: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and black races. There is a physical difference between the two which, in my judgment, will probably for ever forbid their living together on a footing of per fect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior place. I have never said any thing to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstand ing all this, there is no reasqq in the world why tfie 136 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumer ated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas that he is not my equal in many respects certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and /he equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of any living man'' At Ottawa Judge Douglas propounded seven ques tions to Mr. Lincoln, to which he wished explicit an swers. These answers Lincoln gave clearly and pointedly, and then propounded other questions to Douglas, some of which he had difficulty in honestly answering. In the course of Lincoln's reply, at Alton, occurred the following interesting and significant passage : " I have stated, upon former occasions, and I may as well state again, what I consider to be the real point of controversy between Judge Douglas and myself. On the point of my wanting to make war between the free and slave States, there has been no issue be tween us. So, too, when he assumes that I am in favor of introducing a perfect social and political equality between the white and black races. These are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried to force the controversy. There is no foundation in truth for the charge that I maintain either of these propositions. The real issue in this controversy the one pressing upon every mind is the sentiment on the part of one class, that looks upon the institu tion of slavery as wrong, and of another class that ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 137 does not look upon it as wrong. The sentiment that contemplates the institution of slavery in this coun try as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican party. It is the sentiment around which all their actions all their arguments circle; from which all their propositions radiate. They look upon it as being a moral, social and political wrong ; and while they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have due regard for its actual existence among us, and the difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and to all the constitutional obligations thrown around it. Yet having a due regard for these, they desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not creating any more danger. They insist that it should, as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make pro vision that it shall grow no larger. They also desire a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at some time. These are the views they entertain in regard to it, as I understand them ; and all their sentiments all their arguments and propositions come within this range. I have said, and I repeat it here, that if there be a man among us, who does not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in any one of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there be a man among us who is so impatient of it as a wrong as to disregard its actual presence among us, and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if he is on our platform. We disclaim sympathy with him in practical action. . . . That is the real issue 138 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. that is the issue that will continue in this country, when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and my self shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between these two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. They are the two principles that have stood face to face since the beginning of time, and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the com mon right of humanity; the other is the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, * You work and toil and earn bread, and I will eat it.' No matter in what shape it comes whether from the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the peo ple of his own nation, and live upon the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical prin ciple." " The contest between Douglas and Lincoln," says Dr. Newton Bateman, " was one between sharpness and greatness. Mr. Lincoln seemed a man strongly possessed by a belief to which he was earnestly striv ing to win the people over ; while the aim of Mr. Douglas seemed rather to be simply to defeat Mr. Lincoln." So serious did Lincoln consider his task that he departed from his custom and indulged in few pleas antries ; yet, occasionally, his sense of the humorous led him to make some sharp hits against his oppo nent. In his speech at Galesburgh, Douglas remarked, with a sneer, that " honest Abe " had once been a liquor-seller. Lincoln replied that, when a young man, he had been compelled by poverty to work in a store where one of his duties was to retail liquor ; ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 139 " but," said he, " the difference between Judge Doug las and myself is just this, that while I was behind the bar, he was in front of it." At another time Douglas said that his father, who was an excellent cooper, had apprenticed him to learn the cabinet business. Lincoln seized the op portunity to remark that he had long known that Douglas was in the cabinet business, but he had never known that his father was a cooper; " But," said he, "I have no doubt that he was a good one, for he made one of the best whiskey casks I have ever seen," at the same time bowing to his opponent, who was sitting near him. The allusion was instantly under stood by the audience, and was greeted with roars of laughter. During the campaign Mr. Lincoln spoke about fifty times, yet when he made his last speech his voice was as clear and vigorous as ever, and he " seemed like a trained athlete, ready to enter, rather than one who had closed a conflict." There is no question but that the advantage in the contest lay with Mr. Lincoln rather than with Mr. Douglas, yet he failed to secure his election to the Senate ; for, although the Republi can State officers were elected, the Legislature re mained Democratic on account of the hold-over Representatives, and Judge Douglas was re-elected to his third Senatorial term. It is unnecessary to say that Lincoln was deeply disappointed. Yet the splendid results of his great debates were exceedingly gratifying to him. They really formed the opening to the last great period in his career the period for which all the preceding years of his life had been but the preparation, though 140 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. unconsciously to himself. To the student of his life and times it is plainly to be seen that every element and influence of his life tended to give him the most complete preparation for his last five years. His Presidential term was but the blossom of which his previous life had furnished the stalk and leaf ; but, alas, the blossom was destined never to develop into the ripe fruit. CHAPTER XI. HENCEFORTH Lincoln was looked upon, throughout the country, as a new factor in politics, unexpected and unique, but original and forcible. And the eyes of the Republican party turned towards him as a possible candidate for the Presidency. As the Demo cracy was dividing itself into two factions, the mod erate and radical, of which the former was repre sented by Judge Douglas, so the Republicans found a similar division in their ranks. Mr. Sew r ard, the recognized leader of the party, represented the ex treme Abolition element, and Lincoln, the more mod erate wing. Whereas the former had said and done much to alienate from him many of the rank and file- of the party, Lincoln, by his splendid, yet moderate, championship of the party principles, had gained the friendship of all, the enmity of none. From this time on he continued to grow in the estimation of the party, and his every act served to confirm his popu larity. He was a politician as well as a statesman, and to assume that he remained unconcernedly at home, and did nothinp; to accelerate the current which was carrying him towards the Presidential chair, is to ignore historical facts. He was ambitious, and his still more ambitious wife did much to arouse and urge him on. By letters, addresses and consulta tions he labored to strengthen his hold upon his 142 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. party and his title to preferment. Never indulging in underhanded methods nor seeking to undermine his rivals, he yet did all an honorable and shrewd man could do to bring about the desired result. He has been frequently represented as sitting quietly down and laying hold of the honors, which Providence showered upon him, without an effort on his part to secure them. But this is a mistake; political preferment comes to few men without effort and solicitation, in this age of the world, and Lincoln formed no exception to the rule. After the great debates the idea of presenting him as a presidential candidate came to many of his friends, some of whom approached him on the sub ject. At first he opposed the suggestion ; " What is the use of 'talking of me," he said, " when we have such men as Seward and Charles Sumner, and every body knows them, while scarcely anybody outside of Illinois knows me ? Besides, as a matter of justice, is it not due them ? " His friends admitted the claims of these eminent men upon the party but showed that, on account of their radical opinions and utter ances, they could never be available candidates ; while he had kept himself clear from all political entanglements and was not known to be openly an Abolitionist, and his political creed of " opposition to the further extension of slavery " was so simple and moderate that it commended itself to both wings of the party. As time passed on, he became more and more deeply absorbed in the political life of the country and began to neglect seriously his law busi ness. In the autumn of 1859, Senator Douglas was invited ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 143 to address the Democracy at Columbus and Cincin nati during the campaign preceding the State elec tion. There was a magic in the very name of Doug las. It was only necessary to announce that he would speak to fill the largest halls to be secured in any part of the country. So, here in Ohio, he was greeted with the usual display of enthusiasm and his speeches were able and effective. But the name of Lincoln had been too closely associated with that of Douglas to be forgotten now, and the Republicans made arrangements for him to speak in both the cities, where Douglas had been. His audiences were large and attentive, and contained many representa tives of the opposing political party. Many went out of mere curiosity to see and hear the man who had proved himself to be more than the peer of Douglas, but all acknowledged his ability as an orator and his political sagacity. His work in the State contribu ted, in no small degree, to the Republican victory which followed. At Cincinnati there were many pro-slavery men from Kentucky in the audience and to them he addressed part of his speech. In the directness and force of his arguments, and his earnest and logical exposition of party principles, his speech had not been excelled by any previous effort. In concluding that part of his speech, which was addressed to the Kentuckians, he asked the following pointed questions. " I often hear it intimated that you intend to divide the Union whenever a Republi can, or anything like it, is elected President of the United States. ... I want to know what you are going to do with your half of it ? Are you going to 144 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. split the Ohio down through and push your half off a piece ? Or are you going to keep it right alongside of us outrageous fellows ? Or are you going to build up a wall some way between your country and ours, by which that movable property of yours can't come over here any more, to the danger of your losing it ? Do you think you can better yourselves on that sub ject, by leaving us here under no obligation, what ever, to return those specimens of your movable property which came hither ? You have divided the Union because we would not do right with you, as you think, upon that subject ; when we cease to be under obligations to do anything for you, how much better off do you you think will be ? Will you make war upon us and kill us all ? Why, gentlemen, I think you are as gallant and brave men as live, that you can fight as bravely in a good cause, as any other people living ; that you have shown yourselves capable of this upon various occasions ; but, man for man, you are not better than we are, and there are not so many of you as there are of us. You will never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we were fewer in numbers than you I think that you could whip us ; if we were equal it would likely be a drawn battle ; but being inferior in numbers you will make nothing by attempting to master us." From time to time reports of the eccentric sayings and doings of the Illinois statesman had found their way East. These had served to amuse the people and excite their curiosity, rather than to impress them with his ability as a party-leader or as a statesman, but when he met and overcame, on the forensic arena, the man who bore the reputation of being the most ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 145 finished and forcible debater in the United States Senate, and who had never, up to that time, met his equal, they were surprised, and became possessed with the desire to see and hear the " rude, Western orator." Accordingly he was invited to deliver a lecture in a course to be given in the Plymouth Church, in Brooklyn. He consented, with the under standing that he be permitted to speak upon some political subject. When he arrived in New York, on February 25, 1860, he found, to his surprise, that the arrangements had been changed, and that he was advertised to speak in Cooper Institute. Never had he bestowed so much study upon a speech before. For months all his thought and research had been directed to its preparation, yet, when he found that he was to speak in New York, and in this famous hall, he expressed the fear that he was not equal to the occasion and that the effort would result in failure. A large part of the audience had assembled, either from curiosity or to be amused by " the buffoonery of the low-born speaker." But never was an audience more surprised, for instead of jokes and stories, the address was scholarly and refined, and with nothing offensive to the most fastidious taste. The scene was an impressive one, and the audience of a character such as Lincoln had never before addressed. Upon the platform sat many of the leaders of the new party, and the meeting was presided over by William Cullen Bryant, whose voice had early been attuned to the song of freedom. Mr. Lincoln afterwards remarked that it was worth a journey East " only to see such a man." Mr. 146 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Bryant introduced the speaker with a flattering refer ence to his record as an orator. " Mr. Lincoln began his address in a low, monotonous tone, but as he advanced, his quaint but clear voice rang out boldly and distinctly enough for all to hear. His manner was, to a New York audience, a very strange one, but it was captivating. He held the vast meeting spell bound, and as one by one his oddly-expressed, but trenchant and convincing arguments confirmed the soundness of his political theories, the house broke out in wild and prolonged enthusiasm." A large part of the address was historical, tracing the origin and growth of slavery, the various causes and influences by which it had been affected and then defining its present status, with words of sage advice to the young Republican party. He took as his sub ject, or rather point of departure, a short passage from one of Senator Douglas's speeches, as follows : "Our fathers, when they framed the government, under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now." The question referred to by Douglas, he stated con cisely as : " Does the proper division of local from federal authority, or anything in the Constitution for bid our federal Government to control, as to slavery, in federal territories ? Upon this Senator Douglas holds the affirmation and the Republicans the nega tive. This affirmative and denial form an issue, and this issue this question is precisely what the text declares, ' our fathers understood better than we.' " The great Cooper Institute speech made a strong and abiding impression and convinced the people of the East that Lincoln was not only master of the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 147 political situation, but was possessed of the ele ments of true greatness. The speech was widely reported and was afterwards published in pamphlet form and used for campaign purposes. In the pref ace of one of the editions the editors ' made the fol lowing statement, which well expresses the estimate in which the speech was held : " No one who has not actually attempted to verify its details can understand the patient research and historical labor it embodies. The history of our ear Her politics is scattered through numerous journals, statutes, pamphlets and letters ; and these are defec tive in completeness and accuracy of statement, and in indexes and tables of contents. Neither can any one, who has not traveled over this precise ground, appreciate the accuracy of every trivial detail, or the self-denying impartiality with which Mr. Lincoln has turned from the testimony of the 'fathers' on the general question of slavery, to present the single ques tion which he discusses. From the first line to the last, from his premises to his conclusion, he travels with a swift, unerring directness, which no logician ever excelled an argument complete and full, with out the affectation of learning, and without the stiff ness, which usually accompanies dates and details. A single, easy, simple sentence, of plain Anglo-Saxon words contains a chapter of history, that, in some instances, has taken days of labor to verify, and must have cost the author months of investigation to ac quire ; and though the public should justly estimate the labor bestowed on facts which are stated, they can- : Nott and Brainard. 148 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. not estimate the greater labor involved in those which are omitted. How many pages have been read how many works examined what numerous statutes, resolutions, speeches, letters and biographies have been looked through ? Commencing with this address, as a political pamphlet, the reader will leave it as an historical work brief, complete, profound, impar tial, truthful which will survive the time and the occasion that called it forth and be esteemed here after no less for its intrinsic worth than for its unpre tending modesty." The address revolutionized the Republican senti ments of the East. As the aristocratic Jews of old regarded Galilee, so did the East regard the West. " Can anything good come out of the West ? " was the thought, if not the expression of the East, and the feeling was natural. The Atlantic border had been so long settled that the wildness of nature had passed away. From the earliest colonization of the country the centre of civilization had been here, and the measure of refinement and culture had dimin ished exactly as the distance from the sea-board in creased. That the interior had been the scene of the most remarkable development of all time, the people of the older States could not deny, but that it had, as well, acquired an intellectual prestige equal to their own, and a culture and refinement which would en able its sons to meet their own statesmen and orators on equal terms, was a yielding of proud superiority of which they were not capable. That Lincoln was pre-eminent among the Western pioneers they were willing to admit, but they could not for a moment imagine him standing upon the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 149 same platform with, and the peer of such men as Seward, Chase, Sumner and others, before whose genius the whole American people did homage. For a moment, Lincoln's ungainliness and diffidence seemed to justify their preconceived opinion, but, as he entered more and more deeply into the spirit of his theme, and his awkwardness gave place to a sim ple majesty of demeanor, the whole audience felt his power, and from that time no one questioned his ability or his right to be called a statesman. This address was the turning-point in his career. He stepped upon the platform a comparatively un known politician, before he left it his right to the name of statesman was conceded. When he began, he had but little pretension to political preferment; when he ended, he was recognized as a formidable candidate for the Presidency. Before, he was re ported to be a western boor, who strove to entertain his audiences by clownish buffoonery ; after, he was ranked in ability and culture with the few choice spirits of the East. The address did for him what the debates could not, for it was recognized as the calm and deliberate utterance of a thoughtful man, uninfluenced by the intense partisanship of a heated political campaign. The address was, in the highest sense, political, and in it, more fully than before, he committed himself to the single issue of opposition to the further extension of slavery. As an institution, he did not oppose it, because " wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation, but can we, while our votes will prevent 150 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. it, allow it to spread into the National Territories and to overrun us here in these free States." The platform, thus enunciated, was so simple that not only could all Republicans accept it, but it exactly represented the political belief of many Northern Democrats. Thus, both the personality of the man and his political doctrines commended him to the party at large as its most available can didate. While in New York, at this time, Mr. Lincoln visited the famous Five Points Sunday-school. The fol lowing touching account of the visit is from his own lips : "'When Sunday came, I didn't know exactly what to do. Washburne asked me where I was going. I told him I had nowhere to go ; and he proposed to take me down to the Five Points Sunday-school, to show me something worth seeing. I was very much interested by what I saw. Presently, Mr. Pease, the Superintendent, came up and spoke to Mr. Wash burne, who introduced me. Mr. Pease wanted us to speak. Washburne spoke, and then I was urged to speak. I told them I did not know anything about talking to Sunday-schools, but Mr. Pease said many of the children were friendless and homeless, and that a few words would do them good. Washburne said I must talk. And so I rose to speak ; but I tell you I didn't know what to say. I remembered that Mr. Pease said that they were homeless and friendless, and I thought of the time when I had been pinched by terrible poverty. And so I told them that I had been poor ; that I remembered when my toes stuck out through my broken shoes in winter; when my ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 151 arms were out at the elbows ; when I shivered with the cold. And I told them there was only one rule : That was, always do the very best you can. I told them that I had always tried to do the very best I could ; and that, if they would follow that rule, they would get along somehow. That was about what I said. And when I got through, Mr. Pease said it was just the thing they needed. And when the school was dismissed, all the teachers came up and shook hands with me, and thanked me for it ; although I did not know that I was saying anything of any account. But the next morning I saw my remarks noticed in the papers.' Just here Mr. Lincoln put his hand in his pocket, and remarked that he had never heard anything that touched him as had the songs which those children sang. With that he drew forth a little book, remarking that they had given him one of the books from which they sang. He began to read a piece to the friends to whom these remarks were addressed, with all the earnestness of his great earnest soul. In the middle of the second verse his auditors became deeply affected and soon the tears were falling from their eyes. At the same time they noticed the great blinding tears in the eyes of Lin coln, who was reading straight on, so that he could not see the page. He was repeating that little song from memory. How often he had read it, or how its sweet and simple accents continued to reverberate through his soul, no one can know." 1 Mr. Pease, the Superintendent of the school, gives the following interesting account of this event : i Edward Eggleston in Browne's " Life of Lincoln.'* 152 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "One Sunday morning, I saw a tall, remarkable-look ing man enter the room and take a seat among us. He listened with fixed attention to our exercises, and his countenance expressed such genuine interest that I approached him and suggested that he might be willing to say something to the children. He accepted the invitation with evident pleasure ; and, coming forward, began a simple address which at once fasci nated every little hearer and hushed the room into silence. His language was strikingly beautiful, and his tones musical with intense feeling. The little faces would droop into sad conviction as he uttered sentences of warning, and would brighten into sunshine as he spoke cheerful words of promise. f Once or twice he attempted to close his remarks, but / the imperative shout, 'Go on ! O, do go on ! ' would compel him to resume. As I looked upon the gaunt, sinewy frame of the stranger, and marked his power ful head and determined features, now touched into softness by the impressions of the moment, I felt an irrepressible curiosity to learn something more about him, and while he was quietly leaving the room I begged to know his name. He courteously replied : 1 It is Abraham Lincoln, from Illinois.'" After spending a day or two in New York, Mr. Lin coln made a short tour through New England, and spoke at a number of places. On the morning after his speech at Norwich Conn., Rev. Mr. Gulliver met .him upon the train, and entered into conversation with him. In referring to his speech, Mr. Gulliver said that he thought it the most remarkable one he had ever heard. " Are you sincere in what you say ? " inquired Mr. Lincoln. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 153 " I mean every word of it," replied the minister. " Indeed, sir," he continued, " I learned more of the art of public speaking last evening, than I could from a whole course of lectures on rhetoric." Then Mr. Lincoln informed him of a most " extraor dinary circumstance " that occurred at New Haven a few days previously. A professor of rhetoric in Yale College,, he had been told, came to hear him, took notes of his speech, and gave a lecture on it to his class on the following day, and, not satisfied with that, followed him to Meriden the next evening, and heard him again for the same purpose. All of this seemed to Lincoln to be " very extraordinary." He had been sufficiently astonished by his success in the West, but he had no expectation of any marked. suc cess in the East, particularly among refined and liter ary men. " Now," said Mr. Lincoln, " I should very much like to know what it was in my speech which you thought so remarkable, and which interested my friend, the professor, so much ? " Mr. Gulliver's answer was : " The clearness of your statements, the unanswerable style of your reason ing and especially your illustrations, which were romance and pathos and fun and logic welded together." After Mr. Gulliver had fully satisfied his curiosity by a further exposition of the politician's power, Mr. Lincoln said : " I am much obliged to you for this. I have been wishing for a long time to find some one who would make this analysis for me. It throws light upon a subject which has been dark to me. I can understand very readily how such a power as you have ascribed 154 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to me, will account for the effect which seems to be produced by my speeches. I hope you have not been too flattering in your estimate. Certainly, I have had a most wonderful success for a man of my limited education " 1 1 Mr. Gulliver in the New York Independent. CHAPTER XII. MR. LINCOLN'S candidacy for the Presidency was quietly but efficiently promoted by judicious friends, as well as by his own efforts, during the months which intervened before the National Convention. Meantime affairs were so shaping themselves as to contribute more and more to the certainty of Repub lican success. Judge Douglas was actively engaged in a canvass to insure his own nomination by the Democratic Convention, which was to meet in Charleston, April 23, 1860. He sought to propitiate the hostile element of the South and, at the same time, not to alienate the friendly element of the North. Instead of standing firm upon his own con victions he tried to trim his course midway between the extreme elements of the Democracy and retain the support of both. In this he failed. While the majority of the delegates to the Charleston Conven tion favored him, he failed to secure the necessary two-thirds. The South had lost their confidence in him since his political integrity had caused him to refuse to support the Lecompton Constitution and by no effort could he regain it. The Southern wing withdrew from the Convention to meet later, in Rich mond, while the Douglas party adjourned to Balti more, where the great Illinois statesman was put in nomination for the Presidency. The Richmond Convention nominated John C. 1 56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Breckenridge of Kentucky. Thus Democratic dis cord resulted in a party division, which rendered the success of the Republican party almost certain. The Republican National Convention was called to meet in Chicago, May 16, 1860. Six days previous to this, the State Convention met in Decatur, where the movement to secure the nomination for Mr. Lincoln was publicly inaugurated in such a manner as to attract the attention of the nation and furnish a ral lying cry for the campaign. The Convention was made up of representative men of the party, who felt that this meeting, held just before the greater Con vention, should be one of special note. Lincoln was present, apparently out of mere curiosity and with no idea that he would receive more than passing notice from the delegates. "A few minutes after the Con vention organized, Governor Oglesby arose and said amid increasing silence : ' I am informed that a dis tinguished citizen of Illinois, and one whom Illinois will ever delight to honor, is present ; and I wish to move that this body invite him to a seat upon the stand.' Here the Governor paused, as if to tease and dally, and work curiosity up to the highest pitch ; but at length he shouted the magic name, ' Abraham Lincoln.' Not a shout but a roar of applause, long and deep, shook every board and joist of the build ing." J Some of those standing nearest seized him and hoisting him on their shoulders passed him struggle- ing and kicking over the heads of the audience to the platform, where with clothing disarranged and face flushed, he tried to regain his composure. Lamon's " Life of Lincoln." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 157 Later on Governor Oglesby again arose and said that there was an old Democrat outside, who wished to present something to the Convention. A motion was made and carried that he be admitted. The doors swung open and a sturdy, open-featured old man entered bearing upon his shoulders two weather- beaten fence rails, with a banner floating above them bearing the inscription, " Two rails from a lot made by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks in the Sanga- mon bottom in the year 1830." He was met with the wildest enthusiasm and a babel of shouts and applause. As soon as the tumult subsided, Lincoln was called upon for a speech and afterwards a resolu tion was passed to the effect that "Abraham Lincoln is the first choice of the Republican party of Illinois for President,' and instructing the delegates to Chic ago to use all honorable means to secure his nomina tion and to cast the vote of the State as a unit for him. The Chicago Convention was one of the most nota ble of all the great political meetings which have become historic during the present century. The majority of the delegates were young men with enough gray-haired men to temper their actions and measures with moderation. Many of the delegates were afterwards prominent in public life. Not less than sixty were destined to be sent to Congress, many became Governors of States or occupied other prominent positions of public trust. The Convention was sectional, being made up of delegates from the free States, and the five border States with a few representatives from Texas. David AVilmot, the author of the famous Proviso, was made 158 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. temporary chairman, and George Ashmun, of Massa chusetts, representing the Conservative element, was made permanent chairman. Mr. Seward had been for a long time the leading candidate and by many was regarded as certain of the nomination. The other candidates, besides Lin coln, were Edward Bates of Missouri, Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, and Jacob Collamer of Vermont. There were none, how ever, with the exception of the two leading candi dates, who received any material support outside of their respective States. The platform, which was adopted early in the ses sion, affirmed the right of all men to " life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness" and declared the Con vention to be in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas, of a general system of river and harbor improvements and a railroad to the Pacific Coast. It was largely made up of negatives denouncing dis union, extension of slavery, the re-opening of the slave-trade and popular or " squatter " sov ereignty. The utmost enthusiasm pervaded the Convention at each meeting, and the great wigwam, a wooden structure erected for the occasion on the lake-front, constantly rung with cheers and acclamations. The delegates felt that the candidate for the Convention would be the next President, yet they knew that he must be a sectional President. That the country was approaching a great crisis and that upon the Republican party and its President must devolve the task of defending and preserving the Union and set tling the vexed question forever, must have been ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 159 dimly realized by all. But the young and vig orous party was eager for the fray and ready to assume the responsibility ; how great, none could foresee. From the first the tide turned strongly towards Lin coln. On the first ballot Seward received 173-! votes and Lincoln 102. The remainder were cast for the various local candidates. On the second ballot many of the complimentary votes came to Lincoln, while but few were given to Seward, who received 184^ to 181 for Lincoln. The result of the next ballot was not doubtful, and long before it was completed the news flashed all over the land that Lincoln " the pioneer statesman " " honest old Abe " " the rail- splitter," " the flatboatman," was the Republican nominee. In a moment the multitude in the streets joined their shouts to the deafening roar within the wigwam. Cannon were fired on the lake-front and bonfires were lighted. In the most extravagant manner was the approbation of the people manifested. The Convention closed its labors by nominating for the Vice-Presidency, Hon. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, than which a wiser selection could not have been made. During the Convention Mr. Lincoln remained in Springfield anxiously awaiting the result. When the first ballot was announced, he considered it very fav orable as he believed that Seward would show nearly his full strength at the outset. The second ballot convinced him of the certainty of his nomination. And he repaired to the Journal office to await the result. When news of his nomination came, he was surrounded by excited friends who alternately l6o ABRAHAM LINCOLN. cheered and congratulated him. He soon remarked : " Well, gentlemen, there is a little short woman at our house who is probably more interested in this dispatch than I am ; and if you will excuse me I will take it up and let her see it." During the day a hundred guns were fired at Springfield and the nomination was ratified in the evening by a monster mass meeting, at which Lincoln was present and spoke briefly. The morning after adjournment, the committee appointed by the Convention, headed by Hon. George Ashmun, went to Springfield to officially notify Mr. Lincoln of his nomination. They arrived at his home at about eight o'clock in the evening. The notification was given in a few well-chosen words and Mr. Lincoln's reply, which was short and dignified, made a very favorable impression upon the commit tee. A few days afterwards his letter of acceptance was sent to the National Committee. It consisted of a declaration of his acceptance of the Convention platform, and of the nomination, and closed with these words : " Imploring the assistance of Divine Provi dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention ; to the rights of all the States and Territories and all the people of the Nation ; to the inviolability of the Con stitution and the perpetual union, harmony and pros perity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the Convention." Crowds of people came to visit the Republican nominee, either out of curiosity or to ingratiate them selves into his favor, as his election seemed to be ABRAHAM LINCOLN. l6l assured. His little house was found to be too small to receive the large delegations which frequently came to interview him, and, hence, the Governor's room in the State House was placed at his disposal. There he spent the summer and autumn of the campaign, in company with his private secretary, John G. Nico- lay, receiving visitors from all parts of the country and of all ranks and conditions. For every one who came he had a warm hand-shake and a kindly word, and he listened as respectfully to the rough words of the laborer as to the polished sentences of the mil lionaire. In his character and antecedents Mr. Lincoln appealed strongly to the popular regard. He was a man of the people, simple, plain and modest. His words and his actions convinced the masses that he was one of their own number, who, by his great ability, and incorruptible honesty had been raised to an exalted station. They thoroughly believed in him, and were confident that he was in every way qualified to manage the affairs of state in the dark times which were then seen casting their shadows over the land. Hence from the very first the tide of popular feeling in the North set strongly in his favor. Yet many,/ jvho should have been found naturally among lii'sl supporters, became his active opponents. Especially was this true of church people, who believed him to *~T5e irreligious if not actually an atheist, and they hesitated to elevate to the Presidency a man of such principles as they believed him to hold. The mis apprehension was a lamentable one, and caused Mr. Lincoln much sorrow. As an illustration of this Mr. Holland quotes a con- 1 62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. versation ' which Mr. Lincoln held with Dr. Newton Bateman, Superintendent of Public Instruction, whose office in the State House adjoined the Governor's room, which was used by the President-elect as a reception room. A canvass had been made of the voters of Spring field to ascertain their political standing and the results had been tabulated and given to Mr. Lincoln. In company with Mr. Bateman he carefully examined S the list and then, with a face full of sadness, said : " Here are twenty-three ministers of different denominations and all of them are against me except three : and here are a great many prominent mem bers of the churches, a very large majority of whom are against me. Mr. Bateman, I am not a Christian God knows I would be one but I have carefully reacL the Bible and I do not so understand this book," and " he drew from his bosom a pocket New Testament. *' These men well know that I am for freedom in the Territories, freedom everywhere, as the laws and Con stitution permit, and that my opponents are for ^slavery. They know this and yet, _with this book in their hands, in the light of which human bondage ( _cpuld not ij ve a moment, they are going to vote ^against me. I do not understand it at all." Here Mr. Lincoln paused, and then he arose and walked up and down the room in the effort to retain or regain his self-possession. Stopping at last he said with a trembling voice and his cheeks wet with tears : " I 1 The authenticity of this conversation has been discredited by many of Mr. Lincoln's biographers, but Mr. Arnold has taken pains to verify the statements and is convinced that they are sub stantially correct. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 163 know that there is a God and that He hates injustice and slavery. I see the storm coming and know His hand is in it. If He has a place and work for me and I think He has I believe I am ready. I am noth ing, but truth is everything. I know I am right / because I know that liberty is right, for Christ teaches I it and Christ is God. I have told them that a house \divided against itself cannot stand ; and they will find it so. Douglas doesn't care whether slavery is voted up or voted down, but God cares and humanity cares and I care ; and with God's help I shall not fail. I may not see the end, but it will come, and I shall be vindicated ; and these men will find that they have not read their Bibles aright." After a pause, he resumed : " Doesn't it appear strange that men can ignore the moral aspects of this contest i A revelation could not make it plainer to me that slavery or the Government must be destroyed. The future would be something awful, as I look at it, but for this rock upon which I stand," alluding to the New Testament which he held in his hand, " especi ally with the knowledge of how the ministers are going to vote. It seems as if God had borne with' this thing, (slavery) until the very teachers of reli gion have come to defend it from the Bible and to claim for it a divine character and sanction ; and now the cup of iniquity is full and the vials of wrath will j be poured out." He had never so fully shown out his inner nature to any one. Few people believed that he was possessed of religious convictions, yet his whole life showed that he was dominated by high religious principle, that if he did not talk and preach Christianity, he lived it. 164 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. As his life now appears on the pages of history it seems almost incredible that he should have been so misjudged by his contemporaries, and yet it was no doubt largely his own fault as he was intensely secre tive and seldom spoke upon the subject of religion. Mr. Herndon says of him : " Mr. Lincoln had the very genius of silence and high cunning and is not understood at all by the world." Nor was his true position on the slavery question generally under stood. Though so often misapprehended his princi ples were very simple and he had so often expressed them, both publicly and privately, that it seemed strange that he should be so persistently misrepre sented. He reverenced the Constitution and would have its mandates obeyed in every function of gov ernment and citizenship. He hated slavery with an intensity that gathered strength as he saw more of its cruelty and injustice and as the arrogance and pre tensions of the slaveholders increased. Yet slavery had been recognized as an institution in one section of the country longer than the Constitution had existed, and he did not believe there was any Con stitutional warrant for interference with it while con fined to the States in which it originated. He would, however, prevent, by all available means, its further extension into free territory. Let it remain, if remain it must, but it must not pass beyond its Constitutional limits. Douglas's pet theory of " Squatter Sovereignty " he vigorously opposed as calculated to break down every restriction and throw open the whole country, event ually, to the entrance of the hateful institution. His moderation subjected him to violent criticism ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 165 and animadversion from both sides. The pro-slavery men classed him with the Abolitionists and coupled with his name every vulgar and derisive epithet they could devise. Their opposition was based upon pas sion, not upon reason, and was abusive in the extreme. On the other hand many of the Abolitionists ranked him, unjustly, with the pro-slavery sympathizers be cause he never advised nor favored the use of what he deemed unconstitutional measures to rid the country of the evil. His attitude in regard to the fugitive-slave law gave some color to their accusations, and one of the more prominent Abolitionists of the East went so far as to speak of him as the " Illinois slave- driver." His position in regard to this inhuman law was gen erally misunderstood. It is well illustrated by an incident which occurred at this time, related by A. J. Grover. " Mr. Lincoln detested the law, but argued that until it was declared unconstitutional, it must be obeyed. This was a short time after the rescue of a fugitive slave at Ottawa, 111., by a number of Aboli tionists after Judge Caton, acting as United States Commissioner, had given his decision remanding him into the custody of his alleged owner; and the res cuers were either in prison or out on bail." Says Mr. Grover: "When Mr. Lincoln had finished his argu ment, I said, * Constitutional or not, I shall never obey the fugitive-slave law, I will never catch and return slaves in obedience to any law or constitution. I do not believe a man's liberty can be taken from him, constitutionally, without a trial by jury. I believe the law to be not only unconstitutional but most inhuman ' * Oh,' said Mr. Lincoln, < it is ungodly ! 1 66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. it is ungodly ! no doubt it is ungodly ! but it is the law of the land and we must obey it as we find it.' " So great was his veneration for the majesty of law that he would bow to it even though his whole nature protested against it. Mr. Lincoln took no active part in the Presidential canvass nor was he consulted to any extent in regard to its conduct. Yet his personality was potent in winning votes wherever he was known. No one realized his greatness or believed that he could in any way lay claim to genius. His warmest friends could only recommend him as a plain man, one of the people, a commanding orator and a good fellow gen erally; but that he would prove the most consummate statesman and the profoundest observer of the great political movements of the day no one for a moment suspected. He had filled well his previous station, but had nowhere given evidence that he was especi ally qualified for the great position for which he was a candidate, either by nature or by culture. Nor did he himself, feel any degree of confidence in his fitness for the position. His ambition had naturally led him to seek the honor, but with it almost in his grasp he felt more and more the weight of the responsibilities which came with it and began to shrink from assum ing them in doubt of his ability to faithfully discharge them. Hence he became more and more habitually melancholy and his face, when at rest, was full of sad ness and despondency. For him, henceforth, the glamour, which his ambition had thrown over the Presidential office, was gone and he saw but the bur dens and embarrassments, the jealousies and tumults, with which he must contend. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 167 Many pleasing incidents occurred in the interval between his nomination and election to relieve the tedium of the campaign. 1 "One day there entered his room a tall Southerner, a Colonel from Missis sippi, whose eyes' hard glitter spoke supercilious dis trust and whose stiff bearing betokened suppressed hostility. ' It was beautiful,' says Dr. Bateman, * to see the cold flash of the Southerner's dark eye yield to a warmer glow and the haughty constraint melt into frank good-nature under the influence of Mr. Lincoln's words of simple earnestness and unaffected cordiality. They got so far in half an hour that Mr. Lincoln could say, in his hearty way, ' Colonel, how tall are you?' ' Well, taller than you, Mr. Lincoln,' replied the Mississippian. ' You are mistaken, there,' retorted Mr. Lincoln. ' Dr. Bateman will you measure us ? ' So a big book was adjusted above the head of each, and pencil-marks made upon the white wall. Mr. Lincoln's height, as thus indicated, was a quarter- inch greater than the Colonel's. ' I knew it,' said Mr. Lincoln. ' They raise tall men down in Mississippi, but you go home and tell your folks that * Old Abe tops you a little.' The Colonel went away much f mollified and impressed. ' My God,' said he to Dr. Bateman, as he went out, ' there is going to be a war ; but could my people know what I have learned in the last half-hour, there would be no need of war.' " A New York gentleman thus describes a meeting with Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, soon after the nomination : " I was in Chicago when Mr. Lincoln was nominated, and, being curious to see the man 1 Browne's " Life of Lincoln.' l68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. every one was going wild over, I went to Springfield I called at his office, but he was not in. Then I went to his residence and learned that he had a room in the Capitol Building and that I would find him there. Arrived at the room, I rapped at the door. It was opened by a tall, spare man, plain of face. I told him I had come to see Mr. Lincoln. Inquiring my name, he took me by the arm and introduced me to some half dozen persons who were in the room, and then remarked, ' My name is Lincoln.' In ten minutes I felt as if I had known him all my life. He had the most wonderful faculty I have ever seen in a man to make one feel at ease. I left him, feeling that he was an extraordinary man and that I should vote for him and influence all I could to do the same." At one time when Hon. George S. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, was present, together with a number of other men of distinction, an old lady from the country entered, dressed in awkward, old-fashioned garments, with a tanned and wrinkled face looking out from the depths of a large sunbonnet. She had come to present "Mr. Linkin " with a pair of home made stockings at least a yard long. He received them with kindly thanks and, holding one in each hand for inspection, he gravely assured her that he would take them to Washington with him, and that he was sure he should be unable to find any like them there. After she had gone, Mr. Boutwell remarked that the lady had evidently made a very correct estimate of Mr. Lincoln's latitude and longi tude. CHAPTER XIII. THE campaign of 1860, with all its evil passions and boisterous enthusiasm, finally ended with the elec tion of Mr. Lincoln by a large majority of electoral votes, but with a minority of nearly a million in the popular vote. It was with an ominous presage that the result was announced. Not an electoral vote south of Mason and Dixon's line was given to him. He was to become the first sectional President. The South understood neither Lincoln's character, nor his policy. Then, as to a great extent since, he w r as totally misapprehended, his character maligned and his motives impugned. Yet, the bitter hostility to the man was but a cloak for the enduring enmity felt towards the principles he was supposed to represent. The campaign had been pre-eminently a conflict between opposing principles rather than persons. Douglas, in one of his speeches, remarked substanti ally, that the great principle involved in the contest was that of "interference" or "non-interference." The Republicans who opposed, and the Buchanan Democrats who favored the extension of slavery, were, to all intents, committed to the same policy, while the American party, headed by Mr. Bell and the Douglas wing of the Democracy, could easily coalesce, being pledged to the principle of non interference, a policy which would leave to each (.69) i;O ABRAHAM LINCOLN. vState the decision of the question, whether it should be free or slave. Many times before had slavery and anti-slavery met at the polls in violent, though nominally, peace ful strife. But the crisis had now come, when the decision of the ballot was no longer deemed author itative. For the sake of slavery the South was ready to cast away all the memories of the past, fraught with the glory achieved by the heroes of an united country ; to renounce the presage of future greatness and prosperity, which harmony alone could bring ; to haul down the " Stars and Stripes " which had waved over many a battle-field where their fathers had stood, shoulder to shoulder, with the now hated heroes of the North in defense of a common country 4 against a common tyranny. For slavery they would destroy the Government, disrupt the country and enter into a war which should devastate the land, destroy their homes and stain the soil with the blood of their beloved sons. The question of secession was not a new one, nor was the issue hastily raised. It had its root in the opposition to the adoption of the Constitution. That instrument, efficient and able as it has since proven itself to be, was then viewed with disfavor and dis- / trust by a majority of the people in New York, Mas sachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and South Carolina. Yet the emergency of the hour and the ability of its advocates overrode the objections and secured its adoption. There was a constantly increas ing party which believed that the Union was but a federation, a compact into which the States had vol untarily entered and from which they possessed the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. iyi power to withdraw at their discretion. The Union party believed that by the adoption of the Constitu tion, the States had merged their existence into that of the Nation, permanently surrendering their rights to the central government, except such as the Consti tution should delegate to them. According to this view the events of 1789 constituted a revolution as radical as that of 1776, though of a different charac ter. The one established the independence of the individual States, the other took away the indepen dence of the States and made them component parts of a nation, laying emphasis upon their nationality. The doctrine of State sovereignty was first dis tinctly stated in 1798, after the passage of the " Alien and Sedition " laws by Congress. The Legislatures of Kentucky and Virginia passed resolutions, pre pared by Jefferson and Madison, respectively, which asserted that the Constitution was of the nature of a compact to which the separate States were parties, and that each State had the exclusive right to decide for itself when the compact had been broken and the mode and measure of redress. At different times one or more of the States had asserted the right of seces sion, but had either been restrained by wiser counsels or by force. Calhoun's doctrine of nullification, which was tried in South Carolina in 1832 and failed, was a legitimate offspring of this political theory. Another outbreak was imminent in 1850, but was subdued by compromise and popular vote. The sen timent was not destroyed, but reposed in the faith of its ultimate triumph, and awaited an opportunity for an outbreak. The election of Lincoln brought the opportunity and a nominal provocation. 172 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. During the memorable winter preceding Lincoln's inauguration, secession was the all-absorbing topic. The South energetically maintained its right to secede, and proceeded to exercise it ; while the North was loth to believe that the secession movement was not conceived in a spirit of mere bravado, and that the Union would be broken. The subject was discussed in the press and pulpit, and in the national Legislature. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, in a speech in the House of Repre sentatives, said : "The secession and rebellion of the South have been inculcated as a doctrine for twenty years past among slaveholding communities. At one time the tariff was deemed a sufficient cause ; then the exclu sion of slavery from the Territories ; then some viola tion of the Fugitive Slave Law. Now the culminating cause is the election of a President who does not believe in the benefits of slavery or approve of that great missionary enterprise, the slave-trade. The truth is, all these things are mere pretenses. The rest less spirits of the South desire to have a slave empire, and they use all these things as excuses. Some of them desire a more brilliant and stronger govern ment than a republic. Their domestic institutions and the social inequality of their free people natu rally prepare them for a monarchy, surrounded by a lordly nobility, for a throne founded upon the neck of labor." The extreme Southern view was partially presented in a short speech in the Senate, December 4, by Thomas Clingman of North Carolina, which he began as follows : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 173 " My purpose was not so much to make a speech, as to state what I think is the great difficulty ; and that is, that a man has been elected because he has been and is hostile to the South. It is this that alarms our people ; and I am free to say, as I have said upon the stump this summer repeatedly, that if an election were not resisted, either now or at a day not far distant, the Abolitionists would succeed in abolishing slavery all over the South. . . . Therefore, I maintain that our true policy is to meet this issue in limine, and I hope it will be done. If we can main tain our personal safety let us hold on to the present Government, if not, we must take care of ourselves at all hazards. . . . The current of resistance is running rapidly over the South. It is idle for men to shut their eyes to consequences such as these." The views of the ultra-secessionists were presented much more elaborately in the same place, January 7, by Robert Toombs of Georgia. He formulated the grievances of the South into five demands : " First, that the people of the United States shall have an equal right to emigrate and settle in the present or future acquired Territories, with whatever property they may possess (including slaves), and be securely protected in its peaceable enjoyment until such a Territory be admitted as a State into the Union, with or without slavery as she may determine, on an equal ity with existing States. . . . The second proposi tion is, that property in slaves shall be entitled to the same protection from the Government of the United States, in all its departments, everywhere, which the Constitution confers upon it the power to extend to any other property, provided that nothing herein 174 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. contained shall be construed to limit or restrain the right now belonging to every State to prohibit, abol ish or establish and protect slavery within its limits. We demand of the common Government to use its granted powers to protect our property as well as yours. . . . We demand, in the next place, that per sons committing crimes against slave property in one State and fleeing to another, shall be delivered up in the same manner as persons committing crimes against other property and that the laws of the State from which persons flee shall be the test of criminal ity. . . . The next stipulation is, that fugitive slaves shall be surrendered under the provisions of the Fugi tive Slave Act of 1850, without being entitled either to a writ of habeas corpus or a trial by jury or other similar obstructions of legislation in the State to which he may flee. . . . The next demand, made in behalf of the South is, that Congress shall pass effec tive laws for the punishment of all persons in any of the States who shall, in any manner, aid and abet inva sion or insurrection in any other State, or commit any other act against the laws of nations tending to dis turb the tranquility of the people or government of any other State. ... In a compact where there is no common arbiter, where the parties finally decide for themselves, the sword, at last becomes the real, if not the constitutional arbiter. Your party says that you will not take the decision of the Supreme Court. What are you going to do ? You say we shall submit to your construction. We shall do it if you can make us ; but not otherwise, or in any other manner. That is settled. You may call that secession or you may call it revolution ; but there is a big fact stand- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 175 ing before you ready to oppose you, and that fact is freemen with arms in their hands. The cry of the Union will not disperse them ; we have passed that point ; they demand equal rights, you had better heed their demands." With such specious words as these did the party- leaders seek to justify their course. If it be granted that slavery was morally and legally right, their arguments were conclusive. Few of them claimed that they had any constitutional right to secede ; for such a claim there were no plausible grounds. They, therefore, justified secession as a revolutionary measure and used, practically, the same arguments as the patriots of 1775 in severing their connection from England the oppressive character of the Govern ment and the impossibility of maintaining their rights under the Constitution. The speeches in Congress were but the echoes of aggressive deeds throughout the South. One of the orators boldly said : l " And while this Congress is de bating the constitutionality and expediency of seced ing from the Union, and while the perfidious authors of this mischief are showering down denunciations upon a large portion of the patriotic men of this country, those brave men are coolly and calmly voting what you call revolution. Ay, sir, better than that, arming to defend it. They appealed to the Constitution they appealed to justice, they appealed to fraternity, until the Constitution, justice, fraternity, were no longer listened to in the legislative halls of their country, and then, sir, they prepared for the arbitra- Robert Tooinbs. 176 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ment of the sword ; and now you see the glittering bayonet, and you hear the tramp of armed men from your Capital to the Rio Grande." The great conspiracy was almost perfected in the South before the North did more than suspect its existence. No sooner was Lincoln's election assured than active preparations for secession were begun. When the result of the election was announced 5 a Convention was called in South Carolina, a State which had always been the leader in revolutionary movements, to consider the question of secession. After a heated discussion, an ordinance of secession was adopted, November 17. Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, Florida and Louisiana followed her exam ple in January, and Texas in February. Not only were the people of the North powerless to prevent the catastrophe but the National Government was practically in the hands of the Confederacy. The President weakly deplored the state of affairs, but announced his inability to cope with it. In a mes sage to Congress he announced it as his belief, that no State had the constitutional right to secede, but once seceded that the Government had no right nor power to bring them back by force. Congress was power less to effect anything and the suffering country could only wait and pray for the advent of a stronger administration. And as comparatively few had any faith in the ability of Lincoln to successfully cope with such a momentous state of affairs, the outlook was gloomy indeed, perhaps more so than at any time during the succeeding war. President Buchanan's Cabinet was a very hot-bed of treason. Traitors, high in the Councils of State, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 177 neglected no opportunity to serve the South and to cripple the Government. Men who had taken a sol emn oath to uphold the Constitution, deliberately broke its most binding provisions. Howell Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, emptied its vaults and impaired the public credit and then resigned because " his duty to Georgia demanded it." Isaac Toucey, Secretary of the Navy, placed as many of the ships of war as possible in the hands of traitors and sent the rest on cruises to remote ports in other parts of the world. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, transferred nearly all the effective munitions of war, from North ern to Southern arsenals, where they could be easily seized by the rebels, and scattered the regular army along the frontier, whence it could with difficulty be recalled. And all of this was done openly with scarce a pretense of concealment. Nor were these men at all loth to proclaim their disunion senti ments, even while occupying positions of trust under, and drawing their salaries from the Government they were seeking to destroy. Anxious patriots, powerless to prevent, watched the bespoiling of the country and the gathering of armed forces, the clouds of rebellion darkening upon the Southern horizon, with feelings akin to despair. The seceding States appointed delegates to meet at Montgomery, Ala., on February 4, to form a provis ional Government. They organized a Federal Govern ment, with a Constitution similar to the old one, excepting that it recognized slavery and the para mount rights of the States. Jefferson Davis was appointed President and Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President. 178 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. February 15, Congress, in joint session, counted the electoral votes and declared Messrs. Lincoln and Hamlin, President and Vice-President-elect. The event had been looked forward to by the loyal North with fear and foreboding. The turbulent element was apparently in the supremacy in the National Capital, and there seemed to be reason to fear that the count ing of the electoral votes would be interfered with, if not violently prevented. But nothing occurred in any way to obstruct the ceremony, whether because the plans of the Southern leaders were so far advanced that they did not care to interfere or because they did not believe that Lincoln would attempt to force them back into the Union. During this time, Mr. Lincoln was remaining quietly at home, watching closely the course of events and trying to avert the catastrophe in every way possible. He was in close communication with the leaders of the party and many prominent men both North and South, striving to assure them of his pacific inten tions. He insisted emphatically that he did not intend to interfere with slavery in the slave States, but he would not abate one iota of his opposition to its further extension, nor would he permit his friends to take any measures looking toward a compromise. December 13 he wrote the following letter to Hon. E. B. Washburne, Chairman of the House Congressional Committee: "Your long letter received. Prevent, as far as possible, any of our friends from demoralizing themselves and our cause by entertaining propositions for compromise of any sort upon slavery extension. There is no possible compromise upon it, but which puts us under and all our work to do over again. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 179 Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, and immediately filibustering and slavery extension recommences. On that point hold firm as a chain of steel." In an interview published in the New York Tribune, January 30, 1861, he reiterates the same sentiments with increased emphasis : "I will suffer death before I will consent, or advise my friends to consent, to any concession or compro mise which looks like buying the privilege of taking possession of the Government, to which we have a constitutional right ; because, whatever I might think of the merit of the various propositions before Congress, I should regard any concession in the face of menace as the destruction of the Government itself, and a consent on all hands that our system shall be brought down to a level with the existing dis organized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people, and if they desire to call a convention to remove any grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees for the permanence of vested rights, it is not mine to oppose." Mr. Lincoln's firmness, at this time, prevented all attempts at compromise which could only have been consummated by such a surrender of constitutional rights as would have been disastrous to the unity and prosperity of the country. Secession and war were evils to be avoided if possible, but not by compromise or concession which could at best but defer the appeal to arms for a short time. The points in dispute were too vital to be settled by anything short of war, and l8o ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the sooner the issue was faced the better it was for the country. Mr. Lincoln appreciated the situation much better than many of the party-leaders, and his dignified firm ness in refusing all compromise that contemplated a sacrifice of principle, has been proven by subsequent events to have been the wisest policy. February n he left Springfield with his family and a few friends to go to Washington and enter upon the arduous duties of his office. It was a solemn moment and one fraught with the deepest anxiety and appre hension. Elected to the highest and most honorable office within the gift of the people of the great Repub lic, he should have started upon his journey joyfully, with bright anticipations of a brilliant and glorious career. Not as a tvied General, confident of success, did he go to his task, but rather as one called upon to go out and do fierce battle with mighty foes, without preparation, and feeling his own incompetency. Hence it was not with the pride of assured success, that he bade adieu to the friends who gathered at the railway-station for one last shake of the hand and a parting look at a face which they should see no more until, with a martyr's crown, it should return to find a resting-place forever in the spot he so dearly loved. A feeling of sadness pervaded the group and none felt more sorrow than the one to whom the attention of all was directed. As he stepped upon the plat form of the car he turned around and uttered the fol lowing beautiful and touching words : " My Friends : No one, not in my position, can realize the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more ABRAHAM LINCOLN. l8l than a quarter of a century. Here my children were born and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. I go to assume a task more difficult than any which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine blessing which sustained him ; and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support. And I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that divine assistance, without which I cannot suc ceed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you an affectionate farewell." With many a hearty "God bless you and keep you," the train pulled out of the depot. The plan of the journey contemplated a trip through the States of Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jer sey and Maryland. When the distinguished party reached Indianapolis, the Legislature was in session. Mr. Lincoln visited the State House, and was warmly greeted. Here, as elsewhere, when the opportunity offered, Mr. Lincoln made a short speech, the burden of which was intended to allay the excitement and distrust in the South, and to gain the confidence of the people. He could not yet believe that the peo ple of the South were determined in their attempts to break up the Union, and he desired that they might become convinced of his good-will and his intention not to interfere with their peculiar institu tions any further than his construction of the Con stitution demanded. Everywhere his speeches were pacific and moderate, and appealed to the highest l82 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. patriotism of the people. Yet his temperate words at no time led the people to suspect that he lacked in firmness. " I shall do all that may be in my power," said he, " to promote a peaceful settlement of our difficulties. The man does not live who is more de voted to peace than I am none who would do more to preserve it. But it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly." He visited the cities of Cincinnati, Columbus and Cleveland and was everywhere received with the greatest enthusiasm. At Cincinnati he approached the borders of a slave State, and his speech here was, as on a previous occasion, directed largely to the Kentuckians, who might almost hear the echoes of his voice from the opposite shore. The burden of his utterances was everywhere the same. At Buffalo, Albany, New York, Trenton, Philadelphia and Har- risburg he attempted to allay fear and encourage con fidence. Never had he before been brought into contact with so many people in so short a time. His journey was a veritable triumphal march. At every station and crossroad crowds waited patiently to see the Presidential train pass by, and the larger cities, where stops were to be made, were thronged with eager crowds, some of whom had come to criticise and others to counsel, some out of mere curiosity and others out of a warm, hearty good-will towards him who was to assume a greater responsibility and bear a heavier burden than any President since Washing ton. The general impression made upon the people was pleasing, and many who came to ridicule his ungainliness, went away to praise his manliness. The Ohio State Journal spoke in highest terms of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 183 the impression made by Mr. Lincoln upon the people. " His great height was conspicuous even in that crowd of goodly men. At first the kindness and amia bility of his face strikes you; but, as he speaks, the greatness and determination of his nature are appar ent. Something in his manner, even more than in his words, told how deeply he was affected by the enthu siasm of the people, and when he appealed to them for encouragement and support, every heart re sponded with a mute assurance of both. There was the simplicity of greatness in his unassuming and confiding manner that won its way to instant admi ration." When he reached Albany, the Legislature of the Empire State was in session, and he was invited to address it. The scene was an impressive one. Not only was the audience a notable one, but the memo ries associated with the place were impressive. That so distinguished an audience, in so noted a place, had assembled to greet him, touched him deeply. In commencing his speech, he said: " It is with feelings of great diffidence and, I may say, feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have re cently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The history of this great State, the renown of its great men who have stood in this chamber, and have spoken their thoughts, all crowd around my fancy and incline me to shrink from an attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you invited me, and the still more generous manner in which you have re ceived me. You have invited me and received me 184 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. without distinction of party. I could not for a mo ment suppose that this has been done in any consid erable degree with any reference to my personal self. It is very much more grateful to me that this recep tion and the invitation preceding it were given to me, as the representative of a free people, than it could possibly have been were it but the evidence of devo tion to me or to any one man. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock modesty, the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elected President of the United States, I yet have a more dif ficult task to perform than any of them has ever encountered." At Trenton, the historic capital of New Jersey, he was also tendered a reception by the Legislature. The memories of the dangerous passage of the Dela ware and the great victory which followed were inti mately associated in his mind with his childhood's days, when he eagerly read and re-read Weem's at tractive but unreliable " Life of Washington," by the light of a pine knot, long after the rest of the family had retired for the night. He alluded modestly, but impressively, to the toils and privations of those early days, proving once more that he was not ashamed of his lowly origin, but that he rather gloried in the fact that he was one of the masses and thus in deepest sympathy with them. At Philadelphia he unfurled a splendid flag in the presence of a great concourse, and made an elaborate address, in which he spoke of his political life and feelings more freely than at any other time on the journey, and when, for a moment, he admitted his apprehensions of the future in almost prophetic ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 185 words. The whole speech, which was delivered in Independence Hall, is too long to be quoted, but a single passage will well illustrate its character. " You have kindly suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of our country. I can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in, and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independ ence. I have often pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who assembled here and framed and adopted that Declaration of Independ ence. I have pondered over the toils that were en dured by the officers and soldiers of the army that achieved that Independence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from the mother country, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country but, I hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can this country be saved on this basis ? If it can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help save it. If it cannot be saved on that principle, it would be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving l86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. up that principle, I was about to say, / would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it" This was not the first time that he had declared his veneration for and allegiance to the principles of the immortal Declaration. Again and again had he reiterated it in the Douglas debates and other politi cal speeches. In it he found his political creed and upon the permanence of its principles he based all his hope for the future welfare of the country. On the next day he visited Harrisburg and addressed the Pennsylvania Legislature there assem bled, and here his public journey ended. There had been many vague rumors afloat in regard to conspira cies formed by Southern sympathizers to prevent his inauguration. Baltimore was intensely disloyal and numerous threats had been made that the President elect should never pass through the city alive. Much alarm was felt by his friends and everything possible had been done to unearth the conspiracy, if one existed. Detectives had been engaged and evidence of the existence of such a plot was apparently secured. Mr. Lamon, who accompanied Mr. Lincoln, criticises the evidence and casts grave doubts upon its reliability. But that there was good reason to apprehend danger, even if none existed, was excuse enough for more than ordinary caution. His friends had advised Mr. Lincoln to cancel his engagements in Philadelphia and Harrisburg and hastily and secretly make the journey to Washington. This he refused to do, but, after his address at Harrisburg, he secretly boarded a special car, and without the knowledge of any one, save two or three of his most intimate friends, he went to Philadelphia, where he ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 187 boarded the night train, passed through Baltimore in safety and reached the Capital in the morning, before it was generally known that he had left Harrisburg. This hurried journey to Washington was sharply criticised and mercilessly ridiculed and caricatured in the papers of the day. Some went so far as to impute its motive to cowardice. It must be admitted that there are at least grave doubts that any such conspiracy existed or that there was any danger to be apprehended from the passage through Baltimore. The suspicions, however, were strong enough and the condition of the country sufficiently critical to justify the most extraordinary precautions to protect the person of the President-elect from all possible danger. CHAPTER XIV. LINCOLN had practically constructed his Cabinet before he left Springfield. It was a task of unusual difficulty, yet he executed it with judgment and mod eration. The Republican party had been formed in large part, by recruits from the Whig and Democratic parties, the latter being in the majority. Something of the old-time antagonism existed between the quondam political foes and the great difficulty pre sented itself, in the formation of the Cabinet, of recog nizing both wings in such a manner that satisfaction would be given to both and cause for jealousy to neither. Here, at the very outset, Lincoln gave intimations of the fixed principle that was to guide him in his political appointments during his administration. He would recognize true patriotism as a standard for political preferment and not party affiliations. Other things being equal he made but little distinction between Democrats and Republicans, provided that the loyalty of the candidate was unquestioned. Never since Washington had a President placed so high a premium upon patriotism, and paid so little attention to politics. It made him many political enemies but brought him multitudes of friends from the masses of the people who recognized his earnest desire to administer the affairs of the Government for the gen- (188) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 189 eral good. And later on, when the gathering storm of war burst upon the land and the adherents of the South strove to show that it was a war inspired and brought on by the " black Republicans," instead of choosing his officers exclusively from the party which had elected him, he gave full proof of the fact that he considered the question of suppessing the Rebellion to be a purely national one, and he made it his policy to gather to the national standard all loyal men of whatever party. The peril of the nation annihilates party, and he did not fail to appreciate the fact. Beyond a question he will be recognized in history as the most purely national and loyal Chief Magistrate of the century. From the day of his election he had been beset by hordes of hungry office-seekers, who demanded that he should dismiss all the appointees of previous ad ministrations and divide the spoils among those who had helped to elect him. A strong pressure was early brought to bear upon him to this end, but, although he listened courteously to all suggestions and advice, he remained firm in his determination to make re movals from office only upon patriotic and not upon partisan grounds, and in many cases he even went further than this and showed his willingness to ap point his political enemies and rivals to the most im portant offices on grounds of qualification alone. This principle was exemplified in the selection of Cabinet officers. Many men were recommended to him by influential politicians, who believed they had a claim upon him; yet he was for the most part unin fluenced by their representations, and made his selec tions solely with a view to the public good. He de- 1 90 ' ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sired to enroll some moderate, but influential South ern men in the Cabinet, hoping that such action might materially assist in averting the war which was threatened. To this end he made overtures to Hon. John A. Gilmore, then a member of Congress from North Carolina. In a letter personally delivered by Thurlow Weed, he explained briefly his views upon the situation, and outlined the policy he in tended to pursue. He then offered Mr. Gilmore a Cabinet portfolio which, however, he reluctantly refused in view of the probable secession of his State. Before his election Mr. Lincoln had determined to offer the two leading positions, the State and Treas ury Departments, to his two prominent rivals for the nomination, Messrs. Seward and Chase. And after wards the Cabinet was completed by the selection of Hon. Simon Cameron as Secretary of War, Hon. Gideon Welles as Secretary of the Navy, Hon. E. H. Bates as Attorney General, Hon. Caleb Smith as Sec retary of the Interior and Judge Montgomery Blair as Postmaster General. The Cabinet, thus constituted, was a strong one, and every member of it was eminently qualified to fulfill the arduous duties of his position; yet there was not a single appointment which failed to excite bitter criticism and, in some cases, from within the party itself. Mr. Seward was the most prominent and widely known of these gentlemen. He had been one of the founders of the party, and was noted for the earnest ness with which he had entered into the struggle with the slave power. By his eloquent and forcible speeches ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ipl he had done much to bring together the diverse ele ments of the party, and to unite them for a victori ous campaign. In a speech at Rochester he had been the first to predict the "irrepressible conflict," and, even sooner than Lincoln, he had announced his be lief that the Government could not long exist half free and half slave. He was a cultured gentleman and a thorough scholar. He believed in a pacific policy and, as far as the dignity of the Government would permit, he believed concessions should be made to the South. Salmon P. Chase had also been a prominent candi date for the Presidential nomination. His ability was unquestioned, and his mind clear and logical. In character he was above reproach, and yet, while he always commanded the highest respect, he lacked the elements which conduce to popularity, and never wielded much influence over the masses. His posi tion was, undoubtedly, the most difficult and perplex ing in the Cabinet. The expenses of a great war must be met from an empty Treasury and by a nation which was in the throes of civil war. Never had financial problems of greater magnitude been forced upon a government, and never had a man better fitted to deal with them been at the head of the Treasury. He had been a radical Abolitionist from the first and had never faltered in his principles, though in the midst of the most determined opposition. Hon. Simon Cameron was given the position of Secretary of War, rather because of arrangements made before the Convention and his assistance during the campaign, than on account of his popularity. When it was understood that Mr. Lincoln contem- IQ2 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. plated giving him a Cabinet position, numerous pro tests were received from all over the North, alleging that he was an unscrupulous and dishonest politician and that his presence in the Cabinet would bring discredit upon the Administration. He was de scended from the Scotch clan of the Camerons and had inherited many of the characteristics of his High land ancestors. He was said never to forget a friend or an enemy. Much opposition was also manifested to the appointment of Judge Blair. He came from a distinguished family which had been possessed of considerable political influence. He was a gentle man of the old school, hasty, selfwilled, but able. The affairs of the Postal Service have never been bet ter administered than during his incumbency. Mr. Lincoln spent the few days intervening be tween his arrival in Washington and his inaugura tion in consultation with his political advisers, in re ceiving delegations which came to pay their respects to the Chief Magistrate-elect and in listening to the claims of candidates for office. As the date of the in auguration approached, the popular interest and ap prehension became more intense. Threats had been freely made that Lincoln should never be inaugu rated. Washington lay within the bounds of a slave State, and contained a large element which was in sympathy with the South, and, moreover, the city had become a rendezvous for many desperate radicals who would hesitate at nothing to carry out their incendi ary designs. General Scott, the veteran hero of the Mexican War, who was the Commander of the United States' Armies, was aware of the danger and an nounced his intention of protecting the person of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 193 the President from assault with the whole army if necessary. When the day came the whole North waited with bated breath as if almost expecting to hear the echoes of insurrection and carnage at the national Capital, proclaiming the disruption of the Union. The great crowds which usually attend these quadrennial cere monies were, in large part, absent. For few dared to face the evident danger to gratify curiosity. On the eastern front of the Capitol was erected a platform upon which were grouped the Members of Congress, the Supreme Court Judges, the high officers of the Army and Navy, many of the Diplomatic Corps, resplendent in their decorations of tinsel and gold. The crowd that had assembled to view the proceed ings was such a one as had never before been seen in the Capital City. There were patriots who beheld their beloved country on the verge of ruin and who could see no hope for the future save such as was held out by the grave, gaunt man before them. Despon dent and hopeless, they could see no guiding light through the black clouds that lowered so thickly around them. And there were traitors there, who waited but the opportunity to tear down and trample underfoot the Stars and Stripes that floated above their heads, men, whose hearts were full of malice towards him, whose election to the Presidency they had chosen to assign as the cause for the fulmination of their evil designs against the Government. Upon the platform stood, with bowed head, Presi dent Buchanan, whose administration was to be known to posterity as the feeblest and most fraught with evil in the history of the country. There too, 194 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. prominent in the eyes of the people, was Douglas, Lincoln's great rival, now, for the first time suffering the bitter pangs of defeat, yet in every way consider ate of his old friend. From this time no man was more loyal or more earnest in the defense of the Union than Douglas, he, who had been ranked as the champion of the slaveholders. Henceforth he would forget party allegiance and political animosity, and join heart and hand with all good patriots who strove to preserve the Union. And to-day, his piercing eye restlessly scanned the crowds before him as if to observe the first signs of outbreak or violence. Everywhere was disquiet and uncertainty. The spirit of violence was abroad and none knew where he would first manifest his flaming presence. One man, alone, was calm and self-reliant. Without a tremor or a fear for his personal safety Lincoln stood before the people, unconscious of self and eager to impress upon the world, for he knew the world would listen to his utterances, his peaceful sentiments and the assurance of his belief that the unity of the Gov ernment would not be destroyed by violence. He was not insensible to the danger, but he believed that the better sense of the South would ultimately tri umph over the hasty passions of the men so eager to work a revolution. Above all he believed in the per manence of the Government and the vitality of repub lican institutions, and especially in the power of the Constitution to perpetuate itself. He forgot his own personality in the presence of the tremendous issues thronging upon him and stood before the people, calm and fearless, the embodiment of the might of the Constitution and the offended Genius of Liberty. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IQ5 He stood, bareheaded, and read his address in a voice so clear and penetrating that each word was heard distinctly by every one of the thousands pres ent. Beholding the dark clouds of war hanging low over the country, he yet planted his feet firmly upon the rock of peace. His enemies had cast the gauntlet of defiance at his feet and he, in return, extended to them the right hand of amity. His address was conciliatory but firm, dignified but confidential. As no other man had ever done he blended the loftiest utterances with perfect candor and honesty towards the people. Nevertheless, the address, which, in the unprejudiced judgment of history, will rank among the great masterpieces of oratory and not the least among them, was greeted with carping and criticism. The South characterized it as the rabid utterance of the most radical republican ism, and many who should have sustained him in the North, spoke of him as a traitor to his party principles and accused him of seeking to compromise with the secessionists. Time, the great vindicator, proves the mistake of both and places the correct estimate upon the great inaugural speech. Its length forbids its entire insertion here, but some of the most striking passages are quoted below : " Fellow-citizens of the United States. In com pliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution to be taken by the President before he enters upon the execution of his office. . . . Appre hension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republi- 196 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. can administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehen sion. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the time existed and been open to their inspec tion. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that * I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.' Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : ' Resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and con trol its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes.' I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, I only press upon the public attention the most con clusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 197 can be given will be cheerfully given, to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause as cheerfully to one section, as to another. ... I take the official oath to-day with no mental reserva tions and with no purpose to construe the Constitu tion or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Con gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. " It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under the national Constitution. Dur ing that period fifteen different and greatly distin guished citizens have, in succession, administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils and, generally, with great success. Yet with all this scope of pre cedent, I now enter upon this same task, for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, hitherto only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of univer sal law and of the Constitution, the union of the States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied if not expressed in the fundamental law of all national Governments. It is safe to assert that no Govern ment proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national Constitution and the Union will endure forever it being impossible to 198 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. "Again if the United States be not a Government proper, but an association of States in the nature of a compact merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it. One party to a contract may violate it break it, so to speak, but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? . . . It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of vio lence within any State or States, against the author ity of the United States, are insurrectionary or revo lutionary, according to the circumstances. I there fore consider that, in view of the Constitution and laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, I deem to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall with hold the requisite means, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as a declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself. In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence ; and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and pos sess the property and places belonging to the Gov ernment and to collect the duties and imposts ; but ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 199 beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. . . . That there are per sons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, howevf, who really love the Union, may I not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruc tion of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascer tain precisely why we do it ? AVill you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist ence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? AH profess to be content in the Union, if all constitu tional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution has been denied ? I think not. . . . Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A major ity held in check by constitutional checks and limi tations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinion and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to des potism. Unanimity is impossible ; the rule of a mi nority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inad missible ; so that rejecting the minority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form, is all that is left. . . . One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other 2OO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. . . . Physically speaking we cannot separate. We cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence, and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face and intercourse, either ami cable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced among aliens than treaties among friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. . . . My Countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take delib erately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object will be frustrated by it. Such of you, as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Consti tution unimpaired and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it ; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you, who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single good reason for pre cipitate action. Intelligence, Patriotism, Christianity ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 2OI and a firm reliance on Him, who has never yet for saken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty. In your hands, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one 'to preserve, protect and defend it.' I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every loving heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as they surely will be, by the better angels of our nature." At the close of the address Chief Justice Taney, white-haired and venerable with age, stepped forward and administered the simple oath of office. It was a striking scene, the Judge, whose decision in the Dred Scott case had opened all the avenues of contention and civil war, confirming the authority of the man who had been most potent in opposition to the prin ciple he had enunciated, and who was destined to overthrow the institution in whose favor it had been made. It was the old dispensation handing its sword to the new ; the might of law triumphing over the confusion of anarchy and secession. From that moment the ill-omened institution was doomed, yet it had so entered into and permeated the life of the South that it required all the horrors of a civil war to 202 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. tear it out. It had been rooted in tyranny, and prop agated and nourished in the midst of sectional strife and jealousy, until the mighty force of the Government was all but inadequate to overthrow it. When Mr. Lincoln came upon the platform he appeared awkward and ill at ease. He was clad in a new suit of clothes and carried in his hand a new silk hat, a style which he had never before worn. As he stepped to the front he looked helplessly around for some place to put his hat but could find none. For a moment he stood holding it in his hands, evidently unwilling to trust it upon the floor, when Mr. Doug las, who had seen his embarrassment and its cause, stepped forward and took the hat and held it during the address, while he listened with eager interest to every word that fell from the lips of the speaker and from time to time showed plainly his approval of the sentiments expressed. When the ceremonies were ended, the hearers slowly dispersed and went to their homes and the new administration entered upon its difficult duties amid embarrassments far greater than could have been expected and which were destined to increase rapidly both in numbers and extent. Of all the congratulations extended to Mr. Lincoln none were more sincere and heartfelt than those of Mr. Douglas who, realizing the magnitude of the task undertaken by his erstwhile rival, gave him the assur ance that he w r ould aid him to the utmost in uphold ing the Constitution and enforcing the laws of the country. And he nobly kept his pledge. Mr. Arnold, in his " Life of Lincoln," relates the fol- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 203 lowing remarkable story of a prophecy made by Mr. Douglas at this time : " Senator Douglas and his wife, one of the most beautiful and fascinating women of America, occu pied one of the houses which formed the Minnesota block. On New Year's Day, 1861, General Stewart, of New York, was making a New Year's call on Sen ator Douglas and, after some conversation, asked him : ' What will be the result, Senator, of the efforts of Jefferson Davis and his associates, to divide the Union ?' " * We were,' says Stewart, * sitting on the sofa together, when I asked the question. Douglas rose, walked rapidly up and down the room for a moment, and then, pausing, he exclaimed, with deep feeling and excitement : " * The cotton States are making an effort to draw in the border States to their schemes of secession, and I am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do, there will be the most fearful civil war the world has ever seen, lasting for years.' " Pausing a moment, he looked like one inspired, while he proceeded : ' Virginia, over yonder, across the Potomac,' pointing to Arlington, * will become a charnel-house ; but, in the end the Union will triumph. They will try to get possession of this Capital, to give them prestige abroad, but in that effort they will never succeed ; the North will arise en masse to defend it. But Washington will become a city of hospitals, the churches will be used for the sick and wounded. This house,' he continued, ' the Minnesota block, will be devoted to that purpose before the end of the war.' 204 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " Every word of this prediction was literally fulfilled; nearly all the churches were used for the wounded and the Minnesota block and the very room, in which this declaration was made, became the ' Douglas Hospital.' "'What justification is therefor all this? 'asked Stewart. " ' There is no justification,' replied Douglas. ' I will go as far as the Constitution will permit to main tain their just rights. But,' said he, rising to his feet and raising his arm, * if the Southern States attempt to secede, I am in favor of their having just so many slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can hold at the point of the bayonet, and no more.' " Five months after this remarkable conversation Stephen A. Douglas was no more. CHAPTER XV. WHEN Mr. Lincoln entered the White House on the night of March 4, 1861, he was nominally the Presi dent of the United States, but in fact his recognized authority extended only over the Northern and bor der States, the Southern tier was in a state of open revolt. The Union was disintegrated, the Constitu tion nullified and the opposing political theories of States' rights and centralization, brought into hostile relations by the unholy institution of slavery, were now preparing to decide the great dispute by force of arms. Seven States had already passed ordinances of se cession and had set up a provisional government, with Montgomery as the capital. North Carolina was the only Southern State that still hesitated. At first, the majority of its people were opposed to seces sion. This grand old State had special reason to cling to and reverence the Union. Within its borders had been fought some of the most sanguinary conflicts of the Revolution and, in the past, no State had been more loyal to the Constitution or more ready to sacri fice blood and treasure in its defense. Her patriotic feelings, however, were strongly opposed by the com mon sentiment of her sister States, to whom she was bound by ties of strongest sympathy and common interest. The disunion influences were thus too (205) 2O6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. strong to be resisted and the secession ordinance was passed, May 21, and the Southern Confederacy was complete. The fight in the border States of Maryland, Ken tucky and Missouri was long and bitter. The people were about equally divided, but the Union party finally triumphed, assisted, as it was, by the active sympathy and support of the North and the earnest co-operation of the administration. Mr. Lincoln clearly perceived the importance of retaining these States in the Union, not only for their moral influ ence but also because they formed a belt of neutral territory between the loyal and disloyal States. Had these States seceded, the war would, no doubt, have been greatly prolonged, the National Capital could not have been held against the enemy, and the issue would have been more doubtful than it was. The difficulties that surrounded the administration were almost insuperable. There was incipient war, and no means of crushing it; rebellion, but the hands of the Government were tied. The majority of the army officers, who had been educated at West Point, and had gained skill from actual experience, violated their oaths and entered the armies of the South. The army and navy were demoralized and almost disor ganized. The munitions of war had been largely transported to the South, and were now in the hands of the recalcitrants. The Treasury was empty, and the public credit exhausted. The administration was in the hands of men who were untried and inex perienced in the details of the governmental ma chinery. Moreover, the constant defections of men, who were believed to be thoroughly loyal, and the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 2OJ outbreak of treasonable sentiments in quarters least expected, filled the hearts of loyal citizens with dis trust and deepened their apprehensions. For a time, no active or aggressive policy was announced by the Government, and the people, forgetting that the new officers must have time to become accustomed to their duties before any decided change could be inaugu rated, bewailed the apathy of the Government and began to hint that it was secretly in sympathy with the South. In addition to all this the European world either looked coldly on or extended sympathy and the implied promise of support in the future to the seceding States. Mr. Lincoln had announced in his inaugural that he should never make war upon the South. If war must come, the disaffected people would themselves be the aggressors. Therefore, he awaited patiently the issue, all the time making active preparations for an emergency, but avoiding all appearance of hostil ity or any overt action which could be regarded as a provocation or excuse for war on the part of the South. Meantime, events in the seceding States were moving rapidly on towards the catastrophe. The leaders had determined upon separation at all haz ards, and while the Northern States had been uncer tain as to the course of events and disturbed by con flicting counsels and the embarrassments incident upon a change of administration, the fullest oppor tunities had been offered to the violent spirits of the South to conceive and carry out their treasonable plans. In South Carolina, the discontent was great est and the disunion sentiment most violent. Here, naturally, the first outbreak occurred. The Confed- 208 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. erate Government saw that a loyal garrison in Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, would materially inter fere with their plans, and they determined to secure possession of the stronghold. When Major Ander son, the officer in command, refused to surrender, they opened fire upon the old flag, Friday morning, April 12. Never before had the roar of hostile cannon so convulsed a mighty nation. The majority of the Northern people, while deeply troubled by the mani fest hostility of their Southern brethren, could not yet believe that they would deliberately commence a great civil war. For more than a generation there had been no war of any magnitude upon American soil. Great industries and an immense traffic be tween the different sections, nurtured by peaceful influences, had banished the memories of the horror and carnage of war, and men now stood aghast at the thought that a war, whose consequences none could foresee, had suddenly come upon them, and that the great cities, the product and abode of the peaceful arts, might soon be given over to rapine and flames. There was no hamlet so remote but it might fear the coming of the ruthless invader, no home- circle which might not be broken. Yet the shock was not one of paralysis, but rather the blow which awakens from the lethargy of inaction and brings every faculty into instant and vigorous exercise. Much could be forgiven, but the insult to the old flag, around which clustered so many hallowed mem ories, and which represented all that was noble and enduring in republican institutions, could not be condoned. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 209 A wave of awakening patriotism swept over the North to its remotest limits. Orators in the public squares, and ministers in the pulpits, preached in fer vent words the duty of patriotism and loyalty to the Government. For the time all political antagonisms were forgotten. Party strifes and sectional jealousies were laid aside and Democrats vied with Republicans, Nationals with Abolitionists in their eagerness to de fend the majesty of the Government and to sustain its imperiled interests. Nor were the feelings of the people expressed alone in words. Men hastened to lay upon their country's altar, their influence, their property, themselves. Never had there been such a patriotic uprising. Companies were formed and drilled in every village and hamlet. The militia as sembled. Muskets and flint locks, which had done service in the Revolution and the Mexican War, were taken down from the hooks, where they had long re posed untouched, and were cleaned and burnished and made ready for use. Meantime, every eye was turned towards Washington and him, upon whose shoulders devolved the responsibility of directing the efforts made to uphold the honor and integrity of the Government. At last had come the crucial test, the hour that would prove the metal of the man and ex pose to the world the flaw if one existed. Would the pioneer President rise to the demands of the hour and prove himself a master in the untried sphere into which he had been called; or would the reins of power fall from his nerveless hand ? Upon the an swer to this question depended the fate of the Nation, and to a large extent the weal or woe of modern civ ilization. 210 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The world was not long left in doubt. During the trying weeks previous to the assault upon Sumter, Mr. Lincoln had not swerved from his expressed pol icy and more than once had he reiterated and empha sized it. Even at the time, when the siege of Sumter was in progress and when it would appear that all hope for securing a peaceful solution should have been abandoned, Mr. Lincoln in his reply to a com mittee, appointed by the Virginia convention, which afterwards passed the secession ordinance, for the purpose of ascertaining definitely his policy, referred in emphatic terms to the statements made in his in augural address, saying: " By the words ' property and places belonging to the Government' I chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in the possession of the Gov ernment when it came into my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United States authority from these places, an un provoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess like places which had been seized before the Government was devolved upon me; and in any event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force with force." The attitude of Mr. Douglas at this time was a source of great strength to the administration and to the cause at large. His last days were his most glo rious, and go far towards wiping away the stains which his course had left upon his reputation. In a newspaper interview, which was published all over the land, he proclaimed himself as " unalterably op posed to the administration in all its political issues, but prepared to fully sustain the President in the ex- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 211 ercise of all his constitutional functions, to preserve the Union, maintain the Government, and defend the Federal Capital." He furthermore said: " The Capital is in danger and must be defended at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. A firm policy and prompt action is necessary." The whole weight of his influence was used to inculcate these principles, especially among his political as sociates, until, but a few weeks later, he was cut off in the midst of his career and the country stopped for a moment to drop a tear on his grave. On the i5th day of April, soon after the fall of Sumter was announced, the President issued a proc lamation calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers and summoning Congress to meet in extra session, July 4. In the proclamation he said: "I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called out will probably be to repossess the forts, places and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects afore said, to avoid any devastation and destruction of or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of any part of the country." The call was instantly answered and the full num ber asked for was ready to start for the scene of war before the end of the week. Indeed, more than one detachment of troops were on the way to the National Capital almost before the telegraphic instrument had ticked out its startling message. Although the number of troops called for was soon at hand, they were far from being ready for service. Recruited from the farm, counting-room and store, 212 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. they were totally inexperienced in war and ignorant of its art. It was almost as difficult a task to organ ize and drill them as it was afterwards to lead them on to victory. It takes time, to convert raw recruits into disciplined armies and time was wanting. So the President and his co-laborers exerted every ener gy and strained every nerve in the efforts to meet the emergency. In its every feature the situation was a trying one. The present was thick with perplexities and the fu ture dark with portents. The one bright feature which gladdened the heart of the President and made it possible for him to carry out the great lines of pol icy which he had inaugurated was the attitude of the loyal people of the North, who heartily supported the administration regardless of party, at least for a time. More clearly than the people could did he ap preciate the magnitude of the struggle and the great principles involved. With him it was not a question whether ten States should be permitted to withdraw from the Union and set up a separate government, but whether Republican Institutions possessed inher ent vigor sufficient to perpetuate themselves against violent assaults from within. The blow was directed not alone against the American Republic, but against the great principle of popular sovereignty. Never had there been so advantageous a field for the develop ment of this form of government, as in America, and if it should fail here it would receive its death blow. In his first message to Congress he states this princi ple clearly and concisely: " This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 213 world that form and substance of government, whose leading object is to elevate the condition of man ; to lift artificial weights from all shoulders ; to clear the paths of laudable pursuits for all ; to afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from necessity, this is the leading object of the Govern ment for whose existence we contend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this." The Congress, which met July 4, was a noteworthy assembly. Many seats were vacant and the delibera tions were marked by a solemnity never before mani fested in the Capitol. The discordant element was, for the time being, withdrawn. The halls which had so often in the past echoed with fierce contentions, were now the scenes of earnest, united action. The reality of the war was mutely attested by the empty chairs. Turn which way they would, the members were met with the evidences of rebellion. The responsibility laid upon them developed "/ise states men out of men hitherto unknown, as it developed, in the field, skillful generals out of the raw soldiery. In Congress were men who had grown gray in the honored service of their country and others just entering the political arena, whose names were to become household words and whose influence would be potent in directing the affairs of the Government. In the Senate, presided over by Vice-President Ham- lin, were such men as Sumner, Collamer, Foote, Anthony, Hall, Trumbull, Wilmot and Lane. In the House were Conkling, Thad Stevens, Colfax, Logan and Cox. 214 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The prevailing sentiment of the House was favor able to the President and his policy. The majority were ardent and wise patriots, quick to appreciate the demands of a situation and to wisely satisfy them so far as possible. Their first act was to indorse, unreservedly, the action and policy of the President, and to pledge themselves to vote for any amount of money and number of men which might be necessary to quell the insurrection. The military situation soon began to present serious difficulties. A splendid army of volunteer soldiers had assembled at Wash ington, eager for service, but utterly unskilled in the art of warfare. The North was impatiently demand ing that an attack be made without delay, and many believed that an immediate and crushing blow would end the war. A general movement was therefore planned. General McClellan, who had succeeded General Scott, with a large army attempted to drive the Confederates out of West Virginia, while General McDowell attacked their main army at Manassas. On the 2ist of July occurred the battle of Bull Run, and the disastrous flight of the Federal army. The blow was a severe one, and yet it served to awaken the North more fully to the serious character of the war, and to prove that it could not be ended by a single campaign. The defeat was a surprise to Mr. Lincoln and caused him deep sorrow, yet, even when overwhelmed by anxiety, he did not lose his sense of humor or his readiness to illustrate a point by a humorous story. Indeed, this propensity seemed to afford him relief from the pressure of his work, act ing much like the safety-valve of a steam-engine. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 215 Two or three days after the battle some gentlemen, who had been on the field, visited him and related the details as they had observed them, putting as good a face upon them as possible. After listening to them, he said, " So it is your notion that we whipped the rebels and then ran away from them ! " Soon after the battle he visited the arm) 7 at Georgetown, and, while inspecting the arrangements in company with Colonel Sherman, a subordinate officer approached him, evidently very angry, and complained of the unjust treatment which, he alleged, had been accorded him by Colonel Sherman, who had threatened to shoot him. " Well," said Mr. Lincoln in a loud whisper, which was easily heard by all in the vicinity, " if I were you and he threatened to shoot me, I wouldn't trust him, for I believe he would do it." Military operations on a large scale were now entered upon. A great army was concentrated around Washington, which was believed to be in immediate danger of attack. Fresh troops were constantly arriving from all parts of the North and going into camp in the vicinity of the city. The labor of con verting the great masses of raw troops into an effec tive force of disciplined soldiery, was long and ardu ous, and for some months but little progress seemed to be made by the National arms. Again, so many of the best and most efficient officers had deserted the " Stars and Stripes " and enrolled themselves in the Confederate army, that the National forces had been left without tried leaders. The generals must be edu cated as well as the soldiers, and nothing but service in the field could test their skill and ability. Hence the National cause was greatly retarded and the war 2l6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. prolonged. General Scott, the hero of the Mexican War, was too old and infirm to carry the burden of the war and had resigned his position of Commanding General early in October. General McClellan, a young and dashing officer, was appointed his succes sor. He was a thorough patriot, having what he believed to be the best interests of the country at heart, but slow and unprogressive, impatient of critic ism and obstinate in his self-esteem. He lacked the most important qualifications of a military leader, and allowed many opportunities to distinguish him self and win success for the cause to slip through his hands. The President was disposed to place the utmost confidence in him and to give over into his hands the general control of the army, and to listen to his suggestions and comply with his advice so far as possible. On the 2istof October occurred the battle of Ball's Bluff, a mere skirmish, which was distinguished only by the death of the gallant Colonel Baker, who had left his seat in the Senate to lead his regiment into battle. Baker was an old and trusted friend of Lin coln, who keenly felt his loss and, in common with the whole country, lamented it. The loss of Baker, though of less vital importance, had much the same effect upon the people as the loss of Hampden in the great English rebellion. In many respects the two men were counterparts. On the 8th of November occurred an event which threatened a violent rupture of the already strained relations existing between the National Government and England. The sympathies of England were ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 217 largely with the South, and her Government had hastened to recognize the Confederate States as a belligerent power. It was no secret that private indi viduals were actively engaged in England in fitting out ships of war and blockade runners for the use of the rebellious States, besides rendering much material aid in other ways, if not with the connivance of, at least ignored by the Government. Hence when news came that Captain Wilkes, of the San Jacinto, had taken the Confederate commissioners from the British mail steamer Trent, the act was greeted with the most enthusiastic commendation from every side. Indig nation and hostility against England had never, since the War of 1812, been so violent and demonstrative. The Confederate representatives were brought to Boston and confined in Fort Warren. Not only were the people at large loud in the praises of Captain Wilkes, but he even received official thanks from his superior officers. Congress hastily passed a resolu tion of thanks ; the Secretary of the Navy wrote a letter of congratulation on the " great public service " rendered by the capture of the rebel emissaries, and Secretary Stanton applauded the deed. The whole people were ready to rush into a hasty war with England while the South rejoiced at every manifesta tion of such sentiment, knowing that a declara tion of war would be followed by a close alliance between their own Government and that of Great Britain. The incident placed Mr. Lincoln in a difficult posi tion, one where a less clear-sighted and resolute man would have utterly failed. He was quick to see that the act was of the very same nature as those on the 215 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. part of England which brought on the War of 1812 and was a violation of all maritime law. It is true that no British subject was interfered with in the exploit of Captain Wilkes. But the principle, which had been established by the force of arms, was as applicable in 1860 as in 1812, against the Americans now as against the English then. The temper of the people and the injudicious words of more than one member of his Cabinet, made the task devolving upon him all the more difficult. Eng land immediately, and in terms by no means con ciliatory, made a demand for the surrender of the prisoners to the English Minister at Washington, and for an ample apology from the Government. If the demand should be refused, war would be inevitable and that at a time when the country was involved in the most extensive and costly civil war ever known. The result could hardly have been doubtful. On the other hand, if the demand was complied with, the scarce concealed hostility of the English must still be expected as well as the indignation and, perhaps, dis affection of a large party of the Northern people. Popular sentiment was forcibly expressed in a speech made afterwards in Congress by Owen Lovejoy, who was one of Lincoln's warmest supporters. He said : " Every time this Trent affair comes up, ... I am made to renew the horrible grief which I suffered when the news of the surrender of Mason and Slidell came. I acknowledge it, I literally wept tears of vexation. I hate it ; and I hate the British Govern ment. I have never shared in the traditional hos tility of many of my countrymen against England. But I now here publicly avow and record my inex- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 219 tinguishable hatred of that Government. I mean to cherish it while I live, and bequeath it as a legacy to my children when I die." Against such a sentiment as this did Lincoln declare when he ordered the return of the prisoners. He could not do otherwise than share in the prevailing indignation against England, but his cool judgment caused him to rise above the prejudice of passion and to grasp the broad principles involved and to carry them out at whatever risk of popularity to himself. The same high principle guided him in his private as in his public life. He was always above mean jealou sies and animosities, and never was he known to cherish resentment against any public or private enemy. He showed the highest degree of magna nimity towards any one who had injured him and never sought to wreak vengeance upon him. And this was not because he was insensible to insult. His nature was sensitive and unjust attack and ridicule caused him much suffering, but his dignity of charac ter and complete self-control enabled him to triumph over them. It required nerve and moral courage to take such a stand in regard to the Trent affair in the face of the opposition of the whole North, but while he was roundly denounced in the heat and excitement of the hour, the calmer judgment of the people thoroughly approved his course. Nowhere had Lincoln been so mercilessly ridiculed, so unjustly and persistently misrepresented, so maligned and scoffed at, as in England. The papers were filled with squibs, and society laughed and jeered over burlesque descrip tions of his awkward appearance. This feeling was 220 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. aptly referred to in a stanza of a poem published after his death, in Punch, as follows : " You, who with mocking pencil wont to trace Broad for the self-complacent British sneer His length of shambling limb, his furrowed face, His gaunt, gnarled hands, his unkempt, bristling hair, His garb uncouth, his bearing ill at ease, His lack of all we prize as debonnaire, Of power or will to shine, of art to please." Yet all this could not cause him to swerve from the course of right and justice to satisfy national hostili ties or avenge a private wrong. He was satisfied to do his duty as it became plain to him and leave to time his vindication, and nobly did it come at last. The diplomatic correspondence carried on by Mr Seward, in regard to the affair, is characterized by remarkable ability and clear-sightedness. The Pres ident assisted, in no small degree, in its preparation, both by advice and direction. He afterwards said that the affair occurring at a critical time in the con duct of the war occasioned him much anxiety and apprehension. When asked if he was not reluctant to surrender the two Commissioners to England, he said : "Yes, that was a bitter pill to swallow, but I contented myself with believing that England's tri umph in the matter would be short-lived, and that, after ending our war successfully, we should be so powerful that we could call her to account for all the embarrassment she had inflicted upon us. I felt a good deal like a sick man in Illinois, who was told that he had but a few days more to live and that he ought to make peace with his enemies. He said that the man he hated worst of all was a fellow in the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 221 next village named Brown, and he guessed he had better commence on him first. So Brown was sent for and when he came, the sick man began to say, in a voice as meek as Moses, that he wanted to die at peace with all his fellow-creatures, and hoped he and Brown could now shake hands and bury all their enmity. The scene was becoming altogether too pathetic for Brown, who had to get out his handker chief and wipe the gathering tears from his eyes. It wasn't long before he melted and gave his hand to his neighbor and they had a regular love-feast. After a parting that would have softened the heart of a grindstone, Brown had about reached the door, when the sick man rose upon his elbow and said, * But, see here, Brown, if I should happen to get well, mind, that old grudge stands ! ' So I thought if this nation should get well we might want that old grudge against England to stand." One of the greatest difficulties that embarrassed the administration was the lack of skillful and ener getic commanders. Soldiers were recruited more rapidly than they could be used, but it was necessary to experiment long, and, as it proved, disastrously, with untried officers, before the men were found who were qualified to lead the Union army on to victory. The President was often and severely criticised for his appointments and removals, and elements of dis cord were thus introduced which threatened to bring on a national calamity. That thousands of precious lives were lost on account of unskillful and careless leadership is unquestionably a fact. That the administration made the best possible use of the inefficient material 222 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. at hand the impartial testimony of history proves. The story of General McClellan's career is well- known and has been the subject of much acrimonious discussion. He had presented to him magnificent opportunities which he failed to take advantage of. While he succeeded Scott as General in command, he was yet inferior in rank to the President, who was clothed by the Constitution with the power of Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. Yet he refused to heed the advice of his superior officer and delayed to obey his commands until the occasion which had called them forth had lost its significance. Again and again he permitted the enemy to make raids into Maryland, and carry on offensive campaigns in Virginia without making an effort to repulse them though he had a splendid army under his command much larger and more efficient than that of the enemy. His constant appeals for re-inforcements ; his ill-concealed contempt for the orders of the Pres ident and Secretary of War ; his inactivity and con stant failure to make use of the armies intrusted to his charge and his jealousy of his inferior officers are all so directly at variance with his vehement assevera tions of loyalty and love of his country's cause as to be almost inexplicable, except upon the grounds of insincerity. His personality was attractive and his ability was generally admitted. Yet his ability was not of the kind which fitted him to control the move ments of great armies or to direct the conduct of com plicated campaigns. Had General McClellan never been elevated to the chief command, his careerwould, no doubt, have been distinguished and his rank in history second to that of none of the minor generals. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 223 Many of the peculiar qualities of Mr. Lincoln's character were shown in his dealings with General McClellan. In the first place, McClellan was a Dem ocrat and strongly opposed to the political policy of the administration. Yet this did not deter the Presi dent from appointing him, for he believed him to be not only the most available man but the best equipped in every way for the position. The appointment was not a popular one among the friends of the adminis tration but as long as it was evidently for the good of the nation the President was little moved by the complaints of his friends, and long after General McClellan had proved himself, to the satisfaction of the majority, totally unfit for the position, Mr. Lin coln continued to have faith in him and did his utmost to urge him on, nor did he withhold his hearty support as long as there seemed to be a single chance of his achieving success. Only the most long- suffering patience would have ignored his sneers and reproaches or his persistent disregard of orders. These embarrassments and the subsequent failure of a number of generals to successfully fill the re quirements induced Mr. Lincoln to make a close study of the science of war. He became deeply dis satisfied with the lack of skill and energy on the part of the commanders and of progress on the part of the armies and endeavored to infuse something of his own vigor and enthusiasm into the hearts of his sub ordinates. The metamorphosis from the plain coun try lawyer unversed in the technical details of either war or government into the most accomplished ru.er and commander of the day, was one to which history hardly presents a parallel. Slowly he gathered up 224 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the details of the war and directed the multitudinous movements in the various departments with a sagac ity, wise judgment and determination which finally brought victory out of impending defeat and saved the Union. General Keep says : " The elements of selfishness and ferocity, which are not unusual with first-class military chiefs, were wholly foreign to Mr. Lincoln's nature. Nevertheless, there was not one of his most trusted warlike counsellors in the beginning of the war, who equalled him in military sagacity." CHAPTER XVI. IT is an old saying that " Circumstances make the man," and it is also true that man impresses much of his character upon his surroundings. As the foot im prints its form upon the sand, man impresses his char acter upon his environment and moulds it to the pe culiarities of his taste and temperament. The very rooms in which a man of affairs does his work will bear the stamp of his activity and be suggestive of his presence. This was true of Mr. Lincoln to an unusual degree. He always dressed plainly and made no attempt at personal adornment. The conventional garb of so ciety sat awkwardly upon his long gaunt body. He was most at ease when most simply clad and was al ways glad to exchange his dress suit for his working clothes. His mind seemed to be far above the petty details of dress and chafed when compelled to give attention to them. In the furnishing of his house his tastes were equally simple. The old kitchen, where the whole family were wont to gather around the fireplace and read or work by the bright blaze, was to him the most com fortable room in the house. He never felt at home in the broad and ornate rooms of the White House and spent the most of the time in his office, which he often spoke of as his "work shop." ("5) 226 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Mr. Arnold thus describes this historic room: " It was about 25x40 feet in size. In the centre on the west was a large, white marble fireplace, with big, old-fashioned brass andirons and a large, high brass fender. A wood fire was burning in cool weather. The large windows opened upon the beautiful lawn to the south with a view of the unfinished Washing ton Monument, the Smithsonian Institute, the Poto mac, Alexandria and down the river towards Mount Vernon. Across the river were Arlington Heights and Arlington House, late residence of Robert E. Lee. On the hills around, during nearly all his administra tion, were the white tents of soldiers and field fortifi cations and camps, and in every direction could be seen the brilliant colors of the national flag. The furniture of this room consisted of a large oak table, covered with cloth, extending north and south, and it was around this table that the Cabinet sat when it held its meetings. Near the end of the table and be tween the windows was another table, on the west side of which the President sat in a large arm-chair, and at this table he wrote. A tall desk with pigeon holes for papers stood against the south wall. The only books usually found in this room were the Bible, the Constitution of the United States and a copy of Shakespeare. There were a few chairs and two plain hair-covered sofas. There were two or three map frames from which hung military maps on which the position and movements of the armies were traced. There was an old and discolored engraving of Gen eral Jackson on the mantel and a later photograph of John Bright. Doors opened into this room from the room of the Secretary, and from the outside hall run- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 227 ning east and west across the house. A bell-cord within reach of his hand extended to the Secretary's office. A messenger stood at the door opening from the hall, who took in the cards and names of the visitors. Here in this plain room Mr. Lincoln spent most of his time while President. Here he received every one, from the Chief Justice and Lieutenant General to the private soldier and humblest citizen. Custom had fixed certain rules of precedence and the order in which official visits should be received. Mem bers of the Cabinet and the high officers of the Army and Navy were generally admitted promptly. Sen ators and Representatives were received in the order of their arrival. Sometimes there would be a crowd of Members of Congress awaiting their turn. While thus waiting, the loud ringing laugh of Mr. Lincoln in which he would be joined by those inside, but which was rather provoking to those outside would be heard by the waiting and impatient crowd. Here, day after day, from early morning till late at night, Lincoln sat, listened, talked and decided. He was patient, just, considerate and hopeful. The people came to him as to a father. He saw every one, and many wasted his precious time. All classes ap proached him with familiarity. This incessant labor, the study of the great problems he had to decide, the worry of constant importunity, the quarrels of the officers of the army, the care, anxiety and respon sibility of his position, wore upon his vigorous frame." Mr. Deming in commenting upon his personal ap pearance, says: " As the world has rung with ridi cule of the ungainliness of his manners, I may be per mitted to say, that without any pretensions to super- 228 ABRAHAM LINCOLN fine polish, they were frank, cordial and dignified, without rudeness, without offense and without any violation of the proprieties and etiquettes of his high position. To borrow one of his own conversational phrases, ' he did not brag on deportment.' He stood and moved and bowed without affectation, and with out obtrusive awkwardness, pretty much as nature prompted, and as if he regarded carriage about as bad a criterion as color, of the genuine nobility of the soul." The White House was constantly thronged with office-seekers, men and women with complaints or advice to proffer, and people with private or public business to transact, until the weary President was hardly given time to attend to the more important demands upon him. He was gentle and sympathetic with those in trouble and quick to help, if possible. He listened patiently to honest complaints, but was quick to detect dishonesty and selfishness, and bitter and scathing in his denunciation of it. Among the callers at the White House, one day, was an officer who had been cashiered from the serv ice. He had prepared an elaborate defense of him self, which he consumed much time in reading to the President. When he had finished, Mr. Lincoln replied that, even upon his own statement of the case, the facts would not warrant Executive interference. Dis appointed and considerably crestfallen, the man withdrew. A few days afterwards, he made a second attempt to alter the President's convictions, going over sub stantially the same ground, and occupying about the same space of time, but without accomplishing his end. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 229 The third time he succeeded in forcing himself into Mr. Lincoln's presence, who, with great forbearance, listened to another repetition of the case to its con clusion, but made no reply. Waiting for a moment, the man gathered from the expression of his counte nance that his mind was unconvinced. Turning very abruptly, he said: "Well, Mr. President, I see you are fully determined not to do me justice ! " This was too aggravating, even for Mr. Lincoln. Manifesting, however, no more feeling than that indicated by a slight compression of the lips, he very quietly arose, laid down a package of papers he held in his hand, and then suddenly seizing the de funct officer by the coat-collar, he marched him forcibly to the door, saying, as he ejected him into the passage : " Sir, I give you fair warning never to show your self in this room again. I can bear censure, but not insult!" In a whining tone, the man begged for his papers, which he had dropped. " Begone, sir," said the President. " Your papers will be sent to you. I never want to see your face again!" 1 In February, 1862, Mr. Lincoln was visited by a severe affliction, in the death of his beloved son, Willie, and the extreme illness of his son, Thomas, familiarly known as " Tad." This was a new burden, and the visitation which, in his firm faith in Provi dence, he regarded as Providential, was also inexpli- / cable. A Christian lady from Massachusetts, who was Lincoln's Stories, by T. B. McClure. 230 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. officiating as nurse in one of the hospitals, at the time, came to attend the sick children. She reports that Mr. Lincoln watched with her about the bedside of the sick ones, and that he often walked the room, saying, sadly: " This is the hardest trial of my life ; why is it ? why is it?" In the course of conversation with her, he ques tioned her concerning her situation. She told him that she was a widow, and that her husband and two children were in heaven ; and added that she saw the hand of God in it all, and that she had never loved Him so much before as she had since her affliction. "How is that brought about?" inquired Mr. Lin coln. " Simply by trusting in God, and feeling that he does all things well," she replied. "Did you submit fully under the first loss?" he asked. " No," she answered, " not wholly ; but, as blow came upon blow, and all were taken, I could and did submit, and was very happy." He responded : " I am glad to hear you say that. Your experience will help me to bear my affliction." On being assured that many Christians were praying for him, on the morning of the funeral, he wiped away the tears that sprang in his eyes, and said: " I am glad to hear that. I want them to pray for me. I need their prayers." As he was going out to the burial, the good lady expressed her sympathy with him. He thanked her gently, and said, " I will try to go to God with my sorrows." A few days afterwards, she asked him if he could trust God. He replied : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 231 " I think I can, and I will try. I wish I had that childlike faith you speak of, and I trust He will give it to me." And then he spoke of his mother, whom so many years before he had committed to the dust among the wilds of Indiana. In this hour of his great trial, the memory of her who had held him upon her bosom, and soothed his childish griefs, came back to him with tenderest recollections. "I remember her prayers," said he, "and they have always followed me. They have clung to me all my life." He received a great many visits from men who came to criticise his actions and offer him gratuitous advice in regard to matters wherein they believed themselves to be better qualified to judge than he. One day, a number of gentlemen called who were greatly excited ove what they believed to be the shortcomings of the administration. He listened patiently to them, and, in reply, said : " Gentlemen, suppose all the property you were worth was in gold, and you had put it in the hands of Blondin to carry across the Niagara River on a rope ; would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to him: 'Blondin, stand up a little straighter ! Blon din, stoop a little more go a little faster lean a little more to the north lean a little more to the south.' No, you would hold your breath as well as your tongue, and keep your hands off until he was safe over. The Government is carrying an immense weight. Untold treasures are in their hands. They are doing the very best they can. Don't badger them. Keep silence and we will get you safely across." Many people came to him asking for information which it was often not proper or possible for him ta 232 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. give. He had a very effective way of dealing with such people. A visitor once asked him how many men the Confederates had in the field. The President answered, very seriously, " Twelve hundred thousand, according to the best authority." The questioner was thunderstruck, for everything about the Presi dent's manner indicated that he was in earnest. " Yes, sir," said Mr. Lincoln, " twelve hundred thousand no doubt of it. You see, all of our generals, when they get whipped, say the enemy outnumbered them, from three or five to one, and I must believe them. We have four hundred thousand men in the field, and three times four makes twelve. Don't you see ? " After the appearance of the rebel ram Merrimac in 1862, the President was waited upon by fifty gentle men from New York who informed him that they represented in their own right $100,000,000 and who were greatly alarmed at the comparatively defense less condition of New York. After magnifying as much as possible, the cause of their apprehension, they requested that a gunboat be detailed for the defense of the city. Mr. Lincoln listened very atten tively to their statements and seemed much impressed by them. When they had finished, he replied, very deliberately : " Gentlemen, I am by the Constitution Comman- der-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States ; and, as a matter of law, can order anything done that is practicable to be done. But, as a mat ter of fact, I am not in command of the gunboats or ships of war ; as a matter of fact, I do not know exactly where they are, but presume they are actively engaged. It is impossible for me, in the present con- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 233 dition of things, to furnish you a gunboat. The credit of the Government is at a very low ebb ; greenbacks are not worth more than forty or fifty cents on the dollar ; and in this condition of things, if I was worth half as much as you gentlemen are represented to be, and as badly frightened as you seem to be, I would build a gunboat and give it to the Government." One day in the spring of 1862, a gentlemen made a very earnest request for a pass to Richmond. " A pass to Richmond," exclaimed the President, " why, my dear sir, if I should give you one it would do you no good. You may think it very strange, but there's a lot of fellows between here and Richmond, who either can't read or are prejudiced against every man who totes a pass from me. I have given McClellan and more than two hundred thousand others passes to Richmond, and not a single one of them has gotten there yet." Although of a sensitive disposition, Mr. Lincoln never permitted himself to be disturbed by violent criticism or denunciation. To show how much atten tion he paid to the attacks made upon him, he once told the following story : " Some years ago/' said he, " a couple of immigrants fresh from the 'Emerald Isle,' seeking labor, were making their way towards the West. Coming sud denly one evening upon a pond of water, they were greeted with a grand chorus of bull-frogs a kind of music they had never before heard. Overcome with terror, they clutched their * shillalahs,' and crept cautiously forward, straining their eyes in every direction to catch a glimpse of the enemy ; but 234 - ABRAHAM LINCOLN. he was not to be found. At last a happy idea seized the foremost one he sprang to his companion and exclaimed, ' An' sure, Jamie, it's my opinion it's noth ing but a noise.' " On one occasion, while a great battle was being fought and he was waiting anxiously for news, he entered the room where a Christian lady was engaged in nursing a member of the family, looking worn and haggard and saying he was so anxious that he could eat nothing. The possibility of defeat depressed him greatly ; but the lady told him that he must have faith, and that h? could at least pray. " Yes," said ; he, and taking up a Bible he started to his room. Shortly afterwards a telegram was received announc ing a victory. He immediately re-entered the room, his face beaming with joy and said : " Good news ! Good news ! The victory is ours, and God is good." " Nothing like prayer," suggested the pious lady, who believed the news to be the direct result of the prayer. " Yes there is," he replied " praise prayer and praise." The lady afterwards said : " I do believe he was a true Christian, though he had very little confidence in himself." CHAPTER XVII. WHEN the Southern States decided upon secession, they staked the institution of slavery upon the result of the war. If they were to be victorious it was their purpose to found a slave republic. If they were defeated the penalty could be nothing less than its abolition, how much more they hardly realized. Many eager Sprits of the North felt that the issue should be squarely met and decided at once and they called upon the President to issue an emancipation edict without delay. As time passed on and the course of the war seemed to be unfavorable to the national cause, the demand became stronger that the President should make the issue a distinctive one between slavery and freedom. Not only was he con stantly beset with advice and entreaty and sometimes with a vehemence which almost changed the prayers to threats, but a number of strong, influential Repub lican papers began to reproach him for his hesitancy which some went so far as to denominate moral cow ardice. No Republican paper took a more decided stand or found more fault with Mr. Lincoln on this score than the New York Tribune. Mr. Greeley was, beyond question, a true patriot, and had the best interests of the country, as he conceived them, at heart. Both his disposition and environment were peculiar. He (235) 236 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. had always been in favor of Abolition and he seems now to have become convinced that the affairs of the country were faring ill and that its only salvation con sisted in creating a moral issue, which would rally to its support all right-minded patriots. He manifested both impatience and petulance at the course of the President and strove in every way to compel hiim to adopt his own views. But Mr. Lincoln's perceptions were much clearer than those of Mr. Greeley, and his judgment calmer. He listened patiently and atten tively but he could not be persuaded to change his policy against his own judgment and more clearly than any-one else could, did he apprehend the part which he was to play in the great drama. His duty was not to be guided by the dictates of sentiment, however elevated, nor to preserve one institution and overthrow another. He realized that he was the representative of the soverign people and that his powers and privileges were strictly defined by a most solemn obligation, which he had voluntarily taken upon himself and he summoned all the strength of his resolution to his aid to keep inviolate his oath of office. He had solemnly sworn to preserve the Con stitution and this meant the perpetuation of the Gov ernment and the uninvaded rights of the people. In a letter to Mr. Greeley in reply to one ungener ously chiding him, he stated clearly his views upon this subject, as follows : "... As to the policy ' I seem to be pursuing ' as ? you say, ' I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.' I would save the Union. I would save it in the short- est way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored the sooner the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 237 Union will be the Union as it was. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could, at the same time, destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing a slave I would do it. And if I could do it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it. And if I could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less, whenever I believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause." Mr. Lincoln's position on this question can only be fully understood in the light of the circumstances by which he was surrounded. It had been his policy, persistently maintained, to retain in the Union, so far as possible, the border States, at a time when the Union and secession elements nearly balanced each other. In the most of these States, slavery was a recognized institution and any intimation from the President that he proposed to interfere with it, would have precipitated them into immediate secession. In the Northern States there was far from an united sentiment in favor of immediate emancipation. A large party were opposed to it, partly upon principle and partly because they believed the proper time had not arrived. Hence any precipitate movement in this 238 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. direction would have alarmed and perhaps alienated many active supporters at a time when the Govern ment was most in need of support from every one of its loyal citizens. But perhaps the most potent in fluence acting in the mind of Mr. Lincoln was that of the high principle upon which the war was being fought. If slavery were made the issue, in either event of the struggle, the great constitutional ques tion would remain unsettled and at some future time another sectional dispute might once more array different portions of the nation against each other in armed conflict. By making the preservation of the Union the one great issue and subordinating all other questions, however vital to it, the conflict once fought would be forever finished and no difference of interest or opinion could ever renew it again. It was fortu nate for the country that the man in the Presidential chair had a mind sufficiently broad to grasp fully the situation, and a purpose sufficiently fixed to stick closely to the one great principle unmoved by all the influences that could be brought to bear upon him. The experiment of military emancipation had been tried early in the war. When, in the midst of the struggle to retain Missouri in the Union, General Fremont had been placed in command of that mili tary department, almost his first important step was to issue an order declaring all slaves held in that dis trict to be free. The proclamation would probably have lost Missouri to the Union had -not the Presi dent promptly annulled it and forbidden the issuance of a similar order in the future without his own express consent. It is unnecessary to enter into the details of the controversy with General Fremont, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 239 which excited so much ill-feeling at the time and led many to believe that the distinguished General had not met with generous treatment at the hands of the President. Succeeding events proved that the policy of the President was not a selfish or vindictive one. In March, 1862, Mr. Lincoln transmitted a special message to Congress in which he recommended the adoption of a system of general emancipation. He proposed that the Government should take measures to co-operate with any State, which should adopt gradual abolition of slavery and to reimburse it in part for any public or private loss accruing from such a measure. He earnestly recommended that Con gress take the matter into immediate consideration. April 16 a bill passed both Houses of Congress abol ishing slavery in the District of Columbia. This measure had been first proposed in Congress by Mr. Lincoln himself in 1849. It was then passed over as unworthy of consideration, but now, as President, he had the satisfaction of enrolling it among the laws of the land. That a great revolution was taking place in public opinion was shown by the constantly increasing bold ness of Congress and its progress towards the final step. June 19 slavery was prohibited forever in all present and future Territories of the United States. Thus the question, which had so often divided Con gress and formed political issues, which had been ably debated upon every platform in the land and which had figured as the animus of the Lincoln- Douglas debates, was finally and forever settled. Had Douglas used his great ability and commanding eloquence to prevent rather than to favor the repeal 240 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. of the Missouri Compromise, the appeal to arms might never have occurred and the vexed question might have been settled by natural rather than by violent agencies. July 17 a bill was passed authorizing the employ ment of negroes as soldiers and conferring freedom upon all who should regularly enlist in the army. Since the beginning of the war the camps of the Union forces had been beset by hordes of fugitive slaves, who believed that their only hope of freedom and safety consisted in getting under the shadow of the " Stars and Stripes " as soon as possible. They frequently came in such numbers as to seriously embarrass the movements of the army, and the ques tion of their disposition became a grave problem. The bare suggestion that they would be enrolled in the Federal Armies, threw the Southern States into the most violent rage. Scathing were the denuncia tions hurled against the Government that should dare to take such a step. Rumors of slave insurrections and the horrible scenes attendant upon them spread far and wide. The rebel leaders proclaimed that no white officer connected with colored troops would be treated as a prisoner of war, if captured, but -would be shot upon the spot. These threats and denuncia tions did not deter the Government from inaugura ting the measure nor skillful officers from taking com mand of colored regiments. The negroes afterwards proved themselves good and faithful soldiers and the equal of their white brethren in bravery and daring. And so greatly did the Southern sentiment change that long before the close of the war many negroes were regularly enlisted into the Confederate armies. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 241 Meantime, in the North, public sentiment was becoming more firmly fixed in favor of emancipation. And the pressure brought to bear upon the President became increasingly strong. Many delegations visited him and frequently with ill-timed arguments sought to induce him to proclaim freedom to all slaves. Among them was a Quaker delegation, the spokesman of which seemed to Mr. Lincoln to unfairly criticise him, and he replied somewhat sharply and was just on the point of dismissing the visitors, when one of the women requested permission to detain him with a few words. Her remarks con tained a plea for the emancipation of the slave, urging that he was the appointed minister of the Lord to do this work, and she enforced her argument with many Scriptural quotations. At the close he asked : "Has the Friend finished?" And, receiving an affirmative answer, he said : " I have neither time nor disposition to enter into discussion with the Friend and end this occasion by suggesting for her con sideration the question whether, if the Lord has appointed me to do this work, it is not probable he would have communicated knowledge of the fact to me as well as to her." It is certain that he had long been earnestly and prayerfully considering the question. To him it was the most momentous step of his life and the one fraught with the greatest personal consequences. After the proclamation was issued, he said to a friend : " As affairs have turned, it is the central act of my administration and the great event of the nine teenth century." Moses had led out from bondage two millions of 242 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Hebrews, guided by the hand of God. Lincoln's task was no less God-given, and he waited anxiously for the pillar of cloud to lead the way. And as ''Moses never entered into the promised land, so he (.seems to have had a presentiment that he should not live to see the results of emancipation. He still clung to the idea of gradual and compensated eman cipation. In speaking to a number of Congressmen from the border States in July, he said : " I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that, in my opinion, if you had all voted for the resolution in my gradual emancipation message of last March, the war would now be substantially ended. ... I do not speak of an emancipation at once but of a decision to emancipate gradually." To Mr. Channing, who visited him in this trying time and spoke warmly in favor of the measure, he said : " When the hour comes for dealing with slavery, I trust I shall be willing to do my duty, though it costs my life. And, gentlemen, lives will be lost." It is evident that Mr. Lincoln, early in the summer of 1862, had made up his mind to take the decisive step, and that he was only waiting for the right time to come. Not long before he had said to a Southern Unionist, who had warned him against meddling with slavery : " You must not expect me to give up this : Government without playing the last card." And there can be no doubt that his last card was emanci pation. In September a number of Chicago clergymen visited him to urge upon him the immediate issuance of an emancipation proclamation. In the course of his reply to their address, he said : " I do not wish to issue a document that the whole world will see must ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 243 necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against the comet. . . . Do not misunderstand me, because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties which have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will I will do." The following interesting account of the circum stances attending the preparation and issue of the proclamation was given by Mr. Lincoln himself to Mr. Carpenter, who was engaged upon a painting of Lincoln and his Cabinet discussing the proclamation, as representing the new epoch in the national history. Said Mr. Lincoln: " It had got to be mid-summer, 1862. Things had gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had reached the end of our rope on the plan of operations we had been pursuing; that we had about played our last card, and must change our tactics or lose the game. I now determined upon the adoption of the emancipation policy, and without consultation with or the knowledge of the Cabinet, I prepared the original draft of the proclamation and, after much anxious thought, called a Cabinet meeting on the subject. This was the last of July or the first part of the month of August, 1862. I said to the Cabinet that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called them together to ask their advice, but to lay the sub ject matter of the proclamation before them; sugges tions as to which would be in order after they had 244 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy," said he, " was in error when he informed you that it excited no comment, excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various suggestions were offered. Secretary Chase wished the language stronger in reference to the arming of the blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the policy, on the ground that it would cost the adminis tration the Fall elections. Nothing, however, was offered that I had not already fully anticipated and settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward spoke. He said in substance, 'Mr. President, I approve of the proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted Government, a cry for help; the Government stretch ing forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia / stretching forth her hands to the Government.' His [ idea,'* said the President, "was that it would be con- \ sidered our last shriek, on the retreat." (This was his precise expression.) "'Now,' continued Mr. Seward, 'while I approve of the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its issue, until you can give it to the country supported by military success instead of issuing it, as would be the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the war!'" Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of the view of the Secretary of State struck me with very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely overlooked. The result was that I put the draft of the proclamation aside, waiting for a victory. From ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 245 time to time I added or changed a line, touching it up here and there, anxiously watching the progress of events. Well, the next news we had was of Pope's disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than ever. Finally, came the week of the battle of Antie- tam. I determined to wait no longer. The news came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was on our side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' Home (three miles out of Washington). Here I fin ished writing the second draft of the preliminary proc lamation ; came up on Saturday ; called the Cabinet together to hear it, and it was published the follow ing Monday." At the final meeting of September 20, another in teresting incident occurred in connection with Secre tary Seward. The President had written the impor tant part of the proclamation in these words: "That, on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all per sons held as slaves, within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward and forever free ; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the mil itary and naval authority thereof, will recognize the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom." "When I finished reading this paragraph," resumed Mr. Lin coln, "Mr. Seward stopped me, and said, ' I think, Mr. President, that you should insert after the word "rec ognized," in that sentence, the words " and main tain.' " I replied that I had already fully considered 246 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the import of that expression, in this connection, but I had not introduced it, because it was not my way to promise what I was not entirely sure that I could per form, and I was not prepared to say that I thought we were exactly able to ' maintain' this." " But," said he, " Seward insisted that we ought to take this ground; and the words finally went in ! " "It is a somewhat remarkable fact," he subsequently re marked, "that there were just one hundred days be tween the dates of the two proclamations, issued on the twenty-second of September and the first of Jan uary. I had not made the calculation at the time." In the preliminary proclamation he reiterated his intention to prosecute the war for the purpose of re storing the constitutional union between the United States and each of the States and people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended. He affirmed his purpose to again recommend to Con gress, at its next meeting, the adoption of a practical measure " tendering pecuniary aid to the free accept ance or rejection of all slave States, so-called, the people whereof, may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their con sent, upon this continent or elsewhere, with the pre viously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be continued." In his second annual message transmitted to Con gress in December, 1862, Mr. Lincoln thus feelingly re ferred to the subject of the emancipation about to be ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 247 consummated by Presidential decree: "The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy pres ent. The occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise to the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and of this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down, in honor or dis honor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We even we here hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free honorable, alike, in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed, this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, gen erous, just a way, which, if followed, the world will forever applaud and God will forever bless." The final proclamation was issued January i, 1863, and was a document which will ever live in history and occupy the most honorable place in the na tion's annals. After quoting some sections from the preliminary proclamation and designating, in detail, the revolted districts to which the proclamation should apply, Mr. Lincoln proceeds as follows: "And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves, within designated States and parts of States, are and henceforward shall be free ; and that the Executive 248 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Government of the United States, including the mil itary and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby enjoin upon the people, so declared to be free, to ab stain from all violence, unless in necessary self-de fence ; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garri son forts, positions, stations and other places and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war ranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God." Soon after this in conversation with George Thomp son, the great anti-slave orator, he said : * " When the rebellion broke out my duty did not admit of a question. That was, first, by all strictly lawful means to endeavor to maintain the integrity of the Government, I did not consider that I had a right to touch the ' State ' institution of * slavery ' until all other measures for restoring the Union had failed. The paramount idea of the Constitution is the preservation of the Union. It may not be speci fied in so many words, but that this was the idea of its founders is evident ; for without the Union the Constitution would be useless. It seems clear then, that, in the last extremity, if any local institution threatened the existence of the Union, the Executive 1 Carpenter. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 249 could not hesitate as to his duty. In our case, the moment came when I felt that slavery must die that the nation might live. I have sometimes used the illustration in this connection, of a man with a dis eased limb, and his surgeon. So long as there is a chance of the patient's restoration, the surgeon is solemnly bound to try to save both life and limb ; but when the crisis comes, and the limb must be sacri ficed as the only chance of saving the life, no honest man will hesitate. Many of my strongest supporters urged emancipation before I thought it indispensable, and I may say, before I thought the country was ready for it. It is my conviction that had the proc lamation been issued even six months earlier than it was, public sentiment would not have sustained it. ... We have seen this great revolution in public senti ment slowly but surely progressing so that, when final action came, the opposition was not strong enough to defeat the purpose, I can now solemnly assert that I have a clear conscience in regard to my action on this momentous subject. I have done what no man could have helped doing, standing in my place." The influence of the proclamation upon the national cause cannot be overestimated, yet it failed to meet with universal approval. As there had been previ ously many who had strenuously blamed the Presi dent for his hesitation, so now there were many who accused him of precipitate action and foreboded evil as the result of the proclamation. But the effect of it was immediately manifest in the conduct of the war. Little progress had been made up to this time \ by the Federal army. Dissensions had dissipated the strength of the leaders and opposing counsels ] 25 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. had condemned great armies to comparative inaction or to ill-judged movements which had resulted disas trously and produced universal distrust and apathy. The victorious arms of the South, the growing dis affection manifest in the army, the increasing lack of confidence in the leaders and their policy, throughout the North, all tended towards a crisis, when either some new and decisive policy must be inaugurated or the collapse of the National cause was inevitable. Just the right moment was selected by the unerring judgment of the President, the proclamation was issued, and from that time on it needed no inspired prophet to tell what the ultimate result would be. True it was that many cruel battles must yet be fought, that much blood must be shed and great treasures expended, for the strength of the South was, as yet, unbroken, but, from that time on, the power of the Confederacy began to wane, its main stay was taken away, and from January i, 1863, Appomattox was in view. The proclamation was a moral fortification, the in auguration of a decisive policy which declared that the preservation of the Union was of more importance than the perpetuation of slavery or any other insti tution ; that the President had the determination to exert his full power in all lawful channels to put down the insurrection. It showed the rebels in arms that the Government was just as determined as they, and would as relentlessly use every weapon for the pres ervation of the Constitution as they for its destruc tion. The institution was a vital one to the South, and every blow struck against it was keenly felt, just at the point where it would do the most harm. It was ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 251 the source of the war and soon became its strength. Though the white man would scorn to fight beside the negro, or to strike a blow in his behalf, person ally, yet to maintain his property rights in him he chose to enter upon the most disastrous war of modern times. Yet all the time, behind the battling hosts, was the negro patiently toiling to give greater strength to the Confederacy than the shot and shell which mangled and murdered the opposing ranks of loyal citizens who strove to uphold the majesty of law and the might of a constitutional government. Slavery was the vital principle of the rebellion, which destroyed must drain the life of secession. The Government did not hesitate to confiscate property, capture arms and fortresses by force, nor to kill as many of the enemy as possible ; all this was lawful, nor had it any less the right to attack an in stitution, especially when that institution was hostile not only to the best interests of the nation, but to its very existence. The act was plainly a legitimate military measure, dictated by common-sense. In its scope it was nothing less than a national purification, while its temporary intention was the maintenance of the Union and of national government, its ulti mate result was permanent peace and prosperity, founded upon the only principle that could secure either. It is given to but few men to formulate a great principle in a political doctrine, and to afterwards demonstrate the correctness of its application by actually working it into the fabric of the nation's life. To Mr. Lincoln belongs this distinction. When he first announced his abiding belief in the principle 252 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. that the nation could not long endure half slave and half free, Cassandra-like, he prophesied to a scoffing crowd ; but many who ridiculed lived to acknowledge their error, and the justness of his conclusions. His friends believed that he had ended his public career by the annunciation of this unpopular principle, and it is undoubtedly true that to it he owed his defeat in his second Senatorial campaign and his temporary retirement from the political field. But never was the triumph of principle more signal or vindication more complete than his. Like the old statue, the nation had one foot of iron, strong and enduring, and one of clay, which could not long withstand the force of the elements, but must inevitably crumble away and bring ruin and destruction upon the whole social edifice. Strong in liberty, weak in slavery ! The proclamation not only marked the crisis of the war, but it also proved a most important landmark in the life of the President. Hitherto he had pursued his steady course undisturbed, at least uninfluenced by the wild uproar of the war. Few men would have been sufficiently independent to pursue the course marked out by their convictions when so hard beset on every side. Before his inauguration he had been openly slandered by his enemies ; after it his influ ence had been secretly undermined by his friends. Because he and his Secretary of State, who had always been known to be friendly to the peaceful annihilation of the power of the slaveholding inter ests in the Government, did not immediately advocate emancipation, they were pursued by bitter suspicions of cowardice and incapacity, or still worse with the stern rebuke of treachery to their political friends. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 253 Slowly the policy of the President unfolded itself, developing, as circumstances demanded, rather than along a rigid line defined by arbitrary rules. Again and again was the trend of his thoughts indicated or hinted at by some incisive utterance, just as the flut tering leaves in the tree-tops indicate the direction of the atmospheric currents. More than a hint of his policy is given in a single sentence or two of his December message, when he says : "The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." Again : "We should not be in haste to determine that radical and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as well as the disloyal, are indispensable." Mr. Lincoln's career is, as yet, too recent to place a complete and proper estimate upon it or to say what has been the crowning achievement in his career. The din and turmoil of a hundred battle fields have not ceased echoing through the country, nor has the smoke of burning cities been yet entirely dissipated from the atmosphere. The glorious achievements of his administration, the evolutions of mighty armies, the daring deeds of prowess and the hard-won conquest of a valiant foe, all cast a glamour over the great struggle, which blinds the eyes of beholders and renders them incapable of judging as to the single achievement which shall stand pre-eminent over all others as the most far- reaching and beneficent in its results. Shall it be the preservation of republican institutions, the per petuation of constitutional governmen or the eleva tion of four millions of slaves to the status of man hood and womanhood ? Whatever mav be the ver- 254 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. diet, it is certain that the name of Abraham Lincoln will always be associated with the sacred cause of freedom, that his example will be an inspiration in the great struggle between the powers of right and wrong, and one of the greatest glories of the final victory which his life has done so much to assure. His career is inseparably connected with the history of the American slaves, and to them his name will ever be a sacred one. His achievements were in no sense accidental, nor did he act as an unreasoning instrument in the hands of Providence, to bring about a foreordained result. It is true that the whole history of the country leads up, in concentering lines, to the grand denouement ; that all the forces of political and social life were un consciously exerted to hasten the crisis ; and all the tendencies of modern civilization, together with the example of foreign countries, were towards the ele vating of the lowly and the freeing of those who were in bondage. These agencies would either have brought about the desired result in the course of time, or would have relegated all slaveholding countries to the lowest position in the scale of nations and to a condition of comparative barbarism. The powerful forces of advancing civilization de manded a Lincoln to concentrate, and apply them, and, though the operation nearly rent the continent in twain and caused the rivers to pour crimson tides into the sea, it proved effectual, and the terrible curse of American slavery was forever blotted out. To bring about this result it is safe to say that Lincoln contributed more than any other man. The cause of Abolition had been made unpopular, in the North as ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 255 well as in the South, by the radicalism of its cham pions. Lincoln was the first to rescue it from the slough of sentimentalism and plant it upon the firm ground of political principle. Before his entrance into the field, it had been recognized only as the vis ionary scheme of a few enthusiasts. In only a few limited localities had it attained a respectable degree of influence. The Douglas debates and the Cooper Institute speech raised it to the dignity of a great political issue. No consideration of the question should detract from the value of the immortal deeds of such men as Phillips, Garrison, Sumner, Seward and Whittier, yet it is certain that that their lives were in a large sense only preparatory to the giant achievements of Lin coln. Their extreme utterances appealed to but a small portion of the people ; his earnest moderation and reasonable policy aroused far less antagonism and made multitudes of friends among those who would otherwise have been lukewarm or even hostile. A more self-assertive policy would no doubt have wrecked the Government and broken up the country; less resolution and earnestness of purpose would have allowed the opportunity of a century to pass or long years of contention or divided sovereignty would have been the result. In view, then, of the mighty interests preserved, and the weighty problems solved, it is probably not too much to say that Abraham Lin coln will be recognized as the central figure of the nineteenth century in American history. CHAPTER XVIII. DURING the first year of the war the prestige had been with the Southern armies. The Confederate leaders had made elaborate preparations and had not only taken the Government unawares but had de prived it, to a large extent, of the means of waging offensive warfare, and compelled it to act mainly upon the defensive until its resources could be recuperated. The first year, therefore, was largely a period of self- fortification on the part of the national Government and of preparation of a vantage-ground from which the war might be successfully fought. As next in im portance to recruiting and disciplining large armies, the administration directed its energies towards re taining the border States in the Union, for the pos session of which the Confederacy was exerting every effort. It was only through the skillfully planned move ments of the Government that a number of these States did not find their way into the Confederacy. Thus were saved to the Union the States of Mary land, West Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, which afterwards rendered gallant service in its defense. One of the greatest achievements of the year was the blockade of the South. The rebellious common wealths were virtually placed in a state of siege; the fleets upon the ocean and the armies on the north and (256) ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 257 west almost entirely shutting off communication with the outside world. Never before had an attempt been made to actually enforce so extensive a blockade. Napoleon's famous Berlin decree and the resulting Orders in Council on the part of Great Britain cov ered an extensive seaboard but both Governments were powerless to enforce them by actual blockade. When the policy was first announced military men abroad sneered at the idea and arrogantly proclaimed its utter impracticability. And the obstacles did seem insurmountable. The numerous harbors of the South, its navigable rivers and complex system of estuaries and sounds seemed to offer so many opportunities for blockade-runners that nothing short of an actual pa trol of the entire coasc would apparently effect the desired result. Yet in less than a year the South was practically cut off from outside markets and was neither able to sell her own products abroad nor buy the many luxuries which, from common use, had almost come to be necessities. The moral effect of this move was great, both at home and abroad. More than was possible in any other way the whole disaffected district was made to feel the rigor of war, and the serious character of the situation was brought close home to every door, while the loss of Southern products, especially of cotton, brought much suffer ing upon foreign communities and led the different powers to feel a deeper personal interest in the strug- gle. But two great battles had been fought, and in each the National armies had been signally defeated, and though victorious in a number of minor engagements, the laurels of the contest thus far rested on Southern 258 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. brows. For the second year the administration had conceived a policy looking towards the achievement of three different things, viz. the continued block ade of Southern ports, the opening of the Mississippi and the capture of Richmond. Early in the year the country was electrified by news of the capture of Forts Henry and Donelson by General Grant, assisted by Commodore Foote. The cool and resolute bear ing of General Grant attracted the attention of the people, but especially that of the President, who was eagerly watching for the appearance of some military genius who should be able to lead the grand armies of the Republic on to victory. Between Lincoln and Grant there were many things in common and each conceived a warm admiration for, and complete confi dence in the other. In each was to be noted the same unaffected simplicity and earnest resolution. Each was self-reliant in critical times and quick to discern merit in another and each was capable of grasping the broad principles of a situation, unembarrassed by minor details, which enabled them to frame compre hensive policies or plan great and successful cam paigns. To Grant, Lincoln was the greatest man of the times, and to Lincoln, Grant was the ablest gen eral of the age. Yet neither arrived at this conclu sion until each had been thoroughly tested and proven worthy. And it was only after his ability had been demonstrated in many a hard fought field and com plicated siege that Grant was advanced from one po sition to another until he was put in command of the united armies of the nation. Then came the movements looking towards the forced evacuation of Kentucky and Tennessee, involv- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 259 ing the fiercely fought battle of Shiloh and the grad ual rolling southward of the rebel tide which had threatened to inundate the States of the Northwest. The administration early saw the importance of gaining possession of the Mississippi River. As in early times this magnificent highway of inland waters had been the subject of many a controversy and in ternational complication, so once more its peaceful waters were to be the witness of a tremendous strug gle between the free Northwest and the slave South west for its possession, which foreboded final defeat to the loser. In April a fleet under the command of Commodore Farragut captured the city of New Or leans after passing through the defenses at the mouth of the river and running by the forts which guarded the city. While on the north the Federal forces were advancing slowly and surely southward to form a junction with the blue-coated armies at the mouth of the river. Early in the year the people of the North were dismayed by the news that the Merrimac, whose con struction and formidable character had been widely heralded, had attacked the fleet off Hampton Roads, and had sunk or disabled a number of the stanchest ships, which were powerless to harm their adversary. Anxiously did they throng the telegraph offices the next day, awaiting news which the most sanguine could not hope to be favorable. But a new factor had appeared upon the scene, one of those products of man's ingenuity which special emergencies some times call forth. The story of the Merrimac and Monitor has passed into history, and is familiar to every school-child. 260 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. It is not generally known that Mr. Lincoln was, in a large measure, responsible for the building of the Monitor. The plans had been presented to the Navy Department, but had excited but little interest. Fi nally, the projectors of the enterprise solicited an interview with the President, at which Captain Erics son's plans were displayed and fully described. After making a thorough examination of them, Mr. Lincoln said : " Well, I don't know much about ships, though I once contrived a canal-boat, the model of which is down in the Patent Office, the great merit of which was that it could run where there was no water, but I think there is something in this plan of Ericsson's." And, shortly afterwards, the Government entered into a contract for the construction of the boat as a result of this interview. The result amply vindicated the claims of the great inventor and his friends. At the time of the capture of Norfolk and the de struction of the MerrimaC) the President was at For tress Monroe with several of his Cabinet. He had witnessed with deep interest one of the struggles between the little Monitor and the rebel iron-clad, and awaited anxiously the result of the expedition against Norfolk. His account of the reception of the news of its downfall is as follows : "Chase and Stanton," said he, "had accompanied me to Fortress Monroe. While we were there, an expedition was fitted out for an attack on Norfolk. Chase and General Wool disappeared about the time we began to look for tidings of the result, and after vainly waiting their return until late in the evening, Stanton and I concluded to retire. My room was on the second floor of the commandant's house, and ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 26 1 Stanton's was below. The night was very warm, the moon was shining brightly, and, too restless to sleep, I sat for some time by the table reading. Suddenly hearing footsteps, I looked out of the window and saw two persons approaching, whom I knew by the relative size to be the missing men. They came into the passage, and I heard them rap at Stanton's door, and tell him to get up and come upstairs. A mo ment after, they entered my room. * No time for cer emony, Mr. President,' said General Wool 'Norfolk is ours ! ' Stanton here burst in, just out of bed, clad in a long night-gown, which nearly swept the floor, his ear catching, as he crossed the threshold, Wool's last words. Perfectly overjoyed, he rushed at the General, whom he hugged most affectionately, fairly lifting him from the floor in his delight. The scene altogether must have been a comical one, though at the time we were all too greatly excited to take much note of mere appearances." 1 The North had become impatient at the meager results of the war hitherto, and from east to west, from Canada to the border-land, the imperious cry resounded, " On to Richmond ! " A vast and well- disciplined host lay upon its arms within sight of the great dome of the Capitol at Washington, and impa tiently demanded that it be led against the enemy. The time was ripe, the opportunities favorable, and the men were ready; but the great leader, unerring in judgment, quick to strike and cool in temper, was wanting. McClellan started out with the most bril liant prospects, a good soldier, an honest patriot, but Browne. 262 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. unfitted to conduct a great campaign. The onward movement was undertaken with undue deliberation and utter neglect of caution. Opportunities were overlooked which might have contributed much tow ards the success of the expedition, and yet the great army arrived almost within sight of the defenses of Richmond, carrying consternation to the inhabitants, but was then compelled to turn back by the adriot manoeuvres of the opposing generals. Then followed the skillfully-conducted but disastrous retreat, the seven days' fighting and the bloody struggle in the Wilderness, and, at last, the broken fragments of the once splendid Army of the Potomac returned, with banners torn and laurels gone, leaving behind a path way strewn with the mangled remains of the hus bands and sons of the North. How the eyes of the people were turned towards that spot on Virginia's sacred soil, and how the hearts of mothers and wives and children were breaking, as they pictured their loved ones bleeding and dying in that lonely swamp ! Such scenes of woe the pen can never describe nor the brush picture. The broken heart alone knows the depth of its suffering. The retreat of McClellan was followed by an ad vance of the rebel armies into Maryland. Flushed with victory, General Lee permitted his forces to be come widely separated, when he was suddenly con fronted by the Federal army, which was much superior in numbers, at Antietam. But McClellan, with characteristic inactivity and indecision, delayed until the scattered forces of the Confederates could be collected, and then engaged the enemy. What might have been a glorious victory, resulted practi- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 263 cally in a drawn battle, and Lee was permitted to retire unmolested across the Potomac. The battle of Antietam ended General McClellan's military career, and he was succeeded by General Burnside, who was shortly afterwards disastrously defeated at Fred- ericksburg, and was in turn succeeded by General Hooker. It is related that, on the morning after the battle at Fredericksburg, Hon. I. N. Arnold called on the President, and, to his amazement, found him engaged in rea.ding " Artemas Ward." Making no reference to that which occupied the universal thought, he asked Mr. Arnold to sit down while he read to him Artemas' description of his visit to the Shakers. Shocked at this proposition, Mr. Arnold said : " Mr. President, is it possible that, with the whole land bowed in sorrow and covered with a pall in the pres ence of yesterday's fearful reverse, you can indulge in such levity ?" Throwing down the book, with the tears streaming down his cheeks, and his huge frame quivering with emotion, Mr. Lincoln answered, " Mr. Arnold, if I could not get momentary respite from the crushing burden I am constantly carrying, my heart would break ! " l At the beginning of the year 1863, the situation was not materially changed from the preceding year. The emancipation proclamation had been issued, and the result of the step was anxiously awaited. The dis asters in the East had inspired a feeling of gloom and discouragement, which the victories in the West had hardly been able to counteract. General Grant was per- Browne. 264 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sistently continuing his efforts to open the Mississippi, and had gained possession of the territory on both sides of the river as far south as Vicksburg, which was now the only important Confederate stronghold on the river. The city was in an exceptionally strong position, and was seemingly impregnable. Moreover, as it was the last position held by the Confederates, it was believed that their Government would exert every effort to maintain it. Hence there were few who believed that it could be captured. General Grant, however, in spite of all obstacles, determined to invest the city. He tried one plan after another and failed, yet, with a tenacity of purpose which has rarely been equalled, he persisted in the effort and, finally, July 4, 1863, had the satisfaction of planting the " Stars and Stripes " upon the ramparts, and taking possession of Vicksburg in the name of the Federal Government. Like an electric shock, the news passed through the North, and gave birth to exultation and a renewed feeling of confidence in ultimate success. No one was more delighted by this achievement than Mr. Lincoln, and he took an early opportunity to write the following congratu latory letter to him: " EXECUTIVE MANSION, > "WASHINGTON, D. C, July 13, 1863. \ " Major-General Grant. " MY DEAR GENERAL I do not remember that you and I ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful acknowl edgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the country. I write to say a word further. When you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do what you finally did march the troops across the neck, run the ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 265 batteries with the transports, and thus go below ; and I never had any faith, except a general hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition, and the like, could succeed. When you got below, and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf and vicinity, I thought you should go. down the river, and join Gen eral Banks ; and when you turned northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the per sonal acknowledgment that you were right, and I was wrong. " Yours truly, " A. LINCOLN." Vicksburg's capture was undoubtedly the greatest achievement of the war up to this time, yet General Grant's work was but begun. The Department of the Tennessee was under the command of General Rosecrans but, after the disastrous battle of Chicka- mauga, he was superseded by Grant who arrived just in time to fight the battle of Chattanooga and to witness the gallant and desperate ascent of Mission ary Ridge. A more glorious spectacle is not described in the annals of war. The rugged moun tain lifting its precipitous heights into the clouds, where might be seen the Confederate lines intrenched behind formidable defenses of rocks and crags. At its base a long slender line of blue-coated soldiers, whose eyes swept the heights and whose faces were eagerly set towards the foe so far above them. Once, twice, six times the signal cannon bellowed forth its thunderous sound and like a sword from its scab bard the impatient line sprang forth, impetuous, undaunted by the rugged heights and frowning redoubts. From crag to crag, amid the tempest of iron, which raged round about them, splintering the rocks and hurling many a brave soldier to the ground 266 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. in his death agony, they dash onward and upward, with the starry flags leading far in the advance. The foe was met and despite his advantage of position was hurled back by the avalanche of steel, thus turned back from its natural course. So the battle of the clouds was fought and the proud banner of freedom floated over another State rescued from the polluting clutch of treason. In the East affairs began to take a more favorable turn. Encouraged by his almost unbroken career of victory General Lee determined to carry the war into the enemy's country. The broad and fertile fields of Pennsylvania and the wealthy and populous cities of New York and Philadelphia offered tempt ing prizes to the invader, whose soil had been the scene of so many sanguinary conflicts and whose resources had been exhausted by destructive war. Swiftly the legions of the South moved down the Shenandoah and crossed the Potomac, hotly pursued by the Federal army under the command of General Meade, which now, for the first time, found a hostile army between itself and the North. Upon Northern soil, in a State founded upon the principles of peace and good-will towards all, in a place where the echoes of the guns could almost be heard in the " City of Brotherly Love," was the decis ive battle of the war destined to be fought. Neither general had planned to fight here but by accident, or rather by the hand of Providence, "a collision occurred between a squadron of Federal cavalry and a division of Lee's army and the great engage ment was brought on. For three days the battle continued ; each side recognizing that then and ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 267 there the issue must be fought out. Deeds of bravery and daring were performed which will ever redound to the glory of American heroism. Charges and counter-charges, artillery duels and broadsides of musketry, together with the minor refrain of groans and dying prayers, mingling with the shrill shrieks of death and hoarse cries of command, all go to make up the battle of Gettysburg. But at last the tide of invasion was turned and the rebel army, in full retreat, sought the regions which it had left so hopefully, but a few days before, defeated but not dishonored. No braver men ever breathed or more gallant hearts ever beat than those in the gray coats, save alone those in the blue, whose greatest mead of praise was that they had beaten their brethren of the South. The tide of the war had turned. With the begin ning of 1864, the last act in the great tragedy opened. General Grant was made Commander-in-Chief of the National forces and now for the first time all the tre mendous power of the army was swayed by one mind, intelligently to the accomplishment of one purpose the putting down of the rebellion as quickly and effectively as possible. Obedient to command, Gen eral Sherman, who was soon to be ranked in ability as a commander only second to the great chief him self, set out, in pursuit of Johnston, on his great march to Atlanta and thence to the sea. Straight across the very centre of the Confederacy he marched, overcoming all opposition and capturing Atlanta, then breaking loose from all communica tions, in the heart of the enemy's country, he started with sixty thousand men for the Atlantic coast. In five weeks he had marched three hundred miles and 268 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. captured Savannah. The effect of this daring expe dition cannot be over estimated. The enemy's coun try had once more been cut in two and the interior, for the first time, was made to feel the rigors of des tructive and uncompromising war. The advantage of having all the Federal armies under the direction of one cool, vigilant and unweary ing mind soon became apparant. The operations of the national forces covered a vast field, but they were no longer conducted at cross purposes; each army, division and brigade became like the pieces in the hands of a chess-player, and were skilfully and har moniously manipulated. Sherman in the South, Thomas in Tennessee, Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley, Butler in eastern Virginia, Dupont along the Atlantic seaboard, and Porter and Farragut in the Gulf of Mexico with the great General himself at the head of the vast armies advancing towards Richmond worked with a vigor and unity of purpose which, exhibited in the earlier stages of the war, would have brought it to a close long before. Once more was Richmond the objective point and slowly but relent lessly the Union armies were closing around the Con federate Capital. All the genius of Lee and his accomplished generals was exerted to turn back the tide of invasion, quick marches, flank movements and bloody battles were all unavailing, and in the spring of 1865 the Wilderness had been once more passed in the face of the Confederate hosts. The army left a broad swath behind strewn with its dead but still it pressed on past the numerous defenses until the strongholds of the rebellion were one by one secured and the victorious but sore-stricken lines were at ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 269 last within sight of the city. Its defense was bravely conducted but ineffectual and, at last, on the morning of April 3, the " Stars and Stripes " were borne in tri umph through the streets and flung once more to the breezes fresh from the South, where for four years the proud but ill-fated " St. Andrew's Cross " had flaunted. Close upon the capitulation of Richmond followed Appomattox and the shattered remnants of the gal lant foe laid down their arms and their cause was lost forever. The fearful penalty of the nation's sin, con ceived in her infancy and cherished and strengthened in her vigorous youth, was now paid and a united country was ready to take its place among the nations on a firmer basis and with grander prospects than ever before. The conflict was inevitable. It had been begun at the time of the adoption of the Constitution. It had gained strength amid strife and mutual distrust. More than once it had broken out in open rebellion, and finally it burst like a tempest upon the land. It can hardly be believed that the election of Lincoln hastened secession, much less that it was the cause of it. The time had come and a pretext only was sought. In the dark days that succeeded his inauguration he was confronted with a situation whose difficulty had never been surpassed in the history of the country. Though few had believed him to be possessed of the elements of greatness he exhibited an adaptability to circumstances, a keenness of foresight and a readiness to adapt means to the accomplishment of a desired end that will undoubtedly rank him among the great rulers of the world. In his energy and versatility he 270 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. was the peer of Caesar ; in the magnitude of the oper ations which he conducted, he vied with Alexander ; while his patience, persistence and devotion to the right were never excelled by Washington. To what extent the success of the war was due to him cannot be estimated. The North was far stronger than the South, both in material resources and the men from whom armies are recruited. Her im mense extent of seacoast, east and west, would have prevented a successful blockade; or, if successful, her vast domain of fertile territory would have rendered it nugatory. Her people were patriotic and devoted and equal, at least, man for man to their Southern brethren. On the other hand, they were taken una wares and were for the time helpless in the presence of armed rebellion. It was Lincoln who combined and utilized the giant forces, which were otherwise helpless, because without a rallying point. It was Lincoln who planned and organized, who encouraged the people in their gloom, and pointed out the way to victory, not only pointed it out but led the advance, often but a forlorn hope, until the desired end was at tained. What Washington was to the Revolution Lin coln was to the Rebellion and more. More, because a domestic foe is more formidable than a foreign ene my; because the interests he controlled and conserved were immeasurably greater than those in the hands of Washington. CHAPTER XIX. NOWHERE in the management of the war did the Gov ernment show greater weakness than in the selection of commanders. It is hardly just to blame the Pres ident or his advisers exclusively for this. The diffi culty was largely the result of circumstances, entirely beyond the control of the administration. In 1860 there were comparatively but few men, North or South, who were trained in the art of war. The Mexican War had been too short and on too limited a scale to educate many men in military tactics, and the officers of the regular army, in large part, deserted their colors to enlist in the Southern armies. Nor were the President and his Cabinet prepared for the emer gency suddenly thrust upon them. Mr. Lincoln was obliged to feel his way slowly and carefully along an unknown track without precedent to guide him. It was evident that the proper man to guide and control the affairs of the great armies could be found only by experiment and in large measure must be educated up to his position. Mr. Lincoln realized most keenly the difficulties of the situation and exercised the ut most patience as long as he saw his appointees pro gressive and earnest He still continued to have faith in McClellan after the country had begun to clamor for his removal, and still upheld and offered him full 272 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. support if he would only make an effort to redeem his reputation. His policy was vigorous and he earnestly advised and finally directed a general advance towards the centre of the Confederacy, and yet, in spite of all, he constantly saw his advice rejected and his plans dis concerted. No one will ever realize the keenness of his disappointment when he became convinced that he was mistaken in his man and that only disaster could be expected so long as McClellan remained at the head of the army. Nor was his disappointment entirely upon public grounds. He felt a sense of per sonal bereavement in the wholesale slaughter to which the army had been subjected and his grief was all the more poignant because he recognized the fact that much of it was unnecessary and useless. The suf fering and misery occasioned by the war met him on every side. In Washington more than any other city of the North was the terrible physical suffering, the mutilation and sickness of the soldiers seen. The city was full of hospitals and the streets were thronged with ambulances bearing the sore-stricken soldiers from battlefield to hospital. He once said to a friend, while gazing at a long line of ambulances, with an expression of deepest dejec tion on his face, "Look at those poor fellows, I can not bear it ! This suffering, this loss of life is dread ful ! " From his windows he could see the rebel flag float ing at Arlington while the magnificent Union army lay idly upon its arms. Yet he seldom criticised the inactivity of McClellan, except in a humorous way. He once said to a friend: "If McClellan does not ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 273 want to use the army for some days, I should like to borrow it and see if it cannot be made to do some thing." At another time he said: "General McClel- lan is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. He is an admirable engineer, but he seems to have a special talent for a stationary engine." After the battle of Antietam he visited the army with Hon. O. M. Hatch, a former Secretary of State of Illinois. He arose early in the morning and with Mr. Hatch walked out upon a hill and looked down upon the great expense of white tents extending as far as the eye could reach. As they looked upon the wonderful scene the deepest emotions were stirred within them as they thought of the multitudes, who were already sleeping their last long sleep on South ern soil, and the unknown but terrible possibilities of the future. The President suddenly leaned forward and said in a whisper: " Hatch, Hatch, what is all this? " "Why, Mr. Lincoln," said he, "that is the Army of the Potomac." The President hesitated a moment, and then said: " No, Hatch, no. This is General McClellan's body guard." Mr. Lincoln was often reproached for his levity and was often misjudged. People thought that he had but little feeling or appreciation of the gravity of the situation. As in many other things the people failed to understand the character of their President. The stories and humorous illustrations, which he con stantly used in his conversation, were a relief to him and for the moment diverted his mind from the dis tressing responsibilities resting upon him, and, with- 274 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. out such distraction, the burden would have been too great for him to bear. Without it he once said he should die. He realized as fully as any one the necessity of some positive movement which would enable the army to retrieve its former defeats, and, despairing of any in dependent action on the part of McClellan, towards the end of January, 1862, he issued a proclamation known as " the President's General Order, No. i," directing a general onward movement of the whole army, to take place Feb. 22. While no great result followed, it indicated the temper of the administra tion and tended to awaken the army out of its apa thy. General Burnside's lack of qualification was shown in the battle of Fredricksburg, and Chancellorsville revealed the same in regard to Hooker. Mr. Lincoln had never fully approved of Hooker and when he ap pointed him cautioned him pointedly against the repe tition of several mistakes which he believed him to have previously made. The news of Chancellorsville was a terrible blow to Mr. Lincoln. Still his main thought was for its effect upon the country. " Oh, what will the country say, what will the country say ? " was his first ejaculation. The country's welfare, not his own, was always in his heart, and for that was his greatest anxiety. He often spoke of himself as the attorney for the people, and, as he quaintly expressed it, "was'the lead horse in the team and must not kick over the traces." He found himself compelled to defend his policy to his friends, and to that end made speeches* held interviews and wrote letters, explaining and justify- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 275 ing his course. He felt that the people had a right to know everything in regard to his measures which could be divulged without injury to the cause. No President has been more indefatigable in his efforts to make himself understood by the people. He was, in a measure, compelled to resort to this course by the open opposition of his political enemies and the con tinual carping of those who should have been his friends. He was frequently called upon to make speeches to the troops who were passing through the city, as well as to delegations of citizens who were continually ap pealing to him upon some subject. Although quick to detect insincerity or selfishness, and unsparing in his rebuke of it and frequently manifesting weari ness or impatience, he never made a mistake in his speeches. His utterances were always dignified and pointed. In them he frequently alluded to the tren chant points of his policy, especially if they had been criticised, and in plain terms made clear the points misunderstood or criticised so that the reasons for his actions might be seen. Although he seemed to speak extemporaneously, he generally prepared the principal points of his speech with great care in order that he might allow no unguarded expression to es cape his lips. Not one of the least elements of his greatness was this power of saying just the right thing at the right time, and the fact that although the opportunities were many and the temptation great, he never in dulged in intemperate language or said anything which would in the end prejudice his cause. His care and painstaking are especially shown in his public papers. 276 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. No President has left behind a collection of more able and dignified State-papers. His reasoning was always cogent and convincing. He had a way of get ting at the important features of a matter and pre senting them clearly in a few words, overriding op position and carrying conviction. During the whole continuance of the war no influ ence was more potent in forming and directing public sentiment than that of the President. The country anxiously scanned his utterances and awaited the ex pression of his opinions and guided their actions by them. It is probably not too much to say that no President had ever before exercised so powerful an influence in the halls of Congress as he. His mes sages were deemed almost oracular and his advice was eagerly sought by both Senators and Represent atives. The impress of his thought may be distinctly seen upon the legislative acts of his administration and'is preserved in the archives of the nation. In his message of December, 1862, he felt called upon to demonstrate the utter impracticability of the formation of two Governments upon the American continent, and never was the foolishness of the attempt to sever the Union more conclusively shown. It may be that at this trying time he was disheart ened and feared that the North might, after all, be defeated and thus sought to strengthen the hearts and hands not only of Congress, but also of the peo ple. .He said : "... That portion of the earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States, is well adapted to be the home of one national family ; and is not well adapted for two or ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 277 more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and pro ductions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they may have been in former ages. Steam, telegraph and intelligence have brought these to an advantageous combination for one united people. . . . . There is no line, straight or crooked, suita ble for a national boundary, upon which to divide. Trace through from east to west upon the line between free and slave territory and we shall find a lit tle more than one third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly on both sides ; while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines over which the people walk back and forth without any conscious ness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down upon paper or parchment as a national boun dary. . . . But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east by the Allegha- nies, north by the British Dominions, west by the Rocky Mountains and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, already has above ten millions of people and will have fifty mil lions within fifty years, if not prevented by any politi cal folly or mistake. It contains more than one- third of the country owned by the United States, certainly more than one million square miles. A glance at the map shows, that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it. The magnificent region, sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provi- 278 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them, this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world. . . . And yet this region has no seacoast, touches no ocean anywhere. As a part of one nation its people may find,. and may forever find their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans and to Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations." His appreciation of the services rendered by Gen eral Grant was keen. Up to the capture of Vicks- burg it had not been satisfactorily shown whether Grant was a great general or whether his successes had been partly the result of circumstances. But the conquest of the stronghold of the Mississippi, in the presence of almost insuperable difficulties proved his metal. The knight had won his spurs. The eyes of the nation were turned upon him, and the President became convinced that at last he had found the man who could lead the armies of the North to victory. There were strong bonds of sympathy between the sorely tried President and the plain but successful general. They were both men of the people who had risen to commanding positions from the lower walks of life by the force of sterling character and native ability. Each retained his sympathy with the masses and utter carelessness for all the pomp and display of high official position. Each one formed opinions and plans deliberately but adhered to a ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 279 principle or line of action, once adopted, with a te nacity that at times amounted almost to obstinacy. Each was unexcelled in the sphere to which the exigency of the war had called him. Grant leading the great armies in the field and executing long and complicated campaigns, was the exact complement of Lincoln directing the vast affairs, military, politi cal and civil, of a disrupted country, and framing and carrying out policies requiring the most consummate wisdom and tact. Lincoln had followed Grant's career with profound interest and had more than once congratulated him upon his achievements. After the relief of Knoxville, in December, 1863, he said in a letter : " ... I wish to tender you and all under your command my more than thanks, my profoundest gratitude for the skill, courage and per severance with which you and they, over so great difficulties, have accomplished that object. May God bless you all." Lincoln never hesitated to speak in highest terms of him. Soon after the capture of Vicksburg, he said : " I guess I was right in standing by Grant, although there was a great pressure made after Pitts- burg Landing to have him removed. I thought I saw enough in Grant to convince me that he was one upon whom the country could depend. That * uncon ditional surrender ' message to Btickner, at Donelson, suited me. It indicated the spirit of the man." It was not until Grant had been appointed Lieut- enant-General that Lincoln first saw him. He was much pleased with his appearance, and afterwards commented upon his unobtrusive and quiet character, saying, " The only evidence you have that he is in 280 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. any place, is that he makes things git. Wherever he is things move." Being afterwards asked for his estimate of Grant, he said that he was the first general he had had. His other generals had been accustomed to form plans for campaigns and ask him to shoulder the responsibility for their outcome; "but," said he, " Grant does nothing of the kind. He hasn't told me what his plans are. I don't know, and don't want to know. I am glad to find a man who can go ahead without me. . . . He doesn't ask impossibilities of me and he is the first general I have had that didn't. The great thing about him is his cool persist ency of purpose. He is not easily excited, and he has the grip of a bulldog. When he once gets his teeth in, nothing can shake him off." After the fall of Vicksburg there was some dissatis faction manifested by captious people, because Grant had permitted Pemberton's men to leave on parole, to re-enforce the ranks of the enemy, as they said. A delegation of these men visited Lincoln and voiced their complaint. He answered with a characteristic story. " Have you ever heard," said he, " the story of Sykes' dog? Well, I must tell you about him. " Sykes had a yellow dog he set a great store by; but there were a lot of small boys about the village and that's always a bad thing for dogs, you know. These boys didn't share Sykes' views and they were not disposed to let the dog have a fair show. Even Sykes had to admit that the dog was getting unpop ular ; in fact, it was soon seen that there was a prej udice growing up against that dog that threatened to wreck all his future prospects in life. The boys, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 281 after meditating how they could get the best of him, finally fixed upon a cartridge with a long fuse, put the cartridge in a piece of meat in the road in front of Sykes' door, and then perched themselves on the fence, a good distance off, with the fuse in their hands. Then they whistled for the dog. When he came out he scented the bait and bolted the meat, cartridge and all. The boys touched off the fuse and in about a second a report came from that dog that sounded like a clap of thunder. Sykes came bouncing out of the house and yelled, ' What's up ? Anything busted ? ' And looking up, he saw the air filled with pieces of yellow dog. He picked up the biggest piece he ould find a portion of the back with the tail still hanging to it and, after turning it around and look ing it all over, he said : * Well, I guess he'll never be of much account again as a dog.' And I guess Pemberton's forces will never be of much account again as an army." 1 Grant's opinion of Lincoln was most favorable. Shortly before his (Lincoln's) death, he said of him : " I regard Lincoln as one of the greatest of men. The more I see him and exchange views with him the more he impresses me. I admire his courage and respect the firmness he always displays. Many think from the gentleness of his character that he has a yielding nature ; but while he has the courage to change his mind, when convinced that he is wrong, he has all the tenacity of purpose which could be desired in a great statesman. His quickness of per ception often astonishes me. Long before the state- Browne. 282 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. merit of a complicated question is finished, his mind will grasp the main points, and he will seem to comprehend the whole subject better than the person who is telling it. He will rank in history alongside of Washington." The battle of Gettysburg marked the turning of the tide. It was the decisive struggle which was to determine the future of the land. The anxiety of the North during those eventful first three days of July was intense and feverish. Would the invasion be turned back or would the peaceful regions of the North be devastated by the cruel hand of war. Would Lee be checked in his victorious career, or would he bear the St. Andrew's Cross in triumph over the blood-stained soil of Gettysburg and plant it in the heart of the North to wave over burning cities and desolated firesides. It was a struggle for life or death, and the gloomi est forebodings were indulged in on every side. The revulsion of feeling which occurred, when the tele graph announced that Lee was in full retreat, and the Union army, though shattered, was victorious, is past description. The President was overwhelmed with congratulations and, being serenaded on the I night of the 4th, said: "I do most sincerely thank I Almighty God for the occasion of this call. . . . Eighty odd years since, on the Fourth of July, for the first time in the history of the world, a nation, by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self- evident truth, that all men are created equal. That was the birthday of the United States of America. And now, at this last Fourth of July just past, we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 283 an effort to overthrow the principle that all men are created equal. We have the surrender of a most im portant position, and an army, on that very day." On July 15, he issued a proclamation to the people in which he referred to the great victory that had been won and the brightening prospects of the na tional cause, not failing to speak in touching words of the sorrow and suffering, the broken homes and stricken hearts. He then called upon the people to assemble, August 4, for thanksgiving, praise and prayer, and to render homage to the " Divine Maj esty" for the wonderful things He had done in the nation's behalf. He asked the loyal people to pray that the hearts of the insurgents might be turned to better counsels, and the officers of the Government might have their hands upheld and their judgments directed by divine wisdom; and that the Great Father might console and comfort the stricken ones, and lead the nation through all the trials and vicissi tudes of war to unity and fraternal peace. There were many things that combined to make Gettysburg the most notable battle of the war. It was the only great battle that was fought on North ern soil, and was the most stubbornly contested. Deeds of individual valor and daring, such as grace the annals of chivalry, were here performed in count less numbers. There was hardly a community in the North which did not feel a sense of personal bereave ment, when Gettysburg was mentioned. The tear- dimmed eyes of a great people were turned towards its fields and hills rendered sacred by the precious blood in which it was baptized. Hence it was pecul iarly fit that the spot should be chosen as the site of 284 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. a great national cemetery, where the Nation's dead, the soldiers, who had offered up their lives on her altars, might sleep their last sleep. And where the serried columns of armed men once stood in martial array, now stretches long avenues of funeral mounds, with their white headboards, recording the simple annals of the dead or marking the resting-places of those whose names earth has long since forgotten, but whose deeds shall be remembered as long as the "Stars and Stripes" wave over an united country. Where once the roar of battle convulsed the earth and echoed through the air, is now heard the song of birds and the soft moaning of winds. Once, a pall of sulphurous smoke, lit up by the cannon's glare, now the clear blue sky or the summer clouds gently weeping o'er the slain! It is fitting, too, that the great commonwealths of the North should erect obelisks and monuments to commemorate the resting-place of their heroes, until the great mausoleum shall become the most hallowed spot on American soil, save only that place where the Pilgrims first landed to found a nation, for whose maintenance these Boys in Blue so bravely died. On the igth of November, the cemetery was dedi cated, with solemn and imposing ceremonies. The President and his Cabinet were present, together with Members of Congress, Governors and the representa tives of foreign Powers. The principal address was delivered by Edward Everett, one of the most accom plished scholars and eloquent speakers of the day. His oration was long and masterly and the audience did homage to the polished orator, whose faultless style and flowing sentences excited a feeling of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 285 admiration for the living speaker as well as for the voiceless dead. After the oration was ended Mr. Lincoln was called upon to speak. He had bestowed but little time and thought upon his speech. On the cars, while on his way to the battlefield, he had called for a pencil and piece of paper and had hastily written out the few sentences which were destined to produce so profound an impression. He arose slowly, adjusted his spectacles and, with his whole frame quivering with emotion and his voice shrill and penetrating, read the following address : " Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, con ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting-place of those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. " But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate we can not consecrate we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion 286 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to the cause for which they here gave the last full measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that the dead shall not have died in vain ; that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom ; and that government of the people, by the people and for .the people, shall not perish from the earth." But a few minutes were necessary for the address, yet, never before had words so wrought upon the feelings of an audience. The devotion and self-for- getfulness of the simple man before them, himself the central figure of the scene, as he was the inspiration of the whole people, affected them as the words of the polished orator had not. As Mr. Lincoln finished amid the tears and sobs and cheers of the audience, he turned to Mr. Everett and, grasping him by the hand, warmly congratulated him upon his oration, seemingly unconscious that he had himself said anything worthy of note. " Ah, Mr. President," said Mr. Everett, "how gladly would I exchange all my hundred pages to have been the author of your twenty lines'! " Though short, the address ranks as one of the greatest American classics, and as such it is recognized both at home and abroad. The Westminster Review said of it : " It has but one equal, in that pronounced upon those who fell in the first year of the Peloponnesian war, and in one respect it is superior to that great speech. It is not only more natural, fuller of feeling, more touching and pathetic, but we know with abso lute certainty that it was really delivered. Nature here takes precedence of art even though it be the art of Thucydides." A great meeting of all Union men in Illinois was ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 287 called to assemble at the State Capitol, September 3, 1863, for the purpose of strengthening the Union sen timent and upholding the hands of the administration. The movement was timely and grateful to the Presi dent. It seems almost incomprehensible that many of his worst enemies should have been found in the ranks of his professed friends, yet such was the case. Open opposition and honest criticism every public official must expect, but he has a right to the earnest, unreserved support of those who have raised him to the position of responsibility which he may occupy, just so long as he shall honorably fulfill the duties of that office to the best of his ability. Even though he shall prove himself unfitted naturally for the position, a lack of support will only aggravate the difficulty of the situation. What then shall be said of numerous influential men, who assisted to raise Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency and then afterwards, because of differences of opinion, deliberately sought to break down his influence and prejudice the people against him. The opposition of such men as Horace Greeley, whose patriotism and honesty of purpose were undoubted, though captious and annoying, could be forgiven. But there were multitudes of men, more or less influential, who never lost an opportunity to assail him and his policy, by open attack or secret innuendo; they were scattered throughout the country and were found even in the halls of Congress, where opposition might be made especially embarrassing to the President. As the Hon. A. G. Riddle, of Ohio, once aptly said in a speech : u The outspoken comments here and elsewhere have 288 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. at least the merit of boldness ; but what shall be said of that muttering, unmanly, yet swelling under current of complaining criticism, that reflects upon the President, his motives and capacity, so freely indulged in by men having the public confidence? Whisper ings and complainings and doubtings and misgivings and exclamations, predictions by men who are never so happy as when they can gloat o^er the sum of our disasters, which they charge over to the personal account of the President." In the midst of such opposition it was more than pleasant for the President to receive assurances of confidence and hearty support from the people of his own State by whom he was best known. Two years and a half had passed since he had left Illinois. During that time his neighbors had eagerly watched his career and observed with surprise the ability he displayed in coping with the adverse circumstances that were constantly closing around him. It was with constant astonishment that they watched the development of the greatness of his character. No where had he more ardent supporters tnan among these, his old time friends. On the other hand he delighted in the revival of old memories and always greeted with hearty cordialty any of his Illinois friends. He earnestly desired their approval and rejoiced when he received evidences of it. He was deeply disappointed that his duties in Washington would not permit him to be present at the September meeting and sent a long letter in which he gave his neighbors and friends a simple, frank and complete exposition of his principles, showing that he both desired and merited their confi- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 289 dence. In the course of the letter he said : " There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it ? There are but three conceivable ways : First to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it ? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for force nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compromise. I do not believe that any compromise, embracing the maintenance of the Union, is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebel lion, is its military, its army. That army dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of the compromise, if one were made with them. . . . You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and per haps would have it retracted. You say it is uncon stitutional. I think differently. I think the Consti tution invests its Commander-in-Chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed ? And is it not needed whenever it helps us and hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when they cannot 2QO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or to hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. . . . The signs look better. The * Father of Waters ' again goesunvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North west for it ; nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone and Jersey, hemming their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a helping hand. On the spot their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one and let none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it. ... Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no success ful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their cause and pay the cost. And there will be some black men, who can remember that with silent tongue, and clinch ed teeth and steady eye and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in His own good time, will give us a rightful result." ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 291 The letter was enthusiastically received and heartily indorsed. Its hopeful spirit was infectious ; its calm logic was convincing, and the Illinois Convention sent back its congratulations and its prayers for the success of the cause. Not alone on the broad prairies of Illinois was this letter read, but from east to west it went, with its cheering message, and everywhere was confidence in the final outcome renewed, and a more cheerful view taken of existing cir cumstances. Still more was this feeling fostered and strengthened by the Thanksgiving proclamation of October 3. As time passes on the words of Lincoln are assum ing more and more significance and are perused with an increasing interest. Many writers conceal their personality and give no single glimpse of it in their works. This is necessarily not the case with Lincoln. For while he has left behind a great many works of literary merit, he did not distinctly enter the field of literature. The occasions that called forth his pro ductions and the productions themselves were of such a character as to call out more or less of his opinions and personality. While his autobiography was never written, his published works afford a better ground for character-study than the story of his life other wise. In view of this fact no biography is complete which does not contain copious selections from his own words. His October proclamation contains many noteworthy sentiments, a few of which are quoted below : " The year that is drawing towards its close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so con- 2Q2 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. stantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added which are of so extraordinary a nature that they can- ! not fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful provi dence of Almighty God. In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite and provoke the aggres sion of foreign States, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has every where prevailed, except in the theatre of military con flict, while that theatre has been constantly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the United States. . . . Population has steadily increased not withstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege and the battlefield ; and the country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of years with a large increase of freedom. No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked .out these great things. They are the gracious gifts i of the most high God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and voice, by the whole American people." The President, had awaited anxiously the Fall elec tions of 1863, for their result would proclaim the popular verdict upon his policy. The general drift of public opinion could be readily discerned in the larger places, but the pulse of the great agricultural ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 293 districts could not be so readily felt, hence the party leaders awaited the result with much anxiety. The news was more than reassuring and showed that the nation reposed abiding confidence in its rulers and their ability. Every State gave large majorities for the Republican tickets, except New Jersey. In Ohio the notorious Vallandigham was the Democratic candidate for Governor and was defeated Ly over one hundred thousand majority. When the news was announced to Lincoln he telegraphed back the words: " Glory to God in the highest ! Ohio has saved the Nation." The name of Lincoln is inseparably connected with the abolition of American slavery. While, owing to the stress of circumstances, he had issued the proc lamation of emancipation, it was contrary to his often-expressed belief as to the best method of deal ing with the evil. As a war measure the proclama tion was a success, but could not be permanent and complete in its results. Until it should become a part of the fundamental law of the land the doom of American slavery would not be sealed. The only way to accomplish, this was by securing a constitutional amendment. On February 10, 1864, Senator Trum- bull, the old-time political friend of Mr. Lincoln, introduced into the Senate what was destined to be known as the Thirteenth Amendment, as fol lows : " ARTICLE XIII, Section i. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the parties shall have been duly con victed, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 294 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." The question was long and ably discussed and finally passed the Senate, April 8, 1864, by a vote of 38 to 6. In the House the hostility to the bill was pronounced and uncompromising. For nearly three months the battle was waged and finally lost as the vote did not show a necessary two-thirds majority. Lincoln was disappointed at the result and feared that the cause of freedom had received a serious set back. In his annual message, December 5, 1864, he declared himself to be uncompromisingly in favor of the bill, and urged that Congress take immediate and favorable action upon it. He closed by saying that whatever should be the action of Congress, he would not retract or nullify the emancipation proclamation, nor would he retire from his position on the subject. If the people desired to return the former slaves to servitude he would not be the instrument to do it. He did not content himself with simply urging this matter in his message, but he personally sought to induce the opponents of the measure to change their votes. He was entirely committed to the measure and determined to use his whole influence to secure its adoption, and this time he was not disappointed. January 13, the bill passed by more than the requisite majority, and the amendment was now ready to be presented to the States for their ratification or rejec tion. The feelings of Lincoln can hardly be appre ciated. At last the crowning achievement of his life was to be perpetuated in the organic laws of the Na tion, which was destined once more, as the fruit of his labors, to be united and harmonious. Well might he say: ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 295 " The great job is ended. The occasion is one of congratulation, and I cannot but congratulate all pres ent, myself, the country and the whole world upon this great moral victory." The work thus begun he never saw completed. On December 18, 1865, Secretary Seward made proclama tion that the Thirteenth Amendment had been rati fied by the requisite number of States, and hence had become a part of the organic law. Thus was the great revolution, begun with bullet and blood, irrev ocably settled and established by the ballot. But its illustrious leader, the " defender of the Constitu tion ," never lived to see the result. Already the shadow was approaching and wrapping the doomed President in its folds. His work was nearly done ; a few more victories and defeats; a few more anxieties and wearying cares, and then the triumph. His work had been well done, and the results were sub stantial and permanent. From the time when he had been brought first into contact with the horrors of the system, in New Orleans, to the time when the last blow had been struck and its doom sounded, he had been more or less active in opposition to it. Not with the opposi tion of the fanatic, who would achieve his ends at any sacrifice of justice and happiness, but rather with the feelings of a patriot who recognized the enormity of the evil, but would suppress it by just and lawful measures. He had not plunged into the struggle suddenly, without preparation, but was rather led gradually up to it by the irresistible logic of events which, all unseen and unrecognized, was gradually fitting him for, an4 advancing him to the great 296 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. career which was destined to place his name among the few great liberators of earth. It is said that the President of the United States can have no domestic life ; that he is so constantly and prominently in public, that the opportunities for privacy and retirement with his family, which the ordinary citizen enjoys, are entirely lacking for him. Nor is this to any large extent untrue of Lincoln. Even before he became President he was so con stantly engaged in business that occupied him away from home, that his homelife was limited and unsatis fying. No doubt this was increased by a certain lack of congenialty and harmony of tastes. In his family he was always kind and forbearing, patient with his children, almost to the verge of indulgence. He knew nothing about severe discipline and could never bear to see his children punished. He loved them with all the strength of his great heart, and when one of them, William Wallace, died in the White House, he could hardly be comforted. During the latter years of the war, Robert was away at college, leaving only Thomas, or " Tad," as he was universally called, at home. He was a general favorite everywhere, and free to go and come as he pleased. His father was never too busy to welcome him, nor too tired and weary to enjoy his companionship. They frequently took long walks together, and more than once Tad accompanied his father while reviewing troops, and the boy was generally received with as much enthu siasm as his father. He even had free entrance into the Cabinet meetings which he more than once inter rupted with some tale of childish woe. Mr. Lincoln was possessed of a wonderfully reten- ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 297 live memory. If he liked anything, after once read ing or hearing it, " it just seemed to stick." He delighted especially in poetry, and could repeat poems, that struck his fancy, after once hearing them. Shakespeare was his especial favorite. Early in the war, in company with a number of Cabinet officers he visited Fortress Monroe, and, on his way down the river, he sat for hours repeating from memory the finest passages of Shakespeare's works, page after page of Browning and whole cantos of Byron, to the intense surprise of his auditors. He was not a Latin scholar and was not ashamed to acknowledge his ignorance and he once stated that he had never read an entire novel in his life. As the duties of his position began to weigh more heavily upon him and his trials and perplexities con tinued to increase, he came more and more to look to Divine Providence for aid and strength. Feeling the insufficiency of his own powers, and noting the perils which assailed the nation on every side, he early recognized the fact that there was no help in man, that God alone could rescue the nation by his providence. He not only possessed the true spirit of religion, but so far as possible he observed its require ments and ordinances. The following proclamation in regard to the observance of the Sabbath by the army well illustrates this point. " The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. The importance to man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming defer- 298 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ence to the best sentiment of Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine Will, demand that Sunday labor in the army and navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity. The discipline and character of the national forces should not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperiled by the profanation of the day or name of the Most High. 'At the time of public distress,' adopting the words of Washington in 1776, 1 men may find enough to do in the service of their God and their country, without abandoning them selves to vice and immorality.' The first general order ever issued by the * Father of his Country,' after the Declaration of Independence, indicates the spirit in which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended : * the General hopes and I ing the dearest rights and liberties of his country.' trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defend- CHAPTER XX. THE approach of the national elections in the autumn of 1864 was viewed with grave apprehensions by patriotic men generally. The heated campaigns incident upon a general election always have a depres sing effect upon trade and in many localities, especi ally where the opposing parties are of nearly equal strength, a spirit of rivalry and jealousy is engen dered that sometimes leads to serious results. It is a trying ordeal for a country to pass through even when everything is in a normal condition. How much more trying, then, when in the midst of civil war, when business is interfered with, resources taxed to the uttermost and evil passions and distrust excited, in a struggle with a captious minority which was bitterly hostile to an administration whose every energy was engaged in the prosecution of the greatest war of the century. Every one realized that the coming election would be the severest test to which republican institutions had ever been subjected. Could they stand the test ? Patriotic citizens hoped for the best but feared the worst, hence, as the season approached, a feeling of gloomy apprehension over spread the North and infected many of the leaders with a fear approaching a panic. Meantime he, who was personally most interested ( 2 99) 300 ABRAHAM -LINCOLN. in the outcome of the election, seemed to be the least concerned in regard to its dangers. This was not because he was insensible to them but because he had an abiding faith in Providence and the American people and he believed that their better sense and the strength of the Constitution would triumph over all dangers. While he was anxious for a re-election and would have been deeply wounded if he had failed to receive it, he yet was ready to surrender his claims whenever the welfare of the country seemed to demand it. He desired a re-election both as showing the approval of his past actions by the people and to give him the opportunity of completing the arduous labors which had occupied his attention during his first term. He said to a friend, in speaking on the subject, before the Baltimore Convention, that J "he was not quite sure whether he desired a renomination. Such had been the responsibilities of the office so oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its per plexities that he felt as though the moment, when he could relinquish the burden and retire to private life, would be the sweetest he could possibly experi ence. But, he said, he would not deny that a re-elec tion would also have its gratification to his feelings. He did not seek it, nor would he do so ; he did not desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose, but after the crisis the country was passing through under his Presidency, and the efforts he had made conscien tiously to discharge the duties imposed upon him, it would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to know that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citi- 1 Browne. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 3OI zens, and earned the highest testimonial of confidence they could bestow." There was a strong opposition to his candidacy manifesting itself within the party. This opposition, which amounted almost to hostility, centred in Horace Greeley and his paper, the New York Tribune. This paper circulated widely through the rural dis tricts and probably was more influential than any other paper published in America. Mr. Greeley believed that the war was being unnecessarily pro longed and that blood and treasure were being need lessly expended. He appealed again and again to the President, beseeching him to make peace by compro mise or concession, anything to put an end to the war, which was exhausting the " poor, suffering, dis tracted country." Had his counsel been heeded the war would have been stopped on the verge of its tri umphant issue ; the country would have been divided and all the fruits of the terrible struggle would have been lost. But the Tribune went on its daily and weekly mission sowing the seeds of distrust and appre hension and doing much to enhance the difficulty of the situation. Mr. Greeley, however, was not the only prominent party-leader to withdraw his confidence and support from the President. The seeds of dis affection were sown in his very Cabinet. Mr. Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, had long been ambi tious to be Mr. Lincoln's successor. He had adminis tered the affairs of the Treasury with signal ability. As a financier he. had shown himself incomparable. Not Necker nor Calonne found greater problems to deal with than did Chase, and the European bankers met with failure where the American minister tri- 302 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. umphed over the entangled and almost hopeless state of affairs with which he was compelled to cope. Not only had he rendered distinguished services in the Treasury Department, but he was recognized as the most stalwart champion of the Abolition party. Severe and uncompromising, he hated with righteous hatred both slavery and the slaveholder, both sin and the sinner. Moreover, his character was far more self-centred than that of the President, leading him to do full credit to his own transcendent abilities and in some instances to disparage those of his rivals. He had early conceived the idea of becoming a candidate, in opposition to Mr. Lincoln, for the Republican nom ination, and he used all the tremendous influence of his great office to further his ambition. His self- aggrandizing effort: early came to the notice of Mr. Lincoln, but he magnanimously refused to take notice of them, preferring to leave the whole matter to the decision of the people and even went so far as to assure Mr. Chase that he need fear no opposition from him, if he (Chase) should prove to be the choice of the party. But his candidacy was as short-lived as it was inauspicious. He soon perceived that the tide of popular opinion was setting strong towards Mr. Lincoln and he acquiesced as gracefully as possi ble in the situation. He exhibited such a spirit, how ever, towards the President that his resignation was asked for and accepted. Senator Fessenden was appointed to take his place. Shortly afterwards Mr. Lincoln happened to meet Mr. Chase, and upon an inquiry by the future Chief Justice as to how matters looked generally, Mr. Lincoln quietly re marked : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 303 " Oh, pretty well ! pretty well ! The only thing is that I've had a litte trouble about the Cabinet, but it's all happily settled now, I'm glad to say." " Why, how is that, Mr. President ? " queried Chase, in earnest and sympathetic tones ; " I'm sure it could not have been anything very serious." " No, not at all, not at all ! " cried the President, in his cheery way. " You see," he continued, dropping his voice a little, and with a merry twinkle in his eye, " although I am by no means an extremist myself, still I have always been devoured by an overmastering anxiety regarding the religious tenets and profession of faith held by the various members of my official family. Now, Fessenden is quite a recent addition to the Cabinet and I have been a little undecided where to place him, in a religious point of view." " Well, Mr. President," timidly ventured Chase, " I'm glad you satisfied yourself upon such an impor tant point." "Oh, yes!" responded Lincoln. "I haven't the slightest doubt upon the subject now. You see Fes senden is a pretty evenly-balanced man, but once in a while he gets real, hoppin' mad, and then he swears so all-fired hard, just like Seward, that I know, sure as faith, that he's an Episcopalian." In 1864 Chief-Justice Taney died, the man whose decision in the " Dred Scott " case had done so much to precipitate the rebellion and who had lived to see his decision nullified by force of arms and the institution which he had done so much to foster abro gated and destroyed. After a short delay Mr. Lin coln appointed Mr. Chase to the position overlooking all the criticism and animadversion to which Mr. 304 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Chase had subjected him with a rare forbearance and magnanimity. The National Republican Convention had been called to meet at Baltimore, June 8, 1864. May 31, a convention met at Cleveland, made up of dis appointed politicians and a few visionary spirits who had from the first arrayed themselves with General Fremont against the administration. Many of the prominent men, who had been expected, failed to attend and the proceedings were characterized by neither dignity nor fairness. The movement very soon "petered out," to use Mr. Lincoln's phrase, and the only vestige of the convention that survived the early summer was the candidacy of General Fremont. He had been nominated as Lincoln's successor and had accepted in a letter in which he severely attacked Mr. Lincoln's course, alleging incompetency and a needless disregard of the rights and privileges of American citizens. The nomination was received with so much apathy that General Fremont finally withdrew his name but seized the opportunity to re new his denunciations of Mr. Lincoln. He said : " I consider that his administration has been politi cally, militarily and financially a failure and that its necessary continuance is a cause of regret to the country." The attitude of General Fremont was one to be deplored, not because of any material influence it might exert upon the country, but because he was one of the founders of the Republican party, its first nominee for President, and because his name was held in highest esteem and veneration by those who had grown old in the struggle against slavery. The Republican Convention met at Baltimore, ABRAHAM LINCNLN. 305 June, 1864. It was a foregone conclusion that Mr. Lincoln would be the nominee of the Convention. Nothing could influence popular opinion against him. The masses of the people were more than satisfied with his conduct of the war, indeed they regarded him much as the Israelites did Moses, and believed that the interests of the country were safer in his hands than in those of any one else. The intrigues of politicians and the open and covert attacks that were made upon him had no appreciable effect. The Convention did little beyond reiterating the funda mental principles of the party. They cordially in dorsed the administration and then quickly made the nominations. The platform in brief pledged the party to aid the Government unreservedly in quelling the rebellion ; approved the acts of the adminis tration in regard to slavery and its refusal to enter into any compromise ; returned thanks to the soldiers and sailors who were so nobly fighting to preserve the Union; and especially deprecated any interference by European powers in American affairs. The nomi nation of Mr. Lincoln was made unanimously, except that Missouri, at first, cast her twenty votes for Grant. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, a pronounced Union man, who had rendered valuable service to the national cause in a State where a severe contest had been carried on between rebels and patriots, and whose retention in the Union was largely due to his efforts, was nominated for Vice-President. Though the nomination afterwards proved an unfortunate one, at the time it seemed a graceful recognition of faithful service on the part of a true patriot and an able man. Washington was so near Baltimore that a com- 306 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. mittee waited upon the President the same day the norrinations were made and presented him with a copy of the platform and officially notified him of the action of the Convention. He spoke to them as follows : that I had nowhere else to go. My own wisdom, and 1 Herndon's " Life of Lincoln," p. 445. 3 The same p. 446. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 383 that of all about me, seemed insufficient for that day." In speaking of his mother he said to a friend : " I remember her prayers and they have always followed me. They have clung to me all my life." Upon the death of his son Willie, a Christian lady assured him that many Christians were praying for him, he replied : " I am glad to hear that, I want them to pray for me. I need their prayers." A clergyman once said in his presence that he hoped "the Lord was on our side." "I am not at all concerned about that," replied Mr. Lincoln, " for I know that the Lord is always on the side of the right. But it is my constant anxiety and prayer that I and this nation should be on the Lord's side." It is but just to say that many of his early friends affirm that in his younger days he was not only irre ligious but that he was a positive atheist. It is said that he delighted to deny the inspiration of the Bible, the divinity of Jesus Christ and the existence of God, and, furthermore, that he once wrote a bold, atheis tical treatise which he intended to have printed but which a wise friend secured and destroyed. These allegations are so at variance with his character in after life that it is difficult to believe them. It is cer tain that, if they are true, he gained wisdom with ad vancing years and abandoned his atheistical belief. It is pleasant to turn from these statements to his proclamations aud public addresses during the war. No President has ever evinced a more exalted piety or deeper reverence for the Supreme Being in his public utterances than did Lincoln, and no one who 384 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. knows the native sincerity and honesty of the man, can believe they were assumed. In a letter to Rev. Alexander Reed, the General Superintendent of the Christian Commission, dated February 22, 1863, he said : " Whatever shall be, sincerely and in God's name, devised for the good of the soldiers and seamen in their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely fail to be blessed; and whatever shall tend to turn our thoughts from the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, prej udices and jealousies incident to a great national trouble, such as ours, and to fix them on the vast and long enduring consequences, for weal or woe, which are to result from the struggle, and especially to strengthen our reliance upon the Supreme Being for the final triumph of the right, cannot but be well for us all." During the summer of 1863 the feelings of the people were wrought up to the highest pitch. The air was full of the rumors of a Northern invasion. It was known that Lee was making extensive prepar ations for an expedition into Pennsylvania with the intention of carrying the war into the hitherto peace ful regions of the North. The siege of Vicksburg was dragging along with little apparent prospect of ultimate success. When the news came of the fall of the Southern stronghold and, almost at the same time, of the great victory at Gettysburg, the rejoicing of the people was unrestrained. It was during this period of jubilation that Mr. Lincoln issued a proc lamation, " To set apart a time in the near future, to be ob served as a day for national thanksgiving, praise and ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 385 prayer to Almighty God, for the wonderful things he had done in the nation's behalf, and to invoke the influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger which has produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the in surgents, to guide the councils of the Government with wisdom adequate to so great a national emer gency, and to visit with tender care and consolation throughout the length and breadth of our land, all those who, through the vicissitudes and marches, voyages, battles and sieges, had been brought to suffer in mind, body or estate, and finally to lead the whole nation through paths of repentance and submission to the Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of Union and fraternal peace." " It has pleased Almightly God to hearken to the supplications and prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the Army and Navy of the United States, on the land and on the sea, victories so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for aug mented confidence that the Union of these States will be maintained, their Constitution preserved, and their peace and prosperity permanently secured ; but these victories have been accorded, not without sacrifice of life, limb and liberty incurred by brave, patriotic and loyal citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country follows in the train of these fearful bereavements. " It is meet and right to recognize and confess the presence of the Almighty Father and the power of His hand equally in these triumphs and these sorrows/' His proclamation, issued at the close of the event- 386 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ful summer of 1863, setting apart a day for national thanksgiving, has rarely been excelled in beauty of language and exalted sentiment. It is not possible that the man who penned these lines cherished any doubts as to the existence of God or that he believed Him to be only a beneficent first principle pervading the universe. " The year that is drawing towards its close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. " To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added which are of so extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitu ally insensible to the ever-watchful Providence of Almighty God. " In the midst of a civil war of unparalleled magni tude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite and provoke the aggressions of foreign States, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere except in the theatre of military conflict, while that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. " The needful diversion of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense has not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship. "The ax has enlarged the borders of our settle ments, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abun dantly than heretofore. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 387 " Population has steadily increased, notwithstand ing the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege and the battlefield ; and the country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of years, with large increase of freedom. " No human council hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the most high God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath, nevertheless, remembered mercy. " It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and voice, by the whole American people. I do therefore invite my fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea, and those who are sojourn ing in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to our beneficent Father, who dwells in the heavens ; and I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions, justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings, they do also, with humble penitence for our national per- verseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the Nation, and restore it, as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquility and union." 388 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. In a letter written to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, dated September 30, 1864, the following passage occurs: " I am much indebted to the good Christian people of the country for their constant prayers and consola tions, and to no one of them more than yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must pre vail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long before this ; but God knows best and has ruled otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own errors therein ; meanwhile, we must work earnestly in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working con duces to the great end He so ordains. Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty con vulsion which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay. Your people, the Friends, have had, and are having, very great trials on principles and faith opposed to both war and oppression. They can only practically oppose oppression by war. In this hard dilemma some have chosen one horn and some the other. " For those appealing to me on conscientious grounds I have done and shall do the best I could and can, in my own conscience, under my oath to the land. That you believe this I doubt not and, believ ing it, I shall still receive for my country and myself your earnest prayers to our Father in heaven." A few words of his illustrate a different aspect of the same question, and give more than a hint at the practical, every-day character of his religion. Late in 1864, two ladies from Tennessee came to the President to beg for the release of their husbands, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 389 who were held as prisoners of war at Johnson's Island. They were accorded several interviews be fore their request was granted, and at each visit one of the ladies urged, as additional grounds for her husband's release that he was a religious man. Fi nally their request was granted, and the order was given for their release. Mr. Lincoln said to the lady, who had reminded him so persistently of her hus band's religious character : "You say your husband is a religious man; tell him when you meet him that I say I am not much of a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion the religion that sets men to rebel and fight against this Government, because, as they think, that Govern ment doesn't sufficiently help some men to eat their bread on the sweat of other men's faces, is not the sort of religion upon which people can get to heaven." These illustrations show that his thoughts were not wholly centred on the things of this world, but that he had pondered deeply upon the higher, prob lems of life, that he had felt the need of light, and had sought until he found it. He was not a constant attendant upon church ser vices, but this is far from proving that he was heed less of religious influences. The seeds of true religion are not necessarily planted within the walls of a sanctuary. That religion is truest and best whose profession is made in a pure life and a self-sacrificing love for humanity. The spirit of Christ may manifest itself more perfectly in deeds than in words. If ever a man lived a religious life that man was 39 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Abraham Lincoln. Love to God and love to man was his creed. The world was his church. His ser mons were preached in kindly words and merciful deeds. His loving benediction still rests upon the heads of millions of his fellow-men, whom he raised up from the humiliation of bondage to the level of manhood and womanhood. " O, slow to smite and swift to spare, Gentle and merciful and just ! Who, in the fear of God, didst bear The sword of power a nation's trust ! " Thy task is done ; the bond are free ; We bear thee to an honored grave, Whose proudest monument shall be The broken fetters of the slave. " Pure was thy life ; its bloody close Has placed thee with the sons of light, Among the noble host of those Who perished in the cause of Right." INDEX. Albany, Lincoln's Speech at, 183-184. Anderson, Lieut. Robert, 47-48. Antietam, 263. Appomattox, 269. Ashmun, Hon. George, notifies Lincoln of his nomination to the Presidency, 160. Baker, Col., death of, 216. Ball's Bluff, Battle of, 216. Bateman, Dr. Newton, Conversation with Lincoln, 162-163. Blackhawk War, 45-48. Blair, Judge, 192. Boone, Daniel, 13. Booth, J. Wilkes, 337-338. Breckenridge, John, 29. Buchanan, James, elected President, 117; his Cabinet, 176-177. Bull Run, Battle of, 214-215. Cabinet, Buchanan's, 176-177; Lincoln's, 188-192. Cameron, Hon. Simon made Secretary of War, 191-192. Campaign of 1860, 169-170. Capital of Illinois, location at Springfield, 64. Cartwright, Rev. Peter, runs for Congress, 94-95. Chancellorsville, 274. Chase, Hon. Salmon P., character, 191 ; candidate for Presidency, 301-302; made Chief-Justice, 303. Chicago, National Republican Convention at, 157-160; National Democratic Convention at, 306-309. Cincinnati, Lincoln's speeches in, 143-144, 182. Cleveland, Convention of malcontents at, 304. 392 INDEX. Clingman, Hon. Thomas, Speech in Congress on Slavery, 172-173. Confederacy, Southern Provisional Government, 177. Congress, special session of, 213-214; action in regard to slavery, 239-240. Congressional Committee meets to arrange Lincoln's funeral services, 341. Cooper Institute, Lincoln's Speech at, 145-150. Democratic National Convention at Chicago, 306. Douglas, Stephen A., his life, 108 ; comparison with Lincoln, 108-109; Address at State Fair, 118; challenged by Lin coln to a discussion of political questions, 129; debates with Lincoln, 129-140; speeches in Ohio, 143; canvass for Presidential nomination, 155 ; Prophecy in regard to the war, 203-204 ; Attitude towards Lincoln's Administration, 210-211; Death of, 211. Election of 1864, 309. Emancipation, Lincoln's policy in regard to, 238-239; Northern sentiment in regard to, 241 ; Lincoln's account, of, 243-246, 248-249; final proclamation, 247-248; influ ence of, 249-251 ; 1 3th Amendment, 293-295. Everett, Edward, Speech at Gettysburg, 284. Five Points Sabbath School, Lincoln's Speech at, 151-152. Ford's Theatre, 336. Forquer, answered by Lincoln, 61. Fredericksburg, 263. Fremont, Gen. John C., nominated for Presidency, 112, 304. Gentry ville, 21. Gettysburg, Battle of, 266-267, 282-283; dedication of ceme tery, 284-286; Lincoln's Speech at, 285-286. Grant, Gen., character of, 258; capture of Vicksburg. 263; Lincoln's letter to, 264-265; Battle of Missionary Ridge, 265-266; made Commander-in-Chief, 267; his opinion of Lincoln, 281. INDEX. 393 Greeley, Horace, opposition to Mr. Lincoln, 301. Gulliver, his estimate of Lincoln's oratory, 152-153. Gurley, Rev. Dr., tribute to Lincoln, 342-347. Hall, Rev. Newman, story of Mr. Lincoln, 361-362. Hanks, Nancy, 16. Hardin, John J., elected to Congress, 92. Harrison, Gen., elected President, 85-86. Herndon, Wm. H., enters into partnership with Lincoln, 94. Illinois, character of, 35 ; Lincoln's letter to friends in, 289-290. Inaugural Address, Lincoln's first, 193-202 ; Lincoln's second, 313-316. Indianapolis, Lincoln's reception by Legislature, 181. Internal improvements, 63. Kansas-Nebraska biii, 109. Knob-Cruk, 17. Lee, Gen., invasion of Pennsylvania, 266-267 ; surrender -at Appomattox, 269. Lincoln, Abraham, family, 12; birth, 17; early disposition, 18-23; removed to Indiana, 19; education, 21-22; per sonal appearance, 24 ; habits of reading, 24-25; reference to speech at Trenton, 25-26 ; death of his mother, 26-27 1 his father's second marriage, 28 ; studious habits, 29 ; first attempts at public speaking, 30; poetical productions, 31 ; strength, 32 ; love of the water, 32 ; trip to New Orleans, 33 ; first contact with slavery, 33-34 ; reputation, 37-38 : habit of story telling, 38 ; second trip to New Orleans, 39 ; settles in New Salem, 41 ; conflict with the Clary's Grove Boys, 42 ; whips a rowdy, 42-43; "Honest Abe," 43; Blackhawk war, 45 ; elected captain, 45 ; saved life of a fugitive Indian, 46-47 ; candidate for Legislature, 48-49 ; first political speech, 49-50 ; enters into partnership with Berry, 50; failure in business, 50; commences study of law, 50-51, appointed postmaster, 51-52; appointed 394 INDEX. deputy surveyor, 53; his accuracy, 53; election to Legis lature, 54; political manifesto, 54; campaign, 55-56; love for Annie Rutledge, 56-57 ; candidate for Legislature, 58; avowal of political principles, 58 ; canvass, 59 ; reply to Col. Taylor, 60; reply to Forquer, 61 ; second election to Leg islature, 62 ; resolution in regard to slavery in District of Columbia, 65-66 ; removal to Springfield, 68 ; " Logan and Lincoln," 68 ; address in "The Perpetuation of our Free Institutions," 70-73 ; political address, 73-74; defense of the son of an old friend, 75-76; character, 77-78 ; joke on Judge Logan, 78-79 ; story of the horse-trade, 80; story of the jackknife, 81 ; story of the drunken coachman, 81- 82 ; story of thepig,82 ; his tenderheartedness^; kindness to his step-mother, 83-84 ; third term in Legislature, 85 ; campaign of 1840, 85-86 ; Mary Todd, 86-87 ; story of his awkward dancing, 87-88 ; duel with Gen. Shields, 88-90; date of wedding set, 90; marriage, 91 ; speech at Gentry- ville, 93 ; " Lincoln and Herndon," 94 ; elected to Con gress, 94; Congressional experience, 96 ; position in regard to the Mexican war, 97-98 ; speech on " The Presidency and General Politics," 98 ; candidate for government position, 98 ; appearance, 98-99 ; honesty, 101-102; com parison with Douglas, 108-109; joins Republican party, in ; speech in Chicago, 113; helps a colored woman, 113- 114; refuse a nomination to State Legislature, 114; can didate for Senator, 114-115; Bloomington speech, 116;' speech at State fair, 118; speech at Peoria, 119-121 ; nom inated for U. S. Senate, 121 ; speech accepting nomination, 121-124; readiness to turn a point, 125; visit to Cincin nati, 126-128; challenges Douglas to a political discussion, 129; Lincoln-Douglas debates, 129-140; fitness for Presi dency, 141-142 ; speech in Cincinnati, 143-144; Cooper Institute speech, 145-150; speech at Five Points Sabbath School, 151-152; Gulliver's estimate of his oratorical powers, 152-154; State Convention at Decatur, 156-157 ; Chicago Convention, 157-160; nominated to Presidency, 159; official notification, 160; reputation, 161-166; con- INDEX. 395 versation with Dr. Newton Bateman, 162-163 ; character 164, 165, 223-224, 255, 269-270, 279; position in regard to slavery, 165; incidents of campaign, 167-168; elected President, 169; electoral votes counted, 178 ; policy in regard to extension of slavery, 178; desire for harmony, 179; leaves Springfield, 180; farewell speech, 180-181; reception at Indianapolis, 181; trip to Washington, 180- 187; speech at Cincinnati, 182; personal appearance, 183; speech at Albany, 183-184; speech at Trenton, 184; speech at Philadelphia, 184-185; speech at Harrisburg, 186; hur ried trip to Washington, 187 ; political doctrines, 188-189; forms his Cabinet, 189-192; inauguration, 193-202; difficulties, 206-207, 221; war policy, 210; Proclamation calling for volunteers, 211 ; his view of the war, 212-213, 237-238 ; Battle of Bull Run, 214-215 ; Trent affair, 216-221 ; personal appearance and tastes, 225, 227- 228; his office, 226-227; death of his son Willie, 229-231 ; reply to delegation from New York, 232 ; carelessness of criticism 233; belief in prayer, 234; reply to Mr. Greeley, 236-237 ; military emancipation, 238-239 ; answer to Quaker delegation, 241 ; decides to issue Emancipation Proclamation, 242 ; his story of the Proclamation, 243- 246, 248-249 ; Second Annual Message, 247 ; Proclamation of Emancipation, 247-248; War Policy, 253, 258, 271-272 ; receives news of the capture of Norfolk, 260-261 ; at Antietam, 273; Message to Congress, 276-278 ; appreciation of Grant's services, 278-280; story of Syke's dog, 281 ; speech at Gettysburg, 285-286 ; letter to Illinois friends* 289-290; Proclamation, 291-292; passage of 1 3th Amend ment, 293-295 ; domestic life, 296-297 ; enjoins Sabbath observance, 297-298; election of 1864, 299-300; second candidacy, 301 ; second nomination, 305 ; response to committee, 306; letter of acceptance, 306 ; remarks on election, 310; Second inaugural, 311-316 ; at City Point, 317; at Richmond, 318-320; incident related by Admiral Porter, 321-325; reception of news of Lee's surrender, 324-327 ; story of the boy and the coon, 327-328 ; his last 396 INDEX. day. 332-339 ; last Cabinet meeting, 333 ; last ride with Mrs. Lincoln, 333; last official order, 334; attempts on his life, 335 ; at Ford's Theatre, 336 ; assassination, 336-337 ; death, 338-339 ; general mourning, 340-341 ; funeral ceremonies, 341-350; at the White House, 342; at the Capitol, 343 ; at Baltimore, 345 ; at Philadelphia, 345-346 ; at New York, 346 ; at Albany, 347 ; at Chicago, 347-348 ; at Springfield, 348-350; his ambition, 351 ; his modesty, 352; his response to the Union League, 353-354; his patience, 354-355 ; his message to Congress, May 29, 1862, 356-359; his compassion, 360-362; his personal habits, 363; his temperance, 363 ; in advance of his surround ings, 365 ; incident narrated by schoolmate, 367 ; reputa tion as a lawyer, 368-369; in politics, 369, 371 ; relations to the Abolitionists, 371-372; interview in N. Y. Tribune, 374 ; sagacity, 376 ; general conduct of the war, 377-379 ; religious views, 381 ; Mr. Herndon's opinion of his relig ion, 382 ; belief in prayer, 382-383 ; devout tone of his proclamations and letters, 383-388 ; interview with two ladies from Tennessee, 389-390. Lincoln, John, 12,13. Lincoln, Mordecai, 12, 15. Lincoln, Samuel, 12. Lincoln, Thomas, 15. Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 129-140. Lincolnshire, 12. Long Nine, 62. Lovejoy, Owen, Speech on Trent Affair, 218-219. McClellan, Gen., first campaign, 214; character of, 222-223; peninsula campaign, 261-263 ; rudeness to the President, 354-355- Mercer County, 13. Merrimac, 259-260. Mexican War, 96-97. Missionary Ridge, 265-266. Monitor, 259-260. INDEX. 397 Negroes allowed to enlist, 240. New Salem, 39-40. Norfolk, Capture of, 260-261. North, the, Effect of siege of Sumter upon, 208-209. North Carolina passes secession ordinance, 205. Offutt, Denton, 39. Palmer, Gen., story of Lincoln, 360. Philadelphia, Lincoln's Speech at, 184-185. Porter, Admiral, account of Lincoln's visit to Richmond, 318-320; anecdote of Lincoln, 321-325. Republican Convention, 111-112, 305. Republican Party, in. Republican Platform, 305. Richmond^ Campaign around, 268; capture of, 269; Lin coln's visit to, 318-320. Rutledge, Annie, 56-57. Sangamon River, 49. Secession, 170, 172; discussed in Congress, 172-175; of States, 1 76 ; outbreak of war of, 207-209. Seward, Hon. Wm. H., Character of, 190, 191. Shields, Gen., duel with Lincoln, 88-90. Slavery, Position of Illinois in regard to, 65 ; resolutions in Illinois Legislature, 65-66 ; growth and development of, 103-106; Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 109-111; Congressional action in regard to, 239-240. South, Blockade of, 256-257. Speed, Joshua F., 68. Springfield Bar, 68. Squatter Sovereignty, no. Stanton, Hon. E. M., at Cincinnati, 126-128. State Convention at Decatur, 156-157. State Sovereignty, 171. Stevens, Hon. Thaddeus, speech on slavery in Congress, 172. 398 INDEX. Taney, Chief-Justice, administers oath to Lincoln, 201. Taylor, Col. Dick, 5960. Todd, Mary, 86-87. Toombs, Hon. Robert, speech on slavery in Congress, 173- 174. Trent Affair, 216-221. Trenton, Lincoln's Speech at, 184. Tribune, New York, War policy of, 235-236. Vandalia, Capital of Illinois, 56. Vicksburg, Capture of, 263-265. Voodoo Fortune-teller, 34. Westminster Review, Estimate of Lincoln's Gettysburg Ad dress, 286. THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW RENEWED BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO IMMEDIATE RECALL ' m LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, DAVIS Book Slip-55m-10,'68(J4048s8)458 A-31/5 TV? 588507 m French, C.W. Abraham Lincoln. E457 F87 LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS