THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES AUTHOR OF INDICE DEI NOMI PROPRI E DELLE COSE NOTABILI CON- TENUTE NELLE OPERE DI DANTE A DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES AND NOTABLE MATTERS IN THE WORKS OF DANTE RICERCHE E NOTE DANTESCHE LIFE OF DANTE EDITOR OF SPECIMENS OF OLD FRENCH (IX-XV CENTURIES) BRACHET'S HISTORICAL FRENCH GRAMMAR IL TESTO WITTIANO DELLA DIVINA COMMEDIA CARY'S VISION OF DANTE ALIGHIERI DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES PAGET TOYNBEE, M.A., D.Litt. BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD Dietro alle poste delle care piante Inf. xxiii. 148 METHUEN AND CO. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. LONDON 1902 PREFACE The articles and notes contained in this volume are for the most part the outcome of researches undertaken for the pur- poses of my Dictionary of Proper Names and Notable Matters in the Works of Dante, which was published three years ago at Oxford by the Clarendon Press. As the results of these re- searches are necessarily only given in brief in the Dictionary, and as the articles themselves are more or less inaccessible in their original form, I have, in deference to suggestions from various quarters, collected together here such of them as seemed likely to be of permanent value to the English student of Dante. Of the more important articles and notes, eight were pub- lished originally in Romania, seven in the Gioruale Storico delta Letteratura Italiana, two in the Annual Reports of' the Cam- bridge {U.S.A.) Dante Society, one in the English Historical Review, one in the Modern Language Quarterly, and one in An English Miscellany} All of these, except the last three, are now for the first time published in England. The rest of the notes were published either in the Academy (under the editorship of Mr. J. S. Cotton), or in the Athenaeum. Six of the longer articles have been translated into Italian and published at Bologna, under the title of Ricerche e Note Dantcsche (Serif Prima), as the first volume of the Biblioteca 1 Presented to Dr. F. J. l'urnivall in honour of his seventy-fifth birthday (Oxford, 1901). vi PREFACE Storico-Critica delta Letteratura Da/ntesca, edited by Count G. L. Passerini and Professor Pasquale Papa. It is proposed to issue the remainder shortly in the same form. The selected articles here printed have been carefully re- vised, and, in several cases, considerably enlarged. One or two, on the other hand, have been condensed by the omission of matter which it was more convenient to introduce in another shape elsewhere. In order to render the contents of the volume as easily ac- cessible as possible, two full indices have been provided, viz., a subject-index, and an index of the passages in Dante's works which are quoted or referred to in the course of the various articles. It remains for me to express my acknowledgments to the editors and publishers of the several journals and reviews, French, Italian, American, and English, in which these articles and notes originally appeared, for permission to reprint them in the present volume. PAGET TOYNBEE. Dorney Wood, Burkham, Bucks, May, 1001 CON T E N T S PAGES Preface ........... v-vi Dante and the Lancelot Romance ...... 1-37 Some obligations of Dante to Albertus Magnus .... 38-55 Dante's obligations to the Elementa Astronomica of Alfraganus (chiefly in the Vita Nuova and Convivio) .... 50-77 Dante's theories as to the Spots on the Moon .... 78-86 Dante's references to Pythagoras ...... 87-96 Dante's Latin Dictionary (the Magna Derivationes of Uguccione da Pisa) 97-114 Dante's reference to Tartar Cloths (Inferno, xvii. 14-17) . . 115-120 Dante's obligations to the Ormista (the Histories adversum Paganos ofOrosius) 121-136 Dante's reference to the Spear of Peleus (Inferno, xxxi. 4-6) . 137-141 Dante's seven examples of munificence in the Convivio (iv. 11) . 142-149 Dante and " Seneca Morale " (Inferno, iv. 141) .... 150-156 Professor Rajna's critical text of the De Vulgari Eloquentia . 157-193 A Biographical Notice of Dante in the 1494 edition of the Speculum Historiale of Vincent of Beauvais ...".. 194-203 Homer in Dante and in Benvenuto da Imola .... 204-21-5 Benvenuto da Imola and his Commentary on the Divina Commedia 216-237 Shorter Dante Notes : — The coins denominated Santelene by Dante (Convivio, iv. 11) 241-243 A misreading in recent editions of Dante's Letter to Can Grande (Epistolae, x. 22) 243-245 A misquotation of Dante's in the Convivio (i. 12) . . . 245-247 Aristotle's De A nimalibus in Dante and other mediajval writers 247-249 ' ' Aeneidorum " in the De Vulgari Eloquentia . . . 249-250 Paris and Tristan in the Inferno (v. 67) .... 250-252 " II Re Giovane " in the Inferno (xxviii. 135) . . . 253-255 " II Vecchio Alardo " in the Inferno (xxviii. 18) . . . 255-257 " Cennamella " in the Inferno (xxii. 10) .... 258-259 " Pozza " in the Inferno (vii. 127) 259-260 Mil CONTENTS Two references to Dante in early French Literature Dante and Arnaut Daniel: a note on Purgatorio(xxv\. 118-119) " II Semplice Lombardo " in the Purgatorio (xvi. 120) . Tlie art of illuminating at Paris in the time of Dante . "Heliotropium" in Dante's Letter to the Princes and Peoples of Italy (Epistolae, v. 1 ) Did Dante know Hebrew ? . Dante's " Guizzante" (Inferno, xv. 4) — the mediaeval port of A\ issant ........ Dante's use of the name "Trinacria" for Sicily (Paradiso viii. 67) ........ " 11 Ciotto di Gerusalemme " in the Paradiso (xix. 127) — the claim of Charles of Anjou to the title of Jerusalem The date of Cacciaguida's birth (Paradiso, xvi. 34-39) . Hugh Capet in the Divina Commedia and the Satyre Menippcc An erroneous reading in the De Monarch in (ii. 3) Was Dante acquainted with Claudian ? . . . Did Dante write " Re Giovane " or " Re Giovanni " (Inferno xxviii. 135)? ....... Dante's interpretation of " Galilea " as " Bianchezza " (Con vivio, iv. 22) ........ " La Seconda Morte " in the Inferno (i. 117) Rahab's place in Dante's Paradise (Paradiso, ix. 116) . " Li tre Tarquinii " in the Convivio (iv. 5) . Dante's statement in the De Monorchia (ii. 9) as to the rela tions of Alexander the Great with the Romans A doubtful reading in Dante's Letter to the Emperor Henry VII. (Epist. vii. 8) Dante's use of " rendersi " (Inferno, xxvii. 83) and " renduto ' (Purgatorio, xx. .54) ...... Dante and the Book of Tobit (Paradiso, iv. 48) . " Pons Pietatis" in the De Monorchia (ii. 5) The Chronology of Paradiso, vi. 1-6, 37-39 . "Udebrandinus Paduanus " in the De Vulgari Eloquentia (i. 14) A disputed reading in the De Monorchia (ii 1) . Dante, Arnaut Daniel, and the Terza Rima The colour perse in Dante and other mediaeval writers . " Sigieri " in the Paradiso (x. 136) .... Addenda ....••■•• Table of passages in Dante's works quoted or referred to . Subject-index .....•■•• PAGES 260-262 262-265 266-266 266-267 267-269 269-270 270-274 27-5-276 276-277 278 27H-2HO 280-281 282-283 284 285-286 286-287 287-288 288-290 290-293 293 294-295 296 21*7-298 298-299 300-301 302-303 304-306 307-314 314-319 321 323-332 333-359 DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 1 Dante twice in the Divma Com/media makes allusion to the old French romance of Lancelot du Lac, each time to the same episode, that of the first guilty meeting between Lancelot and Queen Guenever. 2 1 Reprinted, with additions, from the Fifth Annual Report (1886) of the Cambridge (U.S.A.) Dante Society. 2 Dante alludes to another incident in the Lancelot Romance, in the twenty- eighth chapter of the fourth book of the Convivio, where he refers to Guido da Montefeltro having, like Lancelot, ended his days in a monastery. Comparing the return of the noble soul to God after death to the return of a ship from the high seas into port, he says : " Oh miseri e vili che colle vele alte correte a questo porto : e la dove dovreste riposare, per lo impeto del vento rompete, e perdite voi medesimi la ove tanto camminato avete ! Certo il cavaliere Lanci- lotto non voile entrare colle vele alte, ne il nobilissimo nostro Latino Guido Montefeltrano. Bene questi nobili calaron le vele delle mondane operazioni, che nella loro lunga eta a religione si rendero, ogni mondano diletto e opera diponendo " (11. 55-65). Malory gives the following account of how Lancelot, after King Arthur's death, and after his farewell interview with Guenever in the nunnery at Amesbury, rode away, and himself retired into a hermitage, where he was afterwards joined by Sir Bors and six other knights: "And syr Launce- lot went and took his hors and rode al that day and al nyght in a forest wepyng, and atte last he was ware of an ermytage and a chappel stode be- twyxte two clyffes ; and then he herde a lytel belle rynge to masse, and thyder he rode and alyght and teyed his hors to the gate and herd masse ; and he that sange masse was the bysshop of Caunterburye. Bothe the bysshop and sir Bedwer knewe syr Launcelot, and they spake to gyders after masse ; but whan syr Bedwere had tolde his tale al hole syr Launcelottes hert almost braste for sorowe, and syr Launcelot threwe hys armes abrode and sayd : alas, who may truste thys world ! And than he knelyd doun on his knee and prayed the bysshop to shryve hym and assoyle hym, and than he besought the bysshop that he myght be hys brother. Than the bysshop sayd : I will gladly ; and there he put an habyte upon syr Launcelot, and there he servyd God day and nyght with prayers and fastynges. . . . And syr Bors, syr Ector de Maris, syr Blamour, syr Bleoboris, with moo other of syr Launcelotte's kynne toke on hem to ryde al Englond overthwart and endelonge to seek syr Launcelot. So syr Bors by 1 2 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES The first of these allusions occurs at the close of the fifth canto of the Inferno, which contains the account of Dante's interview with Francesca da Rimini. The poet, deeply moved by Francesca's unhappy fate, inquires of her as to the manner in which she first became conscious of her love for Paolo. Francesca in reply describes how she and Paolo were one day reading together the story of Lancelot's love for Guenever, and how, as the tale advanced, their hearts were stirred, until at last, when they read of the kiss given by Lancelot to Guenever, they were both overcome, " and that day read no more " : — Noi leggevamo un giorno per diletto Di Lancelotto, come amor lo strinse : Soli eravamo e senza alcun sospetto. Per piu fiate gli occhi ci sospinse Quella lettura, e scolorocci il viso : Ma solo un punto fu quel che ci vinse. Quando leggemmo il disiato riso Esser baciato da cotanto amante, 1 Questi, che mai da me non fia diviso, La bocca mi bacio tutto tremante ; Galeotto fu il libro e chi lo scrisse : 2 Quel giorno piu non vi leggemmo avante. (11. 127-138.) fortune rode so longe tyl he came to the same chapel where syr Launcelot was ; and so syr Bors herde a lytel belle knylle that range to masse, and there he alyght and herde masse. And whan masse was doon the bysshop, syr Launce- lot, and syr Bedwere came to syr Bors, and when syr Bors sawe syr Launcelot in that maner clothyng, than he preyed the bysshop that he myght be in the same sewte. And so there was an habyte put upon hym, and there he lyved in prayers and fastyng. And wythin halfe a yere there was come syr Galyhud, syr Galyhodyn, syr Blamour, syr Bleoboris, syr Wyllyars, syr Clarras, and syr Gohaleaniyne. So al these vij noble knyghtes there abode styll, and whan they sawe syr Launcelot had taken hym to suche perfeccion they had no lust to departe, but toke such an habyte as he had. Thus they endured in grete penaunce syx yere ; and than syr Launcelot took thabyte of preesthod of the bysshop, and a twelve monthe he sange masse. And there was none of these other knyghtes but they redde in bookes, and holpe for to synge masse, and range bellys, and dyd bodoly al maner of servyce " (Caxton's Malory, bk. xxi. chap. x.). 1 As a matter of fact, in the romance it is Guenever who kisses Lancelot — " la reine le prent par le menton et le bese voiant Galehout assez longuement ". 2 " A pandar was the book and he who wrote it." Gallehault (not by any means to be confounded with Galahad) was the knight who acted as inter- DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 3 The second allusion occurs at the beginning of the sixteenth canto of the Paradiso. Dante, in addressing the spirit of his ancestor Cacciaguida, whom he meets in the Heaven of Mars, makes use of the consequential vol (the plural of dignity), thus betraying the pride he feels in the relationship ; whereat, he says, Beatrice, smiling, appeared like her who coughed at the first fault recorded of Guenever : — Ridendo, parve quella, che tossio Al primo fallo scritto di Ginevra. (11. 14-15.) This allusion has been a stumbling-block to the commentators. No mention of any such incident is made in the printed editions of the Lancelot du Lac, 1 and the early commentators, who might mediary between Lancelot and Guenever, and who, having brought them together, urged the Queen to give Lancelot the kiss which was the beginning of their guilty love. From the part played by Gallehault on this occasion, his name came to be used, like that of " Sir Pandarus of Troy," as a synonym for a pandar. Hence Francesca's meaning is that the book and its author played the same part with Paolo and herself as they read the story together, that Gallehault did with Lancelot and Guenever in the romance itself. 1 The printed editions of the romance are considerably abridged ; they no doubt reproduce some of the later compilations, in which, from various motives, many of the detailed incidents of the original are omitted. This was the case with the compilation made by Rusticiano da Pisa (who, though an Italian, wrote in French, just as did Brunetto Latino). In this version, for instance, the guilty loves of Lancelot and Guenever are merely hinted at. Paulin Paris observes (Les MSS. Francois de la Bibliothique du Rot, iii. 56-57) : " Quand Rusticien nous a conduit Lancelot a la cour d'Artus, il garde le silence sur la suite des ses aventures avec la reine, par respect pour les moeurs. ' Bien fist,' dit-il, ' entre la royne Genievre et Lancelot aucune chose de laquelle le maistre ne fera ore mention, pour garder l'onneur de l'un et de 1'autre. . . . et bien sont autres livres qui le comptent en autre maniere.' " This reminds one of the reticence of Froissart with regard to the passion of Edward III. for the Countess of Salisbury. Jean le Bel, Froissart's predecessor, had given a detailed account of the violence done by the king to the countess. Froissart suppresses the incident, and excuses himself as follows: " Vous avez bien chy dessus oy parler comment li roys Engles fu enamoures de la Comtesse de Sallebrin ; touteffois les cronikes Monseigneur Jehan le Bel parollent de ceste amour plus avant et moins con- vignablement que je ne dois faire, car se il plaist a Dieu, je ne pense ja a encoupper le roy d'Engleterre ne la comtesse de Sallebrin de nul villain reproche". With regard to Rusticiano's tenderness for the good name of Lancelot and Guenever, Paulin Paris cynically observes: "II est deplorable que Francoise de Rimini ne soit pas tombee sur un exemplaire de Lancelot expnrge par notre bon Rusticien!" 4 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES have been expected to know the version of the romance current in Dante's time, differ considerably in their remarks upon the passage. Pietro di Dante, for instance, confining himself to the bare record of the incident, though he gives the name of the lady, says : — Beatrix risit ut fecit ilia dama de Malehault dum Gineura osculata est primo de Lancialotto. The author of the Ottimo Comento says : — Quando presente Galeotto . . . Lancelotto fu baciato dalla reina Ginevra ... la donna di malo abito l tossio, in segno che aweduta s' era del fallo della reina. Similarly Benvenuto da Imola : — Al primo fallo scritto di Ginevra, idest, ad osculum quod fuit primum fallum amoris Ginevrae. . . . Cum enim Lancillottus pervenisset ad colloquium cum regina Genevra opera principis Galeoti, nee auderet prae nimio pudore pandere flammam amoris sui, princeps Galeotus interposuit se, et fecit eos pervenire ad osculum : tunc quaedam domina nomina Damma, socia reginae, perpendens de actu, tussivit et spuit, quasi dicens : bene te video ; ita in proposito Beatrix risit nunc, quasi dicat : bene audio te, vel tu bene audiris, cave quid dicas. 2 The Postillator Cassinensis, in his comment on the passage in the Inferno, says : — Legitur in gestis illorum de la tabula rotunda, quod Galeoctus amore Lanzalotti fecit quod quedam dama de Malaut proca dicti Galeocti conduxit reginam Geneveram ad quoddam viridarium, ubi breviter dictus Lanzaloctus ejus procus secrete osculatus est earn. 1 Evidently a corruption of, or copyist's error for, Malehault. 2 Identical with this is the comment, in Italian, contained in one of the manuscripts of the Divina Counted ia in the Bibliotheque Nationale : " Beatricie parue ridendo quella che tossio al primo fallo scrito di Gieneura, cioe el bacio che fue la prima falsita damore di Gieneura el quale fu scripto al chapitolo V° del Inferno, che essendo uenuto Lancilotto a parlamento chon la Regina Gieneure per lopera del Principo Galeotto, parendogli di grande sua uergogna ad appalentare e manifestare la fiama del suo amore, e '1 Principo Galeoto se interpuose e fecie che lor se peruenne a baciare luno laltro. Alora una donna, chiamata Dama, chompagna de la ditta Regina auedendossi de latto chomincio a tossire et asputare quasi dicat : Io te ho ben ueduto, chussi nel proposito Beatricie rise mo quasi dicat : Io te aldo bene o uer tu seray bene udito, guarda cio che tu dichi." This is no doubt the Italian translation of Benvenuto's commentary which is referred to by Colomb de Batines in his Bibliografia Dantesea (ii. 315). DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 5 He remarks on the present passage : — Hie comparat Beatricom dame Molaut dum nutu tuxivit videndo reginam Geneveram obsculari a Lancialocto inductu Galaocti ut scripsi in inferno capitulo quinto. On the other hand, the Anonimo Fiorentino, with whom several others agree, annotates : — Qui vuol mostrare come Beatrice continuo il sollecitava, ed esemplifica : Ella gli fe simile cenno ch' egli domandasse suo desiderio a quella anima beata, qual fece quella che tossio al primo fallo di Ginevra che si ha scritto. Et ad intendere ben tal novella, si e da sapere che la reina Ginevra innamoroe di Lancialotto, per molte prodezze che gli vide fare ; et anche perche era di sua persona piacevole, e facundo in parlatura : penso la detta reina di palesarlo al principe Galeotto, al quale, dopo toltogli fidanza, aperse suo intendimento, et soggiunsegli : accio che tu sia piu fervente, io soe che tu ami la donna di Manoalt ; io faro si che ella seguira tuo intento. Ora, abbreviando la novella, lo detto prencipe seppe tanto fare dall' un lato, e la reina Ginevra dall' altro, che soli essi quattro si convennono a debita ora nella sala ; si che dall' uno lato era Lancillotto colla Reina, dall' altro lo prencipe Galeotto e la donna di Manoalt. Or Lancialotto, costretto d' amore, stava timido appresso la reina Ginevra, ne parlava, ne s' argomentava di fare altro : la donna di Manoalt, si come ricordata, e che conosceva lo luogo e '1 perche dov' erano, tossio, e fece cenno a Lancialotto che dovesse prendere alcuno diletto : ond' egli, cosi favoreggiato, gitto lo braccio al collo alia Reina e baciolla ; e questo e quel bacio del quale e fatto menzione nel quinto capitolo dello' inferno. ... Or fa 1' Auttore sua comparazione, si come la donne di Manoalt mostrd a Lancialotto suo dovere circa alia Reina, cosi Beatrice mostro a me mio dovere circa quella anima beata. 1 Francesco da Buti writes much in the same strain : — Secondo che io one udito dire, scritto e nei Romansi de la Tavola Ritonda che la reina Ginevra, donna del re Artu, s' inamoro di Lancellotto, e si per pia- cevilezza sua e si per la prodezza e bellezza sua ; unde ella si manifesto al prince Galeotto e disse : lo so che tu se' innamorato di Branguina 2 donna di Malaot, se tu mi vuoi promettere di tenere credenza e far quello ch' io ti diro, faro che verrai ad effetto del tuo desiderio ; et elli liel promise. Allora li disse : Vedi, io sono innamorata di Lancellotto che e tuo compagno : se tu fai si ch' io abbia mio intendimento, io faro, sara che tu arai lo tuo ; e Galeotto li promise allora di fame suo potere. Et a la fine arrecate queste parti al fine desiderato, et essendo insieme la reina Ginevra e Lancellotto ; et in altro luogo presi a mano Galeotto e Branguina, sicche si poteano vedere, accorgendosi Branguina che Lancellotto stava stupido e timoroso e niente diceva a la reina, ella inco- 1 This account corresponds almost verbatim with that given by Jacopo della Lana in his commentary. - Buti appears to be the only one of the commentators who gives this name to the Lady of Malehault. 6 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES mincid a tossire, quasi dicesse : Che fai tu ? Sente che io sono con Galeotto : fa quello, per che tu se' co la reina; e cosi dice che Lancellotto, preso ardire, diede compimento a la intenzione. E cosi dice l'autore che lo riso di Beatrice fu cenno a lui che li dovesse addimandare di quello che dubitava e voleva esser certo, e non lassasse per riverenzia, come fu cenno lo tossire di Branguina a Lancellotto che facesse quello, per che v' era, e non lassasse per riverenzia del re. Alessandro Vellutello takes a similar view ; he says : — Parve ridcudo, quella che tossio Al primo /alio scritto di Ginevra: il quale fu, secondo ch' e scritto ne le favole de cavalieri de la tavola rotonda, quando ella, al principio del suo amore, si lascio baciar da Lancilotto, il qual non ardiva di cominciare, ma la compagna di Ginevra, per darli animo, tossi. Adunque cosi, come il tossie di costui 1 diede animo a Lancilotto di baciar Ginevra, cosi il rider di Beatrice diede animo a me di parlar a Cacciaguida. Cristoforo Landino, on the other hand, who makes Guenever the wife of King Mark, 2 thus showing his ignorance of the romance (which, with the contempt of the Renaissance scholar for such literature, he characterises as prolix and inelegant), inclines to the opinion of Benvenuto : — Et pone 1' auttore similitudine, che quel riso fu cosi cenno a lui, come a Ginevra nel suo primo fallo il tossire, quando venne al bacio pel mezzo di Galeotto. Et la compagna sua, la qual non veduta, vide loro, tossi, a dimos- trare, che se ne fosse accorta, come prolissamente e scritto nel favoloso et non molto elegante libro della tavola rotonda. Daniello da Lucca seems to suggest that there was something of contempt implied in the comparison : — In un libro chiamato Galeotto 3 de' cavallieri della tavola rotonda, si legge, come basciando Lancillotto Ginevra, la compagna di lei comincio a tossire, dimostrando essersene accorta, senza pero disturbare i loro piaceri : cosi ridendo 1 Sic : correct costei. 2 In his comment on the passage in the In/erno : " Era ne' tempi di Dante in prezzo un libro chiamato della tavola rotonda, nel quale e scritto, che Lan- cilotto era innamorata di Ginevra moglie del Re Marco, et Galeotto fu mezzano, che si potessero congiungere ". 3 This notion that the title of the book was Galeotto is probably due to the fact that the section of the Romance of Lancelot which deals with the episode of Gallehault was sometimes called by his name, e.g., in MS. Brit. Mus., Harl., 6341, the colophon to this section runs: Cy fine Gallehoz, " Here ends Galle- hault ". The name occurs as a sub-title of Boccaccio's Decamcronc in the colophon of the old editions (" II libro chiamato Decameron cognominato Prin- cipe Galeotto"), probably as an indication of the nature of the contents-. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 7 Beatrice, dimostro a Dante che s' era accorta de' suoi ragionamenti con Caccia- guida, ma non curava di udirli, perche non era il proprio della Teologia il dare orecchi a cose di si poca importanza, come erano quei ragionamenti. These renderings of the occurrence differ very considerably, — according 1 to some the cough would be a sign of warning or of disapproval ; according to others, it was meant as an encourage- ment. Modern commentators have been equally at a loss to explain the allusion. Philalethes (King John of Saxony) remarks in a note upon this passage : — Von einem Husten bei dieser Dame (von Mallehaut) als Zeichen der Missbilligung oder der Warming kommt mindestens in dem Franzosischen Roman nichts vor, und auch in dem Italienischen Bruchstiick jener Erzahlung, welches in der Paduaner Ausgabe der Divina Commedia von 1822 abgedruckt ist, findet sich nichts davon. Gleichwohl muss man annehmen, dass in irgend einer Bearbeitung dieses Romans etwas der Art vorkomme, weil Dante Beatrice's warnendes oder missbilligendes Lacheln mit solchem Husten vergleicht. Similarly Scartazzini, in his laborious edition of the Paradiso (1882), says :— Di questo tossire non si fa menzione nel romanzo di Lancillotto del Lago quale si conosce oggi . . . ai tempi di Dante dovera esserci una versione del famoso romanzo, in cui si raccontava la circonstanza qui accennata. It has, therefore, been concluded that Dante made use of some version of the " Arturi Regis ambages pulcherrimae " * which has been lost to us. Witte supposes it may have been one by the Provencal poet, Arnaut Daniel. 2 1 This term, ambages, which Dante applies to the Arthurian romances in the De Vulgari Eloqttentia, i. 10, is used in the same connexion by Raymond de Beziers in his Proamium to the Liber Kalile et Dymne (written in 1313). Addressing the courtiers of Philip the Fair, Raymond says : " Vos igitur regalem curiam frequentantes, qui tempus vestrum in narracionibus anbagicis, verbi gracia, Lanceloti, Galvani, consimilibusque consumitis, libros quibus nulla consistit sciencia, vel modica viget utilitas, crebrius instudentes, abjecta vanitatis palea, librum istum regium virtutum graniferum, non solum semel, immo pluries attentissime perlegatis ..." (see Novati, in Arte, Scienza e Fede ai giorni di Dante, pp. 281-2 ; and Hervieux, Les Fabulistes Latins, vol. v. pp. 387-8). 2 The opinion that Arnaut Daniel wrote a prose Romance of Lancelot seems to have been founded upon a misunderstanding of Purgatorio, xxvi. 118, and upon a remark of Tasso's on that passage. M. Gaston Paris has shown that this opinion is erroneous: II n'y a aucune raison, he says, de supposer que le poete florentin ait connu d'autres ceuvres d'Arnaut que celles qui nous sont par- 8 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Recent investigation, however, has put an end to all un- certainty with regard to this question. Dante, as may be gathered from the De Vulgari Eloquentia, i. 10, read the story of Lancelot in the Lingua Oil; and by a happy chance I have been able to identify the passage alluded to by him, in an extract from one of the old French manuscripts in the British Museum, made for me by a friend l for the purposes of a note upon Inferno, v. 137. On pursuing the subject further, I found that of nineteen manuscripts examined in the British Museum, and Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris (ten of the thirteenth century, four of the fourteenth, and five of the fifteenth) all save one — where the omission is evidently owing to the carelessness of the copyist — contain the passage in question, of which, as I have since dis- covered, a paraphrase in modern French is given, with a reference to Dante, by Paulin Paris in his Romans de la Table Ronde venues : dans le De vulgari eloquentia, Dante cite comme exemples des chan- sons d'Arnaut Daniel, et elles font toutes partie du recueil que nous connaissons. Dans l'eloge qu'il fait du troubadour, Dante dit : Versi d'amore e prose di romanzi Sovcrchib tutti, et e'est ce passage qui, mal interpret a ce que je crois, a donne naissance a diverses erreurs. On l'a toujours entendu en ce sens qu'Arnaut aurait compose" des vers d'amour et des romans en prose qui surpassaient tous les autres ; mais il signifie simplement : " II a depasse tous les vers d'amour et toutes les proses de romans ; il est superieur a la fois aux auteurs de vers d'amour et de romans en prose ; " e'est-a-dire, si on tient compte de la maniere toujours tres particuliere dont Dante formule ses jugements, et si on se reporte a un passage bien connu du De vulgari eloquentia, " il a efface" tous ceux qui ont €crit soit en provencal, soit en francais ". Dante dit en effet dans le De vulgari eloquentia que la langue d'oil allegue pour elle que tout ce qui existe en prose vulgaire, soit traduit, soit original (qiticquid redactum sive invention est ad vulgare prosaicum) lui appartient : ce vulgare prosaicum e'est la prosa di romanzi. (On a pretendu, il est vrai, que vulgare prosaicum et prose di romanzi d^signaient des romans en vers, car les romans arthuriens qui circulaient a l'epoque de Dante 6taient en vers. . . . C'est une erreur qu'il est inutile de refuter aujourd'hui.) S'il en etait autrement, si Dante avait voulu dire dans la Comedie, qu'Arnaut ecrivit les plus beaux romans en prose qui existent, comment aurait-il pu afrlrmer ailleurs que tout ce qui est ecrit en prose vulgaire est en langue d'oil ? Comment surtout aurait-il pu ajouter : " comme les belles histoires du roi Arthur (Arturi regis ambages pulcherrima) ," si la plus cel^bre de ces histoires, le Lancelot, eut 6te" en provencal ? (fitudes stir les Romans de la Table Ronde. Romania, x. 484 ff.) 1 Professor W. P. Ker. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 9 (vol. iii. p. 263). He does not, however, appear to have been aware that the commentators on the Div'inu Com/media were in the dark as to the allusion. 1 The following extract, which I have transcribed, with the usual expansions, from a thirteenth century manuscript, 2 de- scribes how Gallehault (not Galahad, as many wrongly have it) contrived the meeting between Lancelot and Guenever, how they kissed, and how they were observed by the Lady of Male- haut. It thus serves to illustrate both Dante's allusions to this incident in the romance. By way of introduction, it may be premised that Lancelot on his first appearance at the court of King Arthur, who knighted him, became deeply enamoured of Queen Guenever, " la Dame des dames," as she is styled in the old Romances. 1 Xovati points out (in Arte, Scienza e Fede ai giorni di Dante, pp. 280-1) that two other writers, previous to Paulin Paris (whose Lancelot volumes were published in 1872-7), had printed passages from the Lancelot romance with a view to the illustration of Dante, viz., Louis Moland in his Origines Litteraires de la France (Paris, 1862), and Filippo-Luigi Polidori in his edition of La Tavola Ritonda (Bologna, 1864-5). Prof. Novati adds that consequently I was mis- taken in my supposition that I was the first to draw attention to the passages in the French romance to which Dante makes allusion. Though I was unaware that either Moland or Polidori had printed extracts from the romance, yet I can still claim to have been the discoverer, from the point of view of the Dante commentator, of the passage alluded to in the Paradiso. Paulin Paris, as I have already observed, was not aware that the passage was unknown to the commentators on the Divina Commedia ; while neither Moland nor Polidori seems to have been acquainted with Dante's allusion to the incident of the cough. Otherwise Polidori (whose extract is printed on pp. 260-4 of his second volume) would certainly not have stopped short, as he does, precisely within a line of the very passage in which the mention of the cough occurs ; nor would Moland, who includes this passage in his extract (pp. 373-383), and gives a reference to the Inferno (p. 51), have omitted the incident from his paraphrase as he does (p. 54), thus showing pretty conclusively that he did not know of the allusion in the Paradiso. I may add that, as I pointed out long ago in the Academy (27th February, 1886), the whole passage in question was also printed by W. J. A. Jonckbloet in the second volume (p. xlv) of his Roman Van Lancelot ('S. Gravenhage, 1846-50). 2 Lansdowne, 757 (fol. 71, verso b.-fol. 76, recto b.) in British Museum. This version of the Lancelot du Lac is attributed to Maistres Gautiers Map, or Walter Map, one of the king's clerks at the court of Henry the Second of Eng- land. 10 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Inspired by his love for her, he performed such deeds of chivalry as made him the most famous anions: all the knights of the Round Table. He, however, strictly concealed his name, and endeavoured by constantly changing his armour and his shield to escape recognition. It is for this reason that Guenever, during her interview with him, so closely questions him as to his identity. While in quest of adventures, Lancelot comes to a town called Le Puy de Malehaut, where he is detained a prisoner by the Lady of Malehaut. She, having fallen in love with him, offers him his liberty if he will disclose his name. This he declines to do, but the Lady of Malehaut, relenting, allows him to depart in order that he may fight against Galle- hault, " Roy d'Outre les Marches, 11 who was in arms against King Arthur; while the lady herself repairs to the court and becomes the companion of Queen Guenever. By Lancelot's means Gallehault is induced to tender his submission, and a close friendship springs up between the two, the result of which is that Gallehault undertakes to bring about a meeting between his friend and the Queen. Guenever, who has a great admiration for the unknown knight, becomes impatient for the interview, and at last Gallehault comes to Lancelot, who is living in his camp, and tells him that it can no longer be put off, and must take place that very day. At this point our story begins a : — Einsint aloit Galehout a son compaingnon au main et au soir . et a chascune foiz quil reuenoit li demandoit la roine quil auoit troue . Et la nuit reuint Galehout la ou il soloit . lende- main par matin a son compaingnon 2 et si li dist . II ni a plus . car hui en cest ior . couient que la roine uos uoie. Sire por deu fetes issi . que nulle riens ne le sache . fors uos et li . car il a assez de tex en la meson lo roi qui me conoistroient bien sil me ueoient. Or naiez garde . fet Galehout . car ge en penserai molt bien . atant prent de lui eongie . si apele son seneschal . Gardez . fet il . se ge uos enuoi querre que uos ueingniez a moi 1 For translation, see below, pp. 22 ff. - Et lendemain leua bien matin . et reuint a son compaignon ; Royal 19, B. vii. E lendemain bien par matin reuint a son compaignon ; Royal 20, D. iii. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 11 et amenez nion compaingnoD si que uulle riens ne sache que ce soit il. Sire . faitcil . uostre plesir. LorsreuientGalehoutautreflo roi. Et la roine li demande quex noueles. Dame . fet il . beles assez . uenuz est la flor des cheualiers del monde. Et dex . fet ele . conient le uerrai oie . ear ge le uoil ueoir en tel maniere que nus ne lo sache tors lui et moi et uos . ear ie ne uoil mie que autres genz en aient aise. Et en non deu dame . fetGalehout . einsi iert il . car il dit quil ne uoldroit mie que nules genz de la meson lo roi artur le coneussent por nule rien. Coment . fet ele . est il done coneuz a rienz. 1 Dame . fet il . tex genz le porroient ueoir qui bien le conoistroient. Dex . fet la roine . qui puet il estre. Dame . fet Galehout . si mart dex ge ne sai . car onques ne me dist son non ne dom il est. Non . fet ele . si maist dex merueilles oi . et or mest assez plus tart 2 que ge le uoie conques mes. Dame . fet il . uos le uerroiz assez (?) encor anuit . et si uos dirai coment. Nos en irons senpres deduire la aual . si li mostre un leu en mi la praerie tot plains darbroisieaus . si aurons au meins de conpaingnie que nos por- rons . et la le uerroiz . si irons un poi deuant ce que anuitier doie. Ha . fet ele . trans doz amis com auez or bien dit. Et pleust orau seingnor 3 del mont quil anuitast ia . lors comeneent andui a rire et la roine lacole et li fait molt grant ioie. Et la dame de maloaut les uoit rire si pense que or est la chose plus hastiue quel nel seut . si sen prent molt garde et ne uient cheua- lier en la meson cui ele nesgart en mi le uis. Molt fait la roine grant ioie del cheualier qui uenuz est et molt li tarde que la nuit uiengne . Si entent a parler et a ragier 4 por le ior oblier qui li ennuie. Einsi passa le ior tant que uint apres souper quil auespri. Et la roine a pris Galehout par la main . et la dame de malout auoc li . et damoisele lore de cardoil . et une soe pucele sanz 1 Des gens de caienz ; manuscript 344 in Bibliotheque Nationale. 2 Partially erased. Royal 20, D. iii., and Royal 19, B. vii. read tart. 3 Sauueor ; manuscript 339 in Bibliotheque Nationale. * So manuscripts 339 and 773 in Bibliotheque Nationale ; two manuscripts in British Museum read a ioier. Manuscript 96 in Bibliotheque Nationale reads au menyer. All three words mean very much the same. 12 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES plus de conpaingnie . si sentorne tot contreual les prez . droit la ou Galehout auoit dit. Et quant il out un poi ale . et Gale- hout se regarde et uoit un escuiersi lapele et li (lit qui] aille dire a son seneschal qui] uiegne a lui e li mostre en quel leu. Et quant la roine lot si se regarde et dit . coment . fet ele . est il uostre seneschaus. Nenildanie . fet il . mes il uendra auoe lui. Atant sen uient soz les arbres . si sasient a une part entre la roine et Galehout bien loing des autres. Et la dame de maloaut et les autres autresi se merueillent molt de ce quil sont si priueement . et li uallez uint au seneschal . si fist son message. Et cil prist tantost le cheualier auoc lui si passerent leue et uindrent tot contreual les prez la ou li uallez lor mostra. 1 Quant il apro- chierent et les dames les esgardent si connut la dame de maloaut le buen cheualier comme cele qui maint ior lauoit eu en sa baillie et por ce quele ne uoloit mie quil la coneust senbroncha et se traist pres de madamoisele lore. Et cil trespassent outre si se traist pres li seneschaus des dames et les salue . et Galehout dit a la roine. Dame uez ci le meillor cheualier del monde. Li quex est ce . fet la roine. Dame li quex uos resenble ce estre. Certes . fet ele . il sont andui molt bel cheualier . mes ge ne uoi ci cors ou il deust auoir la moitie de proece quil auoit el noir cheualier. Dame . fet il . bien sachiez que ce est li uns de cez deus. Atant uienent deuant la roine et li cheualiers tranble si durement quil ne puet la roine saluer . et a tote la color perdue si que la roine sen merueille molt . lors sagenoillent ambedui . et li seneschax Galehout la salue et ausi fait li autres cheualiers . mais ce est molt pourement ainz fiche ses euz en terre comme honteus. Et lors sapense la roine que ce est il. Et lors dist Galehout au seneschal . alez si fetes conpaingnie a ces dames qui trop sont seules. Et la roine prent le cheualier par la main - la ou il est agenouz si lasiet deuant li et li fet molt 'Manuscript 1340 in Bibliotheque Nationale has here : si f went andui si bon cheualier et si bel que par noient queist en plus bel en mil pais. And so several other manuscripts. '-Manuscript 16,999 in Bibliotheque Nationale has here : et le fait lever de la ou il estoit a «enouls deuant. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 13 bel senblant . et li dit tot en riant. Sire molt uos auons desirie tant que deii merci et Galehout qui ci est que or uos ueons. Et neporquant encor ne saige mie se uos estes le cheualier que ge deniant. Mes Galehout me dit que ce estes uos . et encor uoldroie ge bien sauoir de uostre boche se uostre plesir estoit qui uos estes. Et il li respont quil ne set . nonques nule foiz ne la regarda en mi le uis. Et la roine merueille molt que il puet auoir . et tant que ele sospiece bien une partie de ce que il a. 1 Et Galehout qui honteus le uoit et esbahiz pense quil diroit ancois a la roine son penser sol a sol . si se regarde et dit si haut que les dames loent. Certes . fet il . molt sui or uilains que totes ses dames non cud sol cheualier a conpaingnie ainz sont si soles . lors se drece et uient a eles . et eles se uienent totes en contre lui . et il les rasiet. Et lors commencent a parler de maintes choses. Et la roine met le cheualier en paroles . et si li dit . beax doz sire por quoi uos celez uos uers moi . certes il ni a mie por quoi. Et neporquant uos me poez bien dire se uos estes celui qui uenquie lassemblee deuantier. Dame . fet il . nenil. Comment . fet ele nauiez uos unes armes totes noires. Dame oil. Et dont nestes uos celui cui messire G. 2 enuoia les trois cheuaus. Dame oil. Done nestes uos cil qui porta les armes Galehout le desreain ior. Dame oil. Done nestes uos celui 3 qui lassenblee uainquie le segont ior. Dame non fis uoir. Lors sapercut bien la reine quil ne uoloit pas conoistre que il leust uaincue . si lemprise mout en son cuer. Or me dites . fait ele . qui uos fist cheualier. Dame uos . fait il. Gie . fait ele . quant. Dame . fet il . membre uos il que uns cheualiers uint a monseignor lo roi a camaalot qui iert naurez parmi le cors de dous troncons de lance et dune espee parmi la teste e que uns uallez uint autresi a lui a uendredi a soir qui fu cheualiers au diemenche matin. De ce . fet ele . me souient il molt bien . e se dex uos ait fustes uos ce que la damoisele amena a cort uestuz de la robe blanche. Oil dame . 1 Manuscript 98 in Bibliotheque Nationale has here : et la royne qui honteux le voit pence quil diroit plus tost sou penceir cilz estoient soul a soul . si regarde Galehos . et Galehos qui bien sen apparsoit dit si hault, etc. 2 Gauuains, Jonckbloet. 3 From here in another hand. 14 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES fait il. Et porcoi . fet ele . dites uos done que ge uos fis cheualier. Dame porce que il est uoirs . ear la costume est tels el roiaunie de logres que cheualiers ni puet estre fez sanz espee ceindre . et cil de cui il tient lespee le fet cheualier et de uos la tienge dame car li rois ne men dona point . et porce dige (pie uos Die feistes cheualier. Certes . fet la roine . de ce suige mout liee . et ou alastes uos diluec. Dame ge men alai a un secors a la dame de noant . si iuint puis missire kex et nos com- batismes moi et lui a dous cheualiers. Et deuant ce . fet la roine . menuoiastes uos nule riens. Dame oil dous puceles. Par mon chief . fet ele . il est uoirs . et quant uos fustes repairiez de noant trouastes uos nului qui deparmoi se reclamast. Dame certes oil un cheualier qui gardoit un gue si me dist que ge alasse ius de mon cheual . et ge li demandai a cui il estoit . et il me dist que il estoit a uos . alez tost ius . fist il . et ge li demandai qui le commandoit . et il dist quil nauoit commande- ment se le suen non . et ge remis le pie en lestrier que ge en auoie ia oste . et li dis sanz faille que il nen auroit mes hui point. Si iostai a lui et si sai bien que ge fis outrage . si uos en cri merci dame et| uos emprenez lamende tele comme il uos plaira. Et la reine qui bien uoit quil ne li puet guenchir que suens ne soit li respont . certes biaus douz amis . fet ele . moi ne mesf'eistes uos rien . car il nestoit pas a moi . ainz len soi molt malues gre quant il uint a moi et il le me dist . mes or me dites ou alastes uos diluec. Dame . fet il . a la dolerouse garde. Qui la conquist . fet ele. Dame . fet il . gi entrai. Et ui uos i ge onques . fet ele. Dame oil plus dune foiz. En quel leu . fet ele. Dame un ior que ge uos demande se uos uoldriez entrer enz . et uos deistes que oil . si estiez mout esbahie par semblant . et ce uos dis ge par dous foiz. Quel escu . fet ele . portiez uos. Dame . fet il . ge portoie a la premiere foiz un escu tot blanc a une bende de bellic uermeille . et a lautre foiz un a dous bendes dautretel color. 1 Cet ensegnes . fet la roine . conoisge bien et ui uos i ge plus. Dame oil la nuit que uos cuidiez auoir pardu monseigneur Gauuain uostre nies et ses compaignons et 1 From this point in a third hand. DANTK AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 15 que les genz del chaste! crioient . prenez le prenez le . et ge men uing hors un escu a mon col a trois bendes de bellic uer- meilles . et missires li rois estoit deuant unes loges auec uos et quant ge uing uers [uos^ x lui si sescrierent les genz . prenez le roi prenez le roi . mes il men laissa aler soe merci. Certes . fet ele . ce poise moi . car sil uos eust retenu tuit li enchantement del chastel fussent remes. Mais or me dites fustes uos ce qui gitastes Gauuain et ses compaignons de la prison. Dame ge i aidai a mon pooir. En totes les choses . fet ele . que uos mauez dites naige encore troue se uerite non . mes por deu or me dites qui estoit une pucele qui uit 2 la nuit en une tornele qui estoit de sus lostel monseignor lo roi uestue dun chainsil blanc. Certes dame . fet il . ce fu la damoisele uers cui ge uilenai onques plus . car la dame del lac la mauoit enuoiee . et ele me troua en cele tornele si fu assez enoree por moi. Et quant ge oi les noueles de monseignor Gauuain qui pris estoit si fui mout corrociez . si me parti de la damoisele qui auec moi uoloit uenir . et ge li priai par icele foi que ele me deuoit que ele ne se meust deuant ce que ele ueist mon mesage ou moi . si fui si sorpris de si granz afaires que ge len obliai . ne a li ne retornai puis . et ele fu plus leax uers moi que ge ne fuis cortois uers lui . car onques diluec ne se mut deuant que ele oi mes enseignes . et ce fu grant piece apres. Et quant la roine loi parler de la damoi- sele del lac si sot bien tantost que cestoit lancelot. Si li en- quist de totes iceles choses que ele auoit oies retraire de lui et de totes le troua uoir disant. Or me dites . fet ele . apres puis que uos fustes cheualiers partiz de camaalot uos i ui ge onques puis. Dame . fet il . oil tele ore que uos meustes grant mestier . car ge ieusse este noiez se uos ne fussiez qui me feistes trere hors del eue a monseignor yuain. Coment . fet ele . fustes uos ce que daguenez li coarz prist. Dame . fet il . ge ne sai qui ce fu mes pris fui ge sanz faille. Et ou aliez uos . fet ele. Dame . fet il . ge suioie un cheualier. Et quant uos fustes . fet ele . partiz de moi a la desreaine foiz ou alastes uos. Dame apres le cheualier que ge suioie. 1 Uos underlined in the manuscript as not wanted. 2 Uint, Jonckbloet. 16 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Combatistes uos uos a lui. Dame oil. Et ou alastes uos apres. Dame ge trouai dous granz uileins qui mocistrent mon cheual . mes missire yuains 1 qui buene auentere ait me dona le suen. Ha . fet la roine . done saige bien qui uos iestes . uos auez a non laneelot del lac. Et il se taist. Par deu . fet ele . por naient le celez . pieca que len le set . car missire Gauuains aporta premierement uostre non a cort. Lors li conte tot eissi com missire Gauuains auoit dit que cestoit la tierce assemblee quant messire yuains dist que la pucele li auoit dit cest la tierce. Lors li redemande porcoi il auoit soffert que li pires om del monde len auoit amene par le frein. Dame . fet il . gel pooie bien soflfrir corarae cil qui nauoie pooir ne de mon cuer ne de mon cors. Or me dites . fet ele . antan fustes uos a lassemble. Dame oil. Queles armes . fet ele . portastes uos. Dame . fet il . unes totes uermeilles. Par mon chief . fet ele . uos dites uoir . et auant ier a lassemblee por cui feistes uos tant darmes. Et il commence a sospirer mout durement. Et la reine le tient mout cort comme cele qui bien uoit comment il est. Dites le moi . fet ele . seurement car ge ne uos en descouerrai ia . et ge sai bien que por dame ou por damoisele auez uos tot ce fet . et dites moi qui ele est par la foi que uos li deuez. Ha dame . fet il . ge uoi bien quil le me couient dire. Ce iestes uos dame. Gie . fet ele . por moi ne portastes 2 uos mie les dous glaiues que ma pucele uos porta . car ge mestoie bien mise hors del mandement as autres dames. Dame . fet il . ge fis por eles ce que ge dui et pors uos ce que ge poi. Or me dites . fet ele . totes les choses que uos auez fetes por qui les feistes uos. Dame . fet il . por uos. Coment . fet ele . amez me uos done tant. Dame . fet il . ge naim tant ne moi ne autrui. Et desquant . fet la reine . mamez uos tant. Dame . fet il . des le ior que ge fui apele cheualier et si ne lestoie mie. Par la foi . fet ele . que uos me deuez dont uint cest amor que uos auez en moi mise si grant et si enterine. 3 1 Gauuains, Jonckbloet. 2 Corrected to bruisastes : peceiastes, Jonckbloet : ployastcs, Paulin Paris : pechoiastes, add. 10,293. 3 Here follows the incident alluded to by Dante. In the printed editions (Rouen, 1488, and Paris, 1494) it is entirely omitted. The passage there runs: DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 17 A ces paroles que la reine li disoit auint que la dame de maloaut sestossi tot a eseient et dreca la teste que ele auoit embronchiee. Et li cheualiers lentendi maintenant car mainte fois lauoit oie . et il lesgarde et quant il la uit si ot tel peor et tele angoisse que il ne pot mot respondre a ce que la reine li demandoit 1 si commence a sospirer si durement que les lermes li coroient des eux tot contreual les ioes si espessement que li samiz dont il estoit uestuz en fu moilliez iusque sor les genolz deuant . et quant il plus esgardoit la dame de maloaut et sis cuers estoit plus a maleese. De ceste chose se prist la reine garde . et uit quil lesgardoit mout peoreusement la ou les dames estoient . et ele laresna. Dites moi . fet ele . dont ceste amors mut que ge uos demant. Et il sesforce de parler au plus que il puet et dit. Dame si mait dex des le ior que ge uos ai dit. Coment fu ce donques . fet ele. Dame . fet il . uos le me feistes fere . qui de moi feistes uostre ami se uostre boche ne men menti. Mon ami . fet ele . coment. Dame . fet il . ge uing deuant uos quant ge oi pris congie del roi monseignor toz armez fors de mon chief et de mes mains . si uos commandai adeu . et dit que estoie uostres cheualiers et uostre amis et uos respondistes que uostre cheualiers et uostre amis uoliez uos bien que ge fusse en toz les leus ou ge seroie . et ge dis . adeu dame . et uos deistes adeu biaus dolz amis . onques puis ciz moz ne me issi del cuer . ce fu li moz qui proudom me fera se ge ia le sui . ne onques puis ne uing en si grant meschief que de cest ''Par lafoy que vous me deuez dont vindrent ces amours que vous aucz en may tnises?" " Dame," fait il, " vous le me feistes fair e qui de moy feistes vostre amy, se vostre bouche ne me a menty." Dante, as Novati observes, appears to have retained a confused recollection of the passage in which this incident occurs ; it was not, as Dante implies in the Paradiso, on the occasion of the actual kissing of Guenever and Lancelot that the Lady of Malehault coughed, but at Guenever's inquiry of Lancelot as to what was the origin of his deep love for her. The old commentators, many of whom obviously had no first- hand acquaintance with the romance, one and all give the incorrect version of the incident of the cough. 1 Royal 19, C. xiii. is rather fuller here : Et quant li cheualiers a cut la roine parloit oi la dame de malohaut tussir cut il auoit meinte foiz oie et ueue si regarde cele part et la conoist erranment si a lors teil honte et tel angoisse quil ne set quil dole fere. 2 18 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES mot ne me membrast. Ciz moz ma conforte en toz mes ennuiz. Ciz moz ma de toz max este garanz . et ma garde de toz perilz. Ciz moz ma saole en totes mes granz feins. Ciz moz ma fet riche en mes granz pouretez. Parfoi . fet la reine . ci ot mot de buene ore dit . et dex en soit aorez qui dire le me fist . mes ge nel pernoie pas si acertes comme uos feistes . et a maint cheualier ai ge autresi dit ou ge ne pensai onques que le dire . e uostre pensers ne fu mie uileins . mes dolz et debueneres . si uos en est bien auenu car prodom uos a fet. Et neporquant * la costume est mes tele es cheualiers quil font semblant as dames de tex choses dont pou lor est as cuers . et uostre semblant me mostre que uos amez ne sai la quele de cez dames qui la sont plus que uos ne faites moi . quar uos auez assez plore de peor ne nosez regarder uers eles de droit esgart . si maparcoif bien que uostre pensers nest pas a moi tant com uos me fetes entendant . et par la foi que uos deuez a la rien que uos plus amez . la quele des trois est ce que uos amez tant. Si mait dex . fet il . onques nule deles not mon cuer en sa baillie. Ce na mestier . fet la reine . uos ne men poez rien embler car iai ueues meintes choses autreteles . et ge uoi bien que uostre cuers est la comment que li cors soit ci . et ce disoit ele por ueior de combien ele le porroit metre a malese . car ele cuidoit bien sauoir quil ne pensoit damors 2 se a li non . ia mar eust il fet por li que settlement la iornee que il fist es amies noires 3 . mes ele se delitoit mout durement en sa mesaise ueoir et escouter. Et cil en fu si angoisseus que par un pou que il ne pasma . mes la peor des dames qui lesgardoient le retint et la reine meesmes sen dota porce que ele le uit palir et color changier. Si le prist par le braz quil ne chaist et apela Galehout et il salt sus si uient a li corant . et uoit que sis compainz est issi conreez . si en a si grant angoisse a son cuer 1 Et neporquant la costume nest mics tele des cheualiers qui font ; manuscript 339 in Bibliotheque Nationale. Et non pour tant la coustume est ore telle des cheualiers qui font ; Paulin Paris. 2 Darme ; manuscript 751 in Bibliotheque Nationale. :; jfa mar eust il plus fait pour li que la iournee des armes noires ; manuscript 16,999 m Bibliotheque Nationale. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 19 comme il puet greignor auoir . et dit . Ha dame por deu dites moi que il a eu. Et la reine li conte ee que ele li ot mis deuant. Ha dame . fet Galehout . merci . uos le nos porriez bien tolir par tex corroz . et ee seroit trop grant domages. Certes . fait ele . ce seroit mon . mes sauez uos por eui il a tant fet darmes. Dame . fet Galehout . naie uoir. Se ce est uoirs . fet ele . quil ma dit ce fu por moi. Dame . fet Galehout . einsi uoirement mait dex bien lempoez croire . car autresi comme il est plus proudom que nul ome autresi est sis cuers plus uerais que tuit li autre. Voirement . fet la reine . diriez uos quil est proudom se uos sauiez quil a fet darmes puis quil fu cheualiers. Lors li conte les cheualeries si comme il les auoit fetes . et si li auoit coneu quil auoit portees les armes uermeilles a lautre assemblee . et sachiez de uoir quil a totes cez choses fetes por un sol mot. Lors li deuise la reine le mot si com uos auez oi quil lauoit dit. Ha dame . fet Galehout . aiez en merci por ses granz desertes et fetes le por moi autresi comme ge ai fet ce que uos me proiastes. Quel merci . fet ele . uolez uos que ge en aie. Dame . fet Galehout . uos sauez bien que il uos aime sor tote rien . et plus a fet por uos que onques nus autres cheualiers ne fist mes por dame . et ueez le ci . si sachiez de uoir que ia la pes de monseignor lo roi et de moi ne fust se il sescors ne leust faite. Certes . fet ele . ge ne dot mie que il nait plus fet por moi que ge ne porroie deseruir . sil nauoit plus fet que cestc pes porchaciee . ne il ne me porroit nule riens requerre que ge li peusse belement neer . mes il ne me requiert nule rien . ainz est si dolenz que il ne fina de plorer onques puis que il commenca a regarder uers cez dames la . neporquant ge nel mescroi pas damor que il ait a nule deles . mes il dote se deuient que aucune deles le conoisse. Dame . fet Galehout . de ce ne couient il tenir nule parole . mes aiez merci de lui car il uos aime assez plus que il ne fet soi meesmes . ne mie porce que si mait dex ge ne sauoie riens de son couine quant il mint . fors tant quil dotoit estre coneuz . ne onques riens plus ne men descouri. Gen aure . fait ele . tel merci com uos uoldroiz . car uos auez fet ce que ge uos requis . li doi bien fere ce que uos uoldroiz . mes il ne me prie de rien. Dame . 20 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES fait Galehout . quil nen a pooir ne len no puet nule riens amer que len ne dot . mais ge uos pri por lui . et se ge ne uos emprioie sel deuriez uos porchascier . car plus riche tresor ne porriez uos mie conquerre. Certes . f'et ele . gel sai bien et gen ferai quanque uos commanderoiz. Dame . fet Galehout . granz merciz . et ge uos pri que uos li doigniez uostre amor . et que uos le prengniez a uostre cheualier a toz iorz . et uos deuenez sa loiaus amie a toz les iorz de uostre uie . lors si lauroiz fet plus riche que se uos li doniez tot le nionde. Einsint . fet la reine . lotroi gie que il miens soit et ge tote soe . et par uos soient amende tuit li mesfait et li trespas des couenances. Dame . fet il . granz merciz . mais or icouient commencement de seurte. Vos nen deuiseroiz ia nule chose . fet la roine . que ge nen face. Dame . fet Galehout . done le besiez par commencement damor ueraie. Del besier . fet ele . ne uoi ge ore ne leu ne tens . mes ne dotez mie que ge ausi uolenteiue nen soie comme il seroit . mes ces dames sont iluec qui mout se merueillent que nos auons ici tant fet . si ne porroit estre que eles nel ueissent . et nepor- quant sil uelt ge le besere mout uolentiers . et il en est si liez et si esbahiz que il ne puet respondre mot fors tant solement . dame granz merciz. Ha dame . fet Galehout . del suen uoloir ne dotez uos ia quil iest toz . et si sachiez bien que ia riens nule ne sen aperceura . car nos nos trairons tuit troi ensemble autresi comme se nos conseillions. De coi me feroie ge prier . fet ele . plus le uoil ge que uos ne il. Lors se traient tuit troi ensemble et font semblant de conseillier. Et la reine uoit bien qui li cheualiers nen ose plus fere . si le prent par le menton et le bese uoiant Galehout assez longuement l . si que la dame de maloaut sot de uoir que il la baisoit. Lors commence la reine a parler qui molt estoit uaillant dame et sage. Biaus douz amis . fet ele . ge sui uostre tant auez fet por moi . et mout en ai grant ioie . or si gardez que la chose soit si celee con uos sauez quil en est mestiers . car ge sui une des 1 I have already drawn attention to the fact that Dante in his reference to this incident (Inferno, v. 133-4) represents Guenever as being kissed by Lance- lot, whereas it was she who kissed the knight. The old commentators, almost without exception, make the same mistake. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 21 dailies del monde dont len a greignors biens diz . et se mis lox empiroit par uos ci auroit amor laide et uileine . ct uo.s Gale- hout . fet ele . empri ge qui plus iestes sages . car se maus men uenoit ec ne seroit se par uos non . et se ge en ai bien ne ioie uos la mauroiz donee. Dame . fet Galehout . certes il ne porroit pas uers uos mesprendre . mes ge uos ai fet ce que uos me priastes . or si me seroit mestiers que uos moissiez dune proiere que ge uos lis tres ier . quant ge uos dis que uos mi porriez plus aidier par tens que ge a uos. Dites . fet ele . seuremeut . ear uos ne me sauriez nule rien requerre que ge ne feisse por uos. Dame . fet il . done mauez uos otroie que uos me donroiz sa com- paigniez a toz iorz. Certes . fet ele . se il de ce uos failloit malement auriez emploie le grant meschief que uos auez fet por lui. 1 Lors prent la reine le cheualier par la main destre . et dit . Galehout . ge uos doign cest cheualier a toz iorz sauf ce 2 que ge iai auant eu . et uos le creantez . fet ele . et li cheualiers li creante . et sauez uos . fet ele a Galehout . qui ge uos ai done. Dame . fet il . nenil. Ge uos ai done . fait ele . lancelot del lac le filz an roi ban de benoic. Einsint li fet la reine le cheualier conoistre qui molt en a grant honte. 3 Lors a Galehout greignor ioie que il not onques mes . car il auoit assez oi dire einsi com paroles uont que lancelot del lac estoit li mieldres cheualiers del monde poures om . et bien sauoit que li rois bans auoit este mout gentils et mout puissanz damis et de terre. Einsi fu fez li premiers acointemenz del cheualier et de la reine par Galehout . ne Galehout ne lauoit onques coneu fors de ueoir . et porce li auoit fet lancelot creanter que il ne li demanderoit son non deuant ce que il li deist ou autres por lui. Lors se leuerent tuit troi . et il anuitoit ia mout durement . mes il faisoit cler que ia estoit la lune leuee si ueoit len mout cler tot contreual la praerie. Atant sentornent tuit troi con- treual les prez droit uers la tente lo roy . et li seneschaus Gale- 1 Que vous avez souffert pour lui ; manuscript 16,999 in Bibliotheque Nationale. 2 For ce there is a marginal reading le droit, which is the reading of Roy. 20, D. iii. : Sattue le droit que ico aie auant eu. 3 Honte is a substitution for ioie, which has been erased. 22 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES hout uient apres entre lui et les dames tant que il uienent endroit la tente Galehout. Et lors en enuoie Galehout son compaignon . et il prent congie tie la reine si empassent outre entre lui et le seneschal. Et Galehout conuoie la reine dusquau tref lo roi. Et quant li rois les uoit si demande dom il uienent. Sire . fet Galehout . nos uenons de cez prez a si petite com- paignie que uos ueez. Lors sasient et parolent de maintes choses . et mout sont aese entre Galehout et la reine. A chief de piece se lieue la reine et dit que ele ueut aler cochier . et Galehout la conuoie iusque la et la commande adeu . et li dit que il ira anuit gesir auec st)in compaignon . si le solacera car or set il bien de coi . mes auantier ne sauoie ge de coi gel solacasse. Ha sire . fet ele . comnie auez uos ore bien dit . quil en sera mout plus aese. Atant se part Galehout de li . et uient au roi si prent congie . et dit que il ne li poist mie quil ira anuit gesir en son tref entre sa gent . ou il ne uit pieca . et il me couendroit . fet il . mout fere lor uolente car il font mout uolentiers lanioie et mout maiment. Certes . fet missire Gauuains . uos auez mout bien dit . car mout doit len ses proudes genz amer et enorer quant en les a. Lors sen uet Galehout a son compaignon . et se cochierent la nuit . ambedui ensemble en un lit . et parolent de ce dont lor cuers sont aese. Translation. Thus went Gallehault to his comrade morning and evening ; and each time he came back the Queen asked him what he had contrived. And at night Gallehault went back where he was wont ; and on the morrow early he came to his comrade and said to him : " Now is the end, for this very day behoves it that the Queen see you ". "Sir, for heaven's sake, contrive so that no one know it save you and she, for there are plenty of folk in the household of the king who would know me well if they saw me." "Have no fear, quoth Gallehault, for I will see to it right well." Thereupon he took leave of him, and tailed his seneschal. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 23 " See, quoth he, if I send to fetch you, that you come to me and bring my comrade so that no one know that it is he." " Sir, quoth lie, according to your pleasure." Then Gallehault returned to the pavilion of the King, and the Queen asked him "What news?" " I iady, quoth he, fair enough ; the flower of the knighthood of the world has come." " Heaven, quoth she, how shall I see him ? for I desire to see him in such wise that no man know it save he, and I, and you ; for I desire not that other folk be gladdened thereby." " By heaven, lady, quoth Gallehault, thus shall it be ; for he said that he would not any folk of King Arthur's household should know him on any account." " How, quoth she, is he then known to any ? " " Lady, quoth he, there are folk might see him, who would know him well." " Heaven, quoth the Queen, who can he be?" " Lady, quoth Gallehault, fore heaven, I know not, for never did he tell me his name, nor whence he is." " Nay ! quoth she, fore heaven, a strange thing do I hear ; and now do I long to see him more than ever." " Lady, quoth he, you shall see him this very night, and I will tell you how. We will go forthwith to take our pleasure down yonder, — and he shows her a place in the midst of the meadows all full of bushes, — and we will have the least company we may, and there you shall see him ; and we will go a little before "nightfall." " Ah, quoth she, true sweet friend, how well you have spoken. And would the Lord of the world were pleased it were nightfall now." Then they began both to laugh, and the Queen embraced him, and made him very joyful. And the Lady of Malehaut saw them laugh, and thought that now the affair was more advanced than she was aware ; and she took great heed, and no knight came into the house but she looked him full in the face. And the Queen was very joyful that the knight was come, and she longed greatly for the night to fall. And she 24 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES strove to talk and to frolic in order to forget the day, which was wearisome to her. Thus passed the day till it came ahout, after supper, the evening fell. And the Queen took Gallehault by the hand, and the Lady of Malehaut with her, and the damsel Laura of Carduel, and one of her maidens, without more company. And she wended her way adown the meadows straight to where Gallehault had told her. And when he had gone a little way, Gallehault looked about and saw an esquire, and he called him, and told him to go and bid his seneschal come to him ; and he showed him in what place. And when the Queen heard it, she looked and said: "How, quoth she, is he your seneschal ?" "Nay, lady, quoth he, but he will come with him." Thereupon they came beneath the trees, and the Queen and Gallehault sat down together apart some way from the others. And the Lady of Malehaut and the others likewise marvelled much that they sat so privately. And the varlet came to the seneschal, and gave his message. And the other straightway took the knight with him, and they crossed the water and came all adown the meadows to where the varlet showed them. 1 When they came near, the ladies looked at them, and the Lady of Malehaut knew the goodly knight to be him whom many days she had had her in her keeping ; and inasmuch as she did not wish him to know her, she bent down and drew close to the damsel Laura. And the others passed beyond, and the seneschal drew near to the ladies and greeted them ; and Gallehault said to the Queen : — " Lady, see here the best knight in the world." " Which is that ? " quoth the Queen. " Lady, which do you think it is ? " " Indeed, quoth she, they are both right fair knights, but I do not see here any that should have the half of the valour the black knight had." " Lady, quoth he, know that he is one of these two." 1 Here in several manuscripts follows, " and both were such goodly knights and fair, that in vain would one seek fairer in any land ". DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 25 Thereupon they came before the Queen ; and the knight trembled so greatly that he could not greet the Queen ; and all his colour went from him, so that the Queen marvelled much thereat. Then they both knelt down, and Gallehault's sene- schal greeted her, and the other knight did likewise, but in very poor fashion, — nay, he fixed his eyes on the ground as though ashamed. And then bethought the Queen that this was he. And then said Gallehault to the seneschal, " Go and keep company with yon ladies, who are all too lonelv." And the Queen took the knight by the hand as he was on his knees, and seated him before her, and looked very kindly upon him, and said to him laughing : " Sir, much have we desired you, so that, thanks to heaven and Gallehault who is here, we now see you. Nathless still I know not if you be the knight whom I desire. But Gallehault tells me that you are ; and yet I would fain know from your lips who you are, if such were your pleasure." And he answered her that he knew not ; nor ever once did he look her full in the face. And the Queen marvelled much what ailed him ; yet she suspected in part how it was with him. And Gallehault, seeing him abashed and ashamed, thought he would sooner tell his thoughts to the Queen if they were alone ; so he looked, and said aloud so that the ladies heard him : " In- deed, quoth he, now am I right churlish, for all these ladies have but one sole knight to keep them company ; nay, they are quite lonely." Then he rose up and came to them, and they all came to meet him, and he seated them again. And then they began to talk of divers matters. And the Queen spake to the knight, and said to him : " Fair sweet Sir, wherefore do you hide yourself from me ? Indeed, there is no reason. Nathless you may well tell me if you are he who conquered in the assembly 1 the day before yesterday." 1 Assemblee : " Ce mot assemblee signifioit ... la reunion de nombre de personnes en un meme lieu et pour le meme dessin. . . . Dans les siecles brillans de la chevalerie, les Tornois etoient des assemblies d'honneur." — Ste. Palaye. 26 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES "Lady, quoth he, nay." "How, quoth she, had you not armour all black?" " Lady, yea." "And then were you not he to whom Sir Gawain sent the three horses ? " " Lady, yea." " Then are you not he who wore the armour of Gallehault on the last day ? " " Lady", yea." " Then are you not he who conquered in the assembly on the second day ? " " Lady, I did not, of a truth." Then the Queen perceived, indeed, that he would not con- fess that he had conquered ; and she prized him much in her heart therefore. "Now tell me, quoth she, who made you a knight?" " Lady, you," quoth he. " I ! quoth she, when ? " "Lady, quoth he, do you remember how a knight came to my lord the King at Camalot, who was hurt in the body by two stumps of lances, and in the head by a sword, and how a varlet came to him on the Friday in the evening who was a kuight on the Sunday morn ? " "Of this, quoth she, I mind me right well ; and so help you God, were you he whom the damsel brought to court clad in a white robe ? " " Yea, lady," quoth he. " And wherefore, quoth she, do you say, then, that I made you a knight ?" "Lady, because it is true; for the custom in the kingdom of Logres 1 is such that no one there can be made a knight without girding on the sword ; and the one of whom he holds the sword makes him a knight ; and I hold it of* you, lady, for the king gave me not one ; and therefore I say that you made me a knight." 1 The Welsh name (modern Lloegr) for England. Geoffrey of Monmouth (ii. i) says that Britain was divided into three parts, viz. : Locgria, Kambria, and Albania. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 27 " Indeed, quoth the Queen, of this am I right glad ; and whither did you go from thence?" " Lady, I went to the aid of the Lady of Nohan ; and thither came afterwards Sir Kay, 1 and we fought, he and I, against two knights/' "And before this, quoth the Queen, did you send me nought ? " " Lady, yea, two maidens." "By my head, quoth she, it is true; and when you were come back from Nohan did you find no one who challenged you in my name ? " "Lady, indeed yea, — a knight who was guarding a ford; and he bade me get down from my horse, and I asked him whose he was ; and he said he was yours. ' Get down at once,' quoth he ; and I asked him who had bidden him, and he said that bidding- he had none save his own ; and I put back my foot which I had taken out of the stirrup, and I told him that he would not have it 2 that day of a surety. And I jousted at him; and I know well that I did wrong, and I crave your pardon for it, lady, and you will exact what amends it shall seem good to you." And the Queen, who saw that he could not escape being hers, answered him : " Indeed, fair sweet friend, quoth she, you did me no wrong, for he was not mine ; nay, I was much displeased thereat, when he came to me and told it to me. But now tell me whither did you go from thence ? " "Lady, quoth he, to the Dolorous Keep." " Who conquered it ? " quoth she. "Lady, quoth he, I entered therein." " And did I ever see you there ? " quoth she. " Lady, yea, more than once." " In what place ? " quoth she. " Lady, one day that I asked you if you would enter in, and you said yea, and were much abashed in mien ; and this I said to you twice." " What shield, quoth she, did you bear ? " 1 The seneschal of King Arthur. 2 That is, his horse. 28 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES " Lady, quoth he, I bare the first time a shield all white with a band of red slantwise; 1 and the other time one with two bands of like colour." "That device, quoth the Queen, I know well; and did I see you there any more?" " Lady, yea, the night that you thought to have lost my lord Gawain, your nephew, and his comrades, and that the people of the castle cried out, ' Take him ! Take him ! ' And I came out with a shield on my neck, with three bands of red slantwise. And my lord the King was before a tent with you, and when I came towards him the people cried out, 'Take him, King ! Take him, King ! ' but he let me go, thanks be to him." "Indeed, quoth she, this grieves me, for if he had staved you all the enchantment of the castle would have been done away. But now tell me, was it you who delivered Gawain and his comrades from the prison ? " " Lady, I helped therein to the best of my power." " In all the matters, quoth she, whereof you have told me, have I yet found naught save the truth ; but now, I pray you, tell me who was a maiden who passed the night in a tower which was above the hostel of my lord the King, clothed in white linen raiment ? " "Indeed, lady, quoth he, this was the damsel to whom I behaved all too churlishly ; for the Lady of the Lake had sent her to me, and she found me in that tower and was much honoured of me ; and when I heard the news of my lord Gawain, how he was taken, I was greatly moved, and I de- parted from the damsel who would tain have come with me. And I prayed her by the fealty she owed me that she would not remove before she should see my messenger or me ; and I was so overcome by such grave matters that I forgat her, and did not return to her after. And she was more loyal towards me than 1 Cotgrave, Littre and others explain belie (which I have rendered " slant- wise *') as " red," " gules " ; as, however, we read of " bandes de belie blanches," this cannot be correct. Paulin Paris remarks : " Ce mot n§pond au latin obliquus, et distingue les bandes transversales des horizontales, plus tard nomm^es fasces.'' DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 29 I was courteous towards her, for never from there did she remove before she heard news of me, and that was a long while after." And when the Queen heard him speak of the Lady of the Lake she knew well straightway that he was Lancelot. And she asked him of all the matters which she had heard related of him, and of all she found that he spake the truth. " Now tell me, quoth she, after that as a knight you de- parted from Camalot did I ever see you again ? " "Lady, quoth he, — yea, at such an hour as you did me great service ; for I should have been drowned had it not been for you, who had me drawn forth from the water by my lord Yvain." "How! quoth she, was it you whom Dagonet the coward took ? " " Lady, quoth he, I know not who it was, but taken I was of a surety." " And whither were you going ? " quoth she. " Lady, quoth he, I was following a knight." " And when, quoth she, you had parted from me the last time, whither did you go ? " " Lady, after the knight whom I was following." " And did you fight with him ? " " Lady, yea." " And whither did you go after ? " " Lady, I found two great villains who slew my horse ; but my lord Yvain, whom good luck attend, gave me his." " Ah ! quoth the Queen, then know I well who you are ; your name is Lancelot of the Lake." And he held his peace. " By heaven, quoth she, to no purpose do you conceal it ; it hath long while been known, for my lord Gawain first brought your name to court." Then she related to him all, — how Sir Gawain had said that it was the third assembly, when Sir Yvain said that the maiden had told him that it was the third. Then she asked him again wherefore he had allowed the most worthless man in the world to lead him away by the bridle. 30 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES "Lady, quoth he, I allowed it as one who had no power over his heart or his body." "Now tell me, quoth she, were you last year at the as- sembly ? " " Lady, yea." " What armour, quoth she, did you wear ? " " Lady, quoth he, a suit all red." " By my head, quoth she, you say true ; and the day before yesterday at the assembly, for whom did you perform so great feats ? " * And he began to sigh very deeply. And the Queen cut him short, as knowing well how it was with him. " Tell me, quoth she, verily, for I will never discover you ; and I know well for some lady or damsel you have done all this ; now tell me who she is, by the fealty you owe her ? " "Ah, lady, quoth he, I see well that it behoves me to say. It is you, lady." " I ! quoth she, for me did you in no wise shiver the two lances which my maiden brought to you, for I kept myself aloof from the other ladies in the ordering." " Lady, quoth he, I did for them what I should, and for you what I could." " Now tell me, quoth she, — all the deeds you have wrought, for whom did you do them ? " "Lady, quoth he, for you." " How ! quoth she, do you love me then so much ? " " Lady, quoth he, so much love I not myself nor another." "And since when, quoth the Queen, have you loved me so much ? " " Lady, quoth he, since the day when I was called knight, and was as yet none of it." " By the fealty, quoth she, that you owe me, whence came this so great and entire love that you have placed in me?" At these words that the Queen spake it came to pass that the Lady of Malehaut coughed l all openly, and raised her head 1 Paradiso, xvi. 14-15. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 31 which she had before bent down. And the knight did hear her now, for many a time had he heard her. And he looked at her, and when he saw her he conceived such fear and anguish that he could not make answer to what the Queen asked him ; and he began to sigh so deeply that the tears ran from his eyes all adown his cheeks, so heavily that the samite wherewith he was clad was made wet even to his knees before him. And the more he looked at the Lady of Malehaut the more was his heart disquieted. Of this matter the Queen took heed, and she saw that he looked very fearfully to where the ladies were, and she spake to him : " Tell me, quoth she, whence this love arose of the which I ask you ? " And he forced himself to speak as well as he might, and said : " Lady, so help me God, from the day that I have told you." " How was this, then ? " quoth she. " Lady, quoth he, you made me to do it, who made of me your friend, if your lips lied not to me." " My friend, quoth she, how ? " " Lady, quoth he, I came before you when I had taken leave of the King my lord, fully armed save my head and my hands, and I bade you farewell, and said that I was your knight and your friend ; and you answered that your knight and your friend you were fain I should be in what place soever I was. And I said, ' Farewell, lady '. And you said, ' Farewell, fair sweet friend '. And never since has this word gone forth from my heart. This was the word which will make of me a brave knight, if so be I ever am one. Nor ever since did I come into so great mischance but of this word I was mindful. This word has comforted me in all my troubles. This word has been my shield from all ill, and has kept me from all danger. This word has filled me whensoever I have been hungry. This word has made me rich in my great poverty." " I'faith, quoth the Queen, this word was said in good time, 1 and God be praised who made me to say it ; but I took it not 1 Add. 10,293 m British Museum reads here, de moult boine cure, " of great good chance". 32 DANTE STUDIES AM) RESEARCHES in such serious sort as you have done, and to many a knight have I said as much when I recked nought beyond- the speech. And your thought was no wise churlish, nay rather was it sweet and of good liking. And well has it happened to you, for a brave knight it has made you. And yet no wise such is the manner of knights who make show to ladies of like matters whereof little is in their hearts. And your mien shows me that you love I know not which of those ladies yonder more than you do me, for you have wept greatly in affright, and dare not look towards them with direct look ; and I perceive well that your thought is no wise wholly set on me as you make pretence. And by the fealty you owe to that which you most love, which of the three 1 is it that you so much love?" " So help me God, quoth he, not ever one of them has had my heart in her keeping." " Of that there is no need, quoth the Queen ; you cannot hide aught of it from me, for I have seen many such like things ; and I see well that your heart is yonder although your body be here." And this she said to see how she might disquiet him, for she knew well that he thought not of love save for her; otherwise would he have done her further wrong beyond the day when he fought in the black armour;- but she took delight in cruel wise in hearing and seeing his disquietude. And he was in such sore anguish thereat that he well-nigh swooned, but the fear of the ladies who were looking at him kept him therefrom ; and the Queen herself was in fear thereof. for she saw him turn pale and change colour. And she took him by the arm lest he should fall, and called Gallehault. And he leaped up and came to her running ; and when he saw that 1 There were three ladies there — the Lady of Malehaut, Laura of Caiduel and one of Queen Guenever's maidens. 2 The black armour had been supplied him by the Lady of Malehaut; in wearing it he had, as it were, been disloyal to Guenever. This passage is some- what difficult. I have adopted an interpretation suggested to me (on a hint from the reading of manuscript 16,999, m Bib. Nat.) by M. Arsene Darmesteter, who paraphrases: il se serait mal conduit envers elle plus que ccttc settle jour nee quHl avail faitc avee les amies noires. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 33 his comrade was in such a plight he felt so great anguish thereat in his heart that no man can feel more, and he said, "Ah, lady, I pray you tell me, what has there passed?" And the Queen related to him what she had put before him. " Ah, lady, quoth Gallehault, have pity ; you might well take him from us by such wrath, and that would be too great a hurt." "Indeed, quoth she, it would indeed. But do you know for whom he has performed so great feats ? " " Lady, quoth Gallehault, nay, verily." " If that be true, quoth she, that he has told me, it was for me." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, so truly help me God, you may well believe it ; for even as he is braver than any man, so like- wise is his heart more true than any other." " Verily, quoth the Queen, would you say that he was brave if you knew what feats he has performed since he was made a kriight." Then she recounted to him his feats of chivalry even as he had performed them, and related how he had confessed that he had worn the red armour at the other assembly. " And know of a truth that all these things he has done for a sing-le word." Then the Queen told him of the word, as you have heard that he told her. " Ah, lady, quoth Gallehault, take pity on him for his great deserts, and do it for me in like manner as I have done what you prayed of me." " What pity, quoth she, will you that I have on him ?" "Lady, quoth Gallehault, you know well that he loves you above everything, and has done more for you than ever any other knight has done for lady ; and see him here, and know of a truth that never peace between my lord the King and me had been made if he himself had not made it." " Indeed, quoth she, I in no wise doubt but that he has done more for me than I could requite to him, even if he had done no more than procure this peace ; nor could he require aught of me that I could becomingly deny him. But he requires 34 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES naught of me ; nay, he is so doleful that he has never ceased to weep after that he began to look towards yonder ladies. Nathless I misdoubt him not of love that he may have for any of them, but he fears lest it chance that any of them know him." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, of this behoves it not to speak ; but have pity on him, for he loves you more than he does himself. And as to this, so help me God, I knew nought of his condition when he came, save only that he feared to be known ; nor ever aught more has he discovered to me. " " I will have, quoth she, such pity on him as you would, for you have done what I required of you ; and I ought indeed to do for him what you would, but he asks naught of me." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, because he has not the power ; nor can a man love aught without he fears. But I pray you for him, and if I did not pray it of you, yet should you procure it, for more rich treasure could you no wise win." " Indeed, quoth she, I know it well, and I will do whatsoever you bid me." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, much thanks ; and I pray you to give him your love, and to take him as your knight for always, and to become his loyal friend for all the days of your life ; then will you have made him more rich than if you gave him the whole world." " Even so, quoth the Queen, I grant that he be mine, and I altogether his. And by you be punished all misdoing or breach of the covenant." " Lady, quoth he, much thanks ; but now behoves it to make beginning of surety." " You will devise naught, quoth the Queen, but I will do it." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, then kiss him, as a beginning of true love." " For a kiss, quoth she, see I now neither place nor time, but no wise doubt but that I am as fain as he. But these ladies are yonder who marvel much that we have so long talked here, and it could not be but they would see it. Nathless if he desire it I will kiss him right willingly." DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 35 And he was so joyful and astonied thereat that he could not make answer, save only, " Lady, much thanks ". " Ah, lady, quoth Gallehault, doubt not now of his desire, for he is wholly set on it. And know well that none shall perceive it, for we will all three draw together even as if we took counsel." " Wherefore should I make you to pray me ? quoth she ; more do I desire it than you or he." Then they all three drew together and made as if they took counsel. And the Queen saw well that the knight dared do no farther, and she took him by the chin and kissed him 1 before Gallehault no short space, so that the Lady of Malehaut knew of a truth that she kissed him. Then the Queen, who was a right worthy and prudent lady, began to speak : " Fair sweet friend, quoth she, I am yours, seeing that you have done so much for me, and I am right well pleased thereat. Now see that the matter be hid, even as you know it needs should ; for I am a lady of whom the greatest good in the world has been spoken, and if my praise were to be minished through you, here would be love unlovely and churlish. And you, Gallehault, quoth she, do I beseech as being most prudent, for if evil happed to me thereby, it could not be save through you ; and if I have thereby good hap or joy, you will have given it me." " Lady, quoth Gallehault, indeed it could not go amiss with you ; but I have done for you what you prayed of me, now needs it that you give ear to a prayer that I made to you yesterday, when I said to you that you might betimes better help me, than I you." " Tell me verily, quoth she, for you could naught require of me but I would do it for you." " Lady, quoth he, then did you grant that you would give me his company for always." " Indeed, quoth she, if this were lacking to you, ill would have served you the great sacrifice 2 you made for his sake." 1 Inferno, v. 133-4. 2 So I render meschief here, taking it to refer to Gallehault's having pledged himself to Lancelot that he would submit to King Arthur on the third day of 36 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Then the Queen took the knight by the right hand, and said : " Gallehault, I give you this knight for always, saving the right that I have had over him before ; and do you swear it," quoth she ; and the knight swarc it. "And do you know, quoth she to Gallehault, whom I have given vou ? " " Lady, quoth he, nay." "I have given you, quoth she, Lancelot of the Lake, the son of King Ban of Benoie." Thus did the Queen make known to him the knight, who was greatly abashed thereat. Then was Gallehault more glad than he had ever been, for oftentimes had he heard said, after the common talk, that Lancelot of the Lake was the best knight in the world, as a plain man ; and he knew well that the King Ban had been very noble, and very mighty in lands and in friends. Thus was contrived the first acquaintance between the knight and the Queen by Gallehault ; nor had Gallehault ever known him save by sight, and therefore had Lancelot made him swear that he would not ask of him his name before that he told it to him, or another for him. Then they all three arose ; and now had the night fallen right heavily, but it was light; for now was the moon risen, and it was quite light all adown the meadows. Then they returned all three adown the meadows straight towards the tent of the King. And the seneschal of Gallehault came after, he and the ladies together, until they came to the tent of Gallehault. And then Gallehault sent away his comrade, and he took leave of the Queen, and he and the seneschal together passed beyond. And Gallehault escorted the Queen as far as the pavilion of the King. And when the King saw them, he asked whence they came. "Sir, quoth Gallehault, we come from these meadows in such small company as you see." the Assembly, when the forces of the latter should be on the point of yielding. This undertaking Gallehault loyally performed, and it was thus that Lancelot made peace between him and King Arthur. DANTE AND THE LANCELOT ROMANCE 37 Then they sat down and talked of divers matters, and Gallehault and the Queen were well pleased together. And after a while the Queen got up and said that she woidd fain go to bed, and Gallehault escorted her thither, and bade her farewell, and said that he was going that night to lie with his comrade ; and that he would comfort him, for now he knew well wherewithal he should. "But the day before yesterday I knew not, quoth he, wherewith I should comfort him." " Ah, sir, quoth she, how well have you now spoken, for much more will he be gladdened thereby." Then Gallehault parted from her, and came to the King and took leave, and said that the King must not take it ill that he should go to lie that night in his pavilion with his folk, where he had not been for a while. " And it would beseem me well, quoth he, to do their pleasure, for they do mine right willingly, and love me much." " Indeed, quoth Gawain, you have right well spoken, for much ought one to love and to honour one's brave folk when one has any such." Then Gallehault went his way to his comrade, and they slept the night together both in one bed, and talked of that of which their hearts were fain. SOME OBLIGATIONS OF DANTE TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS ' Albertus Magnus, who was born in 1193, and died, at the age of eighty -seven, in 1280, when Dante was fifteen years old, w r as one of the authors of whom Dante made considerably more use than is apparent to the casual observer. The Doctor Universalis, as Albertus was styled on account of his vast learning, is only mentioned by name four times in the whole range of Dante's works, viz., Convivio, iii. 5, 1. 113 (where he is called " Alberto della Magna," and his books De Nativra Locorum and De Proprictat'ibus Elementorum 2 are referred to) ; CoHvivio, iii. 7, 1. 27, and iv. 23, 1. 126 (in both of which passages he is called simply " Alberto," the reference in the former being to his De Intelhctu? in the latter to his De Meteoris)* ; and Paradiso> x. 98 (where he is called "Alberto di Cologna," and is placed among the great theologians in the heaven of the sun). These four references, however, by no means represent the amount of Dante's indebtedness to him, as will be apparent from the following notes. These will show that Dante availed himself of the writings of Albertus to a considerable extent, especially of the Aristotelian treatises, which he must have studied pretty closely. 1 Reprinted, with additions, from Romania, xxiv. 400-12. 2 Dante quotes these two works in a general way, without citing any specific passage, in support of the opinion that the equatorial circle divides the hemisphere of the land from that of the sea almost entirely at the extremity of the first climate, in the region which is inhabited by the Garamantes. See below, pp. 52-53. 4 See below, pp. 47 ff. (38) DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 39 I ( owivio II. 14 In a passage (11. 170-176) * in this chapter of the t'onvivio, in which the properties of the planet Mars are discussed, Dante quotes Albumazar - to the effect that the ignition of the vapours ahout that planet portends the death of kings and other political changes : — " Dice Albumassar, che 1' accendimento di questi vapori signih'ca niorte di regi e trasmutamento di regni 3 ; perocche sono effetti della signoria di Marte." This quotation has been sought for in vain by the commen- tators in the two works of Albumazar which we possess, viz., his Introduction to Astronomy and his Book of Conjunctions 4 ; and it has been supposed in consequence that Dante must have inadvertently attributed to the Arabian astronomer the opinion of some other writer. If, however, the quotation has been wrongly ascribed to Albumazar, the mistake was made in the first place, not by Dante, but by Albertus Magnus, who was evidently Dante's authority for this piece of information about Albumazar. In this same chapter of the Convivio, in the paragraph immediately preceding the passage under discussion, Dante mentions the occasional spontaneous ignition of meteoric vapours " siccome nel primo della Meteora e determinate ". As no author's name is here mentioned one would naturally suppose the reference to be to the De Meteoris of Aristotle. But on 1 The line-references here and elsewhere in this book are to the text of the Oxford Dante. 2 Jafar ibn Muhammud Al Balkhi, Abu Mashar ; born at Balkh in Turke- stan 805, died 885. :i Cf. Brunetto Latino, who, in speaking of a comet which appeared shortly before the death of King Manfred, says : " De cele estoile dient li sage astro- nomien que quant ele apert el firmament, ele senefie remuemens de regne ou mort de grans seigneurs ". (Tresor, i. 98.) 4 These works were translated from Arabic into Latin under the titles of Introductorium in Astronomiam and Liber de tnagtiis conjunctionibus, annorum revolutionibus etc eorum profeetionibus. They were both printed at Augsburg in 1489. 40 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES examination it appears that Dante must have had before him as he wrote, not Aristotle's work, but the work of the same name by Albertus Magnus * ; and it was from this treatise, as will be seen, that the quotation attributed to Albumazar was borrowed by Dante, in spite of the fact that it is introduced as if made at first hand from Albumazar himself. And not only this quotation, but also that from Seneca 2 , which occurs in the next sentence of the Conviv'w (" E Seneca dice pero, che nella morte d' Augusto imperadore vide in alto una palla di fuoco "), is taken from the same source. The passage in Albertus, which occurs at the conclusion of a discussion as to the nature and properties of these igneous vapours, is as follows : — Vapor iste . . . aliquando autem vulnerat exurendo multum vel parum secundum fortitudinem ignis sui. Si autem secundo modo est, debilem habet ignem, qui parum alterat ea super quae cadit, non vulnerando, quia statim extinguitur. Vult tamen Albumasar quod etiam ista aliquando mortem regis et principum significent, propter dominium Martis, praecipue quando fiunt in forma non consueta et saepius solito : unde Seneca dicit, quod circa excessum divi Augusti vidit speciam pilae igneae quae in ipso cursu suo dissoluta est, et circa mortem Seiani et circa mortem Germanici simile visum est prodigium. (De Metcoris, Lib. I. tract, iv. cap. 9.) II Inferno XIV. 31-36 Dante appears to have been especially familiar with this particular book of the De Meteoris of Albertus Magnus ; for it \\ ;is from the chapter pi*eeeding the one from which the above quotation is taken that he got his version of the incident which happened to Alexander the Great and his army in India. In his description of the Hakes of lire which were rained down upon the spirits of the Violent in the seventh circle of Hell, he 1 Albertus wrote, not merely commentaries, but paraphrases and illustrative treatises, on each of Aristotle's works, the titles of which he adopted for his own treatises. 2 The original statement of Seneca is to be found in the Natitralcs Quaestiones (i. i) : " Nos quoque vidimus non semel flammam ingentis pilae specie, quae tamen in ipso cursu suo dissipata est. Vidimus circa divi Augusti excessum simile prodigium : vidimus cum de Seiano actum est : nee Germanici mors sine denunciatione tali fuit." DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 41 compares them to the flames which fell upon Alexander's host : — Quali Alessandro in quelle parti calde D' India vide sopra lo suo stuolo Fiamme cadere infino a terra salde ; Perch' ei provvide a scalpitar lo suolo Con le sue schiere, acciocche il vapore Me' si stingeva mentre ch' era solo. (Inf. xiv. 31-36.) This passage has long been a puzzle to the commentators, because in the apocryphal Epistola Alcwandr'i ad AristotUem, from which it was supposed that Dante took his account of the episode, Alexander is described as ordering his soldiers to trample, not the jinnies, but the snoic, which had fallen heavily after a great storm of wind and fire. The Epistola says : — Cadere mox in modum vellerum immensae coeperunt nives ; quarum aggre- gatione metuens ne castra cumularentur, calcare militem nivem jubebam, ut quam primum injuria pedum tabesceret. 1 It was assumed, therefore, that Dante was quoting the Epistola from memory, and confused the details of the account there given of the incident. But here again he evidently got his information at second hand from Albertus Magnus,- who, J Ed. Kuebler (Bibliotheca Teubneriana, 1SS8), p. 208. — A similar account is given in the Latin version of Pseudo-Callisthenes, commonly known as Historia de Praeliis : " Ceperunt cadere nives sicut lane majores. Continuo precepit [Alexander] militibus suis ut calcarent eas pedibus, quia timebant ne cresceret ipsa nivis ". (See Paul Meyer, Alexandre le Grand dans la litterature francaise, vol. ii. p. 178.) 2 1 have since found that Benvenuto da Imola had come to the same con- clusion. His note on this passage, which is very interesting, shows that he was evidently much pleased with his discovery. He says : " Antequam veniam ad literam volo te hie modicum morari, lector ; nam audivi viros intelligentes, magnos Dantistas, qui hie mirantur et dicunt ; vere comparatio ista est pul- cerrima, sed non video unde autor habuerit hoc ; quia Quintus Curtius, qui curiose describit gesta Alexandri Magni, nihil de hoc dicit; et Justinus, qui breviter ilia perstringit, etiam nihil dicit. Item Gallicus ille qui describit Alexandreidam metrice,* et alii multi scribentes tarn in prosa quam in metro, * Gautier de Lille or de Chatillon (commonly known as Gualtherus de Castellione), fl. circ. 1100; his Alexandres (in Latin hexameters) is based on the history of Quintus Curtius. 42 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES in quoting Alexander's epistle in the l)c Meteoris, makes exactly the same confusion with regard to the trampling of the flames as Dante does in the I/ifinio. In the passage in question Albertus cites the experience of Alexander in India as an instance of the occurrence of the igneous vapours 1 which he ha- just heen discussing: — Admirabilem autem impressionem scribit Alexander ad Aristotilem in epistola de mirabilibus Indie dicens quemadmodum nivis nubes ignite de aere cadebant quas ipse militibus calcare precepit. (De Meteoris, Lib. I. tract, iv. cap. 8.) Ill Coxvivio II. 15 In the midst of his argument in this chapter as to the points of rescmhlance between the Heaven of the Fixed Stars and the sciences of Physics and Metaphysics, Dante makes a digression in order to discuss the origin of the Galaxy or Milky Way, according to the various theories held by the old philosophers on the subject. The passage is as follows: — E da sapere che di quella Galassia (cioe quello bianco cerchio, che il volgo chiama la Via di Santo Jacopo) 2 li filosofi hanno avuto diverse opinioni. Che li Pittagorici dissero che '1 sole alcuna fiata erro nella sua via, e, passando per altre parti non convenienti al suo fervore, arse il luogo per lo quale passo ; e rimasevi quell' apparenza dell' arsura. E credo che si mossero dalla favola di nullam mentionem faciunt de hoc ; sed certe, ut dicit philosophus, ad pauca respicientes facile enunciant. Nam autor noster, licet fecerit istud opus in somnio, non tamen somniavit ; ideo debes scire quod banc mirabilem impres- sionem scribit Alexander ad Aristotelem in quadam epistola, dicens quod in India nubes ignitae cadebant de aere ad modum nivis, quas ipse militibus calcare praecepit ; et huius causam assignat Albertus Magnus, libro i. Metaurorum, quia terra ilia est sub Cancro, ubi calor solis exurit vaporem aquae et elevat grossum terrestre, et statim exurit antequam elevetur ad aestum, et a frigiditate loci expellitur et cadit ad modum nivis." 1 It is significant that Dante uses this same term vapore (1. 35) in speaking of the fiery downpour. 2 The authority for this statement appears to have been Uguccione da Pisa, who under the word Gala in his Magnae Derivations says: " Hec galaxias, vel -ia, -e, id est lacteus circulus qui vulgo dicitur santi Jacobi " (see below, p. 105). DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 43 ft Fetonte, 1 la quale narra Ovidio nel principio del secondo di Metamorfuseos.' 1 Altri dissero (siccome fu Anassagora e Democrito) che cio era lume di sole ripercosso in quella parte. E queste opinioni con ragioni dimostrative ripro- varono. Quello che Aristotile s si dicesse di cio, non si puo bene sapere, perche la sua sentenza non si trova cotale nell' una traslazione, come nell' altra. 4 E credo che fosse 1' errore de' traslatori ; che nella Nuova par dicere, che cio sia uno ragunamento di vapori sotto le stelle di quella parte, che sempre traggono quelli ; e questa non pare avere ragione vera. Nella Vecchia dice, che la Galassia non e altro che moltitudine di stelle fisse in quella parte, 5 tanto picciole che distinguere di quaggiu non le potenio ; ma di loro apparisce quello albore il quale noi chiamiamo Galassia. E puote essere che il cielo in quella parte e piu spesso, e pero ritiene e ripresenta quello lume ; e questa opinione pare avere, con Aristotile, Avicenna e Tolommeo (11. 45-77). M The commentators, 7 taking it for granted that Dante derived this account of the various opinions of the old philosophers from 1 Cf. Inf. xvii. 107; Purg. iv. 72; xxix. 118-120; Par. xvii. 3; xxxi. 125; Epist. viii. 4. 2 Metam. ii. 1-324. 3 In the Dc Mcteoris. 4 The two translations here referred to, and spoken of by Dante as "the Old" and "the New," probably correspond respectively to the Arabic-Latin version (made by Michael Scot), and the Greek- Latin version (made by Thomas Aquinas). The latter, Dante's " New translation," is the so-called Antiqua translatio, which is printed in the folio edition of Aquinas' works (Paris, 1649). See a letter by Dr. Moore in the Academy for 2nd January, 1892, on the trans- lations of Aristotle used by Dante; also his Studies in Dante, i. 305-318, where the subject is dealt with at some length. 5 It is evident that Albertus Magnus made use of what Dante calls the " Old translation," for in his own work De Mcteoris he says: " Nihil aliud autem est galaxia nisi multe stelle parve quasi contigue in illo loco orbis in quibus dimnitur lumen solis ". (Lib. I. tract, ii. cap. 5.) 6 Ptolemy's opinion, as given in the Almagest, is as follows: " Loca vero stellarum fixarum secundum suum ordinem sunt quemadmodum posuimus. Nos autem addemus illi secundum quod sequitur ex ordinibus modum orbis lactei : qui est maiarati (sic) secundum plurimum quod est secundum quod consider- avimus unamquamque partium ejus. Et studeamus ponere descriptiones divisionis ejus, que nobis imaginate sunt ex eo. Jam enim declarabitur con- siderantibus consideratione absoluta quod orbis lacteus non est unius descrip- tionis absolute. Verum est cingulum, cujus color est color lacteus, secundum plurimum quod assimilatur et propter hoc nominatur lacteus. Ipse vero non est equalis creationis neque ordinis, sed est diversus in latitudine, et in colore, et in spissitudine et in loco. Et ipse in quibusdam partibus videtur cingulum duplex." (Almagcsti Dictio octava, caput secundum.) 7 Mazzucchelli, for instance, in his Luoghi degli Autori citati da Dante nel Convito, after quoting Aristotle's account, says : " Sembra esservi una lacuna in 44 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Aristotle, have been puzzled by the fact that his description of the theories of Anaxagoras and Democritus does not correspond with that given in the Aristotelian De Meteoris. Dante's authority, however, was not Aristotle, but Albertus Magnus, in whose treatise De Meteoris Anaxagoras and Democritus are credited with precisely the opinions ascribed to them by Dante. The following is the account given by Albertus of the various theories : — De Galaxia secundum opiniones corum qui dixerunt Galaxiam esse combus- tionem solis. . . . Fuerunt autem quidam qui dixerunt quod sol aliquando movebatur in loco suo ; et suo lumine et calore combussit orbem in illo loco. . . . Fuit autem, ut puto, hec opinio Pyctagore, qui dixit esse terram stellam et moveri, et celum stare et comburi a sole. De opinion? eorum qui dixerunt Galaxiam esse rcjlexionem luminis solis in quibusdam stellis. Illi autem qui imitabantur Anaxagoram et Democritum dixerunt quod Galaxia est lumen mutuatum a sole quibusdam stellis, 1 et hoc modo dicitur lumen illarum stellarum. De Galaxia secundum veritatem. Nihil aliud autem est Galaxia nisi multe stelle parve quasi contigue in illo loco orbis in quibus dimnitur lumen solis, et ideo videtur circulus albescens, 2 quasi fumus ignis autem qui est juxta orbem et de natura lucidi non lucet. (De Meteoris, Lib. I. tract ii. capp. 2, 3, 5.) Aristotle's own account, as given in the Greek-Latin version (the so-called Antiqua translation corresponding to Dante's "New translation "), in which the alternative Aristotelian theory mentioned by Dante occurs, is as follows : — De Lacteo Circulo Antiquorum opiniones. Qualiter autem et propter quam causam sit et quid est Lac, dicamus jam. Prepercurremus autem et de hoc quae ab aliis dicta sunt primo. Vocatorum igitur Pythagoreorum quidam aiunt viam esse hanc ; hi quidem excidentium cujusdam astrorum, secundum dictam sub questo luogo, perche si attribuisce ad Anassagora e Democrito, per quanto sembra, la terza opinione riferita da Aristotile, quando questi loro attribuisce la seconda, ascrivendo la terza ad altri Filosofi da lui non nominati. E da osser- varsi che anche questa terza opinione differisce dalla recata da Dante, ma di poco, e forse per difetto delle versioni da lui consultate, ch' ei pure sospetta diffettose." 1 This, as we have pointed out above, is the theory attributed by Dante to Anaxagoras and Democritus. 2 This is the opinion of Aristotle which Dante says he found in what he calls the " Old translation ". The fact that Albertus Magnus records it is a proof, as we showed above (see note 5, p. 43), that he made use of that particular trans- lation. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 45 Phaetonte lationem ; hi autem Solem hoc circulo delatum esse aliquando aiunt ; velut igitur exustum esse hunc locum, aut aliquam aliam talem passionem passum esse a latione ipsorum. 1 . . . Anaxagorici autem et Democritici lumen esse Lac aiunt astrorum quorundam. Solem nam cum sub terra fertur non respicere quaedam astrorum. Quaecunque igitur aspiciuntur ab ipso, horum quidem non apparere lumen ; prohiberi enim a Solis radiis ; quibuscumque autem obstitit terra, ita ut non aspiciantur a Sole, horum proprium lumen aiunt esse Lac. 2 . . . Dicunt autem quidam Lac esse refractionem nostri visus ad Solem, sicut et stellam comatam. . . . De Lactei Circuit essentia opinio propria. Nos autem dicamus, cum re- assumpserimus suppositum nobis principium. Dictum enim est prius quod extremum dicti aeris potentiam habet ignis, ita ut, motu disgregato aere, segregetur talis consistentia, qualem et comatas Stellas esse dicimus. Tale itaque oportet intelligere fieri, quod in illis, cum non ipsa per se facta fuerit talis excretio, sed sub aliquo astrorum, aut fixorum, aut errantium. Tunc enim tales videntur cometae, quia assequuntur ipsorum lationem, quemadmodum Solem talis concretio, a qua propter refractionem aream apparere dicimus, cum sic fuerit dispositus aer. Quod itaque secundum unum astrorum accidit, hoc oportet accipere fieri circa totum coelum, et superiorem lationem omnem. Rationabile enim est, siquidem unius astri motus incendit, et eum, qui omnium est facere tale aliquid et excitare aerem, et disgregare propter circuli magnitudinem ; et cum his adhuc secundum quern locum creberrima, et plurima, et maxima existunt astra. Zodiacus igitur propter Solis lationem et planetarum dissolvit talem con- sistentiam, quapropter multi quidem cometarum extra tropicos fiunt. Amplius autem neque circa Solem, neque circa Lunam fit coma ; citius enim disgregant, 1 Manilius alludes (Asfronom. i. 727 ff.) to the two opinions of the Pytha- goreans as to the origin of the Galaxy : — "An melius manet ilia fides, per saecula prisca Iliac solis equos diversis crinibus isse, Atque aliam trivisse viam ; longumque per aevum Exustas sedes, incoctaque sidera flammis Coeruleam verso speciem mutasse colore, Infusumque loco cinerem, mundumque sepultum ? Fama etiam antiquis ad nos descendit ab annis Phaethontem patrio curru per signa volantem, (Dum nova rimatur propius spectacula mundi, Et puer in coelo ludit, curruque superbus Luxuriat nitido, cupit et majora parente), Monstratas liquisse vias, aliamque recentem Imposuisse polo ; nee signa insueta tulisse Errantes meta flammas, currumque solutum." 2 The opinion here ascribed to the followers of Anaxagoras and Democritus is quite different from that mentioned by Dante, whose account, on the other hand, agrees with that of Albertus Magnus ; this proves beyond question that Dante's authority in the matter of these different theories was Albertus, not Aristotle (see note 1, p. 44). 46 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES quam ut coacta sit talis concretio. Iste autem circulus, in quo Lac apparet aspicientibus, et maximus existens est, et positu situs sic, ut multum tropicos excedat. Adhaec autem locus plenus est astris maximis et fulgidissimis, et adhuc sparsis vocatis (hoc autem est et oculis videre manifestum) ut et propter hoc continue, et semper haec omnis aggregetur concretio. Signum autem est- Etenim ipsius circuli amplius lumen est in altero semicirculo habente dupla- tum ; in hoc enim plura et crebriora sunt astra, quam in altero, tanquam non propter alteram aliquam causam fiat lustratio, quam propter astrorum lationem. Si enim et in hoc circulo fit, in quo plurima ponuntur astrorum, et ipsius circuli in eo quod magis videtur spissum esse, 1 et magnitudine et multitudine astrorum, hanc parest existimare convenientissimam causam esse passionis. (Dc Metcovis, Lib. I. summa ii. capp. 5, 6.) Averroes, in his commentary, makes an attempt to get at Aristotle's actual opinion with regard to the origin of the Galaxy ; but, as will be seen, he, like Dante, found it difficult to come to a decision, owing apparently to the same cause, viz., that the accounts differed in the different versions. The follow- ing is his comment : — Dicamus igitur quod Galasia secundum hunc modum est, quern nunc dicam. Jam igitur declaratum est quod aer propinquus corporibus coelestibus est inflam- matus, ignitus, et apparent in loco, in quo videtur Galasia in coelo stellato, 2 stellae multae magnae et parvae lucidae et propinquae lapideatae. . . . Et cum hae duae propositiones verificatae sunt nobis, possumus ex eis concludere duas conclusiones. Una earum est, quod Galasia est ex reflexione luminum harum stellarum in aere inflammato existente in hoc loco ; et secundum hoc oportet, si ipsa sit apparentia, ut sit lumen agens apparentiam, firmum et aeternum et speculum semper permanens. . . . Conclusio autem secunda, quae apparet primo aspectu sequi ex hoc dicto, est quod Galasia est aer accensus, ignitus, sicut est dispositio in cometis ; et secundum hoc oportet si esset ita, ut sit agens firmum illic, seu permanens, huic igni proprium semper, et huic loco, hoc autem est multitudo stellarum existentium in ilia parte coeli. Alexander 3 autem credidit de Galasia, et putavit quod haec est opinio Aristotelis ; sed id, quod videtur secun- 1 It is to this passage, apparently, that Dante alludes in the concluding sentence of his account. Aristotle's argument, at any rate, in the translation, is somewhat involved, but the general idea seems to be that attributed to him by Dante (see note 2, p. 44). 2 Cf. Convivio, ii. 15, ad init. 3 i.e., Alexander Aphrodisiensis, the most celebrated of the Greek com- mentators on Aristotle, commonly known as 6 e£riyriT-f)s, just as Averroes himself was known pay excellence as "Commentator" (cf. Inf. iv. 144; Conv. iv. 13, 1. 68). Alexander of Aphrodisias flourished at the beginning of the third century A.D. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 47 dum majorem partem verborum Aristotelis in traductione, 1 quae pervenit ad nos, est sermo primus. Ex quibusdam autem apparet primoaspectu quod est ut decit Alexander. IV Convivio IV. 23 In speaking of the " arch of human life," Dante says (towards the end of this chapter) that the latter is divided into four ages, to which are appropriated the various " qualities " inherent in our composition : — Veramente questo Arco non pur per mezzo si distingue dalle scrittuie ; ma secondo li quattro combinatori delle contrarie qualitadi che sono nella nostra composizione 2 (alle quali pare essere appropriata, dico a ciascuna, una parte della nostra etade) in quattro parti si divide, e chiamansi quattro etadi. La prima e Adolcscenza, che s' appropria al caldo e all' iimido ; la seconda si e Gio- ventutc, che s' appropria al caldo e al secco ; la terza si e Senettute, che s' appro- pria al freddo e al secco ; la quarta si e Senio, che s' appropria al frcddo e all' timido, secondoche nel quarto della Mcteora scrive Alberto (11. 111-126). 1 It is evident that from a very early date there were important variations in the text of the De Mctcovis. In fact there seem to have been two distinct versions of the Greek text, as appears from the circumstance that several old writers (e.g., Seneca in his Quacstiones Naturales) quote passages which do not exist in the work as we know it (see Ideler, Aristotelis Meteorologies, vol. i. p. 12). Jourdain, in his Rccherches critiques sur I'cige des traductions latines d'Aristotc (chap. iv. § 5 : Livre des Meteor es), says : " Je trouve . . . deux especes de versions de cet ouvrage, l'une faite de l'arabe, l'autre du grec. La premiere, a laquelle ont concouru trois traducteurs, Gerard de Cremone, Henri et Aurelius, presente des particularites remarquables. Les trois premiers livres de Gerard sont traduits de l'arabe . . . Le quatrieme livre, traduit par Henri . . . est 6videmment traduit du grec . . . II se termine par trois chapitres traduits par Aurelius, qui ne se trouvent pas dans le grec, sont derives de l'arabe et paraissent etre un fragment du livre des Mineraux.* . . . La version grecque est facile a reconnaitre au mode d'expression, aux termes grecs qu'elle presente. On la trouve imprimee dans l'edition de plusieurs traites d'Aristote, publiee en 1483 a Venise." What Jourdain here says as to the composite nature of the so- called Arabic-Latin translation of the De Meteoris is based upon the evidence of the MSS., one of which concludes with these words : " Completus est liber Metheorum, cujus tres libros transtulit magister Gerardus de arabico in latinum : quartum transtulit Henricus de greco in latinum : tria vero ultima Avicennae capitula transtulit Aurelius de arabico in latinum". 2 Cf. Par. vii. 124-5. * According to the Explicit of the MS. quoted below, these three chapters were translated from Avicenna. 48 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Here again Dante has greatly mystified the commentators l on account of his reference to the De Meteoris of Albertus Magnus as his authority, since in that work, though Albertus discourses generally about humours, there is nothing corre- sponding to what Dante has attributed to him. The fact is that Dante's matter is borrowed, not from the De Meteoris of Alber- tus Magnus, but from another treatise of his, viz., the De Juventute et Senectute. The following is the passage of that work which Dante evidently made use of: — Etas autem in omnibus etate participantibus in quatuor etates dividitur, scilicet in etatem congruentem tam substantiam quam virtutem ; et in etatem standi tam in substantia quam in virtute ; et in etatem diminuendi virtutem sine diminutione substantie ; et in etatem minuentem tam substantiam quam virtutem. He autem in homine magis note sunt, et ideo in homine nomina specialia receperunt. Quarum prima vocata est puerilis ; secunda autem juven- tus sive virilis (rectius autem vocatur virilis quam juventus, quia juventus ad pueritiam videtur pertinere) ; tertia vero vocata est senectus ; et quarta et ultima senium sive etas decrepita. Dicit autem Ptolemaeus has etatum diffe- rentias sumi ad lune circulum, eo quod luna maxime principatum habeat in corporibus terrenorum propter duas causas vel tres. Due siquidem principales cause sunt. Una quidem vicinitas ; ea enim que non distant multum effica- cius movent. Et alia causa est que et principalis est ; quia cum sit infima congregate sunt in ea omnes virtutes moventium superiorum, 2 ideo mare et omne humidum movet ex seipsa." Ex virtute autem luminis quod mutuat 1 Mazzucchelli {op. cit.), after quoting Albertus De Meteoris, iv. 5, 13, says: " Non si e trovato altro in tutto il citato libro d' Alberto Magno, che piu si accosti a quanto dice Dante ". 2 Cf. Par. ii. 1 12-123. 3 Scartazzini in the German edition of his Prolegomeni, in discussing the question as to the authenticity of the Quaestio de Aqua et Terra, mentions among other objections to its acceptance as Dante's work, the fact that it reveals an amount of scientific knowledge incompatible with the knowledge of Dante's day. Among " the truths of cosmology hitherto undreamt of " which the author of the Quaestio must have been acquainted with, but which Scartazzini assumes Dante to have been ignorant of, he includes the theory that the moon is the main cause of ebb and flow. Not only, however, does Dante himself expressly refer in the Paradiso (xvi. 82-3) to the connection between the moon and the tides, but it is evident from the above passage of Albertus that the influence of the moon upon the sea was well-known long before the time of Dante. As a matter of fact it is discussed by Pliny (ii. 97), in a passage which is quoted by Vincent of Beauvais in the Speculum Natuvale (v. 18) : " Aestus maris accedere et reciprocare mirum est, verum causa est in sole et luna. Bis inter duos exortus lunae affluunt, bisque remeant vicenis quatermisque semper horis." It was DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 49 a sole efficitur quasi sol secundus breviter operationes solis explicans ; et ideo movet calores inferiorum. Dico autem breviter explicans operationes solis, quia quod sol facit in anno secundum variationem luminis et caloris, luna facit in mense, ut dicit Aristoteles in libro suo de animalibus. Tertiam autem Aristoteles videtur adjungere dicens quod luna terrestris nature sit, et ideo obscuritatem, ut inquit, aliquam retinet, etiam postquam illuminatur a sole. Propter igitur connaturalitatem terrenam magis variat, ut dicit, quam aliquod corporum aliorum que sunt in celo. Differentia autem circulations ejus est differentia etatum. Primo enim cum accenditur est calida et humida per effectum sicut prima etas; et currit hec usque quo efficitur dimidia, et talis est prima etas. Et deinde calido paulatim extrahente humidum efficitur calida et sicca sicut est etas secunda. Tertio autem cum humido egrediente deficit calidum, eo quod humor erat proprium subjectum caloris; et talis est etas tertia, scilicet frigida et sicca, et talis luna cadens a plenitudine usque ad hoc quod efficitur dimidia secundo. Et tunc frigiditate invalescente inducitur humidum extraneum non nutriens vel augens sed humectans extrinsecum quod est humidum flegmaticum ; et talis est etas ultima . . . Senium sive etas decrepita est que est frigida et humida. (Tract, i. cap. 2.) V Coxvivio II. 3 In this chapter Dante discusses the number and order of the several heavens, and expounds the opinions of Aristotle and Ptolemy on the subject: — Dico adunque, che del numero de' Cieli e del sito diversamente e sentito da molti, avvegnache la verita all' ultimo sia trovata. Aristotile credette, seguitando solamente 1' antica grossezza degli astrologi, che fossero pure otto cieli, delli quali lo estremo, e che contenesse tutto, fosse quello dove le stelle fisse sono, cioe la spera ottava ' ; e che di fuori da esso non fosse altro alcuno. Ancora credette che il cielo del Sole fosse immediato con quello della Luna, cioe secondo a noi 2 . . . Tolommeo poi, accorgendosi che 1' ottava spera si muovea per piu movi- menti, veggendo il cerchio suo partire dal diritto cerchio, che volge tutto da Oriente in Occidente, costretto da' principii di filosofia, che di necessita vuole familiar, too, in later times to Macrobius (circ. 430), and Martianus Capella (circ. 470), both of whom are quoted in this connection by Bartholomaeus Anglicus (circ. 1260), in his De Proprietatibus Rentm (viii. 29). 1 Compare what Averroes says in his comment on Aristotle's De Coelo, II. summa iii. cap. 2, Q. 6 : " Hoc quod dixit Aristoteles, quod octavus orbis est propinquus primo orbi, ita invenimus scriptum, et opinio Antiquorum est, quod orbis octavus seu stellatus est primus orbis." 2 Cf. Averroes, Comm. in De Coelo, II. summa iii. cap. 2, Q. 4 : " Secundum opinionem Aristotelis Sol est sub Mercurio, et Venere, et non supra." 4 50 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES un Primo Mobile semplicissimo, pose un altro cielo essere fuori dello Stellato, il quale facesse quella rivoluzione da Oriente in Occidente. 1 La quale dico che si compie quasi in ventiquattro ore . . . Sicche, secondo lui e secondo quello che si tiene in Astrologia e in Filosofia (poiche quelli movimenti furono veduti), sono nove li cieli mobili : lo sito de' quali e manifesto e determinato, secondo che per arte Prospettiva, Arismetrica e Geometrica sensibilmente e ragionevolmente e veduto, e per altre sperienze sensibili ; siccome nello eclissi del Sole appare sensibilmente la Luna essere sotto il Sole ; e siccome per testimonianza d' Aris- totile, che vide cogli occhi (secondoche dice nel secondo di Cielo e Mondo 2 ) la Luna, essendo mezza, entrare sotto a Marte dalla parte non lucente, e Marte stare celato tanto che rapparve dall' altra lucente della Luna, ch' era verso occidente (11. 16-65). It is evident that when the above was written Dante had just been reading the De Coclo of Aristotle with the commentary of Averroes, 3 and also the treatise of the same name by Albertus Magnus, though he makes no reference either to Albertus or to Averroes. What Albertus says on the subject in question is as follows : — Omnes antiqui usque ad tempora Ptolomei consentisse videntur quod spere fuerunt octo ; quarum superior sit spera stellarum fixarum ; et secunda Saturni ; et tertia Jovis ; et quarta Martis ; quinta autem Veneris ; et sexta Mercurii ; et septima Solis; et octava Lune. His autem et ipse Aristoteles videtur assentire frequenter nominans speram stellarum fixarum speram supremam et ultimam secundum elongationem ad nos acceptam ; quos etiam sequens Alfraganus 4 speras celorum octo esse dicit. Et forte isti visibiles tamen speras numeraverunt eo quod spera non dinoscitur per sensum nisi per stelle motum ; motus autem stellarum octo diversitates ostendit ad visum. Veniens autem post hos Alpetraus 5 1 Cf. Averroes, Comtn. in De Coclo, II. summa iii. cap. 2, Q. 6: " Ptholo- maeus tamen posuit nonum ; quia dicebat quod ipse invenit in stellis fixis motum tardum secundum ordinem signorum ". 2 " Vidimus Lunam intrasse secundum medietatem sub Stella Martis, et eclipsare Martem ex parte nigredinis Lunae ; deinde apparuit et exivit ex parte albedinis Lunae et luminis ejus." (Aristotle, De Coelo, II. summa iii. cap. 2, Q-5-) :; See notes 1 and 2, p. 49 ; and note 1 above. •*" Dico igitur orbes qui stellarum omnes motus complectantur, numero esse octo ; quorum quidem septem conveniunt stellis septem errantibus ; octavus vero, qui supremus, universis stellis fixis; idem cum orbe signifero." (Alfraganus, Elcmcnta Astronomica, cap. xii. ed. Golius, 1669.) n Alpetraus (or Alpetragius) is the Arabian philosopher mentioned by Dante in the Convivio (iii. 2, 1. 37), where Fraticelli and Giuliani, following Scolari, read Alfarabio instead of Alpetragio, which is the MSS. reading. Scolari coolly says : " L' Alpetragio, che si legge in tutti i testi, non puo essere altro che storpiatura DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALHKRTUS MAGNUS 51 Abnisac in astrologia nova quam induxit per rationes necessarias probat plures esse speras quam . viii., quarum rationum fortiores sunt iste : quia ab uno motore primo siinplici in eo quod movetur ab ipso non est nisi motus unus ; igitur a destructione consequentis, si in aliquo mobili non est motus tamen unus et simplex non est illud mobile primum a primo motus tamen unus et simplex non est illud mobile primum a primo motore ; sunt autem deprehensi tres motus in spera stellarum fixarum, quorum unus est motus diurnus ab Oriente in Oc- cidentem super polos mundi completus in . xxiv. horis. Et alter est motus stellarum fixarum ab Occidente in Orientem in omnibus centum annis per unum gradum, completus in omnibus . xxxvi. milibus annis. 1 Tertius autem motus est accessionis et recessionis qui fit in omnibus octoginta annis per gradum unum secundum Albertum. . . . Ergo spera stellarum fixarum non est mobile primum. Et hec ratio est fortissima apud quemlibet bene scientem philoso- phiam ; addit et alias philosophicas que non sunt tante fortitudinis, sicut quod in genere corporum non ponit primum esse diversum et multiforme. Nos autem speram stellarum fixarum videmus esse diversam valde et multiformem, igitur non est prima. Adhuc autem ante illud quod participat primi motoris boni- tatem multis motibus est illud quod participat motu uno in genere cor- porum, sicut innuit Aristoteles in secundo libro suo de celo et mundo. Jam autem ostensum est multorum motuum esse speram stellarum fixarum. Fretus igitur his rationibus Alpetraus Abnisac pronunciat . ix. esse speras ; unam quidem uniformem cujus lumen visui non subjicitur propter sui claritatem et simplici- tatem quam dicit esse mobilem a primo motore secundum motum diurnum ; et alias octo que superius sunt enumerate addens ad confirmationem dicti sui simplicissimum in genere corporum debere ordinari ad movens primum eo quod causa prima movet causatum primum, et simplex movet illud quod est simplex, et unicum movens unicum primum influit motum. . . . Ptolemei sententia autem secundum quod eum possum intelligere est quod . x. sunt orbes celorum, et ratio sua philosophica et non mathematica est. 2 Supponit enim id quod probatum est in secundo philosophic prime Aristoteiis, quod scilicet omne quod est in multis per rationem unam existens in illis est in aliquo uno priore illis quod est causa omnium illorum, sicut omne calidum causatur a calore ignis. Duo autem d' amanuense".(!) In the Oxford Dante (Tuttc Ic Opere di Dante Alighieri, nuovamenta rivedute nel tcsto dal Dr. E. Moore, con Indice dci Nomi Propri e delle Cose Notabili compilato da Paget Toynbee. Oxford, 1894) Dr. Moore has rightly restored the reading Alpetragio. Alpetragius wrote a work on astronomy which was translated into Latin under the title De motibus coelonan. 1 Cf. Convivio, ii. 6, 11. 140-7: " Tutto quel cielo [di Venere] si muove, seguendo il movimento della stellata spera, da Occidente in Oriente, in cento anni uno grado. . . . Ancora si muove tutto questo cielo ... da Oriente in Occidente, ogni di naturale una fiata." These data are taken from the Element a Astronomica of Alfraganus ; see the article on "Dante's Obligations to Alfra- ganus " (pp. 56 ff.). 2 This is evidently the origin of Dante's statement that Ptolemy assumed the existence of a ninth heaven on philosophical grounds, " costretto da' principii di filosofia ". 52 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES motus simplices inveniuntur in omnibus inferioribus orbibus secundum unam rationem existentis in omnibus eis ; quorum unus est super polos mundi et super circulos equidistantes equinoctiali et est diurnus ; alter autem est motus obliquus circuli signorum qui est super polos orbis signorum, quo moventur omnes octo orbes supra enumerati. Patet igitur quod uterque eorum sit in aliquo orbe superiori qui causet motus istos in omnibus orbibus inferioribus, et sic ante orbem stellarum oportet esse duos orbes. (De Celo et Mundo, Lib. II. tract, iii. cap. n.) VI Coxvivio III. 7 In this passage (11. 26-43) Dante refers to the De Intellectu of Albertus Magnus for his opinion as to the distribution of the li^ht of the sun : — Dice Alberto in quello libro che fa dcllo Intelletto, che certi corpi, per molta chiarita di diafano avere in se mista, tosto che '1 sole gli vede, diventano tanto luminosi, che per multiplicamento di luce in quelli . . . a e '1 loro aspetto, e rendono agli altri di se grande splendore, siccome e 1' oro e alcuna pietra. Certi sono che, per essere del tutto diafani, non solamente ricevono la luce, ma quella non impediscono, anzi rendono lei dal loro colore colorata nell' altre cose. 2 E certi sono tanto vincenti nella purita del diafano, che diventano si raggianti, che vincono 1' armonia dell' occhio, e non si lasciano vedere senza fatica del viso, siccome sono gli specchi. 1 The editio princcps (1490), followed by all three sixteenth century editions (1521, 1529, 1531), the Florence edition of 1723, and the Venice edition of 1758, marks no lacuna in this passage, which is manifestly corrupt as it stands. Dr. Moore, following nine MSS. collated by him, prints the passage without a lacuna in the Oxford Dante, and suggests as an emendation — " in quelli e lo loro aspetto, ei rendono, etc.". The Milanese editors (1827), followed by Peder- zini and Fraticelli, read " in quelli, appena discernibile e lo loro aspetto, e rendono, etc.," justifying their insertion of " appena discernibile " by a reference to the text of Albertus : " Quaedam autem sunt spargentia tantum luminis et diaphani, quod vix discerni possunt ". As an alternative they propose to read " che par multiplicamento di luce lo loro aspetto ". None of these emendations is wholly satisfactory, and it seems best consequently to print the passage with a lacuna as in the text. 2 Albertus, as will be seen below, is more precise, specifying especially coloured glass. It is rather curious that Dante should have omitted this particular comparison, as he is fond of similes connected with glass (cf. Inf. xxxiv. 12 ; Par. ii. 88-90 ; iii. 10-12 ; xx. 79-80 ; xxix. 25-26). He certainly had some knowledge of coloured glass, for he refers in the Paradiso (xx. 80) to what is known as " coated" glass (i.e., glass with a film of colour applied on one side) as distinguished from " pot-metal " (i.e., glass coloured throughout). DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 53 The passage of Albertus which he had in mind here occurs in the first book of the De InteUectu : — Per mixtionem perspicui clari in corporibus terminatis videmus quosdam colores in luminis adventu effici scintillantes et spargentes lumen ad illumina- tionem aliorum ; et aliquando si vere in toto sit perspicuum corpus coloratum, si lumen superveniat, illi colores colorant alia corpora sibi apposita, sicut videmus in vitro colorato, per quod lumen veniens secum trahit colorem vitri, et ponit eum super corpus, cui per vitrum incidit lumen. Quaedam autem sunt ita vincentia in puritate diaphani, quod adeo radiantia efriciuntur, quod vincunt harmoniam oculi, 1 et videri sine magna difficultate non possunt. Quaedam autem sunt spargentia tantum luminis et diaphani, quod vix discerni possunt visu propter parvitatem suae compositionis ex perspicuo, cujus proprius actus est lumen. (I. iii. 2.) VII Coxvivio III. 9 In this passage (11. 52-105) Dante discusses the nature of vision or eyesight, and refers to Aristotle's De Sensu et Sensibili (which he quotes as " il libro di Senso e Sensato "). His actual authority, however, appears to have been the following passage from the De Sensu et Sensato of Albertus Magnus, in which the various theories, including that of Aristotle, are discussed : — Quatuor fuerunt antiquorum opiniones de visu : quarum tres in libro De Sensu et Sensato 2 tangit Aristoteles. Quarta autem fuit sua propria opinio quam tradidit tarn in libro De Sensu et Sensato quam etiam in libro De Anima." Hae autem quatuor opiniones sic erant divisae : quod due asserebant quod videmus extramittentes radios et nihil omnino suscipientes : et nihil extramittentes. Sed duarum opinionum quae nos extramittentes videre voluerunt : una fuit Empe- doclis antiquissima ; altera Platonis quae scribitur in Titnaeo,* et explanatur a Calcidio. Et opinio quidem Empedoclis fuit haec : quod dixit visum esse ignis naturae a quo continue emittitur lumen sufhciens ad omnium visibilium discre- tionem. Cum autem ab omni luminoso egrediatur lumen ad modum pyramidis formatum, dicebat quod ab oculis egrediuntur tot pyramides quot visibilia videntur. . . . Plato autem secundum quod in Timaeo scribitur et Calcidius ex- 1 It will be noted that Dante has borrowed this phrase verbatim from Albertus. 2 Note that this is the title by which Dante also refers to Aristotle's De Sensu et Sensibili — the passage in question occurs in the second chapter of that treatise. 3 Dante also refers to this treatise in the same connection. 4 Dante, though he does not name the Timaeus here, gives prominence to Plato's opinion as expressed in that work. 54 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES planat, convenit cum Empedocle in hoc quod dixit igneum esse visum, et visionem fieri per emissionem radiorum ; sed dixit non esse lumen oculi sufficiens ad omnium pyramidum impletionem quae ad omnia visibilia diriguntur et pro- ducuntur. Sed emitti 1 dixit unum simplicem radium ex lumine oculi et ilium conjungi lumini obvianti sibi in acre et misceri ; et tunc auctum dixit posse dis- gregari in figuram pyramidalem, et tunc per adjutorium luminis exterioris ad totum hemisperium contuendum posse sufficere : et hanc causam dixit esse quare non videmus in tenebris ; quia radius egrediens ab oculo extinguitur et deficit, quoniam non invenit alium radium sui generis qui mixtus sibi adjuvet eum ad perficiendum visum ... Hi ambo [scilicet Empedocles et Plato] dixerunt quod egreditur lumen a spiritu lucido visivo qui est in anteriori parte cerebri . . . 2 Democriti quidem opinio fuit quod forma visibilis esset decursus quidam rei visibilis ad oculum ita quod quoddam materiale resolveretur a re visa et veniret ad oculum et pingeretur in oculo. . . . Aristoteles autem omnes has opiniones destruit 3 dicens visibile scilicet esse spirituale et intentionale prius effici in aere, post in oculo, et moveri speciem rei visae ad interius oculi ubi in humido crystal- lino est vis visiva 4 : et ulterius procedere per continuitatem nervi optici in spiritu deductam tandem speciem usque ad locum primi sensitivi, quod est spiritus com- munis sensus, sicut patet in libro De Anima." (Tract, i. cap. 5.) 1 Compare what Dante says: " Veramente Plato e altri filosofi dissero che '1 nostro vedere non era perche il visibile venisse all' occhio, ma perche la virtu visiva andava fuori al visibile" (11. 99-103). The passage in the Timacns in the translation of Chalcidius (in which form alone it was accessible to Dante) runs as follows : " Intimum siquidem nostri corporis ignem, utpote germanum ignis pellucidi, serem, et defaecati liquoris, per oculos fluere, ac demanare, voluerunt : ut per laeves, congestosque, et tanquam firmiore soliditate pandos orbes luminum, quorum tamen esset angusta medietas subtilior, serenus ignis per eandem efilueret medietatem. Itaque cum diurnum jubar se applicat visus fusioni, tunc nimirum incurrentia semet invicem duo similia in unius corporis speciem cohaerent : quo concurrunt oculorum acies emicantes, quoque efiluentis intimae fusionis acies contiguae imaginis occursu repercutitur." (See also Moore, Studies in Dante, i. 161-2.) 2 Compare Dante : " Lo spirito visivo, che si continua dalla pupilla alia parte del cerebro dinanzi ..." (11. 83-5). 3 Cf. Dante: " Questa opinione e riprovata per falsa dal Filosofo in quello di Senso e Sensato " (11. 103-5). 4 Cf. Dante: " Queste cose visibili, si le proprie, come le comuni, in quanto sono visibili, vengono dentro all' occhio — non dico le cose, ma le forme loro — per lo mezzo diafano, non realmente, ma intenzionalmente. . . . E nell' acqua ch' e nclla pupilla dell' occhio, questo discorso, che fa la forma visibile per lo mezzo suo, si compie ..." (11. 66-74). DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALBERTUS MAGNUS 55 VIII Quaestto de Aqua et Terra, 1 § 18 Dante here quotes Averroes 1 De Substantia Orbis for the opinion that all potential forms of matter are actually existent in the mind of the Creator : " Omnes formae, quae sunt in potentia materiae idealiter, sunt in actu in motore coeli, ut dicit commentator 2 in De Substantia Orbis" (11. 36-39). In spite of the fact that Dante cpjotes this opinion as being that of Averroes, his actual authority for it appears to have been not the De Substantia Orbis of the Arabian philosopher, but the De Natura et Origine Animae of Albertus Magnus, who attributes it to Plato. Albertus says : — Dixit Plato formas omnes ideales esse in mente divina antequam prodirent in corpora. Sicut formae ideales artificialium sunt in mente artificis antequam in materias artium traducantur. (ii. 7.) 1 The genuineness of this treatise has been much disputed, most Dantists regarding it as a forgery. The arguments in favour of its authenticity are ably stated by Dr. Moore (Studies in Dante, ii. 303-74), whose detailed examin- ation and impartial handling of the whole question make it difficult not to accept his conclusion that the treatise is a genuine work of Dante, though corrupt in its present form. 2 On this title as applied to Averroes, see above, p. 46, note 3. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO THE ELEMENT A ASTRONOMIC A OF ALFRAGANUS 1 (CHIEFLY IN THE VITA NUOVA AND OONVIVIO) 2 Our information with regard to the Arabian astronomer, Alfraganus, 3 is scanty. He was born, apparently, at Fergana in Sogdiana (now Samarcand), whence he derived the name by which he is generally known ; and flourished at the beginning of the ninth century, during the Caliphate of Ma'mun, who died in 833. His work on the elements of astronomy, which consists of thirty chapters, is based upon the principles of Ptolemy, whom he frequently quotes. It was translated from Arabic into Latin, about the year 1242 (as is supposed), by Johannes Hispalensis, under the title of Alfragani Elementa Astronom'ica 4 . This 1 Reprinted, with additions, from Romania, xxiv. 413-32. 2 Convivio, not Convito, as most modern editors write, appears to have been the original title of Dante's treatise. According to Witte [Dante Forschnngen, ii. 574-80), the form Convivio occurs in twenty-six out of about thirty known MSS. (including the six which belong to the fourteenth century) ; it also occurs in the first four printed editions (1490, 1521, 1529, 1531). The form Convito appeared for the first time in the Florentine edition of 1723, and has been adopted in nearly every subsequent edition. 3 Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Kathir, Al-Farghani. Besides his work on Astronomy he appears to have written treatises on Sundials and on the Astrolabe (see the extract from the commentary of Golius below, p. 60). 4 The popularity of this work in the Middle Ages is attested by the number of MSS. still in existence. In Oxford alone (in the Bodleian and various College Libraries) there are no less than twenty. In the British Museum, singularly enough, there is only one MS. (Arundel 377) ; and in the Cambridge University Library only three. On Johannes Hispalensis see A. Jourdain, Recherches sur les traductions latines d'Aristote, pp. 115-8. A still earlier Latin version was made in the twelfth century by Gerard of Cremona (died 1187), who also trans- lated from Arabic into Latin the Almagest of Ptolemy (see Jourdain, op. cit., PP- 121-3). (56) DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 57 version is the one which was in common use during the Middle Ages. There are five printed editions of Alfraganus' work, all of which are very rare. As these editions are little known, and we shall have frequent occasion to refer to them in the course of this article, it will be convenient to give some account of them in the first place. The earliest (A) was printed at Ferrara in 1493. It repro- duces the version of Johannes Hispalensis ; but it is evident that either a faulty MS. was made use of, or the printer was un- usually careless, for it abounds in errors, and there are several instances where words and even sentences have been omitted. The title of this edition is as follows : — Brevis ac perutilis compilatio Alfra | gani astronomorum peritissimi totum id | continens quod ad rudimenta astro | nomica est opportunum. The colophon runs : — Explicit Alfraganus | Opus preclarissimum consumatissimumque introduc- torium | in astronomiam explicit quod peritissimus Astrono | morum Alfraganus edidit. Et heremitarum hujus tem | poris decus : ac celeberrimus physicus : mathemati | cusque probatissimus mira diligentia ac magno cum la | bore emendavit. Impressum Ferrarie arte et impensa | Andree galli viri impressorie artis peritissimi. Anno | incarnationis verbi. 1493. die vero tercia septembris. The second (B) was printed at Nuremberg in 1537. Save for the addition of a preface by Melanchthon, it is practically a reprint of the Ferrara edition (A), the title of which is copied verbatim. It has a brief colophon : — Explicit Alfraganus | Norimbergae apud Ioh. Petrieum, anno sa | lutis M.D.XXXVII. The third edition (C) was printed at Paris in 1546. It is entitled : — Alfragani | Astronomorum Pe | ritissimi compendium, id omne quod ad | Astronomica rudimenta spectat comple | ctens, Ioanne Hispalensi interprete, | Nunc primum pervetusto exemplari con | sulto, multis locis castigatus redditum I . . . Parisiis. . . . M.D.XLVI. The volume concludes with a simple "Explicit Alfraganus". This edition is the first in which the name of Johannes Hispalensis is explicitly mentioned as the author of the I ,atin 58 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES version contained in it. In spite of its claim to be more correct than its predecessors, it is hv no means free from inaccuracies ; but it is certainly superior to (A) and (B) (see below, note 4, p. 69). The fourth edition (D) was printed at Frankfort in 1590. It contains an independent Latin version by J. Christmann, based upon that of Johannes Hispalensis, but corrected by means of the Hebrew version of J. Antoli, who, in his turn, corrected his translation from an Arabic MS. 1 The title of this edition is as follows : — Muhamedis | Alfragani | Arabis Chronolo | gica et Astronomica | Elementa, e Palatinae | bibliothecae veteribus libris versa, | expleta, et scholiis expolita. | Additus est Commentarius, | etc. Autore M. lacopo Christmanno . . . Franco furdi . . . MDXC. The colophon of Christm aim's edition has a special interest, for it gives an alternative title to Alfraganus' treatise, and thus affords the clue to the identification of the Elementa Astro- nom'iva of the Arabian astronomer with the Libra deW Aggre- gazione delle Stelle mentioned by Dante in the Convivlo (ii. 6, 1. 134), an identification which had escaped the commentators. This colophon runs as follows : — Explicit Alfraganus de aggregatione scientiae | stellarum, felicibus astris. This alternative title does not seem to have been in general use. It occurs in only three out of twenty MSS. at Oxford {viz., Bibl. Bodl. Savile 16 ; Digby 214; Laud 644). There is no appearance of it in the single MS. at the British Museum, nor in the three at Cambridge. 2 Christmann mentions its occur- ' Christmann prints Antoli's preface, in which he says : " Liber iste vocatur Alfraganus de nomine authoris sui, qui eum succincte depromsit ex Almagesto, sphaerarum motuumque coelestium doctrinam, juxta veterum traditionem expli- cante. Ego vero Iacobus filius Antoli transtuli ipsum [Hebraice] e libro cujusdam Christiani, eundemque correxi e codice Arabico ". Of Antoli himself Christmann says : " Fuit Arabicae et Latinae linguae peritissimus, et rerum astronomicarum scientissimus : nam ex codice Arabico Alfragani se versionem vulgatam [sc. Johannis Hispalensis] correxisse testatur. . . . Debemus illi multorum numerorum emendationem ". 2 Jourdain (Reciter cites, etc., p. 123) mentions a MS. of Alfraganus in the Bibliotheque Nationale (lat. 7,400) which has the identical title employed by Dante, viz., Liber de Aggregatiuitibits stellarum. For the information as regards DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFltAGANUS 59 rence in a MS. seen by him in the Palatine Library — apparently, to judge by his title-page, the same he made use of in his edition. If this be the case, the occurrence of this title in the colophon of the Frankfort edition is readily accounted for. In a note on the words " Liber iste vocatur Alfraganus," Christ- mann says : — Haec verba sunt interpretis Hebraei, R. Iacobi Antolii : quibus comme- morat opusculi hujus autorem esse Alfraganum, qui id ex Ptolemgi Almagesto compendiose depromtum, in gratiam studiosorum astronomiae conscripserit. Verisimile mihi videtur, ipsum a patria sua Fragana cognominatum fuisse Alfraganum : siquidem in Latina versione bibliothecae Palatinae tribuitur illi nomen proprium Ametus, hoc est Ahmed sive Muhamed 1 : ubi ita scribitur, Incipit liber de aggregationibus scientiae stellarum et principiis coelestium, quern Ametus filius Ameti dictus Alfraganus compilavit 30 capitalist In another place he adds : — Passim citat Alfraganus /u,eyd\riv erwra^iv Ptolemaei, quam vocant Almages- tum, hoc est /xtyicrrov . . . Arabice hanc isagogen scripsit, quam Iohannes His- palensis circa annum Christi 1142 3 in Latinam linguam convertit : quae versio vulgata quidem est, sed multis in locis corrupta et mutila. Longe melior et perfectior, incerti tamen authoris, exstat in bibliotheca Palatina, cujus paulo ante mentionem feci : quae translationi Hebraeae magna ex parte respondet. Ea descripta est a Friderico monacho Katisponensi . . . et absoluta anno Domini M47- The fifth edition (E) was printed at Amsterdam in 1669. It contains the Arabic text, with a Latin translation and notes by Jacobus Golius. The commentary extends as far as the ninth chapter only, as Golius died before the completion of his work, which was published posthumously. The title-page of this edition reads as follows : — the Oxford and Cambridge MSS. of Alfraganus I am indebted respectively to Mr. E. W. 13. Nicholson, Bodley's Librarian at Oxford, and to Mr. F. Jenkinson, Librarian of the Cambridge University Library. 1 See the Arabic name of Alfraganus given on p. 56, note 3. 8 This MS. evidently belongs to the same family as the three Oxford MSS. referred to above as containing the alternative title of the treatise of Alfraganus. In Digby 214 and Laud 644 the incipit runs : " Incipit Liber de aggregationibus sciencie stellarum et principiis celestium motuum quern Ametus filius Ameti qui dictus est Alfraganus compilavit 30 ta continens capitula ". In Savile 16 it runs: " Incipit liber de aggregacionibus sciencie stellarum et principiis celestium motuum admeti filii admeti qui dictus est Alfraganus". 3 Jourdain (op. cit.) takes this to be a mistake for 1242. 60 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES [Arabic title] . . . Muhammedis Fil. Ketiri | Ferganensis, | Qui vulgo | Alfraganus | dicitur, | Elementa Astronomica, | Arabice et Latine. | Cum Notis ad res exoticas sive Orientales, quae | in iis occurrunt. | Opera | Jacobi Golii. | Amstelodami . . . 1669. At the beginning of his commentary Golius gives some inter- esting details about Alfraganus, gleaned from Arabic sources : — Alferganum, ut praestantem doctrina et arte virum, celebrat Abulfergius in Scriptorum veterum et recentiorum catalogo : atque ob perspicuam puramque dictionem commendat Ibn Cafta [in Philosophorum Historia] . . . Praeter Isagogen hanc edidit noster librum . . . de Sciatericis sive Horologiis : prout ambo illi autores, et alii testantur. Alium quoque, ut Muveidinus Afer in libro de Astronomorum erratis refeit, commentarium scripsit . . . absolutum et apodicticum, de Astrolabii descriptionc et usu. Arithmeticae quoque, et calculi Astronomici solertia adeo excelluit, ut vulgo . . . Compntator cognominatus fuerit. This edition and that of Christmann (D) are undoubtedly the most accurate of the five printed editions, especially in the matter of numbers, which in the first three are often hopelessly corrupt. This treatise of Alfraganus appears to have been a favourite with Dante, and it is evident that he read it carefully, for, as will be seen, he was largely indebted to it for astronomical and other data in the Convivio and elsewhere, though only on two occasions does he acknowledge his obligations. 1 The passages in the Vita Nuova and Convivio in which he made use of it are as follows : — Vita Nuova, § 2 Speaking of the age of Beatrice at the time that he first saw her, Dante says : — Ella era gia in questa vita stata tanto, che nel suo tempo lo cielo stellato era mosso verso la parte d' oriente delle dodici parti 1' una d' un grado ; si che qua^i dal principio del suo anno nono apparve a me (11. 9-14). Alfraganus states (in a passage quoted below, see § 4), as Dante has himself recorded elsewhere (Conv. ii. 6, 11. 140-143), that the Heaven of the Fixed Stars moves from west to east 1 Conv. ii. 6, 1. 134 ; and ii. 14, 1. 95. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 61 one degree in every hundred years. As it had moved the twelfth part of one degree since the birth of Beatrice, she must have been at the time eight years and four months old (i^ - = 85), * n other words, as Dante puts it, she was in the beginning of her ninth year. II Vita Nuova, § 30 In this passage, in reference to the date of the death of Beatrice, Dante says : — Io dico che, secondo 1' usanza d' Arabia (v. I. Italia), 1' anima sua nobilissima si parti nella prima ora del nono giorno del mese ; e secondo 1' usanza di Siria, ella si parti nel nono mese dell' anno ; perche il primo mese e ivi Tisrin 1 primo, 2 il quale a noi e Ottobre (11. i-6). The fact that Dante made use of Alfraganus in this passage has a very important bearing upon the settlement of the disputed reading, Italia or Arabia, in the first line. The usual reading is Italia, but Arabia occurs in more than a dozen MSS., 3 and being the (lifpcilior lectio, is consequently almost certainly the correct one ; for, as Dr. Moore points out in a note on this question, 4 it is inconceivable that a scribe should have substi- tuted Arabia for Italia, had the latter been the original reading, whereas, on the contrary, the substitution of Italia for Arabia, the intelligible for the unintelligible (for the point of the reading Arabia is at first sight by no means obvious), would be natural enough. In order that the arguments in favour of the reading Arabia 1 Several editors read Tismin, but there can be no doubt about the correct reading, Tisrin exactly representing the Tixryn of Alfraganus (see quotation below). 2 The Oxford text, following Witte, omits primo after Tisrin; but Tisrin primo is the reading of the best MSS. (see the apparatus criticus of Beck's edition, p. 86), and is obviously right, as representing the Tixryn prior of Alfra- ganus (see quotation below). The omission of primo in many of the MSS. is no doubt due to the occurrence of the same word immediately before. 3 See Beck, loc. fit. 4 See Academy, ist Dec, 1894; and Bullcttino delta Soc. Dant. Ital. N.S. ii. 57-8- 62 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES may be clearly understood, it is necessary first to quote the passage from the Elementa Astronomica utilised by Dante. In his opening chapter Alfraganus says : — - Dies Arabum, quibus dinumerantur menses, sunt dies septem : quorum primus est dies Solis, initium capiens ab occasu Solis die Sabbati ; finem vero ab ejusdem occasu, die Solis. Quo modo etiam reliqui sese dies habent. Auspicantur enim Arabes diem quemque cum sua nocte, id est civilem, ab eo rr.omento, quo Sol occidit : propterea quod dies cujusque mensis apud illos ineunt a prima Lunae visione ; ea autem contingit circa occasum Solis. Sed apud Romanos, et alios, qui non instituunt suos menses ad Lunae phasim, dies nocti praemittitur, et dies quisque civilis incipit ab exortu Solis, et ad exortum ejus sequentem finitur. Menses vero Syrorum sunt, i. Tixryn prior ... 2. Tixryn posterior . . . 3. Canon prior ... 4. Canon posterior ... 5. Xubdt ... 6. Addr . . . 7. Nisdn ... 8. Eijdr ... 9. Hazirdn ... 10. Tamuz ... 11. Ab . . . 12. Eilul . . . Menses Romanorum numero dierum conveniunt cum mensibus Syrorum. Et quidem primus illorum mensis Januarius est horum Canon posterior ; ita conveniunt, 2. Februarius, et Xubdt; 3. Martins, et Addr; 4. Aprilis, et Nisdn; 5. Majus, et Eijdr ; 6. Junius, et Hazirdn ; 7. Julius, et Tamuz ; 8. Augustus, et Ab ; 9. September, et Eilul ; 10. October, et Tixryn prior; 11. November, et Tixryn posterior : 12. December, et Canon prior. 1 It is obviously Dante's aim in this thirtieth chapter of the Vita Nuova to prove that the number nine is intimately con- nected with the day, month, and year of Beatrice's death. Of the year he says : — Secondo 1' usanza nostra, elle si parti in quello anno della nostra indizione, cioe degli anni Domini, in cui il perfetto numero 2 nove volte era compiuto in quel centinaio, nel quale in questo mondo ella fu posta : ed ella fu de' Cristiani del terzodecimo centinaio (11. 7-13). This is simple enough; the perfect number ten was com- pleted for the ninth time in the thirteenth century in the year 1290. Next comes the question of the month. In order to bring in 1 From E. 2 On the "perfect number" (i.e., ten), cf. Par. xxvii. 117; and Conv. ii. 15, 11. 30-34 : " Conciossiacosache dal dieci in su non si vada se non esso dieci alterando cogli altri nove e con se stesso, e la piu bella alterazione che esso riceva si e la sua di se medesimo ". This notion as to ten being the perfect number appears to have been derived from Macrobius, who in his Comm. in Somn. Scipionis (i. 6, § 76) says : " Decas . . . perfectissimus numerus est." DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 63 the number nine in this case Dante has recourse to the Syrian calendar, in which, as he learned from the above-quoted passage of Alfraganus, the first month, called Tixryn prior, corresponds to our October. Beatrice, he says, died in the ninth month according to the Syrian usage, which, as Alfraganus tells him, corresponds to our sixth month, namely June. The difficulty, therefore, as to Beatrice having died in June, the sixth month according to our reckoning, is got over by saying that she died in the ninth month according to the Syrian reckoning. Lastly we come to the question of the day of the month. Those who read Italia in the sentence : " secondo 1' usanza d 1 Italia 1' anima sua nobilissima si parti nella prima ora del nono giorno del mese," have no alternative, of course, but to accept Dante's statement literally that Beatrice died on the ninth of the month. Consequently the date of Beatrice's death has been commonly received as 9th June, 1290. Dr. Moore, however, very justly remarks that, if the reading Italia be accepted, there is no point in the antithesis between /' usanza cP Italia (with regard to the day) and V usanza nostra (with regard to the year), since the Italian usage and what Dante calls " our usage " would of course be one and the same thing. He therefore maintains, and there can hardly be a doubt that he is right, that the correct reading is not Italia, but Arabia, which has the support of at least thirteen MSS., and, as the difficilior lectio, is, as we remarked above, in any case to be preferred. The state- ment, then, we have to deal with is that, " according to the Arabian usage, Beatrice died in the first hour of the ninth day of the month ". Now Alfraganus explains, in the passage we have quoted, that according to the Arabian usage the day begins, not at sunrise, as with the Romans and others, but at sunset. If, then, Dante, in order to get the required connection between the number nine and the day of the month on which Beatrice died, was obliged to have recourse to the Arabian usage, in the same way that he fell back upon the Syrian usage in the case of the month itself, we are forced to the conclusion, as Dr. Moore acutely observes, that the actual date of Beatrice's death was not, as is commonly supposed, the ninth of the 64 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES month, but the evening of the eighth, which according to the Arabian reckoning would be the beginning of the ninth day. From this conclusion, which it is difficult not to accept, Dr. Moore ingeniously derives a new argument in favour of the reality of Beatrice and of the incidents related in connection with her. Unless, he says, her death actually occurred on 8th June, unless Dante were hampered by actual facts, why should he have chosen so awkward a date, and one which required such far-fetched ingenuity in order to yield the allegorical significance desired ? The new light thus unexpectedly thrown on this passage of the Vita Nuova by the help of Alfraganus is highly interesting and important. In the first place we are enabled confidently to restore Arabia to the text in place of the meaningless Italia, whereby we get the perfectly natural sequence of antitheses between F usanza d' Arabia, V usanza di Siria, and T usanza nostra. In the second place, we can, with almost equal certainty, substitute 8th June for 9th June as the actual date of the death of Beatrice. Ill Convivio II. 4 In this chapter of the Convivio, speaking of the " poles " and " equator " of the various heavens, Dante savs : — E da sapere che ciascuno cielo, di sotto del Cristallino, ha due poli fermi, quanto a se . . , e ciascuno, si lo nono come gli altri, hanno un cerchio, che si puote chiamare Equatore del suo cielo proprio ; il quale egualmente in cias- cuna parte della sua revoluzione e rimoto dall' uno polo e dall' altro . . . E cias- cuna parte, quant' ella e piu presso ad esso \sc. lo cerchio equatore], tanto piu rattamente si muove ; quanto piu e rimota e piu presso al polo, piu e tarda ; perocche la sua revoluzione e minore, e conviene essere in uno medesimo tempo di necessitade colla maggiore (11. 48-68). This appears to have been taken from Alfraganus, who, in his second chapter, says : — Haud controversia inter sapientes est, quin coelum figura sit spherica, et cum omnibus stellis convertatur circulari motu, super duobus polis, fixis ac immotis : quorum alter in plaga boreali consistit, alter in australi. . . . Rotun- ditas quoque coeli evidens maxime indicium, firmumque argumentum praebent DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 65 conversiones illorum siderum, quae in tractibus borealibus perpetuo supra terram apparent. . . . Eae namque stellae ambiunt circulis aeque ab invicem dissitis : ut quae vertuntur omnes circa idem punctum. Et quae ex iis puncto huic est vicinior, minorem conficit circulum, motusque ejus apparet lentior. Quae vero longius recedit, circulum describit, qui vicinioris circulo major est ; et in quo motus cernitur velocior, pro ipsius magnitudine, et distantia ab illo puncto. 1 IV Convivio II. 6 In this passage, in which he mentions the Liber de Aggrega- tiomhus Stellarum — another name, as I have shown above, for the Elementa Astronomica of Alfraganus — Dante is discussing the motions of the Heavens a propos of the Heaven of Venus. He says : — Li quali [movimenti dei cieli], secondoche nel Libro delV aggregazione delle stelle epilogato si trova, dalla migliore dimostrazione degli astrologi sono tre : uno, secondoche la Stella si muove per lo suo epiciclo ; 1' altro, secondoche lo epiciclo si muove con tutto il cielo ugualmente con quello del Sole ; il terzo, secondoche tutto quel cielo si muove, seguendo il movimento della Stellata Spera, da Occidente in Oriente, in cento anni uno grado 2 (11. 133-143). Alfraganus says : — Moventur quoque sphaerae horum planetarum 3 per gradum unum quibus- libet centum annis, juxta motum stellarum fixarum. 4 Ex his omnibus paret, quod motus qui apparet in zodiaco, hisce 4 planetis, excepto mercurio, 6 com- positus sit ex tribus motibus tantum, videlicet ex motu planetae in epicyclo, ex motu centri epicycli in eccentrico, et ex motu communi omnium stellarum fixarum. 6 1 From E. 2 Cf. the passage from the Vita Nuova, quoted above under § 1 (p. 60). 3 The four planets, Venus, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars. 4 In the previous chapter (cap. 16) Alfraganus says : " Sphaera stellarum fixarum movetur ab occidente in orientem, et rapit secum septem planetarum orbes, super duobus polis zodiaci, ut annis centum gradum unum promoveatur, secundum observationem Ptolemaei " (£>). 5 Mercury, as had been previously explained, has four motions. 6 From D, cap. 17. The same passage is rendered as follows in E : " Omnium vero horum siderum sphaerae centesimo quoque anno peragunt partem unam : quae est stellarum fixarum conversio. Constat igitur motum, quern siderum horum quattuor singula, Mercurio nempe excepto, in zodiaco exhibent, conflari ex motibus duntaxat tribus : motu sideris in epicyclo ; motu centri epicycli in eccentrico ; et motu sphaerae totius, stellarum fixarum motum aequante " (cap. 14). 5 66 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES Coxvivio II. 7 Dante here states that the planet Venus, when nearest to the Earth, is distant 167 times the half-diameter of the Earth, which he puts at 15,250 miles. The least distance of Venus from the Earth, therefore, is 3,250 x 167 = 542,750 miles. This planet, he says, e di tanta virtute, che nelle nostre anime e nell' altre nostre cose ha gran- dissima podesta, non ostante che ella ci sia lontana, qualvolta pin ci e presso, cento sessanta sette volte tanto, quanto e fin al mezzo della terra, che ci ha di spazio tremila dugento cinquanta miglia ' (11. 100-108). These data are taken direct from Alfrasranus. Having- given the circumference of the earth as 20,400 miles, he continues : — Cum divisa fuerit rotunditas terrae, per tertiam et septimam partem unius teniae, erit quod collectum fuerit quantitas diametri terrae, quae sunt sex millia et quingenta milliaria. 2 This gives us the half-diameter of the Earth as 3,250 miles. The least distance of Venus from the Earth, which he says is the same as the greatest distance of Mercury, he gives in an- other place as follows : — Longissima Mercurii a terra distantia, quae Veneris est proxima, complec- titur partes, terrae semi-diametro aequales, centum sexaginta septem ; quae sunt milliaria 542, 750. 3 • VI Coxvivio II. 14 In this chapter Dante has horrowed several items of informa- tion from Alfraganus. 1. In a comparison between the Heaven of Mercury and 1 Dante elsewhere (Conv. ii. 14, 11. 97-8 ; iv. 8, 11. 59-60) states the whole diameter of the Earth to be 6,500 miles. 2 From C, Diff. 8. In A and B the exact number of miles is added : " erit quod collectum fuerit quantitas dyainetri terre que sunt .6. millia et quingenta milliaria fere videlicet .6,491. milliaria " (^4). The precise number, of course, is 6,490 if miles. The passage in E runs: " Quodsi totus ille ambitus [terrae] dividatur per 3J, dabit quotus terrae diametrum, nempe 6 millium et fere quingentorum milliarium " (cap. 8). 8 From E, cap. 21. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 67 Dialectics lie gives the dimensions of the planet, referring to Alfraganus, whom he nowhere else names, as his authority: — Mercurio e la piu piccola Stella del cielo ; che la quantita del suo diametro non e piu che di dugento trentadue miglia, secondoche pone Alfragano, che dice quello essere delle vent' otto parti 1' una del diametro della terra, lo qual e sei mila cinquecento miglia (11. 92-98). We are here told that the diameter of the planet Mercury is not more than 232 miles, according to the calculation of Alfraganus, who puts it at a twenty-eighth part of the diameter of the Earth, the latter being 6,500 miles, as we have already seen. 1 The precise number would be ^f^ = 232i. The statement of the Arabian astronomer is as follows : — De quantitabus stellarum juxta terrae dimensioin.ni. . . . Quantitates vero diametrorum illarum ad diametrum terrae ita se habent : diameter corporis Mercurii est vigesima octava pars diametri terrae. 2 2. In comparing the Heaven of Saturn with Astrology Dante says : — II cielo di Saturno ha due proprietadi, per le quali si puo comparare all' Astrologia : 1' una si e la tardezza del suo movimento per li dodici segni ; che ventinove anni e piu, secondo le scritture degli astrologi, vuole di tempo lo suo cerchio : 1' altra si e, che esso e alto sopra tutti gli altri pianeti (11. 224-231). Alfraganus puts the zodiacal period of Saturn at twenty-nine years, five months, and about six days : — Saturnus in eccentrico revolvitur 29 annis, 5 mensibus, et 15 diebus: sed in zodiaco periodus ejus minor est 9 fere diebus." 1 See above, § 5, p. 66, note 2. 2 From D, cap. 24 This edition alone of the five printed editions of the Elementa Astronomica gives the diameter of Mercury as the twenty -eighth part of the diameter of the Earth, in agreement with what Dante says. A and B say : " dyameter corporis Mercurii est una pars ex 20 partibus dyametri terre". C says: "diameter corporis Mercurii est una pars ex decern partibus diametri terrae". E says: "diameter corporis Mercurii habet partem unam ex diametri terrae partibus 18 ". Four MSS. which I examined give the number 2S in agreement with D. These are Brit. Mus. Arundel 377 ("una pars ex XXVIII partibus"); Bibl. Bodl. Laud 644 (" XXVIII* pars"); Bibl. Bodl. Savilc 16 ("una pars ex 28 partibus"); Bibl. Bodl. Digby 215 (" diametrus corporis Mercurii est XXVIII partes diametri terre!"). " From D, cap. 20. E says (cap. 17) : " Saturnus in eccentrico quidem [peragrando haeret] annis 2g, mensibus 5, diebus 15 ; in zodiaco autem hoc tempore minus diebus 7 ". The other editions are in agreement with D. 68 DANTE STUDIES AND RESEARCHES The statement as to Saturn being higher than all the other planets refers, of course, to the order assigned in the Ptolemaic system to the seven planets, in which Saturn comes seventh or highest. 1 VII Convivio II. 15 In this chapter also Dante has freely borrowed from Alfra- ganus. 1. Speaking of the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, he says it has two movements ; one, easily perceptible, from east to west ; another, almost imperceptible, from west to east ; it has also two poles, one of which is visible, the other hidden : — II Cielo Stellato . . . mostraci 1' uno de' poli, e 1' altro ci tiene ascoso : e mostraci un solo movimento da Oriente in Occidente [nel quale ogni di si rivolve 2 ], e un altro, che fa da Occidente a Oriente [per un grado in cento anni], quasi ci tiene ascoso (11. 10-14). The two celestial Poles are described by Alfraganus in his second chapter : — Coelum . . . cum omnibus stellis convertitur circulari motu, super duobus polis, fixis et immotis: quorum alter in plaga boreali consistit, alter in australi. 3 Of the two celestial motions he says : — Dico itaque duos in coelo observari principales motus : quorum primus totum versat coelum, facitque noctem et diem. Is namque circumagit Solem, et Lunam, omnesque Stellas reliquas ab oriente in occidentem, una. quotidie conversione. . . . Motus autem secundus is est, quo Solem et Stellas versari cernimus ab occidente in orientem, in partes primo motui contrarias. 4 The nature of this second motion he explains elsewhere in speaking of the Heaven of the Fixed Stars : — 1 Cf. Alfraganus : " Orbium minima, quae terrae proxima, Lunae est ; secunda Mercurii ; tertia Veneris ; quarta Solis ; quinta Martis ; sexta Jovis ; septima Saturni " (E, cap. 12). 2 The passages enclosed in square brackets occur later on in the chapter (11. 97, 104), where Dante explains the nature of the two movements. They are inserted here, as it is convenient to have the whole account in one paragraph. 3 From E. The visible Pole, of course, is the one in the northern region of the sky ; the invisible, that in the southern region. 4 From E, cap. 5. DANTE'S OBLIGATIONS TO ALFRAGANUS 69 Stellarum fixarum sphaera . . . cujus motus . . . est universis stellis erran- tibus communis . . . ab occidente gyratur in orientem super zodiaci polis, centenis quibusque annis, ut Ptolemaei est sententia, per spatium unius gradus. Eodem motu una convertuntur septem planetarum sphaerae ; ita ut . . . totum zodiacum percurrant annis 36,000.' 2. Dante next refers to the number of the Fixed Stars : — Dico ch' il Cielo Stellato ci mostra molte stelle ; che, secondoche li savi d' Egitto hanno veduto, infino all' ultima Stella che appare loro in meridie, mille ventidue corpora di stelle pongono (11. 18-22). He here in part copies Alfraganus almost verbatim ; the latter says : — Dicamus quod sapientes a probaverunt universas Stellas, quarum possibilis eis fuerit probatio eis {sic) per instrumenta usque ad ultimum quod apparuerit eis, ex parte meridiei in climate tertio, et diviserunt quantitates eorum in magni- tudine, per sex divisiones luminosas. . . . Feruntque ex eis in magnitudine prima 15 stellae, in secunda 45, et in tertia 208, et in quarta 474, et in quinta 217, et in sexta 49" . . . erunt quae praeceptae sunt his probationibus 1,022 stellarum, praeter planetas ; ex quibus sunt in parte septentrionali a circulo signorum, stellae 360; et sunt ex eis in imaginibus signorum 346 stellae; et sunt ex eis in parte meridiei a circulo signorum 316. 4 8. Returning to the question of the two motions of the Heaven of the Fixed Stars, Dante says of the second of them (viz., the almost insensible movement that the Heaven makes of one degree from west to east in a hundred years), that from 1 From E, cap. 13. 2 For sapientes Dante says savi