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 Constitution and 
 
 Socialism 
 
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 Concealed History of Revolutionary Period 
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 1911 
 
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United States 
 
 Constitution and 
 
 Socialism 
 
 by 
 
 SILAS HOOD c \.t,V\etv^~ 
 
 Author of "REVOLUTION" 
 "PLUTOCRACY", Etc. 
 
 Brief History of the "Patriotic" Achievements 
 of Our Fore Fathers 
 
 Statesmen of the Twentieth Century are not 
 
 wise enough to frame a Constitution 
 
 for the People of the Twenty 
 
 First Century 
 
 Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Statesmen 
 
 formed a Constitution for their great, 
 
 great, great grandchildren 
 
 MILWAUKEE 
 
 SOCIAL-DEMOCROT1C PUBLISHING CO, 
 
 SIXTH AND CHESTNUT STS. 
 
 1911 
 
 COPYRIGHT 1911 
 By HENRY T. JONES 
 
C.T/2JS little volume is dedicated to 
 the memory of the working class of 
 the revolutionary period of 1776 who 
 fought, bled and died to obtain free- 
 dom, but who, after their unselfish 
 sacrifice, were robbed of the fruits of 
 their struggle robbed by the cunning 
 conspiracy of an exploiting master 
 class of the heritage that should have 
 been theirs. 
 
"The world has never had a good 
 definition of the word liberty, and 
 the American people are just now 
 in want of one." 
 
 -^Abraham Lincoln in 1864 
 
 The time is not only ripe for a 
 a change, it i> rotten ripe 
 
 225907, 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 In this brief history of the recital of historical events, 
 which preceded and followed the adoption of the Constitution 
 of the United States, it is not the purpose of the writer to 
 attempt to destroy any of the patriotic spirit of which every 
 true American should be proud to boast. On the contrary, it 
 is the purpose of the writer to stimulate patriotism real 
 patriotism. 
 
 We have listened long 1 and patiently to the "patriotic 
 sentiments" expressed by our Fourth of July orators, who in 
 the same breath have showered so much eloquent praise upon 
 the "glorious provisions of the United States Constitution." 
 We have heard the beautiful song so many times, and we have 
 been taught so much in our public school' histories of the ex- 
 alted purpose of our revolutionary forefathers that it has 
 seemed almost like sacrilege to even hint at a word of criticism 
 regarding their work. 
 
 But a careful search of the pages of history shows that we 
 have been worshiping false gods and institutions. 
 
 There is nothing more terrible than the truth, and at the 
 same time there is nothing more beautiful than the truth, and 
 the truth herein is told, notwithstanding the fact that some of 
 our "revolutionary heroes," whom we have long been taught to 
 revere, are stripped of some of the halo that surrounds them. 
 
 There were tens of thousands of real heroes engaged in 
 that heroic struggle of revolutionary days, but the bourgeois 
 historians have failed to recognize the great part those heroes 
 played in the battles for freedom, and have showered praise 
 where it did not belong. 
 
 And there are just as many patriots real patriots in 
 proportion to the population, here today as there were in those 
 revolutionary days. And these revolutionists will arise in the 
 near future will -go to the ballot box and overthrow a com- 
 bination of capitalist rulers wlio are more arrogant and more 
 oppressive today than King George III ever dared to be. 
 And the result of this revolution will be decisive and sure, 
 for the working class cannot longer be deprived of its own. 
 The Socialists are both hopeful and defiant. Tlje-, &*teej}e- 
 longs to us. and if bfT^gs * n 11g bernns^ it IF nyftt thritjj 
 _should belong to us. SILAS 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 PATRIOTIC CONSPIRACY. 
 
 For more than a century the people of America have been 
 taught to have reverence for the Constitution of the United 
 States and to revere the memory and applaud the acts of the 
 men who made possible the laws under which we are now 
 living 1 . 
 
 It is the purpose of the writer to show that a careful 
 examination of thehistorical data, that can be found in hundreds 
 of public libraries of the nation, will prove that the famous 
 constitutional convention held in Philadelphia in 1787, instead 
 of being a gathering that was called to accomplish something 
 that would result to the advantage of the people as a whole, 
 was dominated and controlled by the commercial buccaneers, 
 such as exist today in the shape of such persons as J. Pierpont 
 Morgan, August Belmont, Andrew Carnegie, Victor Lawson, 
 Theodore Roosevelt, Charles Pfister, H. G. Otis, Whitelaw 
 Reid, Ogden Armour, J. D. Rockefeller, J. J. Hill, Henry 
 Frick, the Guggenheim brothers and other prominent citizens 
 who regard the workingman solely as a source of profit. 
 
 It is also the purpose of the writer to show by undisputed 
 records of history that the majority of "the great patriotic 
 forefathers" were not patriots at all and that they at all times 
 represented the interests of the "well born," the commercial, 
 and the landed interests of the states. 
 
 The constitutional convention was the result of a con- 
 spiracy of the monied interests of the nation to build up a 
 strong central government so that the rights of property would 
 be more than these capitalist exploiters found them to be under 
 the old articles of confederation. 
 
 Thirty-nine names of "revolutionary patriots" were signed 
 to the sacred document when it was forwarded to the various 
 legislatures to ratify, and not one of these men had any more 
 authority to frame the document as they did than the National 
 Civic Federation has to say whether miners or mill workers in 
 1911 shall wear rubber boots, moccasins or go bare-footed. 
 
The delegates were the selection of the rich and the members 
 were exclusively of the aristocratic class and were made up of 
 lawyers whose clients were the wealthy slave holders, owners 
 of large landed estates, rich merchants and money lenders. 
 
 Not one representative of the working class was among 
 the number of conspirators, and when Patrick Henry was 
 selected as a delegate from Virginia he declined to go, saying 
 that it was plainly the purpose of those fostering the idea to 
 attempt to deprive the people of what little rights they had 
 been able to secure under the articles of confederation. After 
 the constitution was made public Henry denounced it as 
 "pernicious" and declared that its provisions meant the in- 
 auguration of an impolitic and dangerous system. Under it, 
 he said, neither the rights of conscience, liberty of the press, 
 nor trial by a jury would be secure. "An aristocracy of the 
 rich and Veil-born' will spring up under it and trample on the 
 masses," he said. And history proves that Patrick Henry was 
 right. The poverty, unemployed, low wages and "charity" of 
 today is evidence that the constitution has not protected the 
 masses. 
 
 CONTEMPT FOR INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 The delegates had been empowered to revise the old 
 articles of confederation or to make amendments to the pro- 
 visions of that document, but the instructions were ignored 
 and as one historian expresses it, were consigned to the waste- 
 basket. 
 
 The first thing the delegates decided (and there were less 
 than thirty of the gentlemen present on this occasion) was that 
 the vulgar public was to be excluded and that none of the pro- 
 ceedings of the gathering was ever to be made known. Every 
 member was sworn to secrecy and how well the conspirators 
 kept the oath is understood when it is known that James Madi- 
 son, fourth president of the United States, and last survivor of 
 the delegates, was in his grave before the proceedings of that 
 remarkable gathering were known. In his "Journal of the 
 Constitutional Convention," found in every well equipped 
 public library, we learn of the contempt with which the work- 
 ing class was regarded by our patriotic forefathers, and instead 
 of the report of the proceedings revealing the men in the light 
 of venerable statesmen we see that their purpose solely was to 
 
establish a government that would permit the building up of a 
 commercial aristocracy and an unlimited number of wage- 
 earners, renters and subservient workers. 
 
 Madison's journal contains about 100,000 words of the 
 debates and proceedings of the four months of the secret 
 gatherings, and in all that mass of data there is not a single 
 allusion to the rights of the working class or what would 
 happen to the toilers when they became more numerous than 
 the jobs. The patriots realized that this condition would arise 
 'in the near future and they gloried in such a situation, as they 
 said it would put an end to troublesome black slavery, because 
 the white wage-earners of Europe, who would be induced to 
 come to this country by the glorious vision of freedom, would 
 be only too glad to work for less wages than was at that time 
 required to care for the chattel slave. What was to become of 
 the black men in the event of such a contingency was not once 
 considered not even by Benjamin Franklin, who was the only 
 delegate who raised his voice in the interest of the masses at 
 any time during the convention proceedings. 
 
 Washington, according to the journal, once did express 
 the wisdom of doing something for the great majority of the 
 disinherited, but as he was a slave-holder and a possessor of 
 large landed estates, he did not press the claim. He, too, had 
 had his training on the battle-field. For a time he was opposed 
 to the holding of the convention. At first he declined to be 
 present at the gathering and had decided not to participate in 
 the proceedings. But the commercial conspirators, realizing 
 the hold that Washington had on the affections of the people 
 persuaded him to accept. They insisted that it was a duty he 
 owed his country and he reluctantly consented. 
 
 And when the representatives of the monied interests got 
 him there they selected him as the presiding officer, and in this 
 position he apparently found small opportunity to raise his 
 voice as an advisor. 
 
 AN EXECUTIVE FOR LIFE. 
 
 Among the first of the plans to be considered was one 
 providing for the appointment of a chief executive of the 
 United States by the votes of the various legislatures, already 
 controlled by the interests, for a life term. A motion to amend 
 so as to provide for the election of a president by the people 
 
direct was defeated by a vote of nine to one, even the state 
 represented by Washington being 1 opposed to any such power 
 as that being delegated to the people. 
 
 One of the chief concerns of the delegates was that some- 
 thing should be done to check rebellions in the various states. 
 A strong central government was needed, it was urged, to pre- 
 vent further outbreaks similar to Shay's rebellion in New Eng- 
 land. There the conditions had become so intolerable that the 
 people had rebelled. When the soldiers of the continental army 
 returned to their homes the men who had fought the battles 
 and had endured the hardships of the seemingly hopeless cam- 
 paign they found that the patriotic money lender that type 
 of men whose interests were now well represented in the con- 
 vention had been particularly busy and they were hopelessly 
 in debt. And when they could not pay these debts promptly 
 they were robbed of their homes by legal proceedings and 
 thousands of them found themselves in debtors' prisons. 
 
 For more than fifty years after the declaration of inde- 
 pendence the debtors' prison was an ulcer that the patriotic 
 forefathers had not deemed it advisable to consign to oblivion, 
 and in 1826, years after Washington had been in his grave, 
 there were hundreds of prisons where deeds of cruelty were 
 done that were worse than those which called for a just cry 
 of horror regarding the treatment of victims who had suffered 
 and died in the prison dens of the British ships and hulks. 
 One den in Connecticut was known as the Newgate prison. 
 It was an abandoned copper mine in the hills near Granby. 
 There from 30 to 100 culprits, owing from 50 cents to $50 
 were confined, their feet being made fast to iron bars and their 
 necks chained to the beams in the underground black hole. 
 The darkness was intense, the caves reeked with filth; vermin 
 abounded and the victims were in worse physical condition 
 than the sufferers of Anderson prison. In the dampness and 
 filth their clothes rotted on their bodies ; sores made by the 
 chains became putrid and foul smelling, and the helpless in- 
 mates died of gangrene. And some of the men in those dens 
 had carried muskets in the war of the revolution. Even in 
 Philadelphia at the very time the patriots were drawing up the 
 constitution there were debtors' jails where the exploited were 
 further enslaved by the ruling commercial class. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 POWERFUL EXECUTIVES FIRST CONSIDERED. 
 
 Immediately after the members of the constitutional con- 
 vention had decided upon the rules of procedure, had sworn 
 every member to secrecy and had decided that the newspapers 
 would not be permitted to print the proceeding's of the gather- 
 ing, they proceeded to accomplish the business for which they 
 had been selected by the moneyed interests of the nation. 
 
 Mr. Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, had already prepared 
 articles and this document no doubt had had the approval of 
 the J. P. Morgans of that day. The first thing the delegates 
 decided upon was the necessity of a strong chief executive. 
 Congress, under the articles of confederation, Mr. Randolph 
 pointed out, could not check rebellion in any state, and national 
 laws were necessary so that any aggregation of agitators who 
 protested against the oppression of the ruling classes could be 
 crushed by the national authority with an iron heel. 
 
 With this end in view it was decided that it was necessary 
 to have a rich man for the office of chief executive, and that his 
 wealth should not be less than $100,000. It was also proposed 
 to pay him a large salary. This Mr. Franklin objected to, he 
 claiming that the chief executive being a rich man should 
 serve without pay. It was also proposed that members of con- 
 ^ress should be men with property otialifications men possess- 
 ing less than $=;o,ooo not being eligible. When the conspira- 
 tors decided that anv such Qualifications as this might make a 
 bad impression with an already dissatisfied people it was 
 further decided that the property interests of the nation could 
 be protected by the members of the upper house who would 
 be men of wealth and would alwavs be a check upon any 
 probable liberal attitude of the lower house. How well the 
 patriots planned, for todav! We have a millionaire club in the 
 United States senate, and if the representatives elected by the 
 people should make a mistake and pass anv bill in the real in- 
 terest of the people the American house of lords defeats the 
 measure and the people have no redress, as the senators are not 
 within the reach of the people on election day. 
 
 HAMILTON THE CHIEF CONSPIRATOR. 
 
 Alexander Hamilton was the chief representative of the 
 aristocracy and the ruling master class at the convention. 
 
Hamilton was the principal legal advisor of the moneyed in- 
 terests of New York and Philadelphia. He was the EHhu 
 Root of that period. There was nothing too oppressive for 
 the working class according to his view of the situation. The 
 wealthy were the only ones to be considered and there should 
 be a standing army, well paid, that could be depended upon 
 to prevent uprisings among the discontented at home. Foreign 
 foes were not feared. It was feared that the people might 
 insist upon some rights. Therefore Hamilton was in favor of 
 appointing United States senators for life and also the chief 
 executive and the supreme court judges. The English model, 
 he said, was the only good one on the subject. He saw evils 
 in the states which must soon cure the people of their fond- 
 ness of democracy. And the patriotic forefathers listened to 
 that kind of talk from one of their own kind, without a protest 
 with the exception of the aged and feeble Dr. Franklin, who 
 later urged that some concessions be made in the interests of 
 the common people. 
 
 BRITISH PLAN FAVORED. 
 
 Hamilton said he had no scruples in declaring, "sup- 
 ported as he was by the opinions of the wise and good," so 
 long as the mob on the outside could not hear him and that 
 they would not know of his candid opinion of the employed 
 class, that the British government was the best in the world 
 and he doubted if anything short of it would do in America. 
 Hamilton acknowledged himself not to think favorably of re- 
 publican government and he urged on the convention to "tone 
 their government as high as possible." He said that nothing 
 like an equality of property existed and that inequality of 
 property would exist so long as liberty existed, and that it 
 would unavoidably result from that very liberty itself. 
 
 That sounds like sound plutocratic logic. No wonder the 
 banker Republicans of Chicago and the financial and steel in- 
 terests of Pittsburg have their Hamilton clubs. A magnificent 
 preceptor was Hamilton for these haters of republicanism to 
 pattern after. 
 
 It is also to be regretted that Patrick Henrv, a product of 
 the working class, had not undertaken the task his constituents 
 had urged of attending the convention and have raised his 
 voice in righteous protest against the conspiracy that was to 
 be successful in iwpinz out the sacred promises as guaranteed 
 in the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 10 
 
The farm laborers, mechanics, laborers, and all others of 
 the working class, when their services were needed to fight for 
 the success of the revolution, were liberally supplied with copies 
 of the Declaration of Independence and when they read the 
 radical announcement that the new government would recog- 
 nize the fundamental truth that all men are created equal and 
 endowed with certain inalienable rights and that all govern- 
 ments should derive their just powers from the consent of the 
 governed, they believed they had something worth fighting for 
 and they deserted their plows, left their families to shift for 
 themselves and went forth like the real patriots they were and 
 fought the revolution to a successful conclusion. 
 
 REAL PATRIOTS IGNORED. 
 
 And when these real patriots, who had been denied the 
 privilege of anything like a liberal education, returned to their 
 homes to renew the struggle for existence, they left the new 
 arrangement of government to the men who had subscribed to 
 the Declaration of Independence, naturally expecting that the 
 class which had fought, suffered, bled and died for the cause of 
 liberty would receive the consideration that was their due. 
 But not one piece of legislation was inaugurated in behalf of 
 the rank and file of the army of the revolution the working 
 class. The manufacturers' societies organizations that were 
 known by that name in Philadelphia and New York pro- 
 ceeded to get busy in the interest of trade, and as a result 
 debtors' prisons flourished as brazenly under the rule of the 
 wealthv forefathers as they did under British oppression. And 
 it was these manufacturers' societies that started the plan for 
 a constitutional convention that would devise a form of gov- 
 ernment that would give the wealthy better protection over the 
 property which they had not accumulated by honorable labor. 
 
 Washington, a careful search of the records shows, was 
 in 1776 accused of stealing 30,000 acres of land in the Ohio 
 valley from the British government when he was employed as 
 a survevor, and at the breaking out of the revolution he was 
 being investigated under the "Quebec act," and the disclosures 
 at the investigation might have resulted in a criminal prosecu- 
 tion. So there may have been other reasons besides patriotism 
 that influenced Washington in throwing his influence with the 
 rebels. 
 
 ii 
 
TEA PARTY FRAUD. 
 
 One-fourth of the signers of the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence were merchants or ship masters, and in some way were 
 connected with the profitable business of smuggling. John 
 Hancock, the delegate who has the most prominent place on 
 that famous document, was known as the prince of the 
 smuggling crew. The tea that was thrown into Boston harbor 
 and of which patriotic act our school books speak so glowingly, 
 was not thrown overboard because it was taxed, but it was 
 thrown into the sea because the tax on the tea had been re- 
 moved. The East India Tea Company found it could not 
 do business in competition with the Hancock gang of 
 smugglers and it petitioned England to remove the tax. This 
 was done and the people of the colonies were about to reap 
 the benefits of cheap tea. But Hancock and his criminal as- 
 sociates saw at once that as soon as the tax was removed from 
 the tea that their business would be ruined and like the patri- 
 otic protectionists of today in our congress they objected to the 
 plan that would prevent them from robbing the people by sell- 
 ing them tea for 30, 40 and 50 cents a pound that cost them 
 15 and 20 cents a pound in Holland. (These figures are not in- 
 tended to be accurate. They represent the profits of the 
 smugglers as accurately as we can give them). The tax that 
 the British government demanded had the same effect as our 
 protective tariffs do today. As long as the tax remained, 
 Hancock and his brother smugglers could do a profitable 
 business. 
 
 But when the tax was removed or the protective tariff was 
 no longer in force, then Hancock & Co. could no longer make 
 money with their infant industry. So there was a most urgent 
 reason why Hancock should become a patriot and make known 
 his indignation against British tyranny. So as soon as the 
 English despots removed the tax on tea and granted the op- 
 portunity for the people to get tea cheaper than the Hancock 
 smugglers could sell it the latter aggregation of patriots 
 dressed themselves in the guise of Indians, boarded the East 
 India ship one dark night and pitched the untarcd tea into 
 the salt water of the ocean. And at this very time Hancock 
 was contesting suits in the admiralty courts that involvH 
 penalties of $500,000 and criminal prosecution. The revolu- 
 tion put a stop to all such unpleasant proceedings in his case 
 as it did in the case of Washington and others. 
 
 12 
 
So it is evident to the unprejudiced that some of the 
 revolutionary heroes had more reasons than pure patriotism 
 for joining hands with those who were willing to fight for 
 freedom. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PROFITS FIRST, LAST AND ALWAYS. 
 
 The majority of the men who made up the delegates to the 
 constitutional convention were learned men. They were men 
 of the Elihu Root, Theodore Roosevelt, Chauncy Depew, Joe 
 Cannon and W. R. Hearst type. They were either men of 
 considerable fortune or the legal representatives of wealth. 
 Their selection had been guided, if not actually made, by the 
 landed and trading interests of the states and old colonies, and 
 their sole aim was to devise a plan they could by political 
 trickery or brute force put in operation so that the rights of 
 property would be more secure. 
 
 And that is just exactly what was done. A careful read- 
 ing of the constitution with all its amendments up -to date does 
 not give the people a chance to rule. The rights of property 
 against the rights of the individual have always been uppermost 
 in the minds of the alleged statesmen who have designed the 
 plans of government. And the constitution at the time the 
 patriotic forefathers got through with it was a more formid- 
 able document of oppression than it is today. And the work- 
 ing class was more brutally exploited and despised then than 
 it is now. And the only reason it is not despised today as it 
 was then is because the working class commands respect and 
 is able by some degree of organization and solidarity to de- 
 mand some of the fruits of its usefulness. 
 
 At the time of the secret convention gathering the white 
 slave traffic was still flourishing. Poor whites were induced to 
 come to 'free America from Europe and "soul-drivers," as 
 they were called, was a familiar sight throughout the country 
 in the vicinity of the seaport towns. Men, women and children 
 were brought to the United States by these dealers in human 
 white flesh and the victims not being able to pay their passage 
 
 13 
 
signed papers, according- to laws sanctioned or arranged by 
 our patriotic forefathers, which bound them to the service of 
 contemptible wretches engaged in this traffic. 
 
 BLACK PAGE OF HISTORY. 
 
 The true story of this brutal white slave traffic makes one 
 of the blackest pages of history of revolutionary times. For 
 fifty years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence 
 this crime flourished, and that our patriotic forefathers who 
 signed the document of the constitutional convention were 
 aware of its existence and provided for the further exploita- 
 tion and brutal treatment of these helpless victims will be made 
 clear in this chapter. That Washington, Hamilton, Rutledge, 
 Pinckney, Morris, Madison, Gerry, Randolph, Sherman, Day- 
 ton, Dickinson and the other deputies knew of atrocious 
 practices of selling whites into servitude is manifest when the 
 following was adopted at the convention, Sept. 17, 1787: 
 
 "No person held in service or labor in one state under the 
 laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of 
 any law or regulation therin, be discharged from such service 
 or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to 
 whom such service or labor may be due." 
 
 FATHERS PROTECT THE SLAVERS. 
 
 And this was not adopted to protect the owner of black 
 slaves. It was adopted to protect the owners of white slaves 
 and to further encourage the inhuman traffic. 
 
 At the very time the patriots were deliberating on the 
 glorious provisions of the constitution which we are now en- 
 joying so liberally under the present regime of wage service 
 and high prices, as well as trust rule, white slaves were being 
 sold in Philadelphia to the highest bidder, and gangs of white 
 victims were in chains in control of the "soul-drivers" and 
 were being marched about the country to be bound out to well- 
 to-do farmers and others who could afford to buy a servant. 
 And at this very time also the delegates had these white slaves 
 of Europe in their own homes to be worked, beaten, poorly 
 fed, and ill treated by the wives and other members of the 
 household of the aristocrats and brutal land-owners. 
 
 This white slave crime was started in the early part of 
 the seventeenth century and that it was kept up until -fifty 
 
 14 
 
years after July 4, 1776, is an historical truth that should cause 
 us to forever cease to have reverence for revolutionary patriots 
 who would permit such a trail of blood and shaftne to be marked 
 across the period of their time. A summary of this awful 
 traffic is well described in Oneals' "History of the Workers in 
 America." One Scotchman was sold into servitude in Phila- 
 delphia for $80 and in return for this amount he was bound 
 out to work for his master for seven years. And according 1 
 to law of the states his master was privileged to flog" him, and 
 in nine-tenths of the cases the victims were treated worse than 
 were the black slaves, especially at a time approaching the end 
 of their time of slavery. This brutal treatment was more 
 severe at these times so as to induce the wretches to flee, and 
 when captured, according to law a\s prescribed by the fathers 
 in the constitutional convention, they could be hunted by the 
 authorities and sentenced to serve two more years in the hands 
 of the brutal master for presuming to try to deprive him of 
 the services that was due. Read that resolution over again 
 and remember that both Washington and Franklin sanctioned 
 it when they placed their signatures to the document we have 
 been taught to revere. 
 
 PROFITS IN FLESH OF BABES. 
 
 Two-thirds of the immigrants to Pennsylvania during the 
 eight years of Washington's term as president were white slave 
 victims who had been lured from Germany and Holland prin- 
 cipally. There is proof that the ancestors of the revolutionary 
 patriots were engaged in the awful traffic, and there is a record 
 which shows that in one year 1,500 children were kidnapped 
 in the ports of Europe, and the youthful victims were brought 
 to America and bound out to service in the homes of Puritan, 
 Pilgrim and other respected ancestry of which the proud 
 America is fond to boast of today. It was always the children 
 of the poor of Europe who were kidnapped, and when they 
 protested to the authorities over there they obtained no redress 
 as the kidnappers bribed the officials of the small coast towns 
 to assist them in the inhuman traffic. 
 
 WHOLESALE KIDNAPING. 
 
 Finally the kidnapping became so notorious in England 
 as well as America, so many children of the poor of Bristol 
 being spirited away by the child-thieves, that a law was passed 
 
 15 
 
under the direction of British rule making it a penalty of death 
 for this kind of crime. The law was passed to satisfy the 
 parents of the victims and those who were naturally opposed to 
 the traffic, but at least five historians present proofs to show 
 that 10,000 persons were kidnapped annually after the passage 
 of the act and the business did not cease until it became no 
 longer profitable. And it was profitable for fifty years after 
 the signing of the Declaration of Independence, and the sale of 
 white flesh did not cease until Washington had been in his 
 grave nearly half a century. And it ceased then because it 
 was no longer a game of profit. 
 
 More of the horrors of the white slave business of our 
 ancestors who were of the trading class, business men and the 
 "well-born" or were able to purchase a servant will be told in 
 the next chapter. It is a tale of horror that the modern 
 historian has almost ignored, but there are enough proofs to 
 show that you are fortunate if you can trace your ancestry back 
 to the working class, or that you cannot trace the connection 
 back to the "well-born" and the wealthy exploiting class. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 MURDER AND ROBBERY. 
 
 The horrors of the African slave traffic has been told and 
 retold. Filthy ships were crowded with blacks and the poor 
 wretches died by the score of smallpox and scurvey. But a 
 death on the voyage meant a distinct loss to the slaver and he 
 always made an effort to get the negroes ashore alive. But he 
 was not so much concerned about the whites. If one in a 
 family or two in a family died the survivors were held re- 
 sponsible for the deaths of the victims, and if the living dis- 
 claimed relationship they were denounced as liars by the trad- 
 ers. In this way many survivors paid the expenses in servitude 
 of a brother, sister or other relative they never had. Childless 
 men and women were held responsible for the burial expenses 
 of children that belonged to some one else or that never existed, 
 and in servitude they paid these manufactured debts. At the 
 Wsteamship landings they were sold to "soul-drivers" engaged in 
 the traffic of selling white flesh and the ignorant dupes were 
 
 16 
 
frequently bound out for twenty years or to a life that meant 
 servitude for life, because they were never paid a cent and 
 were frequently kept in ignorance of the date of their expira- 
 tion of servitude. Their clothing was the cast off rags of their 
 masters, who in many cases later belonged to the poverty class 
 owing to the mortgage sharks. But they clung to their human 
 property like madmen. 
 
 The white slaves were always robbed by the slave hunters 
 before they landed on American soil. The poor wretches 
 didn't have money enough to purchase their passage across to 
 the promised land in America. But some of them had a few 
 valuable belongings and frequently a little money and extra 
 clothing. Before the victims landed they found themselves 
 stripped of everything they possessed except the clothing on 
 their backs, and if one or more of the number made too much 
 noise about the rascality of the slaver they were conveniently 
 found to be among the missing when far out at sea. In other 
 words they were murdered by these dealers in white flesh. 
 
 But real privation began for the victims when they were 
 sold for dollars to their masters on American soil. Then 
 began a life of toil and abuse that can scarcely be believed. 
 To prevent the white slaves from escaping they were fre- 
 quently chained together while at work out of sight of the 
 master. Beating them to induce more work or faithful service 
 was permitted by law and the records show that the cruelty 
 of the masters of the black men of Uncle Tom's Cabin days 
 was tame in comparison to the treatment the white wretches 
 were forced to endure. One of these white slaves was arrested 
 in the good old colonial days accused of murdering her mis- 
 tress, the latter's daughter and her French maid. The prisoner 
 admitted her crime and recited such a tale of cruelty on the 
 combined part of the trio, and proved her story of persecution 
 and abuse by physical evidence on her body that the jury hear- 
 ing the evidence sent the young woman to an insane asylum. 
 Soon afterward she proved her sanity, was released and later 
 she married an industrious farmer and became the mother of 
 children who no doubt fought in the revolutionary war. And 
 if the truth were known perhaps the result of that union are 
 now in the Socialist movement and are fighting the battle to 
 be freed from wage slavery. 
 
 One of these white slave heroes was Deborah Sampson 
 Gannette, a "bound girl," who to escape the ill treatment and 
 abuse disguised herself in man's clothing and enlisted in the 
 
 17 
 
army of the revolution. She knew she could not escape her 
 tormenters by fleeing in her own attire as there were slave 
 hunters engaged in the regular traffic of hunting down run- 
 aways. That is the reason the wise framers of the constitu- 
 tion adopted the resolution they did. It was to protect the mas- 
 ters who had purchased these white slaves. 
 
 THE TRADE OF MAN HUNTING. 
 
 Hunting runaway men and women and boys and girls 
 from Europe, who had been sold into bondage by the slavers, 
 was a regular trade and the brutes of men who were engaged 
 in the business were the most disreputable types of humanity 
 and the deeds of violence they perpetrated on the women 
 victims they hunted would call for lynching today. But they 
 were officers of the law sanctioned by the constitution of 
 Hamilton and his associates, and Deborah Gannett, who was a 
 victim of the traffic before the constitutional convention, knew 
 that she was not safe from her cruel master or from the slave 
 hunters, so she disguised herself in men's clothing and enlisted 
 in the army of the revolution under the name of Robert Surt- 
 leff. She was wounded twice and her sex was not discovered 
 until she became ill with fever when on duty in the Yorktown 
 campaign. It was in the hospital that her sex was discovered. 
 
 But not once was the white-slave disgrace considered at 
 the constitutional convention with any idea of abolishing it. 
 The interests of the landed and wealthy trading classes were 
 the only interests worthy of consideration by the fathers. All 
 of them were either directly or indirectly beneficiaries of the 
 sale and servitude of both white and black slaves and they did 
 nothing that was in the interest of the poor workers as it 
 tended "to unsettle business conditions," and business and 
 profits were of more moment then, as well as they are now, 
 than human life or human welfare. 
 
 In the next chapter the writer will show that the consti- 
 tution was not ratified by the states until two years and eight 
 months after Washington, Hamilton and their associates 
 signed it, and that the majority of the people of the states 
 were opposed to it and that the sanction of the various state 
 legislatures was only secured by such fraud and political trick- 
 ery that would in the way of political corruption and knavery 
 show that the methods of Tammany, the Rose clique, and the 
 Cook County Democracy, when compared with the tactics of 
 the patriotic fathers, belong to the kindergarten class. 
 
 18 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FREE SPEECH SUPPRESSED. 
 
 And what was the attitude of the people of that period 
 towards this constitution which all of our school and university 
 histories teach us to revere ? Did they welcome it with expres- 
 sions of joy and regard the delegates as statesmen worthy of 
 praise ? The conspirators were in possession of the most pow- 
 erful newspapers of that time and they loudly championed the 
 cause of the Federalists as the advocates of the new. constitu- 
 tion were called. But the people could read and there were a 
 few fearless editors who were not afraid to tell the truth. One 
 of these men was Victor H. Oswald, editor of the Independent 
 Gazeteer of Philadelphia. He was arrested and was not given 
 the opportunity of a trial by jury. He was convicted of con- 
 tempt of court for the alleged refusal to answer questions 
 regarding the contributors, subscribers and owners of the 
 paper. 
 
 EARLY POLITICAL TRICKERY. 
 
 Every dishonorable means known so well today by the 
 interests of our capitalist press was exerted to induce the peo- 
 ple to have respect for the provisions of the constitution, but 
 the methods failed and the constitution was ratified by the 
 various state legislatures only after the most flagrant political 
 corruption and political trickery, such as would rival Tam- 
 many tactics, had been resorted to. The people were not 
 given an opportunity to vote on the matter, otherwise the 
 document would have been fevised in the interest of the 
 masses. An illustration of the attitude of the people toward 
 the historical document is shown by the record we find in 
 A. B. Hart's "The American Nation," page 312. Dr. Hart 
 is professor of history at Harvard university and he will not 
 be accused of favoring the opposition. In fact he is a partisan 
 of plutocracy like all the rest of the historians who have 
 searched the records for existing conditions in those days. 
 
 But in his history we find that when the people of 
 Rhode Island had an opportunity to express this opposition 
 to the constitution they did it in one section by a vote of 2,708 
 against and 237 for the document. And this was the result in 
 spite of the Federalists' activity to make a favorable impression 
 toward the instrument. The vote was obtained in this way. 
 
 19 
 
The state legislature had previously voted to have the consti- 
 tution printed and distributed among the people, and this was 
 done. Town meetings were held and the document discussed 
 with the foregoing vote as the result. There was nothing legal 
 about the voting. It was simply taken to ascertain the senti- 
 ment of the people, and it was found that the great majority 
 were opposed to the work of the fathers who met behind closed 
 doors. 
 
 In every one of the thirteen states the sentiment against 
 the constitution was as strong as had been expressed in Rhode 
 Island. And if the people had had an opportunity to vote on 
 the merits of the measure they would have buried it so deep 
 that it never could have been resurrected. 
 
 P. HENRY REAL PATRIOT. 
 
 In Virginia Patrick Henry led the opposition. When 
 denouncing the provisions of the document as being against 
 the interests of the masses and criticising the secret session of 
 the convention, he said : "Even from that illustrious man who 
 saved us by his valor, I would have reason for his conduct." 
 Listen to that dignified criticism of Gen. Washington from a 
 statesman whose eloquence was usually in opposition to op- 
 pression and wrong. And this is the man the historians say 
 did not possess any of the qualifications of a statesman. 
 
 Henry wanted a bill of rights amended to the constitution. 
 He maintained that general warrants by which an officer may 
 search suspected places without evidence of the commission of 
 a fact, or seize any person without evidence of his crime, 
 should be prohibited. He said the constitution made no such 
 provision to insure such rights." 
 
 With respect to that part of the proposal which says that 
 every power not granted remains with the people, he said it 
 must be before adoption, or it "will involve this country in 
 inevitable destruction." Regarding slavery he said: "Slavery 
 is detested. We feel its fatal effects. We deplore it with all 
 the pity of humanity. But if we are going to settle that ques- 
 tion let's do it previous to adoption, and not afterward." 
 
 POWERS OF A SULTAN. 
 
 Another anti-Federalist described the constitution in this 
 language: "Your president-general will greatly resemble the 
 powers of the sultan of Turkey ; the senate will be his divan 
 and your standing- army will come in the place of our jani- 
 
 20 
 
zaries your judges, unchecked by vile juries, may be with 
 propriety styled cadis." 
 
 The members of the legislature of Virginia were largely 
 controlled by the business interests as they are today. The ruling 
 class always took pains to be represented in every legislative 
 body. Washington and Madison were on the side of the Fed- 
 eralists and they exerted all the influence they could to gain 
 the support of the members. In fact, Madison at the time 
 was a member of the Virginia legislature. It was a long time 
 before the Federalists dared put the matter of adoption. And 
 when it was finally voted upon the result was 89 to 79 in favor 
 of adoption. And if the business interests had not used every 
 art known to them to influence members, the defeat of the 
 measure would have been certain. If the people of Virginia 
 had had a chance to express their opinion on the constitution 
 they would have repudiated it overwhelmingly. 
 
 In New York, where Hamilton was the arch-conspirator, 
 the same opposition developed. George Clinton led a strong 
 opposition partv in this state. Sentiment in the cities could 
 be found to express some admiration for the provisions, some of 
 the historians report, but they admit the whole region of the 
 interior was opposed. The same tactics as used in Virginia 
 were resorted to and the opposition was defeated by a vote of 
 30 to 27. 
 
 And in Pennsylvania, where Franklin had placed his stamp 
 of approval on the constitution, the vote in favor of it was 46 
 to 23, while in Massachusetts the vote was 187 to 168. 
 
 Under the articles of confederation the people had been 
 denied the right to vote directly on measures affecting their 
 welfare and in the case of the constitution they were equally 
 helpless. Therefore, after years and months of corrupting and 
 intimidating influences at work, the constitution was saddled 
 upon the people, and it has been ever since a government of 
 and for the ruling class aided by its supreme court and federal 
 judges and always supported by the senate. And even the 
 representatives in the lower house of congress have not been 
 representatives of the masses. The senate was provided by 
 the constitutional conspirators as a check upon any probable 
 liberal attitude they might show the people. But very seldom 
 has any of the members of this branch shown any considera- 
 tion for the majority of the people. Every man elected to 
 congress with the single exception of Victor L. Berger, of 
 Wisconsin, has been selected with the view of perpetuating 
 
 21 
 
the present order of wage service, profit, and the dominating 
 influence of big business or the competitive strife of commer- 
 cialism. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 MONSTROUS SLAVE LAW. 
 
 Let's see in conclusion how wise our forefathers were in 
 adopting legislation in the interest of the unrestricted pursuit 
 of life, liberty and happiness. We already have seen how 
 much of that consideration was shown toward the white slaves. 
 Let's see what was done in the interest of the black slaves of 
 whom Washington was the master of many. According to 
 McMaster, a historian who was a great admirer of Hamilton, 
 the first contempt of the members of congress during Wash- 
 ington's administration showed for the right to administer 
 justice to the black man was when a committee of Quakers 
 from Pennsylvania drew up an anti-slavery petition and pre- 
 sented it to the members for consideration. 
 
 The occasion for the activity on the part of this commit- 
 tee was due to a long series of outrages against the free 
 blacks. Many of them had been liberated by generous mas- 
 ters, others had obtained their freedom through the generosity 
 of friends who had paid the prices the owners asked and some 
 had been born free. But none of them was safe and thou- 
 sands of them were kidnaped by brutal white men and a regu- 
 lar organized gang of ruffians were engaged in the traffic of 
 forcibly taking these free blacks to auction blocks of the south 
 where they were sold to masters who disregarded their pleas 
 and treated them worse than other slaves, as they declared that 
 no black had any right to be free, even if his freedom were 
 purchased. 
 
 And these swarms of kidnapers thrived because of a law 
 passed by the congress of Washington's time. In 1793 the 
 senate and house passed what was known as the fugitive 
 slave law, and this shameful piece of legislation remained on 
 the statute books unaltered and in force for -fifty-seven years 
 and caused more misery, more injustice, more outrages and 
 more violations of the rights of man than any other piece of 
 
 22 
 
legislation ever enacted in the United States. And this mon- 
 strous piece of legislation was sanctioned by George Wash- 
 ington, the father of our country, for he was president at the 
 time and had the power of veto. 
 
 CHILDREN TORN FROM MOTHERS. 
 
 McMaster says, by the provision of this law, every slave- 
 holder had summary power to seize, hold and drag back the 
 alleged fugitive to the servitude, from whence it was claimed 
 he or she had fled. And the abuses this led to were monstrous. 
 Soon swarms of kidnapers were busy and masters who had 
 lost slaves through flight were quick to recognize blacks it was 
 impossible for them to have ever seen before. These kidnap- 
 ers were soon busy in the towns of the north, where blacks 
 had been freed for many years. Children were torn from 
 their mothers, men from their wives and wives from their hus- 
 bands. These victims were hurried into the holds of ships 
 and when a sufficient cargo was aboard they were carried to a 
 southern auction block and delivered into the hands of masters 
 who approved of such measures. 
 
 Before the passage of this act by our honored forefathers 
 of revolutionarv time there were manv negroes in the south 
 who had been made free by their masters or had paid for their 
 liberty through the generosity of friends and they were earning 
 their living as wage slaves or struggling for existence on a 
 little patch of ground they were working on shares. But even 
 these creatures were not safe and there are records to show 
 that all of them were forced back into servitude. They were 
 chased day and night by men and dogs and forced to sleep in 
 the woods at night and keep from starving by eating roots and 
 berries. Virginia was the only southern state that would not 
 permit these outrages and many of the victims fled there from 
 North Carolina for protection. Patrick Henry was governor 
 of this state at the time. Had Madison been in the gov- 
 ernor's chair, the fugitives' chances perhaps would have been 
 slim. 
 
 A PREMIUM ON MURDER. 
 
 One victim, so McMaster tells us, had his cabin broken 
 into by a gang of ruffians and he was tracked for miles by 
 armed men and mastiffs. He had been forced to leave his 
 corn standing, which his pursuers later harvested and sold. 
 When these outrages were presented to congress by the Quak- 
 
 23 
 
ers it came out in debate that the feeling had become so bitter 
 among the slave owners against allowing any black man to be 
 free that they had offered $10 for all free blacks caught alive 
 and $50 dead. This was placing a premium on murder. 
 
 And what did the congress of Washington's time do with 
 the petition protesting against these outrages? The Quakers 
 were insulted in open debate and some of the members who 
 made a motion to place the petition on the table were inter- 
 rupted by others who said the proper place for it was under 
 the table. 
 
 Abundant facts were placed before congress to prove the 
 outrages and yet the patriots of that time, in January, 1797, 
 voted that the petition be thrown out and not considered. And 
 the vote of disgrace was 50 to 30. 
 
 And if the disgraceful act of the fugitive slave law had 
 not been passed by our wise and patriotic statesmen of George 
 Washington's time it is the writer's firm belief that slavery 
 would have died a natural death, as so many masters were free- 
 ing their slaves and so many of their friends were purchasing 
 their freedom that they would soon have been in the ranks of 
 the wage slaves and turning out just as much profit for their 
 masters as free men and women as they were as chattels. And 
 if this opinion is true it means that the civil war with all its 
 strife and bitterness and its loss of a million lives was a need- 
 less sacrifice. And when we know that the revolutionary 
 forefathers were blind to the wrongs endured by the whites 
 as well as the blacks is it not about time that we ceased to lis- 
 ten to the adulation and praise that so liberally is showered 
 on the wise heads of the patriots? 
 
 A search of the history of the world shows that the so- 
 called representative government has always been in the inter- 
 est of the commercial class as against the rights of the work- 
 ers. New states coming into the union may adopt constitu- 
 tions in the real interest of the people, but our magnificent 
 constitutional government gives the powers at Washington the 
 right to say that it shall become lifeless if they don't approve 
 of such freedom as the initiative and referendum extending to 
 all elective offices including the judiciary ; blacklisting of work- 
 ers by employers a crime, and other regulations in the interest 
 of the masses. I said they had the right. No. thev have not 
 the right, but they do not do things by right at Washington. 
 They do things in the interest of the same class that domina- 
 
 24 
 
ted the constitutional convention more than one hundred years 
 ago and if the working class wants anything in its own inter- 
 est it will have to send its representatives to the national 
 capital. 
 
 From barbarian barter down to the present stage of con- 
 solidation the exchange of products has been propagated solely 
 in the interest of the master class or in the interest of an ex- 
 ploiting number, and all legislation in the interest of the 
 majority has been opposed by the profit mongers. Sometimes 
 the exploitation of the masses has been disguised under a false 
 code of ethics ; sometimes it has been accomplished in the open 
 by brute force, but always has the exchange been accomplished 
 in the interest of the master class to the detriment of the work- 
 ers. And it always will be so until the capitalist plan of 
 exchange of products is abolished. 
 
 The people cannot compromise either. Regulation of the 
 means of life in the hands of a master class will not suffice. 
 If you would properly regulate anything you must own it. And 
 the workers having dotted the earth with the fruits of their 
 industry are entitled to own what they have made. 
 
 THE REMEDY. 
 
 So workers of the world, and especially of the United 
 States, we are calling upon you to profit by the awful trail of 
 sweat, blood and tears the working class has left on the pages 
 of history as evidence of their heroic struggle. Let's complete 
 the battle so valiantly fought by our brothers, and may the 
 future historian be kind to us for not sooner becoming aroused 
 to our rights. 
 
 For centuries have the workers looked to the master class 
 for relief and justice. And they have looked in vain. Profit 
 by their experience. Look to yourselves to your own class 
 for you, and you alone, have the power to throw off a gov- 
 ernment or any condition when it does not insure freedom and 
 justice, and erect a better in its stead. And that better gov- 
 ernment is the Socialist Co-operative Commonwealth, and it is 
 coming as surely as it has a right to come. 
 
 (The end.) 
 
WHERE TO FIND HISTORIC TRUTH. 
 
 For the student who wishes to learn the truth in detail 
 about the struggle of the real heroes of revolutionary days, 
 and the conspiracy that was hatched and carried out by the 
 master class, Silas Hood recommends the following works : 
 
 McMaster's "History of the People of the United States." 
 
 No copies for sale. May be found in many of our large 
 public libraries. 
 
 McMaster is recognized as a bourgeois historian, but his 
 histories contain so much of the truth that no public school 
 or university controlled by the capitalist influence has been 
 permitted to make use of his great work. 
 
 Conan's "Industrial History of the United States. 
 
 Fisher "True History of the American Revolution." 
 
 Unterman "World's Revolutions." 
 
 Oneal "The Workers in American History." This book 
 should be in every Socialist library. For sale by Social-Dem- 
 ocratic Herald, Milwaukee, Wis. Price, 25 cents postpaid. 
 
 Bogart "Economic History of the United States." 
 
 Simons "Class Struggles in America." 
 
 Madison "Journal of the Constitutional Convention." 
 Any public library. 
 
 26 
 
Vision of the Future. 
 
 BY SILAS HOOD. 
 
 [Henry T. Jones.] 
 
 I am looking into the future and I see a nation not hav- 
 ing one case of poverty not one. 
 
 I see a race of men and women perfect morally, perfect 
 mentally, perfect physically. 
 
 In that new world I see hundreds of millions of happy 
 smiling faces of men, women and youth. 
 
 I hear the laughter of children, the songs of birds and the 
 merry chirping of squirrels. The elk, antelope, hounds, cattle 
 and lambs fraternize in joyous companionship, the huntsman's 
 bullet and the shedding of blood no longer being a dread. The 
 spectre of apprehension had long been unknown to man and 
 beast. 
 
 This new earth is a garden of bloom, beauty and plenty; 
 of music and song a jewel crowned by man's skilled handi- 
 work. 
 
 On all sides I see harmony of thought, harmony of action, 
 harmony of relation, harmony of intention. I see cultured 
 ladies and gentlemen, without exception, who would scorn to 
 accept a service they would not be willing to return in kind. 
 
 * * * 
 
 And there are some things I do not see. I do not see one 
 hovel, or one woman or child at work in mines, mills, fac- 
 tories, offices or fields. The twentieth century spectacle of 
 disorder has been supplanted by model places of industry and 
 million-acre farms and the world's work of the production of 
 material things is being easily and speedily done by the har- 
 nessed forces of nature, automatically, or manned by men. 
 
 * * * 
 
 Neither do I see one case of tuberculosis, typhoid fever, 
 nor any of the other and all preventable ills which now infest 
 
 27 . 
 
the earth. Health there is universal and the secret of longe- 
 vity is known. Life is everlasting, and life is as sweet asjt 
 is long. All of the emotions of this superior life are positive, 
 *!tlt negative emotional destroyers of the electrons of life hav- 
 ing been lost in the revolutionary uplift. Death and disease 
 are unbelievable and unknown in this harmony of soul and 
 flesh. Music is everywhere, its harmonious force being a rec- 
 ognized life builder. The constitution of the cell and the ulti- 
 mate unit of heredity is no longer a problem, and life is a 
 mystery no more. Man knows what he is, whence he came, 
 and what his destiny. 
 
 Prisons, jails, soldiers, police, warships, insane asylums, 
 charitable institutions, cathedrals, mosques, hospitals, ceme- 
 teries, monuments, morgues, slums, saloons, courts, dirty 
 streets, shoddy clothing, intemperance, brothels, politicians, 
 bankers, grafters, money, profits, millionaires and mendicants, 
 and all the other ulcers of so-called present-day civilization 
 are forgotten history in this new world. The record of all 
 such evidence of riot had long been consigned to the shelves of 
 antiquity. In place of all this the face of bountiful nature is 
 dotted with parks, amusement resorts, spacious homes, magni- 
 ficent public buildings and palaces of industry whose harmony 
 of design and color is in perfect contrast with the bestiality of 
 those things now seen in our moden Coketowns and Pitts- 
 burgs in the shape of hideous sky-scrapers, industrial dun- 
 geons, crowded business blocks and rows of houses unfit for 
 use or shelter. 
 
 And not one cloud of smoke do I see. Neither stacks 
 nor chimneys adorn the buildings and the culm piles, once 
 resembling great wounds in the earth, are now gardens of 
 roses. It no longer is necessary to mine an ounce of coal. 
 The forces of nature equipped by the genius of man now fur- 
 nish light, heat and power without the aid of flame. A new 
 world of scientific progress I see wherein the twentieth cen- 
 tury laws of physics have been revolutionized. The energy 
 of the sun is believed to be forever and forever enduring and 
 that instead of a constantly disintegrating mass it is a never 
 dynamo or force of constant dynamic energy which 
 
 28 
 
forever keeps itself and the rest of the solar system in perfect 
 equilibrium and harmonious relation. 
 
 In this new world, life is a joy, not a brutal struggle ; life 
 is pleasure not discomfort and strife. There I see life with 
 art and life with industry. Life without joy there is known 
 to be savagery, and life without art is known to be brutality. 
 In art in this new world I see the complete expression of man's 
 joy in his labor. The struggle for existence has long been 
 dead in the dust of ages. It is unthinkable amidst such har- 
 mony of thought. Really great problems are being solved and 
 their achievement is sure. And on and on through all the cen- 
 turies new and greater secrets are wrested from nature and 
 are molded into the beauty of life. 
 
 Ah, what a perfect race of men I see. I see a race so 
 perfect as to be incapable of an impure thought to say nothing 
 of committing an impure act. 
 
 I see man in this new world without envy, without malice, 
 without vanity, without jealousy, without hatred, without 
 impure desire, without grief and without fear. 
 
 I can also see the observance of a code of ethics so differ- 
 ent from the modern standard. Many things we now regard 
 as wrong are there recognized as right ; and many deeds we 
 now accept as right are known to be wrong. Truth is en- 
 throned and superstition is a corpse of forgotten time. 
 
 I see before me a new world ruled by science and love. 
 
 I can also see traces of twentieth century cities in the way 
 of parks, boulevards and squares, but not one statue of a 
 war hero or a philanthropist do I see. There are figures of 
 poets, composers, scientists and other benefactors of human 
 progress, but the statue of but one nineteenth century states- 
 man is preserved. Lincoln is the name I read. 
 
 But the earth is dotted with the statues of another figure. 
 It is the figure of a man with bushy hair and bushy beard. 
 The living representative was a Jew as was the carpenter of 
 Nazareth. There are four letters on these innumerable works 
 of bronze and granite. The first letter of the group is "M" 
 
 29 
 
and the last of the group is "X." The inscription showed that 
 this man lived and died in the nineteenth century. That pos- 
 terity was indebted to him is manifest, and that his life work 
 was recognized is equally sure. 
 
 * * * 
 
 I see but one race amidst the bloom, beauty, music, labor 
 and song 1 . Man there is of one color white the blacks and 
 mongolians in the new environment having been assimilated 
 by the more perfect expression of evolution centuries before. 
 One language is spoken and each and all are citizens of the 
 earth. There is neither Jew nor gentile, Mohammedan nor 
 Buddhist, Catholic nor Protestant the race is a unit it is 
 one. 
 
 And does this ideal world contain a face of satisfied men 
 and women? Is the mind of this most perfect expression of 
 the great law of nature content? No, the human mind there 
 is not content and the proof is there that it never will be as 
 long as the world survives. Scientific activity is constant and 
 is encouraged and applauded by the collectivity. Competition 
 is real and healthful. The rearing- of a more perfect edifice 
 goes successfully and unceasingly on and on and on. Dis- 
 coveries have been made of which we had not dreamed and 
 grains of what our scientists believe to be gems are discarded 
 as dross. The greatest triumphs with not against nature 
 are won. And still man found more wonderful glimpses of 
 natural truth. The mind of man in this new world is con- 
 stantly striving 1 for higher, greater and better things. Man 
 having been permitted to become so perfect morally, mentally 
 and physically ever strives to make the world brighter than he 
 found it. To seek to master the higher and nobler problems 
 of life is the incentive that is moving this neiv world. 
 
 * * * 
 
 If man should ever reach a plane of complete satisfaction 
 and content the world would go back into the night. But do 
 not 'fear. Human nature is all right ; it is not even part 1 
 wrong. We do not have to change human nature. It is the 
 one certain powerful force in speeding man on toward the 
 heights of truth and justice, and he will not he cannot fail. 
 With this powerful force completely attuned there is nothing 
 impossible for the human mind to attain if it is right that it 
 should be attained. 
 
 And that new world I see is coming as surely as it has' a 
 right to come. 
 
 30 
 
And we students of philosophy who can *>(-? Jther, coming 
 of this new life that is to be, and who "en joy the majestic pic- 
 ture of the future so generously, have no more right to the 
 privilege of this glorious vision than have you. Seek and 
 learn. The proved treasures of man's master mind are for 
 you as well as for those who have sought and found. The 
 world is here for you to have, to hold and to enjoy. We are 
 pleading with you. So come! Come!! 
 
 But why is it that I can see this vision of the splendor 
 of a future life on earth and you cannot see it? 
 
 It is because I am but I'll not tell you. It might offend 
 you, and perhaps you would not understand. But you who 
 are really class-conscious and have studied life from the right 
 point of view will understand and will knozv what I am. 
 
 Milwaukee, 1911. 
 
;. ':--;, CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Dedication 2 
 
 Introduction 4 
 
 Patriotic Conspiracy 5 
 
 Contempt for Instructions 6 
 
 An Executive for Life 7 
 
 Powerful Executives First Considered 9 
 
 Hamilton the Chief Conspirator 9 
 
 British Plan Favored : 10 
 
 Real Patriots Ignored 1 1 
 
 Tea-Party Fraud 12 
 
 Profits First, Last and Always 13 
 
 Black Page of History 14 
 
 Fathers Protect the Slavers : 14 
 
 Profits in Flesh and Babes 15 
 
 Wholesale Kidnaping" 15 
 
 Murder and Robbery 16 
 
 Trade in Man-Hunting 18 
 
 Free Speech Suppressed 19 
 
 Early Political Trickery 19 
 
 Patrick Henry, Real Patriot 20 
 
 Monstrous Slave Law 22 
 
 Children Torn from Mothers 23 
 
 Premium on Murder 23 
 
 The Remedy 25 
 
 Where to Find Historical Truth 26 
 
 Vision of the Future 27 
 
SOCIALIST BOOKS 
 
 Capital Karl Marx ^The fountain spring of the present day 
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 They Must, or God and the Social-Democracy Kutter A 
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 Struggles for Existence Walter Thomas Mills This school 
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 Woman and Socialism Bebel Armed with facts, Bebel re- 
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 inevitably leads. Price, postpaid, $1.50. 
 
 The Class Struggle Kjautsky A scholarly investigation, 
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