•J A 
 
 3T 
 
 m^- 
 
 A 
 
 A 
 
 
 '0 
 
 ;o 
 
 '5 
 : 1 
 
 : 1 
 
 11 
 
 5RAZIL, THE UNITED STATES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 ■^ 
 
 Article published in the JORNAL DO COMMERCIO of Rio de Janeiro, 
 
 'January 20th, 1908. 
 
 
 
 
 S : ,-;;-■
 
 Southern Branch 
 of the 
 
 University of California 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 Form L 1 
 
 JX 
 
 J7fo 
 
 ■i^^pfy.
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below 
 
 
 }P'^-^ 5 1942 
 . 194B 
 
 ^PR 2 1 1947 
 
 Form L-9-15i/'-8,'24 
 
 f
 
 
 The importance of the article we reprint from the col- 
 umns of the great leading newspaper of Brazil, the 
 Jornal do Commercio, of Rio de Janeiro, lies chiefly in 
 the assertion it makes, accompanied with historical 
 evidence, that fifty-nine days after the reading of Presi- 
 dent Monroe's celebrated Message of the 23rd Decem- 
 ber, 1823, the Brazilian Government issued instructions 
 to its Representative in Washington to propose to the 
 United States an offensive and defensive alliance on 
 the basis of that Message, acting on the principle that 
 it was not in accordance with reason, justice and right 
 that sacrifices such as those which the United States 
 undertook to make for the other American Nations 
 should be accepted gratuitously. This article is gener- 
 ally attributed to Baron do Rio Branco, the Foreign 
 Minister of Brazil.
 
 BRAZIL, THE UNITED STATES 
 
 AND 
 
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 The demonstrations of friendship between the Govern- 
 ments of Rio de Janeiro and Washington have been criti- 
 cized of late with injustice and passion by a few BraziHan 
 writers, who consider themselves the exponents of the policy 
 of our statesmen under the Empire. The policy followed 
 by Presidents Rodrigues Alves and Roosevelt for the closer 
 approximation of Brazil and the United States was taken 
 
 ■J ^ 
 
 ^ m bad part by those critics. On several occasions they 
 
 '■ showed an ungrateful contempt for the Monroe Doctrine 
 
 and condemned the simultaneous resolution of the two Gov- 
 ernments to raise their respective diplomatic representatives 
 to the dignity of Ambassadors. 
 ;i The documents which we are going to reproduce, or give 
 
 extracts from, show that President Rodrigues Alves was 
 \ ^ amply justified when he said in his last Message to Con- 
 r gress : "It is a great satisfaction to me to note that the 
 
 ties of cordial friendship which hind Brazil and the United 
 ^ States together are ever drawing closer. In striving to 
 
 strengthen them I have done no more than follow the 
 policy inaugurated after 1882 by the founders of our Inde- 
 pendence, which has ever since been observed by all the Gov- 
 ernments that Brazil has had. 
 
 The Manifesto of the Prince Regent of Brazil to the Gov- 
 ernments and Friendly Nations bears the date of August 6, 
 1822. This document, as is well known, was drawn up 
 
 5 
 
 7344
 
 by Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, at that time Minister 
 of the Kingdom of Brazil and Secretary of State for For- 
 eign Affairs. 
 
 We take the following from its last part : 
 
 "My firm resolve and that of the people whom I govern 
 are legitimately promulgated. I trust then that intelligent 
 and impartial men, all the world over, and the Govern- 
 ments and Nations friendly to Brazil will do justice to such 
 fair and wise sentiments. I invite them to continue their 
 friendly relations with the Kingdom of Brazil for our mu- 
 tual interest. / shall be ready to receive their Ministers and 
 diplomatic agents and to send mine to them so long as the 
 captivity of my August Father continues." 
 
 Six days later, on August 12th, the Prince Regent Dom 
 Pedro signed the decree nominating a Charge d'Affaires of 
 the Kingdom of Brazil in the United States of America and 
 on the following day he left for Sao Paulo, where on Sep- 
 tember 7th he proclaimed the Independence of Brazil. 
 
 The decree countersigned by Jose Bonifacio is therefore, 
 prior to the Independence and the Proclamation of the Um- 
 pire, since the Independence took place on the 7th of Sep- 
 tember and the Proclamation of the Empire on October 
 I2th of the same year, 1822. 
 
 The decree runs as follows: 
 
 "As in the present condition of politics it is essential to 
 nominate in My Royal Name a person in the United States 
 of America to treat directly the affairs affecting both Coun- 
 tries, and having taken into consideration the well known 
 ability, patriotism and zeal of Luiz Moutinho Lima Alves e 
 Silva, officer in the Department of State for Foreign Af- 
 fairs, I have been pleased to appoint him to occupy the 
 position of My Charge d'Affaires in the said United States 
 of America with the annual salary of two contos and four 
 hundred mil reis.
 
 \r3 3 
 
 "Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva of My Council of 
 State and of the Council of His Most Faithful Majesty, 
 Minister and Secretary for the Home and Foreign Affairs 
 of the Kingdom, whom I have instructed in this sense, will 
 carry out the present order. 
 
 "Palace of Rio de Janeiro, August 12, 1822. — With the 
 Rubric of His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent. — Jose 
 Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva." 
 
 This was the first diplomatic appointment signed by the 
 Prince Regent Dom Pedro on the advice of Jose Bonifacio; 
 later, in the same day, two more decrees were signed ap- 
 pointing two Charges d'Affaires : to London, the Marshal 
 de Campo Felisberto Caldeira Brant Pontes, afterwards 
 Marcjuis of Barbacena, and to Paris, Manoel Rodrigues 
 Gameiro Pessoa, afterwards Viscount of Itabayana. Before 
 these only one appointment had been made, that of Manoel 
 Antonio Correa da Camara as Consul to Buenos Aires on 
 May 24th. 
 
 On January 15, 1823, Antonio Goncalves da Cruz, who 
 had taken part in the Pernambuco revolution of 181 7, was 
 appointed Consul General in the United States of America. 
 
 II. 
 
 Luiz MoutinMo was unable to go to the United States in 
 1822, as he was delayed by special duties in the Foreign 
 Office, where shortly afterwards he was promoted to the 
 position of Director General. 
 
 By decree of January 21st of 1824, Jose Silvestre Rebello 
 was appointed Charge d' Affaires of Brazil in the United 
 States of America. He was therefore the first diplomatic 
 representative we actually had in that country. 
 
 On March 28th he landed at Baltimore and on April 3rd 
 arrived at Washington. The President was James Monroe,
 
 who in his last Message, read to Congress on December 3rd 
 of the preceding year, had promulgated the doctrine of the 
 opposition of the United States to foreign conquests in our 
 Continent. The Secretary of State was John Quincy 
 Adams, who succeeded Monroe in the Presidency a year 
 later, on March 4, 1825. 
 
 On April 5, 1824, Rebello wrote to Adams asking for an 
 audience for the presentation of the credentials of which he 
 was the bearer, signed by Luiz Jose de Carvalho e Mello, 
 afterwards Viscount de Cachoeira, then Minister and Sec- 
 retary of State for Home and Foreign Affairs of Brazil. 
 Interviews and conversations took place between them and 
 on April 20th Rebello sent to Adams a Memorial headed as 
 follows : Succinct and true exposition of the facts that led 
 the Prince, nozv Bniperor, and the Bradlian People to de- 
 clare Brazil a free and Independent Nation. 
 
 On May 26th of the same year Rebello was presented by 
 Adams to President Monroe and was affirmed in the posi- 
 tion of Charge d'Affaires of Brazil. 
 
 On the following day The Daily National Intelligence of 
 Washington, No. 3,554, thus noticed the event: "Senhor 
 Jose Silvestre Rebello was yesterday presented by 
 Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, to whom he had handed 
 his credentials, to the President of the United States, as 
 Charge d'Affaires of the Emperor of Brazil, and was re- 
 ceived and recognized by the President in that capacity." 
 
 In a despatch dated May 31st, Rebello said to Carvalho e 
 Mello : 
 
 "I trust that those despatches have arrived, but I take this 
 further occasion of apprising Your Excellency that this 
 Government recognized the Independence and the Empire 
 of Brazil on the 26th of this month, when I was presented 
 to the President as Charge d'Affaires of His Majesty the 
 Emperor of Brazil, with the same formalities as are ex-
 
 tended to representatives of other Sovereigns. I therefore 
 congratulate Yonr Excellency and beg that you will kiss 
 the hands of His Majesty the Emperor on the occasion of 
 this happy event." 
 
 The author of the book A Illnsdo Americana (The Amer- 
 ican Delusion) was therefore misinformed when he wrote in 
 1893 : "On the occasion of the Independence of Brazil we 
 received no proofs of goodwill from the Americans and 
 only after other countries had recognized the emancipation 
 of Brazil did the United States recognize our autonomy." 
 
 The Government of the United States of America was 
 the first to recognize the Independence and the Empire of 
 Brazil, being the only Nation indeed to precede in that course 
 Portugal, which signed a Treaty in Rio de Janeiro on Au- 
 gust 29, 1824. 
 
 Pereira Pinto writes in his Apontamentos para Direito 
 Internacional on Collcccdo completa dos Tratados celehra- 
 dos pelo Brasil, vol. II, page 386; Rio, 1865 : 
 
 "The American Union was the first Power to recognize 
 the Independence of Brazil. Whilst Great Britain hesi- 
 tated, impelled, on the one side, to favor our emancipation 
 by her trade, her liberal form of government and by her de- 
 termined intention of abolishing the slave trade and, on the 
 other hand, detained out of the respect which she was 
 obliged to show to her ancient and faithful ally, the Portu- 
 guese Nation ; whilst Austria, bound by the closest ties to the 
 folmder of the Empire, was even more bound by promises 
 to the Holy Alliance, which looked askance at the indepen- 
 dence of the American countries, the United States, in pur- 
 suance of the enlightened policy which it had adopted with 
 all the Peoples of America, when they separated themselves 
 from their Mother Countries, extended to us a brotherly 
 hand and invited us to take our place in the great assembly 
 of the Nations of the World. We here register our grati-
 
 8 
 
 tude to the people of this, the most powerful Nation of the 
 New World." 
 
 III. 
 
 Which Government on our Continent was the first to ac- 
 cept the so-called Monroe Doctrine ? 
 
 Without hesitation we may answer : The Government 
 of the Empire of Brazil. 
 
 The Message of President James Monroe, which we 
 have already mentioned, was dated December 3, 1823. Fif- 
 ty-nine days later, on January 31, 1824, our Minister of 
 Foreign Affairs, Carvalho e Mello, signed the instructions 
 of the Imperial Government to the Charge d'Affaires of 
 Brazil. 
 
 In paragraph 6 of this interesting document we read : 
 
 "Thus, if the United States of America, for reasons of 
 national interest ought to recognize the Independence of the 
 Empire of Brazil, as has been proved, so much more ought 
 that to be looked for from this great Nation, when it is con- 
 sidered that those very interests are in accordance with the 
 principles of its Government and of its policy. 
 
 "Such are the principles of the policy of those States, 
 which alone were sufficient to hasten to our recognition, 
 principles which in the Message of the President to both 
 Houses in December last assumed a more generic application 
 to all the States of this Continent, since in that Message the 
 necessity of our combining and standing shoulder to should- 
 er for the defence of our rights and of our territory is 
 clearly pointed out." 
 
 And in paragraph 15 : 
 
 "You will sound the Government as to its attitude to- 
 ward an offensive and defensive alliance with this Umpire 
 as a part of the American Continent, on the supposition that
 
 ; 
 
 such alliance should not be based on any mutual conces- 
 sions, but only on the general principle of the mutual bene- 
 fits arising from such alliance." 
 
 Thus Brazil, after the first days of the revolution which 
 separated her from her Mother country, was at particular 
 pains to insure political approximation with the United 
 States of America, adhered to the Monroe doctrine and 
 endeavored to conclude, on the basis of that doctrine, an 
 offensive and defensive alliance with the Great Nation of 
 the North, as it was even then called by the great statesmen 
 of the Brazilian Independence. 
 
 The Ministers of State in January, 1824, besides Carvalho 
 de Mello, made Viscount da Cachoeira, were Villela Bar- 
 bosa, Marquis de Parangua, Navy; Maciel da Costa, Mar- 
 quis de Queluz, Empire; Pereira da Fonseca, Marquis de 
 Marica, Finance; Tinoco da Silva, Justice; and Silveira 
 Mendonca, Marquis de Sahara, War. 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Imperial Government continued to pursue the policy 
 of approximation and alliance between the two countries 
 and after 1824 began to consider it advisable and important 
 that their two Representatives should be raised to a higher 
 diplomatic rank. >^ 
 
 In a despatch, dated September 15th, Carvalho e Mello 
 said to our Agent in Washington : 
 
 "Certainly the Nations of that Hemisphere (that of Eu- 
 rope) will ever be on the lookout for and afraid of the 
 union and alliance which we might make with the Govern- 
 ment of the United States and which would thus form a 
 policy wholly American, that would make them anxious 
 as to what might arise from it. In view of this. His
 
 lO 
 
 Imperial Majesty desires Your Excellency to do all in your 
 power to get for Mr. Condy Raguet, who is already here, 
 the rank of JNIinister Plenipotentiary with eventual powers, 
 or for any other person, provided that he will help to get the 
 resolution confirmed. Further His Imperial Majesty 
 charges Your Excellency to propose an alliance intended to 
 preserve and support the liberty of the American countries. 
 Your Excellency will also ascertain on what conditions these 
 States would be willing to take part in such an alliance and 
 will give an account as briefly as possible and by the usual 
 channels as to what they say on the subject. On this point 
 I refer to the instructions given to Your Excellency, which 
 call attention to the speech of the President of the United 
 States there quoted" the Message of Monroe, 1823, "in 
 which the President clearly lays down that those States will 
 not interfere, if the Mother countries make attempts to 
 reconquer their old Colonies, but will prevent the interven- 
 tion of other Powers, which principle has also been admitted 
 by the British Government. ..." 
 
 On January 28, 1825, the same Minister wrote as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 ". , .1 have received the command of His Majesty the 
 Emperor to recommend Your Excellency to do all you can 
 to persuade the .Government of the United States of the 
 necessity of making a Treaty of Alliance, defensive and 
 offensive, with the Brazilian Government in the case of at- 
 tack. Your Excellency should also bear in mind the orders 
 which you have received in this respect, not only in the In- 
 structions, but also in my despatch of September 15th of 
 last year. Your Excellency, however, should come to no 
 final decision during the negotiations which will take place, 
 and will leave everything to an ad referendum, so that the 
 Imperial Government may not be bound either by reasons of
 
 II 
 
 civility or of consideration, but may with complete liberty 
 deliberate as to what it considers to be just." 
 And again on May 14th of the same year, 1825 : 
 "I have received, and submitted to His Majesty the Em- 
 peror, the despatch No. 14 which Your Excellency for- 
 warded to me under date of January 26th of the present 
 year and His Majesty is aware of how much you have done 
 to ensure the nomination of a diplomat to this Court. 
 From what Your Excellency says, and from an American 
 paper which appeared at a later date than your despatch, 
 I see that Condy Raguet has been appointed Charge d'Af- 
 faires and that you are stated to have been instrumental in 
 the matter. Nevertheless Your Excellency ought to insist 
 with persuasive and telling arguments on the nomination of 
 a Minister Plenipotentiary, not only out of consideration to 
 the Empire, but also because American Ministers of this rank 
 have already been here. Your Excellency will also give it 
 to be understood that the United States Government must 
 take the first step in the matter, since it recognized the Em- 
 pire, and that it is a natural corollary to such recognition, 
 and Your Excellency will also give an assurance that 
 His Majesty the Emperor will immediately nominate a Min- 
 ister of equal rank. 
 
 "With regard to the question of the Treaty of Alliance 
 you should proceed on the lines intimated in the Instructions 
 and in subsequent despatches and I have also to inform you 
 that, in view of the steps taken by you in the matter. His 
 Majesty the Emperor is not pleased that Your Excellency 
 should have proposed the inclusion of the other States which 
 form the Spanish colonies, on which point nothing was 
 said in the aforesaid Instructions, nor was it convenient 
 to associate us with those States without having previously 
 approached them privately on the matter-."
 
 12 
 V. 
 
 On January 28, 1825, Rebello proposed the alliance to 
 Adams in writing, Adams having said to him on the 22d: 
 
 "What you have just said I w^ill repeat in the presence of 
 the President, but it w^ill be more convenient if you send it 
 to me in a note. After he has read it the President will de- 
 cide what steps it is most convenient for the Government to 
 take." (Despatch of January 26th, No. 14, from the Bra- 
 zilian Legation in Washington.) 
 
 The following are the most essential portions of the Note 
 which on January 28, 1825, Rebello sent to Secretary of 
 State Adams, a Note which began with a reference to the 
 Monroe Message of 1823 : 
 
 ^'The Government of Brazil being convinced that the de- 
 -claration made by the Government of the United States in 
 the Message of His Excellency the President at the First 
 Session of the i8th Congress is effective, and it having been 
 said in it, with regard to those American countries which 
 had declared their Independence and maintained it, and 
 whose Independence had been recognized by the Government 
 as founded on reasonable bases and on the principles of 
 justice, that this Government would not allow any interfer- 
 ence for the purpose of oppressing or limiting in any way 
 whatsoever the destinies of those countries on the part of 
 any European Power, but that such interference would be 
 looked upon by the Government of the United States as an 
 unfriendly act ; and considering that, while it is to be hoped 
 that the said European Powers, enlightened by the true 
 ideas which all Governments ought to have as to the justice 
 and principles on which Brazil founded her Independence, 
 will not interfere in the question which she has with Portu- 
 gal, it is at the same time human to err, and Governments 
 are human, and it is possible therefore that some of the said
 
 13 
 
 Governments might desire to help exhausted Portugal to re- 
 colonize Brazil, for which the latter has but little desire ; and 
 considering that in such an event the United States would be 
 bound to put into practice the policy laid down in the said 
 Message, giving proofs of the generosity and justice which 
 animates her, which could not be done without sacrifice of 
 life and treasure ; and it not being in accordance with reason, 
 justice and right that the Government of Brazil shoidd ac- 
 cept such sacrifices gratuitously: that Government is ready 
 to enter into a Convention with the Government of the 
 United States, the object of which will be the preservation 
 of the Independence of Brazil in the case of any Power 
 aiding Portugal in its vain and chimerical projects for the 
 re-colonization of Brazil. 
 
 "The same reason which moves the Government of Brazil 
 to hope that the Government of the United States will pro- 
 pose the conditions for the said Convention permits it also 
 to hope that the Government of the United States will also 
 offer conditions for entering into of an offensive and 
 defensive aUiance with the Government of Brazil. ..." 
 
 The reply to this note was sent after James Monroe had 
 passed on the Presidency to his successor, John Quincy 
 Adams. 
 
 The new Secretary of State, Henry Clay, in a note dated 
 April 13, 1825, expressed himself as follows: 
 
 "Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt at this 
 Department of your two notes, the one under date the 28th 
 January, and the other the 6th day of April, 1825. The 
 delay, in transmitting an answer to the former, has arisen 
 from arrangements incident to the formation of a new Ad- 
 ministration, and not from any insensibility to the important 
 propositions which it announces, or disrespect to the Govern- 
 ment of Brazil, or its respectable Representative here. To 
 those propositions, the President has given the most atten-
 
 14 
 
 tive consideration. They are, first, that the United States 
 shall enter into a Convention with your Government to 
 maintain its independence, in the event of Portugal being 
 assisted by any foreign power to re-establish its former 
 sway, and secondly, that a Treaty of Alliance and defence 
 be formed between the United States and the Government 
 of Brazil to expel the arms of Portugal from any portion of 
 the Brazilian Territory of which they might happen, in the 
 progress of the War, to take possession. 
 
 "The President of the United States adheres to the prin- 
 ciples of his predecessor, as set forth in his message of the 
 7th December, 1823, to the American Congress. But with 
 respect to your first proposition, as there does not appear, 
 at present, any likelihood of Portugal being able to draw 
 to her aid other Powers to assist her in re-subjugating the 
 Brazils, there would not seem to be any occasion for a con- 
 vention founded upon that improbable contingency. The 
 President, on the contrary, sees with satisfaction that there 
 is a reasonable probability of a speedy peace between Por- 
 tugal and the Government of Brazil, founded upon that In- 
 dependence of it, which the United States were the first to 
 acknowledge. In declining, therefore, to enter into the pro- 
 posed convention, you will be pleased to assure your Gov- 
 ernment that the determination of the President does not 
 proceed from any abatement of the interest which the United 
 States have constantly felt in the establishment of the Inde- 
 pendence of Brazil, but is dictated solely by the want of 
 those circumstances which would appear to be necessary to 
 justify the formation of such a Convention. If in the 
 progress of events there should be a renewal of demonstra- 
 tions, on the part of the European allies to attack the Inde- 
 pendence of the American States, the President will give to 
 that new state of things, should it arise, every considera- 
 tion, which its importance would undoubtedly demand.
 
 15 
 
 "With respect to your second proposition of a Treaty of 
 Alliance offensive and defensive to repel any invasion of the 
 Brazilian Territories by the forces of Portugal, if the ex- 
 pected peace should take place, that also would be unneces- 
 sary. But such a Treaty would be inconsistent with the 
 policy which the United States have heretofore prescribed 
 to themselves. That policy is, that whilst the war is con- 
 fined to the parent country and its former Colony, the United 
 States remain neutral, extending their friendship and doing 
 equal justice to both parties. From that policy they did not 
 deviate during the whole of the long contest between Spain 
 and the several Independent Governments which have been 
 erected on her former American Territories. If an exception 
 to it were now for the first time made, the justice of your 
 Sovereign will admit that the other new Governments might 
 have some cause to complain of the United States. 
 
 "Whilst I regret that these considerations of policy which 
 the United States feel themselves bound to respect, will not 
 allow them to enter at this time into either of the two com- 
 pacts suggested by you, I have much satisfaction in con- 
 curring with you in the expediency of permanently uniting 
 our two Nations in the ties of Friendship, Peace, and Com- 
 merce. With that view I am instructed to say to you, that 
 the United States are disposed to conclude a Treaty of 
 Peace, Amity, Navigation and Commerce with the Govern- 
 ment of Brazil, and that they are willing to adopt, as the 
 basis of the mutual regulations of the Commerce and Navi- 
 gation of the two countries, a principle of equity and perfect 
 reciprocity. If you should be empowered to negotiate such 
 a Treaty, I shall take great pleasure in entering upon the 
 discussion and consideration of its terms at such time as 
 may be mutually convenient. 
 
 "I pray you, Sir, to accept the assurances of my distin- 
 guished consideration. (Signed) H.Clay.
 
 i6 
 
 The Treaty of Friendship, Navigation and Commerce be- 
 tween the two countries was signed in the City of Rio de 
 Janeiro on December 12, 1828, by the two BraziHan Pleni- 
 potentiaries, the Marquis of Aracaty, Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, and Miguel de Souza Mello e Alvim, Minister of 
 the Navy, and by the Plenipotentiary of the United States, 
 William Tudor. 
 
 VI. 
 
 To the documents already quoted let us add the following 
 significant passage from a despatch of the Marquis of Ara- 
 caty, Minister of Foreign Affairs, addressed on April 6, 
 1827, to our representative in Washington: 
 
 "And in this connection when Your Excellency is in con- 
 ference with the said Minister you will do all in your power 
 to make him understand that His Majesty the Bniperor of 
 Brazil, in his high and well considered policy, understands 
 perfectly zvhat the country is and its value, and of how great 
 mutual importance it is to both countries that their Govern- 
 ments shoidd do all in their pozver to make their political 
 relations closer and grasp each other by the hand. . . ." 
 
 VII. 
 
 After touching on the recognition of our Independence by 
 the United States, Pereira Pinto (Work cited above, page 
 390 of vol. II) says : 
 
 "The basis for a good understanding between Brazil and 
 the United States having thus been cemented they have ever 
 remained on the same footing of perfect cordiality, which 
 has not been disturbed by small incidents or disputes which 
 from time to time have arisen. ..." 
 
 The author is referring to the unpleasant incidents which 
 were caused by three diplomatic representatives of the
 
 17 
 
 United States in Brazil: Condy Raguet in 1827, Wise in 
 1846 and Webb after 1863, ^s well as to the insult to our 
 sovereignty offered by Captain Collins of the cruiser Mas- 
 sachusetts by the seizure of the Florida, privateer, in 1864, 
 in the bay of Bahia. The American Government in the 
 three first cases censured the action of their agents and re- 
 placed them by others who, by the contrast they presented, 
 smoothed into oblivion the mistakes and arrogance of their 
 predecessors ; in the case of the Florida, immediate and hon- 
 orable satisfaction was given. 
 
 We will now quote again Pereira Pinto to show what was 
 the dominating trend of our political thought in the time of 
 the Empire (Work cited above, vol. II, page 425) : 
 
 "Whilst expressing heartfelt wishes for the consolidation 
 of our alliance with the United States by means of a sincere 
 and enlightened policy, the reader will allow us to quote in 
 these pages certain impressions in this respect which we 
 wrote in O Correio Mercantil of April 7th of the current 
 year (1865) : 
 
 "It is not possible to imagine any advantage which could 
 possibly accrue to us by repelling the United States. Our 
 interests in America are homogeneous, and as a result they 
 should be our natural allies and they have done all in their 
 power to bring about this consummation. Facts prove 
 it. . . . 
 
 When European intervention was suggested, to put an 
 end to the Civil War, the two Governments said that the 
 traditional policy of Monroe excluded such intervention and 
 that if they required arbitration they would show prefer- 
 ence to Brazil. 
 
 "All these acts show on the part of the United States the 
 best and most pronounced desire to form an intimate al- 
 liance with Brazil and such an alliance would have avoided,
 
 i8 
 
 who knows? the unjustified interference of Spain, and 
 France in the affairs of Mexico and Peru and the insults 
 which the powerful Nations of Europe have heaped on the 
 weak peoples of the New World. Perhaps our form of 
 Government stood in the way of such intimacy? We do 
 not think so. The Imperial institutions are also democratic 
 and the monarchical element, which is inherent in them, 
 gives lustre to and strengthens the Brazilian form of Gov- 
 ernment, it being certain that, in spite of the difference, 
 liberal principles amongst us are freer and more tolerant, 
 we have no disabilities and every man can take a part in 
 public business provided he possesses talent and virtue. , . " 
 
 VIII. 
 
 By having recourse to the Parliamentary Annals of Bra- 
 zil, books, pamphlets and papers, published during the two 
 reigns of the Imperial epoch, we might multiply such quota- 
 tions as we have already given, illustrative of the conviction 
 the governing class had of the advantages for the country 
 of a cordial understanding with the United States of 
 America. 
 
 Those who were in touch with the late Emperor Dom 
 Pedro know how he shared the sentiments which had been 
 inspired to his father by Jose Bonifacio, Carvalho e Mello, 
 Villela Barbosa and other Ministers who, like Viscount 
 Sepetiba and Uruguay, settled or consolidated the bases of 
 our foreign policy. These sentiments were proved, not only 
 by the visit which he made to the United States of America 
 in 1876, during which he, whilst on board ship, took pleas- 
 ure in translating the popular hymn of the Star-spangled 
 banner, but by the promptitude and pleasure with which he
 
 19 
 
 nominated the Brazilian Delegates to the First Pan-Ameri- 
 can Congress at Washington in 1889. 
 
 On the other hand, to pass in review the proofs of friend- 
 ship to Brazil, the interest taken in its progress and its 
 prestige, the appreciation given to its Government by the 
 United States, from 1824, to the present day, would 
 necessitate a great expansion of this article, which is mainly 
 a collection of quotations. It will suffice to remember 
 that the French occupation of Amapa in 1836 came to an 
 end in 1840, owing to the representations of the Govern- 
 ment of the United States, in support of Brazil and England 
 in Paris; that the second military occupation, planned in 
 1895 by M. Lebon, Minister of the Colonies, was avoided 
 because M. Hanotaux, Minister of Foreign Affairs, better 
 advised than his colleague, understood that the Monroe Doc- 
 trine and British interests were opposed to such a policy; 
 that, at the request of the United States and Great Britain, 
 Brazil was called to appoint one of the members of the 
 Geneva Arbitration Court to decide the claims of the United 
 States against England in the case of the Alabama, having 
 appointed to that effect Viscount de Itajuba; that, at the 
 suggestion of the Government of the United States a Bra- 
 zilian, the Viscount de Arinos, presided over the Franco- 
 American Arbitration Court, which sat in Washington from 
 1880 to 1884, and that when certain of the Great Powers 
 proffered their good offices at a critical moment during the 
 Civil War, President Lincoln replied that the question was 
 an American one and that respect for the Monroe Doctrine 
 would not allow him to accept any European intervention, 
 adding that, if — as was not probable — the moment arrived 
 for the intervention of a friendly Government the natural 
 arbiter between the two combatants would be the Govern- 
 ment of Brazil.
 
 20 
 
 X. 
 
 We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of giving at this 
 point, from the papers of the day, the following essential 
 extracts from the speech which the Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, Richard 
 Vidder Meade, read on December 5, 1857, when he pre- 
 sented his credentials to the Emperor Dom Pedro II. 
 
 "By accrediting a Minister to this Government, the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States intends not only to extend due 
 courtesy to the greatest Power of the South American Con- 
 tinent, but also to show its sincere desire to act with the 
 Imperial Government of Brazil for the maintenance of a 
 policy which has ever united the two countries in the bonds 
 of peace and of friendship, which gives added force and 
 vigor to an already prosperous and increasing trade and, 
 finally, tends to the permanent prosperity and the develop- 
 ment of the power of the two great Nations on whose des- 
 tinies depend those of the two great continents in which 
 they lie. 
 
 "My Government is well aware of the points of similarity 
 and the community of interests which ought to make the 
 bonds between the two countries unbreakable and give the 
 same direction to the policy and aspirations of them both. 
 An equal extent of territory, of vast proportions, insures 
 for the two Nations an indisputable preponderance in the 
 future, and gives their position an importance due prin- 
 cipally to a consciousness of their own power. 
 
 "The similarity which in many ways exists between the 
 Constitutional organism of both countries tends to political 
 and social sympathy, both factors for mutual well-being and 
 future commercial progress; we are at a point when a 
 policy common to both Nations, stable and deeply rooted on
 
 21 
 
 their own soil, a policy which will have to meet many attacks 
 from outside, will establish an alliance between them and 
 will ensure for mutual defence a unity of action and feeling, 
 that will prove invincible in the future. ..." 
 
 These sentiments manifested then and on many other 
 occasions are identical with those that to-day inspire the 
 Governments of Washington and Rio de Janeiro, as recent 
 events, which are matters of public knowledge and therefore 
 need not be recapitulated, have proved. . . . All in- 
 trigues against this country in Washington from 1823 
 down to recent times have been met by the invincible barrier 
 opposed to it by the ancient friendship, which so happily 
 unites Brazil and the United States and which it is the duty 
 of the present generation to perpetuate with the same dili- 
 gence and enthusiasm as was displayed by our ancestors. 
 
 5 
 
 7341
 
 r 
 
 University of California 
 
 SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 
 
 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 
 
 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed.
 
 Pamphlet 
 
 Binder 
 
 Gaylord Bros. 
 
 Makers 
 
 Syracuse, N. Y 
 
 PAT. JAN 21, 1908 
 
 LMH nc UIUNHL LltlhtthY f AUILM Y 
 
 AA 000 518 104 5 
 
 t!
 
 '->v"' ■ 
 
 
 ■•^^t 
 
 
 Univers 
 SoutJ 
 
 ~ N ^. 
 
 Llbj 
 
 "lip: 
 
 M