D 
 

 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
COMMITTEE. 
 
 Chairman The Right Hon. THE LORD CHANCELLOR. 
 
 Fie-CAairman-The Right Hon. SIR HENRY PARNELL, Bart. 
 
 Treasurer WILLIAM TOOKE, Esq., M.P., F.R.S. 
 
 W. Allen, Esq., F.R.&R.A.S. 
 Rt. Hon. Vise. Althorp, M.P., 
 
 I. L.Goldsmid,Esq.,FR.&RAS. 
 B. Gompertz, Esq.,FR.&RAS. 
 
 James Manning, Esq. 
 John Herman Merivale, Esq. 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 W. B. Baring, Esq., M.P. 
 
 G. B.Greenough,Esq.,FR.&LS. 
 H. Hallam, Esq.. F.R S., M.A. 
 
 F.A.S. 
 James Mill, Esq. 
 
 Capt. F Beaufort, R.N , F.R.& 
 
 M. D. Hill, Esq., M.P. 
 
 W. H. Ord, Esq., M.P. 
 
 R.A.S., Hydrographer to the 
 
 Rowland Hill, Esq., F.R.A.S. 
 
 Dr. Roget, Sec. R.S., F.R.A.S. 
 
 Admiralty. 
 
 Edwin Hill, Esq. 
 
 Sir Martin A. Shee, P.R.A., 
 
 Sir C. Bell, F.R.S., L. & E. 
 
 David Jardine. Ksq., M A. 
 
 F.R.S 
 
 The Rt. Kev. the Bishop of 
 
 The Rl. Hon. the Lord Chief 
 
 Rev. Richard Sheepshanks, 
 
 Chichester, D D. 
 
 Justice of England. 
 
 M.A. 
 
 William Coulson, Esq. 
 
 Henry B. Ker.Esq , F R.S. 
 
 J. Smith, Esq., M.P. 
 
 R. D. Craig, Ksq. 
 Wm. Crawford, Esq. 
 J. Fred. Daniell, Ksq , F.R.S. 
 
 Thos. Hewitt Key, Esq., A.M. 
 Geo.C. Lewis, Esq., M.A. 
 James Loch, Esq.,M.P., F.G.S. 
 
 Dr. A. T. Thomson, F.L.S. 
 N.A.Vigors, Esq.,M.P.,F.R.S. 
 J. Ward, Esq. 
 
 Rt. Hon Lord Dover. 
 
 George Long, Esq., M.A. 
 
 H. Waymouth, Esq. 
 
 Lt. Drummond,R.E.,F.R.A.S. 
 T.F. Ellis.Esq., M.A. .F.R.A.S. 
 
 J. W.Lubbock.Esq. F.R.,R.A. 
 fi L.S S. 
 
 J. Whishaw, Esq., M.A.,F. R.S. 
 John Wrottesley, Esq. M.A., 
 
 John Elliotson.M.D., F.R.S. 
 
 Henry Maiden, Esq., A.M. 
 
 Sec. R A.8. 
 
 Thomas Falconer, Esq. 
 
 A.T.Malkin,Esq. M.A. 
 
 
 LOCAL COMMITTEES OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
 Anlesea Rev. Evan Williams 
 
 Derby William Strutt, Esq. 
 
 Heath John Rowland, Esq. 
 
 Rev. W. Johnson. 
 
 Devonport and Stone/louse 
 
 Nen>castle-Jzmes Losh, Esq. 
 
 Millar, Esq. 
 Ashburton J.K.Kingston, Esq. 
 Barnstaple Bancraft, Esq. 
 
 John Cole, Esq. 
 Norman, Esq. 
 Lieut.-Col. C. Hamilton 
 
 Rev. W. Turner. 
 Newport, lile of Wight 
 Ab. Clarke, Esq. 
 
 William Gribble, Esq. 
 
 Smith, F.R.S. 
 
 T. Cooke. Jun., Esq. 
 
 Bitsm-Rev. W. Leigh. 
 Birmingham 
 Rev. John Corrie, F.R.S. 
 
 Etruria-Jos. Wedgwood, Esq. 
 Exeter Rev. J. P. Jones. 
 J. Tyrrell, Esq. 
 
 R. G. Kirkpatrick, Esq. 
 Newport Pagntll-J&mes Mil- 
 lar, Esq. 
 
 Chairman. 
 Paul Moon James, Esq., 
 Treasurer. 
 
 J. Milford, Esq. (Coarer.) 
 Glasgoro K. Finlay, Esq. 
 D. Bannatyne, Esq. 
 
 Newtorvn, Montgomeryshire 
 William Pugh, Esq. 
 Norwich Rt. Hon. Lord Suf- 
 
 Jos. Parkes, Esq. \ Hon. 
 
 Professor Mylne. 
 
 field. 
 
 Wm Redfern,Esq. f Sec*. 
 
 Alexander McGrigor, Esq. 
 
 Rich. Bacon, Esq. 
 
 fionn Leonard Horner, Esq. 
 
 Charles Tennant, Esq. 
 
 Plymouth H. Woollcombe, 
 
 F R.S.L. and E. 
 
 James Cowper, Esq. 
 
 Esq., F.A.S., Chairman. 
 
 Bridport Wm. Forster, Esq. 
 James Williams, Esq. 
 Bristol J. N. Sanders, Esq., 
 
 Mr. T. Atkinson, Hon. Sec. 
 Co<vbrid K e. 
 
 Snow Harris, Esq., F.R.S. 
 Geo Harvey, Esq , F.R.S. 
 E. Moore, M.D., F.L.S.,Sec 
 
 Chairman. 
 
 Rev. B. R. Paul, Lantwit. 
 
 G. Wight wick, Esq. 
 
 J. Reynolds, Esq., Treat. 
 J.B. Estlin.Esq.F.L.S., Sec. 
 
 W. Williams, Esq. Aber- 
 pergwm. 
 
 Ripon Kev. H. P. Hamilton. 
 A.M., F.R.S,, &G.S. 
 
 R,,ryf;t.I':dniundi B.Bevan, 
 
 Gloucester Dr. Baron, M.D. 
 
 Rev. P. Ewart, M.A. 
 
 Esq. 
 
 F.R.S. 
 
 Ruthen The Rev.the Warden. 
 
 Cambridge Rev. James Bow- 
 stead, M.A. 
 Rev. Prof. Henslow, M.A., 
 
 Samuel Bowley, Esq. 
 Guernsey U. Lukis, Esq. 
 Holyiceit Uev. J.Blackwall 
 
 Humphreys Jones, Esq. 
 Ryde, Isle of Wight- 
 Sir Rd. Simeon, Bart., M.P. 
 
 F.L.S. & G. S. 
 
 HtiliJ. C. Parker, Esq. 
 
 Sheffield J. H. Abraham, Esq. 
 
 Rev. L. Jenyns,M.A.,F.L.S. 
 Rev. John Lodge, M.A. 
 R. W. Rothman, Esq.,M.A. 
 
 Keighley, Yorkshire Rev. Th. 
 Dury, M.A. 
 Launccston Rev. J.Barfitt. 
 
 Shepton Mallet - G. F. Bur- 
 roughs, Esq. 
 Shrewsbury R.A. SSaney,Esq. 
 
 F.R.A.S., &G.S. 
 Rev. Geo. Peacock, M.A., 
 
 Leamington Spa Dr. Loudon, 
 M.D. 
 
 M.P. 
 South PethertonJ. Nicholetts, 
 
 F.R.S. & G.S. 
 
 Leeds J. Marshall, Esq. 
 
 Esq. 
 
 Rev. Prof. Sedgwick, M.A., 
 F.R.S &G.S. 
 
 J Marshall, Jun., Esq. 
 Benjamin Gott, Esq. 
 
 Si. Asap/iRev. Ceo. Strong. 
 Stockport Henry Marsland, 
 
 Professor Smyth, M A. 
 Rev. C. Thirlwall.MA. 
 Rev. George VVaddington. 
 Canterbury A.B. Higgins, Esq. 
 John Brent, Esq. 
 
 Lewrs-J. W. Woollgar, Esq. 
 Liverpool Local Association. 
 Dr. Traill, Chairman. 
 J. Mulleneux, Esq., Treat. 
 Rev. W. Shepherd. 
 
 Esq., Treasurer. 
 Henry Coppock, Esq. Sec. 
 Tavistock Rev. W. Evans. 
 John Rundle, Esq. 
 Tunbridge Wellt - Dr. Yeats, 
 
 William Masters, Esq. 
 Can<o-J.F.Davis,Esq.,F.R.S. 
 Carimiron R. A. I'oole, Esq. 
 
 J. Ashton Yates. Esq. 
 Ludlotv T. A. Knight, Esq. 
 P.H.S. 
 
 M.D. 
 
 Warwick Dr. Conolly. 
 Rev. William Field, (Learn.") 
 
 W. Roberts, F.sq. 
 Chester Hayes Lyon, Esq. 
 
 llaidenhead-R. Goolden, Esq., 
 F L.S. 
 
 WaterfordSii J. Newport, Bt., 
 M.P. 
 
 Dr. Cumming. 
 
 Maidslone Clement T.Smythe, 
 
 Wolverhampton J. Pearson, 
 
 Dr. Jones. 
 
 Esq. 
 
 Esq. 
 
 Henry Potts, Esq. 
 Dr. '1 hackera". 
 Rev. Mr. Tho'rp. 
 
 John Case, Esq. 
 Malmes!>uryB. C. Thomas, 
 Esq. 
 
 Worcester Dr. Corbet, M.D. 
 Dr. Hastings. M.D. 
 C. H. Hebb, Esq. 
 
 Wardell, Ksq. 
 
 Manchester Local Attaciation 
 
 Wrexham T. Edgworth, Esq. 
 
 Wedge, I'.sq. 
 
 G.\V.Wood,Esq.,CAairmn. 
 
 J. E. Bowman, Esq.,F.L>., 
 
 Chichester- John Forbes, M.D., 
 - F.R.S. 
 
 B. Hiywood, Esq. Treas. 
 T. W. Winstanley, Esq. 
 
 Treasurer. 
 Major William Lloyd. 
 
 Thomas Sanden, M.D. 
 
 H,,n. Sec 
 
 Yarmouth C. E. Kumbold, 
 
 C. C. Dendy, Esq. 
 
 .Sir G. Philips, Bart.. M.P. 
 
 Esq., M P. 
 
 Coventry A. Gregory, Esq. 
 Denbigh John Madocks, Esq. 
 
 ifincUnhamptonJ: Ball, Esq. 
 2Uonmouth-J. H. Moeeridse. 
 
 Dawson Turner, Esq. 
 York Rev. J. Kenrick, A.M. 
 
 Thomas Evans, Esq., Esq. 
 
 John Wood, Esq., M.P 
 
 THOMAS COATJBS, Secretary, No. 99, Lincoln's Inn Fields. 
 
 1st March, 1833. 
 
THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 FROM B. C. 1000 TO A. D. 1814. 
 
 Vv 
 
 PUBLISHED UNDER THE SUPERINTENDENCE OF THE 
 
 SOCIETY FOR THE DIFFUSION OF 
 
 USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. 
 
 LONDON: 
 BALDWIN AND CRADOCK, PATERNOSTER-ROW. 
 
 MDCCCXXXIII. 
 

 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES , 
 Stamford Street, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS History is offered to the Public, without pretension, on the part of the 
 Writer, to any other merit than diligence and impartiality. Authors of different 
 nations, ages, religions, and politics, have been carefully read, compared, and, as 
 far as might be, employed for reciprocal correction. Where contradictory state- 
 ments have involved particular points in uncertainty, the different prejudices and 
 partialities of different Historians have been weighed; the agreement or disagree- 
 ment of their several accounts, as well with universally admitted facts, as with the 
 general tenor of their own and their antagonists' relations, has been examined; 
 and, according to the result of such inquiries, the narrative has been compiled 
 from the various Authorities consulted, as each has appeared to be most consonant 
 with truth or probability. 
 
 The task, though laborious, has brought with it its own reward ; inasmuch as 
 the History of the Spanish Peninsula affords a variety of interest, unparalleled in 
 the annals of most other countries. The lofty and daring character of the people, 
 as it presents itself, from their early struggle against the Carthaginians and the 
 Romans, down to their universal insurrection against the modern Despot of 
 the European continent, commands our admiration : the seven centuries of 
 Arab domination and contest teem with interest, such as the pages of fiction 
 can scarcely surpass : whilst the philosopher and the politician may find matter 
 for research and meditation in the developement and overthrow of national 
 liberty, in the concomitant prosperity and decline of the Peninsula, and in the re- 
 markable illustration, offered by the latter periods, of the brutalizing effects of 
 bigotry and tyranny upon the human mind. In a History so extensive, 
 compressed within limits narrow as those of the present publication, much 
 of this can, of course, be little more than indicated. It is hoped, however, 
 that enough of peculiar character may have been shown, to tempt many readers to 
 pursue the study at greater length; and those who shall feel themselves thus 
 tempted, may rest assured that they will never regret the time or the pains bestowed 
 upon the deeper investigation of the History of Spain and Portugal. 
 
 M. M. BUSK. 
 
 Osnaburgh Terrace, Dec. 29, 1832. 
 
 >; 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST. 
 
 
 BOOK THE THIRD. 
 
 Chap. B. C. A. D. 
 
 Page 
 
 Chap. A. D. A. D. 
 
 I. from 1000 to 400 . . 
 
 1 
 
 I. from 1700 to 1705 . 
 
 A.D. 
 
 
 II. from 1706 to 1710 . 
 
 II. from 400 to 710 . . 
 
 3 
 
 III. from 1711 to 1715 . 
 
 III. from 710 to 815 . . 
 
 7 
 
 IV. from 1715 to Iv46 . 
 
 IV. from 800 to 998 . . 
 
 14 
 
 V. from 1746 to 1759 . 
 
 V. from 997 to 1137 . . 
 
 21 
 
 VI. from 1757 to 1775 . 
 
 VI. from 1137 to 1230 . . 
 
 29 
 
 VII. from 1763 to 1774 . 
 
 VII. from 1212 to 1276 . . 
 
 35 
 
 VIII. from 1774 to 1782 . 
 
 VIII. from 1276 to 1350 . . 
 
 42 
 
 IX. from 1781 to 1788 . 
 
 IX. from 1338 to 1387 . . 
 
 50 
 
 
 X. from 1373 to 1442 . . 
 
 58 
 
 
 XI. from 1387 to 1463 . . 
 XII. from 1450 to 1492 . . 
 
 65 
 73 
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH. 
 
 
 
 I. from 1789 to 1793 . 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 
 II. from 1790 to 1795 . 
 
 I. from 1492 to 1503 . . 
 II. from 1498 to 1516 . . 
 III. from 1516 to 1522 . . 
 IV. from 1518 to 1530 . . 
 V. from 1522 to 1562 . . 
 VI. from 1556 to 1574 . . 
 
 84 
 90 
 97 
 102 
 109 
 116 
 
 III. from 1796 to 1799 . 
 IV. from 1800 to 1803 . 
 V. from 1803 to 1806 . 
 VI. from 1806 to 1807 . 
 VII. from 1807 to 1808 . 
 VIII. 1808 
 
 TY 1 ft08 
 
 VII. from 1570 to 1581 . , 
 VIII. from 1581 to 1598 . . 
 IX. from 1598 to 1621 . . 
 X. from 1621 to 1640 . . 
 XI. from 1640 to 1665 . . 
 
 123 
 131 
 138 
 146 
 153 
 
 1A.. . 
 
 X. from 1809 to 1810 . 
 XI. from 1810 to 1812 . 
 XII. from 1812 to 1813 . 
 XIII. from 1813 to 1814 . 
 
 XII. from 1665 to 1700 . . 
 
 159 
 
 
 Page 
 166 
 172 
 179 
 185 
 194 
 200 
 206 
 212 
 219 
 
 226 
 234 
 241 
 
 248 
 255 
 260 
 266 
 274 
 282 
 290 
 299 
 308 
 316 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 Page 33, line 1 from bottom col. I, for Thoulouse read Toulouse. 
 44, line 10, col. 2, /or Sancho III. read Sancho IV. 
 116, note 3 from bottom, for former read latter. 
 212, line 7 of note omit de. 
 ibid. for 2 read 4. 
 
 b'2 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 
 
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 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 VII 
 
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VI 11 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 IX 
 
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
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 TT TP TT -r -f 
 
 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 XI 
 
 M J 
 
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 8- 
 
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 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. * 
 
 
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 1 
 
 
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 t^x O> O ^-* C'O Tf CT5 ^1* *O O O bx C"5 00 C^ i* OO O OO O^ 1^. C^ C 1 ! C^ CO 
 
 J 
 
 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 xiii 
 
 I 
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 2 
 
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 t 1 
 
 
 
 - 
 
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 B S 8 if J 
 
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XiV 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 if * 
 
 *7 * rj 
 
 5? 
 
 . 
 
 rs 
 
 
 SCS 
 - 0i 
 
 III 
 
 ! HI 
 
 !! 1 1 
 
 S 
 
 cj ca H a; OP .S 2 
 
 |l|* 3-53 
 
 I-SS^ ^s-S 
 
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 . 
 la Chapelle 
 Paraguay. 
 
 II $ 
 
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 gland 
 
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CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 xv 
 
 . . 
 
 * 
 
 Recovery o 
 Salaman 
 Battles of 
 Ferdinand 
 dissolved 
 
 iiJHiil 
 
 L'OIaag 
 
 .sUJJsj^i 
 tslil I^l-Be 
 
 h 
 x 
 
 : lt-IIIP=, 
 
 PF'W 
 
 revolutiry, and 
 itutional government Inte 
 n of all foreign interferenc 
 s of the Duke d'Angoulem 
 the Constitution His viole 
 
 r 
 n 
 
 t 
 tio 
 ce 
 er 
 
 Rejec 
 suc 
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 b'it! 
 
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 00 00 
 
XVI 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 .-3 
 
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 1 
 
 II 4 
 
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 I ? s? I ^ f** ^ -a 3 cc 
 
 fa 
 
 1 
 
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 CM CM 
 
 CO 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Description of Spain Invasion and 
 partial Conquest by the Carthagi- 
 nians Alliance of the Spaniards 
 with the Romans Expulsion of 
 Carthaginians Romans turn their 
 arms agaifist Spaniards Long re- 
 sistance Viriatus Sertorius Fi- 
 nal conquest*. 
 
 FEW histories afford lessons of greater 
 value than those of Spain and Portugal. 
 They teem with proofs that indepen- 
 dence and liberty are not less important 
 to the wealth and political power of a 
 country, than to its happiness ; that 
 neither natural advantages nor the cha- 
 racter of the inhabitants, neither in- 
 crease of territory nor external peace 
 and domestic tranquillity, can in any 
 measure counterbalance the destructive 
 effects of a foreign yoke, or of a despotic 
 government. But this is not all ; they 
 likewise teach us, what is not so imme- 
 diately obvious, that a theoretically per- 
 fect constitution is not always indis- 
 pensable to practical freedom, or the 
 paralyzing influence of intolerant bigotry 
 -always the necessary concomitant of 
 intolerant tenets. 
 
 The Spanish peninsula, considered 
 as a whole, combines most of the ad- 
 vantages of an insular, with those of 
 a continental, position. Almost en- 
 tirely surrounded by the sea, Spain is 
 an island with regard to trade and 
 fisheries ; whilst the neck of land that 
 connects her with France, at once fur- 
 nishes in the Pyrenees a mountainous 
 barrier against that country, and pre- 
 serves her from entire dependence upon 
 winds and waves in her external rela- 
 tions. In the climate, the genial warmth 
 of the south of Europe is tempered by 
 sea-breezes, in nearly every direction, 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are Livy, Plutarchi Vita, i) vols. I2mo. 
 Leipzig, Ibl3. Ancient Universal History, 20 vols, 
 
 and the fertile soil yields equally the 
 necessaries and the luxuries of life ; 
 corn, fruit, wine, fine merino wool, and 
 olive oil. The mountains abound in 
 mineral treasures, and afforded in early 
 times one of the principal supplies of 
 gold and silver. The natives of this 
 favoured land are brave, sober, hardy, 
 and enterprizing. Yet notwithstanding 
 al) these sources of prosperity, Spain, 
 which in the sixteenth century startled 
 Europe with the first fears of universal 
 monarchy, now is, and has long been, 
 the most enslaved, oppressed, ignorant 
 and indigent, of civilized countries. 
 
 The harvests, mines, and sea-ports 
 of the Peninsula early at- 
 tracted the attention, and 
 excited the cupidity, of the 
 Phoenicians and Carthaginians, who 
 were distinguished amongst ancient 
 nations for commercial activity and 
 boldness in navigation. The Phoeni- 
 cians are believed to have founded the 
 city of Cadiz, one thousand years before 
 the birth of Christ ; and many colonies 
 were subsequently planted upon the 
 sea-coast by them, the Carthaginians, 
 and the Greeks. How a footing was 
 obtained for such settlements is not 
 known ; but it seems probable that the 
 barbarous Celtic tribes, constituting the 
 original population, willingly allowed 
 traders, who brought them useful articles 
 in exchange for their gold and silver, to 
 establish factories, from which they ap- 
 prehended no evil consequences. That 
 such concessions were neither wrung 
 from the weakness, nor purchased from 
 the apathy, of the natives, is abundantly 
 proved by their fierce and prolonged re- 
 sistance to the Carthaginians, when the 
 latter, having thus insidiously possessed 
 themselves of the southern coast, pro- 
 ceeded to attempt the conquest of the 
 country. The Carthaginians never 
 fully succeeded. The Romans, during 
 their Punic wars, sought and found 
 allies amongst the Spanish tribes ; but 
 for many years they neglected to afford 
 those allies sufficient help, to support 
 B 
 
HISTORY &F SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 them against the disciplined -troops' of 
 the invaders. The, YTV.rthaginiaiii gene- 
 rals, Hamilcar, his brother Asdrnbal, 
 and his far more celebrated son, Han- 
 nibal, successively, by hard fighting 
 and crafty policy, reduced the southern 
 half of the Peninsula under the Cartha- 
 ginian yoke. The first of these leaders 
 fell in battle, the second was murdered, 
 and in the Spaniards' contests with the 
 third, one of the most memorable exam- 
 ples of invincible resolution recorded in 
 history was exhibited. Hannibal be- 
 sieged Saguntum with his whole force. 
 The inhabitants defended their town so 
 long as any, even the most loathsome, 
 means of sustenance could be found. 
 Overpowered at length by famine, they 
 made a funeral pile of all their most 
 valuable effects, set it on fire, and flung 
 themselves with their wives and children 
 into the flames. Hannibal's conquest 
 was only a mass of ruins. 
 
 The Romans, either alarmed by the 
 progress of Hannibal, or becoming aware 
 of the value of such allies as the 
 Spaniards, now sent larger armies to 
 their assistance, headed by their ablest 
 generals. Spain was the theatre of the 
 first exploits of Publius Cornelius 
 Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, 
 from his victories over the Carthagi- 
 nians in Africa. In Spain, Scipio 
 gained the hearts of the natives by 
 his great and good qualities, not the 
 least of these being his self-command ; 
 one instance of which has ever since 
 been a favourite theme with painters, 
 poets, and moralists. The charms of a 
 beautiful captive had touched his 
 young heart, and the laws of the age 
 made her in every respect his slave. He 
 respected her undefended loveliness, and 
 restored her, in unsullied purity, to her 
 betrothed bridegroom. In cordial co- 
 operation with the Spaniards, Scipio 
 finally expelled the Carthaginians from 
 Spain two hundred and -ten years B. c. 
 
 The object of the Romans, in assist- 
 ing the Spaniards against Carthagi- 
 nian oppression, had not been the 
 emancipation of their gallant allies. 
 They immediately proceeded to reduce 
 the Peninsula to the condition of a Ro- 
 man province, governed by their prae- 
 tors. This was not easily or speedily 
 accomplished. The natives resisted their 
 new, as they had done their former in- 
 vaders. Numantia, besieged by a second 
 Scipio, emulated the heroism of Sagun- 
 tum. The Cantabrians who inhabited 
 the north-western part of the Peninsula, 
 
 were not even nominally subdued during 
 the continuance of the Roman republic. 
 The other portions, Celtiberia in the 
 north, Boetica in the south, and Lusi- 
 tania in the west, were conquered after 
 a long struggle, and constituted the 
 Roman province, but remained the 
 scenes of constantly- recurring warfare. 
 The natives revolted against the extor- 
 tion and tyranny usually practised by 
 the Roman governors of subject states ; 
 and the leaders of republican factions, 
 when defeated everywhere else, often 
 found in Spain abundant means of 
 making head against the masters of the 
 world. The most remarkable of the 
 native insurrections was that organized 
 in Lusitania by Viriatus. This extra- 
 ordinary man was bred a shepherd ; he 
 turned robber, became the captain of a 
 band of outlaws, and raising a standard 
 to which all the disaffected flocked, he 
 defeated several Roman armies. He 
 was vanquished by treachery ; the con- 
 sul Servilius having bribed three of his 
 followers to assassinate him in his sleep. 
 After his murder, the rebellion, as the 
 haughty conquerors termed every insur- 
 rection for self-defence, was speedily 
 quelled. Spain was soon afterwards the 
 theatre of the last struggle of the hor- 
 rible civil wars with which Marius and 
 Sylla desolated the Roman world. When 
 Sylla had finally triumphed at Rome, 
 Sertorius, a leader of the defeated party, 
 fled to Spain, and there long bade de- 
 fiance to the dictator's power. He was 
 at length vanquished by Cneius Pom- 
 peius Magnus, familiarly called Pompey 
 the Great, and, like Viriatus, was mur- 
 dered by his own treacherous partizans. 
 Pompey, during his command in Spain, 
 merited the good will of the nation, 
 which subsequently espoused his cause 
 in his contest with Julius Caesar. After 
 Pompey's death his party still held out 
 in Spain. But Caesar repaired thither 
 in person ; his military skill prevailed, 
 and the province was shortly pacified. 
 Disturbances, however, again broke out, 
 and it was only under Caesar's succes- 
 sor, Augustus, that it was finally and 
 completely subjugated, even the Canta- 
 brians being then at last subdued. 
 
 Once reduced to submission, Spain 
 appears to have slumbered for ages in 
 the tranquillity of servitude, under the 
 despotic sway of the Roman emperors. 
 It was esteemed one of the most valua- 
 ble and flourishing provinces of the em- 
 pire, containing, as we learn from Pliny, 
 not less than three hundred and sixty 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL* 
 
 cities. During her subjection to a thral- 
 dom, shared with all the then known 
 world, Spain boasts of having given birth 
 to the celebrated Roman poets Lucan 
 and Martial, to the philosopher Seneca, 
 and to two of the very few good Roman 
 emperors, Trajan and Hadrian ; as well 
 as to many other men of distinguished 
 character, though of somewhat inferior 
 note. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Invasion of the Alans, Vandals, and 
 Suevi; and of the Visigoths under 
 Ataulf, irhn founds the Gothic mo- 
 nnrclnj in Catalonia His successors 
 fiiibdue the Alans, expel the Vandals, 
 make the Suevi tributary War with 
 the Huns Euric conquers the south- 
 ern provinces of France War with 
 the Franks Loss of many French 
 provinces Line of Ataulf extinct in 
 Amalric Elective and hereditary 
 kings Athanagild acknowledges a 
 dependence upon the Eastern Roman 
 empire, which Leovigild throws off, 
 and incorporates the kingdom of the 
 Suevi with his ownRecared re- 
 nounces the Arian heresy Wamba 
 Roderic Count Julian invites the 
 Arabs into Spain *. 
 
 SPAIN, from her position, seems long to 
 
 ^ aVC su ^ ere( ^ l ess than ^ ie 
 
 other provinces by the inter- 
 nal and external disorders 
 that convulsed the empire. In the 
 very beginning of the fifth century, 
 however, when the northern barbarians, 
 like a torrent bursting the banks that 
 have confined its waters, swept away 
 all existing forms of southern polity 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 Chapter are, Compendia de la' Historia de EspaTxt 
 pur Don Tumas Yriarte. 8vo. London, 1822. 
 /V//7W/WS Ilistorica Cronologica de Esputia, par 
 J'on Juan de Ferreras, 16 tom.4to. Madrid, 1700. 
 Ferreras is esteemed nearly the best authority 
 amongst Spanish historians, from the judgment 
 Jind diligence with which he has studied, com- 
 pared, and sifted the \vorks of his predecessors. 
 Historia de la Domination de los Arubes en Kspmiu, 
 inwscritos y Memorial Arabigos, 
 por el Dotor Don Josef A. Conde. 3 torn 4to 
 Madrid, JM.0-1. HMoire de la diminution dei 
 Arabes rt dcs Maures en Espayne et en Portvgal, 
 {'foftOAM de ces pevplex j'txiju'a lintr c.i'jml- 
 f.i<:,i <ii'Ji,iit;i-c, redi^i-t- s/tr I'hisloire traduite de 
 VATQ.be fn. Eapagnol, pnrU. J. Conde. Par M. de 
 farieft, ',' tort. BVo. I'aris, iMtt. The \voik of 
 <:<m di. is valuable as affording Arab authorities. 
 rhe French work is little mere than an abridg- 
 ment Of Cerude, modified and altered according to 
 the opinions of M. de Maries. Gibbon's Decline 
 and Fall of the Roman Knipire, 11: vols. Mv;;. Lon- 
 don, 1807* History of Spain from the earliest 
 
 - theyc-ar ltU[,by J. 
 2 vols. $vo. i-ciidou, leiy. 
 
 From \ D 
 
 400 45i.' 
 
 and civilization, Spain' did not escape 
 the general fate. The warlike tribes 
 that overwhelmed Gaul, reached the 
 Pyrenees. For a while the Spaniards 
 (much as they had lost, in a long con- 
 tinued state of slavery, of the martial 
 spirit by which their ancestors had 
 been distinguished) defended their moun- 
 tain barrier ; but in the year of our 
 Lord 409 the Roman Emperor Ho- 
 norius sent an army for their protection, 
 to which the natives were compelled to re- 
 sign their military functions. These per- 
 fidious or cowardly imperial troops, 
 betrayed or deserted their post, and the 
 Alans, the Vandals, and the Suevi poured 
 into the Peninsula, encountering little 
 further resistance from the inhabitants, 
 who, perhaps, thought a change of 
 masters an event of no moment to them. 
 They found it, however, as is generally 
 the case, a greater evil than they might 
 have apprehended. The northern tribes, 
 instead of contenting themselves with 
 exacting heavy tributes, settled in the 
 country, and took possession of the 
 greater part of the land. The share 
 they usually appropriated to themselves 
 was two-thirds of the soil, with a pro- 
 portionate number of slaves for cultiva- 
 tion. The first invaders were speedily 
 followed by a host of Visigoths, led by 
 their king Ataulf, who had constrained 
 the imbecile Honorius to give him his 
 sister Placidia in marriage, and pro- 
 fessed to act under the imperial autho- 
 rity. Ataulf established himself in what 
 is now the province of Catalonia, and 
 there founded the Gothic monarchy in 
 Spain, acknowledging a nominal de- 
 pendence upon his Roman brother-in- 
 law. 
 
 The ambition of Ataulf appears to 
 have been satisfied with the small king- 
 dom he had conquered. He refused to 
 invade the territories of his neighbours ; 
 and his turbulent followers, impatient of 
 peace, soon put him to death. Singeric, 
 one of the conspirators, seized the 
 throne of his murdered master, but im- 
 mediately fell, like him, by assassination. 
 \Vallia, a distinguished Goth, was then 
 proclaimed king, and obtained from 
 Honorius the confirmation of his title, 
 upon condition of his reducing the 
 Spanish provinces, held by the Vandals, 
 Alans, and Suevi, to dependence upon the 
 Roman empiie. This Wallia promptly 
 effected. The Alans as a separate nation 
 were destroyed ; the Vandals quitetd 
 Spain for Africa; and the Suevi sub- 
 miltt'd to thy imperial sceptre. 
 B 2 
 
HISTORY OF, SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 About the year 451 the noble 
 barbarians from the north, who were 
 established in the provinces they had 
 wrested from the Roman empire, were, 
 together with that tottering empire it- 
 self, threatened by an inundation of 
 eastern savages, who are described by 
 historians as alike hateful in mind and 
 body. These were the Huns, under their 
 monarch Attila, who bore the terrific 
 title of the Scourge of God. JEtius, 
 one of the few Romans who, " in those 
 degenerate days," retained anything 
 of the spirit or prowess of their fore- 
 fathers, and on that very account an 
 object of suspicion and. hatred to the 
 feeble emperor Valentinian, was in this 
 emergency placed at the head of the 
 imperial army. He sought the deso- 
 lating horde in Gaul, which Attila had 
 already half overrun and destroyed. 
 There ^tiiis united his forces with those 
 of the frank chieftain Meroveus, (from 
 whom the first race of French kings 
 take the name of Merovingians,) and 
 with those of Theodored or Theodoric, 
 Wallia's successor. The allied army 
 
 engaged the Huns in the Ca- 
 '"' talauhian plain near Chalons, 
 
 and gained a complete vic- 
 tory. This is the only defeat Attila is 
 said ever to have sustained. It checked 
 his course westward, and Spain took no 
 concern in his subsequent operations. 
 The Gothic monarch fell in the battle. 
 
 The annals of these early ages are 
 confused, uncertain, and more interest- 
 ing to the poet than to the historian. 
 For a length of time they offer us no- 
 thing but a succession of conspiracies, 
 rebellions, and murders, originating solely 
 in personal ambition, frequently rendered 
 more revolting by the relationship of the 
 parties, and but seldom relieved by im- 
 portant revolutions, by intervals of good 
 government, or by really great kings. 
 Theodored left three sons, who succes- 
 sively ascended the throne ; the eldest, 
 Torismund, being assassinated by the 
 second, Theodoric, who in his turn fell 
 by the hand of the youngest, Euric. The 
 two last, nefariously as they acquired 
 supreme power, used it well. Theodoric 
 subjugated the Suevi, (who occupied 
 part of the western coast,) but allowed 
 their king Resimund, to whom he gave 
 his sister in marriage, to reign as a de- 
 pendent prince. Euric made himself 
 master of the eastern coast, which had 
 hitherto remained in the hands of the 
 Romans, and of the southern provinces 
 of France. He fixed his royal residence 
 
 at Bourdeaux. In 477 he concluded a 
 treaty with Odoacer king of the Heruli, 
 who, after the deposal and death of 
 Augustulus, the last ROMAN* emperor, 
 assumed the title of king of Italy, and 
 in that character recognized the abso- 
 lute independence of the Visigothic mo- 
 narchy in Spain. 
 
 Clovis, the first Christian king of 
 France, was about this time engaged in 
 conquering that country; and had no 
 sooner made himself master of the north- 
 ern provinces, than he naturally desired 
 to add those held by the Goths in the 
 south to his kingdom. Alaric, the son 
 and successor of Euric, fell in the de- 
 fence of that portion of his dominions. 
 His illegitimate son,Gesalaic, who usurp- 
 ed the throne, was driven by Clovis across 
 the Pyrenees. But the all-powerful Os- 
 trogoth, Theodoric, king of Italy, and ma- 
 ternal grandfather of Amalric, Alaric's 
 lawful son and heir, interfered in behalf 
 of his infant grandson. Theodoric placed 
 the boy upon his father's throne, com- 
 mitted the government, during his mi- 
 nority, to Theudes, a stout warrior and 
 honest man, and concluded a marriage 
 for the young king with Clotilda, the 
 daughter of Clovis : the Frank con- 
 queror, in honour of the wedding, 
 restoring or confirming to his son-in-law 
 the provinces south of the Garonne, be- 
 yond which river the Gothic dominions 
 never afterwards extended. The royal 
 residence was transferred into Spain. 
 This marriage did not prove fortunate. 
 The Goths had been Arians ever since 
 their conversion to Christianity ; the 
 Franks had adopted the Catholic faith ; 
 and the young queen endeavoured to pre- 
 vail upon her husband to abandon his 
 own creed for hers. Amalric not only 
 persisted in his heresy, but offended, 
 perhaps, at such an assumption of supe- 
 riority by a wife, treated his fair moni- 
 tress with a savage inhumanity, that pro- 
 voked the vengeance of her brother, 
 king Childebert. A war was the con- 
 sequence. Amalric fell in battle with 
 the French monarch, A. D. 531, and in 
 him the royal line of the Goths ended. 
 From this period the Gothic monarchy 
 appears to have been either elective or 
 hereditary, according to circumstances. 
 The first king chosen was Theudes, 
 whose administration as regent had me- 
 
 * The Roman empire had been divided into the 
 Eastern and Western Roman empires : the Western, 
 which was more properly Roman, ended with Au- 
 gustulus. The Eastern Roman empire is also, and 
 more commonly* called the Greek Empire. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL/ 
 
 rited the esteem of his countrymen. His 
 reign was harassed with wars, and ter- 
 minated by his assassination. One pri- 
 vate individual then followed another 
 upon the throne, none of whom occu- 
 pied it lon<r, or died a natural death. 
 In 550 Athanagiid, one of the candidates 
 for this perilous exaltation, purchased 
 the assistance of Justinian, emperor of 
 the East, by surrendering to him the 
 sea-coast of what is now Andalusia, Gra- 
 nada, and Murcia, acknowledging him- 
 self a dependent or vassal of the empire. 
 Supported by Justinian, Athanagild tri- 
 umphed over his competitors. He fixed 
 his court at Toledo,, thenceforward the 
 capital of the'TFoTKic "Kingdom, and go- 
 verned well : but Spain was not again 
 emancipated from her dependence upon 
 the empire until the accession of Leovi- 
 gild. This prince conquered most of the 
 towns held by the Romans of the eastern 
 empire in Spain, and shook off the im- 
 perial yoke. He subdued the rebellious 
 Suevi, and incorporated that vassal state 
 with his own kingdom ; which thus, in 
 the year 584, embraced very nearly the 
 whole Peninsula. Leovigild was one of 
 the greatest of the Gothic kings. He 
 effected essential reforms in legislation 
 and finance, was sagacious, brave, and 
 inflexibly just. The faults ascribed to 
 him are cruelty and avarice. His reign 
 was disturbed by religious dissensions 
 in his own family. His first wife was 
 Theodosia, the sister of three men ca- 
 nonized by the Catholic church for their 
 great piety, namely, St. Isidore, St. Ful- 
 gentius, and St. Leander ; and though 
 we do not hear in this instance of any 
 conjugal attempts at conversion, his 
 sons grew up imbued with the orthodox 
 opinions of their holy uncles. Hermen- 
 gild, the eldest, married Ingunda, a Ca- 
 tholic princess of Austrasia, one of the 
 kingdoms into which France was then 
 divided, about the time that his father, 
 becoming a widower, espoused Goswinda, 
 the widow of one of his predecessors. 
 Goswinda was a bigoted Arian, and 
 fiercely persecuted Ingunda, who dis- 
 played a Christian meekness under her 
 ill usage, that confirmed HermengikTs 
 preference of her creed to his step- mo- 
 ther's. This prince has been canonized 
 by the papal see ; and the religious zeal 
 of historians, on both sides probably, 
 has discoloured and distorted the ac- 
 count of his subsequent conduct : some 
 writers representing him as an humble 
 and persecuted martyr, others as un 
 ambitious and rebellious fanatic. The 
 
 only facts that can be stated with con- 
 fidence, are, that he rebelled against the 
 father he deemed a heretic, was van- 
 quished, and put to death. His widow 
 fled with her infant son to Africa. 
 
 Hermengild's brother, Recared, was 
 like him, a Catholic, but, 
 through deference to his sSSLffpl 
 father, concealed his opi- 
 nions. Upon Leovigild's death, A.D.586, 
 he publicly renounced the Arian heresy, 
 and induced the majority of the nation 
 to follow his example. A conversion so 
 important has procured him the surname 
 of the Catholic. Recared's reign was 
 more glorious than peaceful. The king 
 of Austrasia attacked him in revenge 
 for Ingunda's sufferings, and his own 
 subjects revolted. He triumphed over 
 all. His peace with Austrasia was sealed 
 by his marriage with Ingunda's sister 
 Clodosinda, and his rebellious subjects 
 submitted. He died, A. D. 601, gene- 
 rally esteemed and regretted. His na- 
 tural son Liuva succeeded, to the pre- 
 judice of his younger lawful offspring, 
 but was presently murdered by his ge- 
 neral Witeric ; and for twenty years 
 Spain was a prey to confusion and disor- 
 der, a series of usurpers snatching the 
 sceptre from each other's grasp. Of 
 these, one only appears worthy of notice, 
 Sisebert, who added Mauritania, as the 
 north-western part of Africa was then 
 called, to the Gothic realm. He is not 
 less valued, by monkish chroniclers, for 
 the religious fanaticism which impelled 
 him to persecute both heretics and Jews. 
 
 In 622 the race of Leovigild was re- 
 called to the throne, in the person of 
 Suintila, a legitimate son of Recared's. 
 Suintila began his reign prosperously, 
 by the final expulsion of the Greeks 
 from the few places they had hitherto 
 retained upon the south-western coast ; 
 but afterwards, falling into dissolute 
 and tyrannical courses, was, in 631, de- 
 posed by Sisenard. Again was Spain 
 for forty years distracted by the contests 
 of a rapid succession of kings, raised to 
 the throne by factious cabals, or by open 
 violence. One of these transitory kings, 
 Chintila, expelled the Jews from Spain; 
 under another, Receswinth, intermar- 
 riages between the Goths and their sub- 
 jects of the original Spanish blood, were 
 first allowed. During this period Arda- 
 bastus, St. Hermengild's grandson, came 
 over to Spain, and was highly favoured 
 by king Chindaswinth, who gave him 
 his niece in marriage. 
 
 In the year 672 the crown was offered 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 to Wamba, a noble Goth, distin- 
 guished alike by his virtues and his abi- 
 lities. He Ions: declined the honourable 
 invitation, until, as is reported, a pa- 
 triotic noble threatened him with instant 
 death, if he should persist in sacrificing; 
 the public good to his own love of re- 
 tirement. Havingyielded, he was crowned 
 with ceremonies previously unaccustom- 
 ed. Wamba reigned usefully and glo- 
 riously, but not peaceably. The French 
 provinces were in open rebellion. He 
 quelled the insurrection ; unhesitatingly 
 pardoned the great body of the rebels, 
 tried the ringleaders by legal process, 
 and commuted the sentence of death, 
 pronounced by their judges, for monastic 
 seclusion. The Mahometan Arabs had 
 recently begun to alarm the coasts of 
 Spain and Mauritania. Wamba fitted 
 out a fleet, and defeated them in the 
 first naval action recorded in the annals 
 of Spain. His internal government was 
 equally admirable, and appeared to open 
 a new era to the country by the esta- 
 blishment of many good laws. Neither 
 Wamba's brilliant achievements, nor the 
 happiness he had diffused throughout 
 From *. D ^ s dominions, seem to have 
 62^-n^ reconciled him to the toils of 
 sovereignty. After a reign 
 of nine years he retired to a monas- 
 tery, recommending as his successor 
 Erviga, the son of Ardabastus. It has 
 been asserted, that Wamba was com- 
 pelled, by an artifice ofErviga's, to take 
 this step ; but it is in such perfect har- 
 mony with his former reluctance to ac- 
 cept the crown, that we may be allowed 
 to hope so excellent a monarch's virtues 
 were not rewarded with either violent or 
 fraudulent dethronement ; especially as 
 Erviga made too good a use of the royal 
 power to be suspected of having acquired 
 it unworthily. He reigned happily for 
 eight years, and then followed the exam- 
 ple of his predecessor, voluntarily retiring 
 to a monastery, and resigning the crown 
 to Egiza, a nephew of Wamba's, said 
 to have been designated by him as Er- 
 viga's successor, and married to Erviga' s 
 daughter, Gixilona. Egiza successfully 
 repulsed the attacks of the Arabs, but 
 is best known by his legislative labours. 
 He blended the "Roman with the Gothic 
 laws, and made his new code binding 
 alike upon the Goths and the original 
 inhabitants, who thenceforward jointly 
 bore the name of Spaniards. In 700 
 Egiza left a prosperous kingdom to his 
 son Witiza. 
 Witiza, had been for some years his 
 
 father's colleague in the government, 
 and as such had enjoyed a high charac- 
 ter for justice, beneficence, and piety, 
 which he continued to deserve during 
 the early part of his separate reign. 
 But whether "power turned his head, 
 or those virtues had been only assumed 
 as a disguise to please his 'father, he 
 subsequently abandoned himself to 
 the very opposite vices. He not only 
 trampled upon the laws of religion, of 
 morality, and of his country himself, but 
 he sanctioned their general violation by 
 his subjects. He committed unexampled 
 cruelties ; and, amongst other acts of 
 wanton barbarity, he, without a shadow 
 of pretext, murdered Favila, and blinded 
 Theodofred, his kinsman, and the sons 
 of Chindaswinth, to whom his own great- 
 grandfather, Ardabastus, had been so 
 much indebted. His profligate and sa- 
 vage tyranny wearied the patience of the 
 people, and they were therefore easily 
 instigated to rebellion by Roderic, the 
 son of the blinded Theodofred. Witiza 
 fell during the civil war that ensued, 
 and Roderic was proclaimed king. 
 
 Witiza's depravity and misgovernment 
 had reduced the country to a state of 
 weakness, which could only have been 
 remedied by a successor endowed with 
 extraordinary talents and energy. These 
 Roderic certainly did not possess ; and 
 it is said, he further precipitated the 
 downfall of the Gothic monarchy by an 
 act of licentious violence. The story 
 runs thus : having conceived a criminal 
 passion for one of the noble virgins who 
 attended upon his queen, and being re- 
 pulsed by her virtue, he resorted to force 
 for the gratification of his wishes. The 
 outraged damsel fled from the court, 
 found her way to Mauritania, of which 
 her father, count Julian, was then go- 
 vernor, prostrated herself at his feet, 
 related the story of her wrongs, and 
 implored revenge. The count, exas- 
 perated at the ruin of his child, and at 
 the indignity offered to his house, forgot 
 his duty as a Spaniard and a Christian. 
 The ARABS, having overrun the coast 
 of Africa, from Egypt westwards, were 
 then threatening to invade Mauritania. 
 He threw the fortresses in his charge 
 open to them, and besought their aid 
 against his guilty sovereign. This tale 
 has been disputed by modern authors. 
 Some, adopting a favourable opinion of 
 Roderic, have ascribed the outrage to 
 Witiza, with whose known character it 
 is consonant, and suppose that count 
 Julian had so deeply involved himself 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 with the Arabs during the continuance 
 of that criminal monarch's life, having 
 perhaps already placed Mauritania and 
 himself in their hands, that he had no 
 longer the power of breaking his engage- 
 ments upon the accession of Roderic, 
 the avenger of the count's injuries, as 
 well as of his own and the nation's. 
 Others have gone further, and ridiculed 
 the idea of any such outrage having been 
 committed by either monarch ; support- 
 ing their doubts upon our uncertainty 
 as to the name of the unfortunate lady, 
 who is called La Cava by Arab, and 
 by some Spanish writers, and Florinda 
 by others. But no author has ventured 
 to deny that count Julian, who had 
 previously repulsed Muza's attack upon 
 his province, introduced the Arabs into 
 Spain ; and it is surely more reasonable 
 to think that he was provoked to an act 
 of such detestable treachery, by some 
 deep offence, than to believe that the 
 first noble and highest'dignitary in Spain 
 destroyed his native land, and sacrificed 
 his own exalted station, without any 
 rational motive. And why arbitrarily 
 substitute supposititious motives to that 
 recorded in the tradition of the country, 
 since tradition, although it may colour 
 and embellish facts, is seldom altogether 
 founded on fiction ? * 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The Arabs; Mahomet; Mahometanism 
 Battle of the Guadalete Arabs 
 conquer Spain Pelayo resists in the 
 North ; is proclaimed king, first of 
 Gijon, afterwards of Oviedo Wars 
 of the Arabs in France Their de- 
 feat by Charles Martel at Poitiers 
 Alfonso the Catholic extends his do- 
 minions Abderrahman L separates 
 Mahometan Spain from the eastern 
 Caliphate Fruela of Oviedo becomes 
 his tributary Garcia Ximenes founds 
 
 * Ferreras, the most critical of Spanish histo- 
 rian, says upon this subject, 'Pedro Mantuano, 
 D. J. Pellicer, and others hold this tale of Don 
 Julian's daughter ill introduced into our history, 
 because they do not find it in Isidorus Pacense, in 
 don Alfonso el Mngno, or the Chronicon Albai- 
 dense, which are the three oldest monuments of 
 those times. But, as the excellent sefior Marques 
 de Mondejar observes, those authors wrote the 
 loss of Spain with the utmost brevity, omitting all 
 details. * * * And in virtue of the continuous 
 tradition, and with the common consent of the Arab 
 historians, the monk of Silos began to narrate it., and 
 has been followed by others. And as the count don 
 Julian had defended Ceuta, and its vicinity, against 
 Muza with great valour, it is not to be imagined 
 that he would have invited the Saracens against 
 dou llodcric without some very strong motive.' 
 
 the first kingdom of Navarre or So- 
 brarve Invasion of Charlemagne; 
 his conquests; establishes the Spa?iish 
 March His defeat at Roncesvalles 
 Arabs reconquer the March Al- 
 hakem L Alfonsoll. SecondFrench 
 invasion ; recovery of the whole Span- 
 ish March *. 
 
 PREVIOUS to relating the consequences 
 of count Julian's flagitious alliance, for 
 such, however provoked, it undoubtedly 
 was, a few words will be requisite con- 
 cerning the Arabs themselves, and the 
 circumstances that had brought them 
 so dangerously near to Spain. 
 
 The Arabs, from the earliest of our 
 knowledge of them, have been warlike, 
 pastoral tribes, whose sole wealth con- 
 sisted in their flocks and herds. They 
 were never subdued by Rome ; but their 
 exemption from the yoke of the queen 
 of the world, might perhaps be as much 
 owing to the uninviting character of 
 their sandy deserts, as to their own mar- 
 tial prowess. They were idolaters, and 
 barbarians, as it has always been cus- 
 tomary to term nations unacquainted 
 with the refinements of civilization ; but 
 they possessed the virtues and the know- 
 ledge adapted to their condition. They 
 were hospitable, faithful, when they had 
 plighted their word, and no mean pro- 
 ficients in astronomy and poetry. 
 Amongst this people, in the very begin- 
 ning of the 7th century, arose Moham- 
 med, or, according to the received cor- 
 ruption of his name, Mahomet ; a man 
 to whom only the prejudice of narrow 
 bigotry can deny superior genius. Ma- 
 homet took the Holy Scriptures, both 
 the Old and the New Testament, as the 
 foundation of the religious system of 
 which he was the author, and which, 
 from ;his name, has usually been called 
 Mahometanism. He represented our 
 Saviour as the greatest of prophets prior 
 to himself, and himself as the greatest 
 and last of the whole series, in whose 
 person the work of revelation was finally 
 consummated. He reclaimed his coun- 
 trymen from idolatry, and if he indulged 
 them in the continuance of some vices, 
 he prohibited others, and enjoined the 
 practice of many virtues. But the most 
 important part of his doctrine to the 
 rest of the world, was, that he made 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Conde, Maries, Gib- 
 bon, Bigland, liistoirc des Frungais, par Sisniondi, 
 12 vols. bvo. Paris, 18JO ItWl ; Universal Mo- 
 dern History, 44 vols. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.' 
 
 his disciples essentially conquerors, 'in- 
 culcating the propagation of his uni- 
 tarian creed by the sword, as a principal 
 religious duty, and promising eternal 
 happiness to those who should fall in 
 his holy wars. In the first ardour of 
 enthusiasm, the success of the belligerent 
 missionaries he had thus formed was 
 incredible. Western Asia and Persia 
 were [subdued within a few years after 
 Mahomet's death ; and the early sove- 
 reigns of the Mahometans, who as- 
 sumed the title of caliph, a word imply- 
 ing civil and religious supremacy, 
 abandoning their native Arabian deserts, 
 fixed their court at Damascus. Thence 
 they sent their armies into Africa, where 
 Egypt, and part of the northern coast 
 were quickly overrun ; the conquerors 
 meeting with no obstacle to their tri- 
 umphant career, till they reached the 
 Spanish province of Mauritania. Muza, 
 the Arab general, had abundantly re- 
 cruited his numbers amongst the van- 
 quished and converted native tribes, and 
 was meditating a renewed invasion of 
 Mauritania, when he received count 
 Julian's offer of alliance, and was ad- 
 mitted into his fortress as a friend. 
 Muza thought it necessary to apply 
 for the caliph Walid's sanc- 
 "710 718.' ti n ere > according to count 
 Julian's proposal, he invaded 
 a third quarter of the globe. The 
 caliph, whose views of pious ambi- 
 tion were boundless, approved ; and 
 Muza, not trusting his ally's profes- 
 sions sufficiently, perhaps, to risk his 
 whole army, sent over his lieutenant, 
 Taric, with a body of troops, to make 
 the first attempt upon Spain. Taric, 
 accompanied by count Julian, crossed 
 the Straits, and landed at the rock of 
 Gibraltar : which thence derives its 
 name, now somewhat corrupted, Gebal 
 Taric, meaning in Arabic, the mountain 
 of Taric. From this strong position, 
 Taric rapidly conquered the adjacent 
 districts ; whilst Roderic, who seems 
 to have been surprised totally unpre- 
 pared, was assembling an army, with 
 which to battle for his crown, his people, 
 and his faith. He encountered the in- 
 vaders near Xeres, upon the banks of the 
 Guadalete, a few miles from Cadiz. The 
 conflict was long, obstinate, and san- 
 guinary. It is said to have been de- 
 cided in favour of the invaders, after 
 three days of hard fighting, by the de- 
 j' sertion, at a critical moment, of Opas, 
 bishop of Seville, and his nephews, the 
 brother and sons of Witiza, with all 
 
 their friends and followers. Towards 
 the end of the engagement, king Ro- 
 deric disappeared. Arab historians as- 
 sert that Taric slew him with his own 
 hand, and sent his head to Muza. 
 Spanish writers maintain that his body 
 never was discovered, and conjecture 
 that he was drowned in attempting to 
 cross the river. The uncertainty of his 
 fate excited the romance of Spanish 
 imagination ; andRoderic's escape, wkn 
 his subsequent penitence and penance, 
 have furnished subject, matter for some 
 delightful ballads. The exact date of 
 the battle of the Guadalete has been 
 disputed, but it was fought between the 
 years 711 and 714. 
 
 Muza, jealous of his deputy's un- 
 expected success, ordered Taric to sus- 
 pend his operations until he should join 
 him with reinforcements. Taric, un- 
 willing to be thus robbed of his lawful 
 honours, found means to be compelled 
 to disobedience by the unanimous opi- 
 nion of his officers. He rapidly prose- 
 cuted his conquests, enriching himself 
 and his troops with the plunder of the 
 towns, but acting with the utmost lenity 
 towards the agricultural population. 
 Muza speedily arrived, with a larger 
 army, threw Taric into prison for dis- 
 obedience, and proceeded with the sub- 
 jugation of the Peninsula. The only 
 opposition the conquerors experienced, 
 after the battle of the Guadalete, was in 
 the present kingdom of Murcia, where 
 a noble Goth, named Theodomir, held 
 out with equal skill and valour. When 
 at last compelled to surrender, in the 
 town of Orihuela, he is said to have ob- 
 tained favourable conditions, by making 
 the women appear in armour upon the 
 walls, to give himself the show of a nu- 
 merous garrison. His stratagem might 
 seem to have been superfluous, for the 
 Christian inhabitants of the country 
 were everywhere treated according to 
 the terms granted to Theodomir, and to 
 the city of Toledo, which capitulated 
 without resistance. 
 
 The Mahometans imposed heavy tri- 
 butes upon their Christian Spanish sub- 
 jects, but left them the undisturbed ' 
 enjoyment of their property, laws, and 
 religion, under no further restrictions 
 than that every sentence of death should 
 be sanctioned by Mahometan authority ; 
 that no new churches should be built ; 
 and that all religious ceremonies should 
 be celebrated with closed doors. In less 
 than three years from their first land- 
 ing, the Arabs had subdued and occu- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 pied the whole of Spain, with the single 
 exception of a small mountainous dis- 
 trict in the province of Asturias, a part 
 of that north-western region so long the 
 stronghold of the Cantabrians against 
 the Romans : a district which appeared, 
 perhaps, too insignificant to have at- 
 tracted the notice of the conquerors. 
 Of count Julian's ultimate fate nothing 
 is known : it has been conjectured that 
 he fell a victim to the evils he had 
 brought upon his country. 
 
 When the hardy and warlike cha- 
 racter of both the Goths and the ori- 
 ginal Spaniards is considered, their easy 
 and almost unresisting subjugation after 
 a single battle, appears at first sight 
 scarcely credible. Its cause must be 
 sought in the existing circumstances 
 and prior history of the country. The 
 Peninsula, owing to its geographical 
 situation, and the civil broils and dis- 
 tractions of the only adjoining country, 
 France, had, since the complete esta- 
 blishment of the Gothic monarchy, 
 been little engaged in foreign war. 
 
 Like other earthly goods, the bless- 
 ings of peace are not exempt from 
 alloy; and one of their worst conse- 
 quences is the very natural effect of 
 unfitting a nation for bearing arms, 
 when called upon so to do in self- 
 defence. That the Goths and Spaniards 
 had thus degenerated, is proved by their 
 having betrayed such a want of energy 
 upon occasion of the piratical incur- 
 sions of the Danes, or Northmen, who 
 then ravaged all European sea-coasts, 
 as induced the passing a law to render 
 those who should fly from the pirate 
 invaders inadmissible as witnesses in 
 courts of justice. Half the nation is 
 stated, by old chroniclers, to have in- 
 curred this penalty. The internal dis- 
 orders that weakened the monarchy had 
 long been productive rather of murder, 
 intrigue, and conspiracy, than of such 
 civil wars as might have counteracted 
 the enervating influence of foreign peace. 
 But in those unenlightened times peace 
 was attended with various other evils ; 
 and of these, despotism was neither the 
 least nor the rarest. War rendered 
 king, nobles, and people necessary to 
 each other, and enabled the nobles to 
 acquire a power, that constituted them 
 in other Gothic monarchies, a check 
 upon the sovereign's arbitrary autho- 
 rity. In the history of Spain under the 
 Goths, we meet with no mighty barons, 
 such as those who controlled the kings 
 of France and England j and what 
 
 power the nobles did possess they em- 
 ployed not in curbing, but in dethroning 
 their kings, whose tyranny was varied, 
 rather than relieved, by intervals of 
 anarchy, during which rival usurpers 
 struggled for the sceptre. The only 
 real check upon the king, and that a 
 very insufficient one, was found in the 
 priesthood. Eighteen national councils 
 were held in the course of the three 
 centuries of Gothic sovereignty. These 
 councils, which equally regulated civil 
 and religious affairs, were originally 
 composed of the clergy, the nobles, and 
 the commons. The commons were very 
 soon excluded ; and latterly, even of 
 the nobles, only such as were appointed 
 by the king, or held court offices, were 
 permitted to share in the deliberations 
 of these assemblies. Of course, bodies 
 so constituted became, if not utterly in- 
 significant, at least indifferent, to the 
 great mass of the people ; and loyalty 
 to the sovereign, which, as a principle 
 of action, has often proved a substi- 
 tute for patriotism, was incompatible 
 with the constant recurrence of usurpa- 
 tion. A wealthy nation, unused to 
 arms, and without natural leaders or 
 rights to defend, was not likely to strug- 
 gle hard against formidable conquerors, 
 who held out the promise of kind treat- 
 ment. 
 
 The dissensions between Muza and 
 Taric induced the caliph Walid to re- 
 call both: Taric had previously been 
 restored to liberty, by orders from Da- 
 mascus. Both obeyed, repairing sepa- 
 rately to the foot of the throne. To his 
 eldest son, Abdelaziz, the partner of all 
 his toils and triumphs, Muza, at his de- 
 parture, committed the command in 
 Spain; where, having married Rode- 
 ric's widow, Egilona, Abdelaziz was 
 almost as acceptable to the conquered 
 Christians as to the conquerors. His 
 two younger sons, Muza appointed 
 governors of Africa which name the 
 Arabs limited to the northern coast 
 from Egypt to Mauritania and of Al- 
 magrab, as they denominated the latter 
 province. Taric's conduct was approved 
 by his master. Muza, in return for his 
 services, was fined and imprisoned ; and, 
 lest his sons should avenge their father, 
 Walid's brother and successor, Sulei- 
 man, despatched orders for their death. 
 These orders were everywhere implicitly 
 obeyed. In Spain, the odious office 
 of executioner, or murderer, was com- 
 mitted to Halib, the intimate friend of 
 both Muza and Abdelaziz. With the un- 
 
10 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 questioning submission to his temporal 
 and spiritual sovereign, enjoined by the 
 Mahometan creed, he merely observed, 
 4 Is it possible that Muza's enemies 
 should so quickly have obliterated the 
 memory of his exploits and of his fame !' 
 and then adding, * But God is just, and 
 commands obedience to the caliph,' pro- 
 ceeded to discharge the task imposed 
 upon him. This was a matter of some 
 difficulty, so universally and so de- 
 servedly was Abdelaziz beloved. Halib 
 took advantage of his marriage with 
 the Christian queen, to represent him 
 as a bad Mussulman, and thus rob him 
 of the general esteem that formed his 
 security. So debased in the eyes of his 
 fellow-soldiers, Abdelaziz was easily put 
 to death, and his head was sent to Da- 
 mascus, where, by the caliph's express 
 orders, it was shown to Muza, with an 
 inquiry whether he knew the features. 
 The wretched father could only impre- 
 cate curses upon the authors of his 
 son's fate. In Spain, Ayub, a kinsman 
 of Abdelaziz, was chosen emir, or go- 
 vernor, in his stead by the army ; the 
 caliph, it should seem, not having pro- 
 vided a successor to his victim. Ayub's 
 government was exempt from reproach ; 
 but his nomination was annulled as soon 
 as it was known at Damascus, on ac- 
 count of his relationship to those whom 
 their ungrateful master had murdered ; 
 and Alhaur was appointed to replace 
 him. Alhaur was a harsh and ambi- 
 tious ruler ; he irritated all subject to 
 his authority ; and considering Spain as 
 too thoroughly subdued to oft'er hope of 
 further wealth or fame, he crossed the 
 Pyrenees, and invaded France. 
 
 The various circumstances just re- 
 lated proved favourable to the Christian 
 refugees in the Asturian mountains. At 
 the head of these was Pelayo, said by 
 most of the early Spanish writers to 
 have been the son of that Favila, whom 
 Witiza had murdered, and the cousin 
 of Roderic, under whom he had fought 
 upon the banks of the Guadalete. After 
 the defeat, he had retired to that remote 
 and naturally strong province, accom- 
 panied by a few brave and pious friends 
 and followers. This gallant little band, 
 reinforced by the hardy natives, took 
 advantage of the emir's absence with 
 his army, and of the dissatisfaction pre- 
 vailing amongst the domiciliated Arabs, 
 to extend their limits; and in 718 they 
 proclaimed Pelayo king of Gijon, the 
 first town they occupied, and which was 
 securely situated upon a small peninsula 
 
 jutting out into the sea. Alhaur, who 
 despised the insurrection of a few moun- 
 taineers, prosecuted the French enter- 
 prise, which promised to gratify his 
 ambition, only sending a body of troops, 
 under Alxaman, one of his officers, 
 against the Asturians. Pelayo, by ju- 
 diciously availing himself of the diffi- 
 culties of his country, defeated Alxaman. 
 This victory brought great accessions to 
 Pelayo's numbers, gave him an autho- 
 rity that enabled him to discipline his 
 troops, and opened to him the gates of 
 several adjacent towns when the title 
 of king of Gijon seems to have been 
 exchanged for that of king of Oviedo. 
 Alhaur was returning to Spain, to avenge 
 the misfortune of his lieutenant, when, 
 in consequence of the many complaints 
 urged against him, orders arrived from 
 Damascus displacing him, and naming 
 Alsama emir of Spain. Alsama, like 
 his predecessor, preferred attempting 
 the conquest of France to putting down 
 a handful of obscure rebels ; who, thus 
 neglected, increased hourly in strength. 
 
 Spain was next included in the go- 
 vernment of Africa, and her emirs 
 placed under the control of the African 
 emir, who appointed and removed them 
 at his discretion. This double depend- 
 ence irritated the fierce tempers of the 
 Arab leaders ; whilst the great distance 
 of the seat of supreme government, Da- 
 mascus, gave free scope to individual 
 enmity and ambition ; and emirs now 
 contended with and supplanted each 
 other, as Gothic kings had done before 
 them ; whilst such as succeeded in esta- 
 blishing their authority, devoted all their 
 energies to the invasion of France. 
 
 These trans-pyrenean schemes were 
 checked in the year /732, when Abder- 
 rahman, the eleventh or twelfth emir, 
 who had extended his conquests as far 
 as Tours, was defeated and slain by 
 Charles Martel, the French moire da 
 palais, (mayor of the palace,) in the cele- 
 brated battle of Poitiers ; which, by con- 
 firming the high fortunes of the victor, 
 enabled his son Pepin to assume the 
 crown, and thus placed the Carlovingian 
 dynasty upon the French throne. 
 
 During this period of Arab inattention 
 to Spanish affairs, Pelayo 
 had maintained and enlarged Oviedo, 
 his mountain kingdom ; and 
 the broils that continued to 
 divide the Mahometans when confined 
 within the limits of Spain, afforded him 
 similar advantages. He died A.D. 737, 
 and was succeeded by his son, Favila. 
 
 from 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 11 
 
 This prince reigned only two 'years, 
 when he was accidentally killed by a 
 bear, on a hunting party. Favila's suc- 
 cessor was his sister's husband, Alfonso, 
 surnamed the Catholic, a lineal de- 
 scendant of Recared the Catholic. Al- 
 fonso triumphed repeatedly over the 
 Arabs, from whom he took many towns 
 in Asturias, Galicia, Leon, and Castille. 
 These successes were favoured by the 
 usual dissensions of rival emirs, and by 
 a rebellion of the Barbary tribes in 
 Africa, which compelled the African 
 emir to summon his subordinate Span- 
 ish brethren to his aid. 
 
 Spain had, in the space of less than 
 forty years from her subju- 
 Mussuiman gation, been harassed, rather 
 from""].. than ' u ^d, by twenty differ- 
 7id 759.' ent emirs, when a revolution 
 at Damascus effected a threat 
 change and amelioration in her destiny. 
 A race called the Ommeyades, from Orn- 
 meyah, the first of the family who at- 
 tained the caliphate, had governed the 
 Faithful, as the Mahometans term them- 
 selves, with undisputed and uncontrolled 
 authority, until, degenerating from the 
 virtues and energies of their ancestor, they 
 incurred the contempt of their subjects. 
 In 750, Abul Abbas Azefah, who boasted 
 affinity with the Prophet by his descent 
 from Abbas, Mahomet's uncle, took ad- 
 vantage of this feeling to depose the 
 Ornmeyade caliph, Merwan, and assume 
 his place. A general massacre of the 
 Ommeyade family ensued, at a banquet 
 given by Abdallah, a kinsman of the 
 new caliph's. In Spain the emir Jusuf, 
 acknowledged Abul Abbas Azefah ; but 
 most of the waits and alcaydes, or go- 
 vernors of provinces and towns, were 
 attached to the Ommeyades, and a civil 
 war was upon the point of breaking out, 
 loyalty being on both sides, perhaps, 
 put forward as a cover to the desire of 
 independence. Some of the principal 
 walis assembled at Cordova, to deli- 
 berate upon the means of preserving 
 peace ; when it was proposed to elect 
 a separate and independent Spanish 
 caliph. The suggestion was approved ; 
 but where should a candidate for that 
 high dignity be found, whose claims 
 might command general submission ? 
 This difficulty was obviated by informa- 
 tion that Abderrahman, a grandson of 
 Hixem, the tenth Ommeyade caliph, had 
 survived the slaughter of his kindred, 
 and was then living in Africa. This 
 youth had, with his brother Suleiman, 
 been prevented from attending the fatal 
 
 banquet by a casual absence from Da- 
 mascus ; and though assassins were 
 sent after them, who slew Suleiman, 
 Abderrahman effected his escape, and 
 sought refuge with a tribe of Bedoween, 
 or wandering Arabs. Traced thither by 
 the enmity or the fears of the Abbas- 
 sides, and actually asleep in a tent which 
 his pursuers entered in search of him, 
 he was saved by the address of his 
 friendly hosts. The caliph's emissaries 
 were by them persuaded that he had 
 accompanied a distant hunting party, 
 whose intended course was carefully 
 pointed out ; and they followed the 
 Arab hunters in one direction, whilst 
 the object of their pursuit fled in an- 
 other. Abderrahman now repaired to 
 the tents of another Arab tribe, the 
 Zeneta, to whom he was related on his 
 mother's side, and who had migrated 
 to the northern, or Barbary coast of 
 Africa. With the Zeneta the royal fu- 
 gitive had ever since remained, sharing 
 all the toils and hardships of their mode 
 of life. This heir of the Ommeyades 
 was forthwith invited to assume the in- 
 dependent caliphate of Spain ; and with 
 the sanction of the scheiks, or heads of 
 the Zeneta tribe, who assigned him 750 
 of their noblest youths as his body- 
 guard, he accepted the invitation. 
 
 Abderrahman immediately crossed 
 over to Spain, with his band of kindred 
 Arabs ; and upon landing, was joined 
 by his principal friends in that country, 
 at the head of 20,000 men. This army 
 he led towards Cordova, which was 
 held against him by the emir Jusuf. 
 He first encountered Jusuf 's son, whom 
 he defeated, and drove back upon the 
 town, and next gained a complete vic- 
 tory over the emir himself, notwith- 
 standing his own great inferiority in 
 numbers to his adversary. Cordova 
 now rose upon and expelled the Abas- 
 side faction, and joyfully received the 
 conqueror ; who not only made that 
 city his metropolis, but took his title 
 from its name, calling himself caliph, 
 not of Spain, but of Cordova. Jusuf 
 raised another army, and continued his 
 opposition to Abderrahman ; but an- 
 other defeat compelled him to submit. 
 The new monarch was soon afterwards 
 much strengthened by the arrival of 
 many adherents of his family from Asia. 
 His government was, nevertheless, for 
 many years disturbed by the rebellions 
 of Jusuf, his sons, and connexions, and 
 by the efforts of the emirs of Africa 
 and Almagnib, partizans of the Abas- 
 
12 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 757" 788.' 
 
 side caliphs, to reduce Spain to her 
 former dependent condition. Abder- 
 rahman triumphed over all these foes ; 
 but they prevented his turning his at- 
 tention as energetically as might have 
 been apprehended from his character, 
 against the Christian state rising up in the 
 north-western corner of his dominions. 
 Fruela, who, in 757, had there suc- 
 ceeded to his father, Alfonso 
 Oviedo, the Catholic, took advantage 
 of these circumstances to add 
 Galicia to his kingdom. But 
 civil discord checked his prosperous 
 career, and so weakened him, that, in 
 759, he was glad to make peace with 
 the caliph of Cordova, and obtain his 
 recognition of his title as king of As- 
 turias and of Galicia, upon condition of 
 paying him an annual tribute. Fruela 
 afterwards forfeited the affection of his 
 subjects, put his brother, Bimareno, to 
 death upon groundless suspicion, and, 
 in 768, fell by the hand of his cousin, 
 Aurelio, who obtained the crown to the 
 exclusion of Fruela's infant son, Al- 
 fonso. Aurelio was followed by his 
 brother-in-law, Silo. 
 
 Both these princes, insecure perhaps 
 as usurpers, quietly paid the stipulated 
 tribute; and their successor, Maure- 
 gato, a natural son of Alfonso the Ca- 
 tholic, by a Mahometan slave, is said to 
 have ascended the throne only through 
 the aid of Abderrahman, purchased by 
 adding to the former annual tribute 
 one hundred virgins, half of noble and 
 half of ignoble birth. The truth of 
 this base and criminal sacrifice of fe- 
 male purity has been disputed, like most 
 of the romance of Spanish annals, by 
 some modern writers. Its chief Span- 
 ish authority is tradition; but that is 
 confirmed by Arab history. 
 
 Whilst these events were passing in the 
 kingdom of Oviedo, a second Christian 
 state was rising into existence in the 
 recesses 'of the Pyrenees. In the year 
 758, according to the best Spanish au- 
 thorities, the nobles of the mountain 
 country, meeting, to the number of 6 00, at 
 the cell of a hermit far renowned for his 
 sanctity, resolved to elect a king. Their 
 choice fell upon Garcia Ximenes, a 
 wealthy noble of the original Spanish 
 blood, married to a lady named Iniga, 
 of descent similar to his own. The new 
 king proceeded to conquer a kingdom 
 and his first acquisitions were made in 
 the country of Sobrarve. His son Garcia 
 Iniguez, who succeeded to him, greatly 
 enlarged his dominions, extending them 
 
 into Navarre on one side, and Aragon 
 on the other. 
 
 A new enemy disturbed Abderrah- 
 man's latter years: Charle- 
 magne, the grandson of Cordova, 
 Charles Martel, after con- 7^^ 
 quering Italy and part of Ger- 
 many, turned his arms against his Maho- 
 metan neighbours. The accounts of 
 Charlemagne's Spanish wars are, in 
 many respects, very differently given by 
 French, Spanish, and Arab historians. 
 It would be idle to encumber these pages 
 with a tedious critical investigation of 
 the relative credibility of conflicting au- 
 thorities ; and it may be sufficient to 
 say, that the following narrative has 
 been compiled from the writers of all 
 three nations, after a diligent compa- 
 rison of their respective means of infor- 
 mation, of the points upon which any 
 two of them coincide, and of the con- 
 sistency of their several statements both 
 with general probability, and with cir- 
 cumstances upon which all agree. 
 
 The sons of the emir Jusuf appear 
 first to have drawn Charlemagne's at- 
 tention to Spain. They sought his al- 
 liance against the caliph of Cordova; 
 and it was in compliance with their in- 
 vitation, and aided by the Abbasside fac- 
 tion, that the French king, in 778, sub- t 
 dued the small part of the Gothic pro- 
 vinces in the south of France held by 
 the Arabs, crossed the Pyrenees, and 
 overran their portion of Navarre, Cata- 
 lonia, and Aragon, as far as the Ebro. 
 These conquests Charlemagne formed 
 into one province, called the Spanish 
 March. Throughout its extent he sub- 
 stituted his own Arab allies in the places 
 of Abderrahman's officers, and naming 
 a French governor of the province, for 
 whose residence he appointed Barcelona, 
 he returned to France. In repassing the 
 Pyrenees, he was attacked by the united 
 forces of Abderrahman, of Fortun Gar- 
 cias, who had succeeded his father 
 Garcia Iniguez on the throne of So- 
 brarve or Navarre, (for it is doubted 
 from which of its constituent parts the 
 Pyrenean kingdom took its name,) and 
 of the French Gascons. The battle 
 ended in Charlemagne's discomfiture, 
 and his rear-guard was completely cut 
 to pieces. The action has been cele- 
 brated by poets as the defeat of Ronees- 
 valles, in which fell the Paladin Roland, 
 or Orlando, the great hero of French ro- 
 mance, whose feats, love, and madness, 
 have been celebrated in Italian poetry. 
 
 Abderrahman's general, Abdelmelic, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 13 
 
 ably followed up his victory, and re- 
 covered most of the Spanish March, 
 reducing the Arab rebels to submission. 
 His services were rewarded by the mar- 
 riage of his son Abdallah to Kathira, 
 the caliph's granddaughter by his third 
 son Hixem, whom, judging him better 
 adapted in mind and disposition than 
 his elder brothers for the cares of sove- 
 reignty, Abderrahman afterwards se- 
 lected for his successor. Hixem was 
 readily acknowledged as wall alhadi, 
 or heir-apparent, by the assembled 
 waits, in 786 ; and the following year, 
 Abderrahman died. Troubled as his 
 reign had been from within and from 
 without, it was nevertheless fruitful in 
 benefit to his subjects. Under him, 
 Mussulman Spain made the first steps 
 towards the eminence in science, litera- 
 ture, and wealth, commercial and agri- 
 cultural, to which she subsequently at- 
 tained. He consolidated the Arab power, 
 established a due administration of jus- 
 tice, gave authority to religion, and pro- 
 moted education. He improved the 
 condition of the Mozarabes, (the Chris- 
 tians living under the Mahometans were 
 so called,) by lowering the tribute im- 
 posed upon them ; and he built the far- 
 famed mosque of Cordova, which was 
 lighted by 4700 lamps. Soon after 
 Abderrahman's death, his former ad- 
 versary, Edris ben Abdallah, emir of 
 Almagrab, renounced his allegiance to 
 the Abbasside caliphs, and founded 
 the kingdom of Fez. 
 
 The first years of Hixem' s reign were 
 occupied in contests with his dissatisfied 
 elder brothers, who stirred up continual 
 rebellions. When these were quelled, 
 the new caliph, in the exultation of 
 success, resolved to recover all the 
 French provinces of the Gothic mo- 
 narchy, and to subdue the kingdom of 
 Oviedo. For these purposes he pub- 
 lished the algihed, or proclamation of 
 a holy war, and undertook both enter- 
 prises at the same time. The invasion 
 of France he committed to his son-in- 
 law Abdallah, who gained some victories 
 beyond the Pyrenees, and brought home 
 a rich booty, but made no permanent 
 conquests. The conduct of the attack 
 upon Oviedo, Hixem gave to his hagib, 
 or prime minister. 
 
 The approach of so formidable a 
 
 Mussulman army as now 
 
 Oviedo, menaced Oviedo, seems to 
 
 from A.I). , , , ' 
 
 783 suo. have awakened the consci- 
 ence of the reigning king, Ber- 
 mudo the Deacon, so named from his 
 
 having been in holy orders, previous to 
 his seizing the crown at Mauregato's 
 death, A.D. 788. He immediately ab- 
 dicated in favour of the rightful heir, 
 Fruela's son Alfonso, II. The young 
 king defended himself vigorously and re- 
 pulsed the invaders with great slaughter. 
 In the course of his long reign, Alfonso 
 extended his territories far southwards, 
 and very early abolished the ignomi- 
 nious tribute of 100 virgins. From 
 this circumstance is derived, by some 
 historians, his surname of the Chaste ; 
 attributed by others to his having made 
 a solemn vow of virginity, and observed 
 it, even in marriage. This vow, and the 
 austere temper in which it probably 
 originated, had considerable influence 
 over Alfonso's life. He so deeply re- 
 sented his sister Ximena's private mar- 
 riage with a subject, the Count of Sal- 
 danha, that he shut her up in a convent ; 
 arid putting out her husband's eyes, 
 sentenced him to perpetual imprison- 
 ment. He indeed carefully educated 
 the offspring of the marriage, a son, who, 
 under the name of Bernardo del Carpio, 
 is the great hero of early Spanish ro- 
 mance. But he so exasperated the gal- 
 lant youth by rejecting his solicitations 
 on behalf of his parents, that many of 
 Bernardo's most splendid feats were 
 performed in the Mussulman ranks, 
 warring against his harsh uncle. 
 
 About the year 800, Alfonso having 
 no children, and Bernardo being per- 
 haps in rebellion, offered Charlemagne 
 the bequest of his kingdom, in con- 
 deration of assistance to be given by 
 France against the Moors, as the Spanish 
 Arabs are usually denominated, who had 
 become more formidable upon the war- 
 like Alhakem succeeding to 
 his father Hixem in 796. Cordova, 
 At the first accession of the m-m' 
 young caliph, indeed, his two 
 uncles, whom Hixem had vanquished, 
 pardoned, and provided for, revolted, 
 and whilst their rebellion occupied Al- 
 hakem, Alfonso pursued his conquests. 
 But Alhakem so rapidly subdued the 
 insurgents and repulsed the invaders, 
 that he acquired the surname of Almu- 
 dafar, or The Victorious. One of his 
 rebellious uncles fell in battle, and Al- 
 hakem wept over him ; the survivor, 
 Abdallah, he forgave ; and though he 
 demanded his sons as hostages, he 
 treated them with such kindness, that 
 he gave the hand of his sister Alkinsa to 
 Esfah, the eldest. 
 
 Alhakem was now ready to fall with 
 
14 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his whole power upon the kingdom of 
 Oviedo, when Charlemagne, in pur- 
 suance of the recently-concluded treaty, 
 sent a numerous army into Spain, led 
 by his son Lewis, whom he had named 
 King of Aquitaine, in which kingdom 
 the Spanish March was nominally in- 
 cluded. Alhakem was unable to cope 
 with the forces thus united against 
 him, and Lewis recovered the Spanish 
 March in the east, whilst Alfonso ex- 
 tended his frontiers in the west of the 
 Peninsula. But dissensions arose ere 
 long between the Christian allies, that 
 checked their further progress. The 
 nobles of Oviedo refused to sanction 
 their king's bequest of his crown to 
 Charlemagne, which must have made 
 the kingdom a mere province of France. 
 Alfonso was compelled by them to re- 
 tract his rash offer, and a quarrel with 
 Charlemagne ensued. In Spanish an- 
 nals the defeat of Roncesvalles is the 
 consequence of this quarrel, and Ber- 
 nardo del Carpio the conqueror of the 
 French. But French and Arab history, 
 as well as general probability, assign to 
 that defeat the date of 778, when Ber- 
 nardo del Carpio, who very likely joined 
 the Moors against his uncle and Lewis 
 in 801, was unborn. Bernardo is not 
 the only favourite hero to whom tradi- 
 tion or romance ascribes a share in 
 memorable actions occurring before his 
 birth, or after his death. 
 
 Lewis did not extend his conquests, 
 but he remained master of the Spanish 
 March, and constantly at war with the 
 Moors for its defence. He, for the 
 most part, succeeded in maintaining its 
 boundaries against Alhakem, whose 
 latter, like his earlier years, were ha- 
 rassed with insurrections, which he now 
 provoked by his violent and suspicious, 
 though not unkindly temper. He thus 
 drove his brother-in-law Esfah to revolt ; 
 but when, at the moment of his victory 
 over the rebels, Alkinsa fell at his feet 
 to implore her husband's pardon, he 
 immediately forgave, and was reconciled 
 to him. As Alhakem advanced in years 
 his good qualities disappeared, and his 
 vices increased. He abandoned him- 
 self to voluptuousness, indolence, and 
 cruelty ; but fortunately for his subjects, 
 his indolence prevailing, he resigned the 
 government in 815, to his son Abderrah- 
 man, whom he had caused to be acknow- 
 ledged as wall alhadi. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Counts of Castile The Kings of Na- 
 varre extinct Abderrahman II. 
 Mohammed L Sancho, Count of Na- 
 varre Garcia Ximenes, King of 
 Navarre Fanaticism of the Mo- 
 zarabes Conquests of Alfonso 11 L 
 Ordono 11. changes his title to 
 King of Leon Wifrid, Governor of 
 the Spanish March for France, makes 
 his county of Barcelona hereditary, 
 as a French Vassal Fortun Ximenes 
 of Navarre's conquests from the 
 French and Moors Castile inde- 
 pendent of Leon Fernan Gonzales, 
 Count of Castile Abderrahman III. 
 ' His conquests in Africa Alhakem 
 II. Conquests of Almanzor, the 
 Minister of Hixem II. His defeat 
 and death*. 
 
 THE royal line of Navarre or Sobrarve 
 was at this time extinct, Ximenes Gar- 
 cias, the grandson of Fortun Garcias, 
 having died^without children. The nobles 
 availed themselves of the opportunity to 
 establish the famous code entitled Los 
 Fueros de Sobrarve, the laws of So- 
 brarve, which subsequently became the 
 ground-work of the liberties of Aragon. 
 Navarre was soon afterwards recovered 
 by the Moors, and Sobrarve included 
 in the Spanish March. 
 
 Alfonso's kingdom, at this period, 
 comprised Asturias, Galicia, 
 part of Leon, and part of 
 Castile, where some of the 
 original noble proprietors, en- 
 couraged by his power and proximity, 
 excited their countrymen to rise in arms, 
 throw off the Moorish yoke, and transfer 
 their allegiance to the crown of Oviedo. 
 Upon so doing, the successful leaders 
 assumed the title of Counts of Castile. 
 Alfonso's reign was further distinguished 
 by a supposed discovery of the grave of 
 the Apostle St. James, at Compostella, 
 in Galicia. This grave became the 
 celebrated shrine, to which, under its 
 Spanish name of St. lago de Compos- 
 tella, innumerable pilgrimages have 
 been made, from the notions of piety 
 and penance entertained by Catholics 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Fen-eras, Condi', Maries, 
 Bigland, Universal Modern History, Compendia 
 Hintorirtl dc las Lhronicas >j L itiwrsul Historiu de 
 Indus IDS Reynas dc Es^ana, por Kstcvan de Gavi- 
 bay y Caraailoa, 4 tonics, folio, Barcelona, It^S, 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 800845. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Alfonso ruled upwards of fifty years, 
 and at his death left, his crown to 
 Rarniro, the son of his conscientious 
 predecessor, Bermudo the Deacon. 
 
 Towards the end of Alfonso's reign 
 some Biscayan nobles succeeded in es- 
 tablishing their independence. In So- 
 brarve, Aznar, a noble of the original 
 Vascon or Basque race, (to which [the 
 Biscayans in Spain and the Gascons in 
 France are supposed to belong,) had 
 assumed the title of Count. He ac- 
 quired considerable power, but did not. 
 abjure his vassalage to France, it should 
 seem, since he lost his life in the civil 
 wars of that country. His brother 
 Sancho succeeded to his county A.D. 
 837, and added to it part of Navarre. 
 Under Sancho all traces of French so- 
 vereignty disappear. These Christian 
 states were constantly engaged in hos- 
 tilities with the Mahometans ; and all of 
 them, however the vicissitudes of war 
 might occasionally threaten them with 
 destruction, gradually extended their 
 territories; whilst the Spanish March, 
 though the largest amongst them, and 
 supported by France, was unable to resist 
 the encroachments of the Moors, from 
 the moment when the kingdom of Aqui- 
 taine was absorbed into the French 
 monarchy by Charlemagne's crown de- 
 volving to his only surviving son Lewis, 
 and the March in consequence became 
 a mere dependency upon that powerful 
 kingdom. 
 
 Abderrahman II., however, did not 
 prosecute hostilities very vi- 
 Cordova, gorously. He, like his pre- 
 f 8i-852.' decessors, was troubled with 
 insurrections at home. The 
 first of these was excited by that restless 
 and turbulent old man, his great uncle 
 Abdallah, who, as usual, vanquished, 
 and at his son's intercession forgiven, 
 was probably only prevented by death 
 from reiterating his offence. Other 
 rebellions followed, promoted by the 
 caliph's Christian neighbours, which, 
 if less important than Abdallah's, suf- 
 ficed to impede his warlike operations. 
 Besides, although a brave and able war- 
 rior, Al3derrahman was fonder of pa- 
 cific, than of military pursuits. He 
 invited learned men from all parts of 
 the world to his court, employing many 
 of them in the administration of his 
 dominions, and he himself cultivated 
 literature, but without neglecting the 
 duties of his station. He enjoyed a hi^h 
 reputation abroad as well as at home, 
 
 Oviedo and 
 Navarre, 
 
 from A.i>. 
 845862. 
 
 king re- 
 destroyed 
 
 The emperor of Constantinople sought, 
 his alliance against the oriental caliph, 
 owing probably to his possessing a fleet, 
 which he hacl built and equipped to 
 guard his shores from the ravages of 
 the Normans. Abderrahman II. died 
 in 852, lamented as the father of his 
 people. 
 
 Ramiro of Oviedo, who repulsed a 
 Norman incursion, and 
 gained a signal victory 
 over the Moors, had, two 
 years before this period, 
 left his throne to his 
 son Ordofio*. The new 
 built many of the towns 
 in preceding wars. The towns, it should 
 be observed, suffered severely from the 
 system of warfare adopted by both Ma- 
 hometans and Christians, In order to 
 protect their respective territories by an 
 intervening desert, both parties not 
 only ravaged and depopulated each 
 other's frontiers, but allowed their own 
 latest conquests to remain in a state of 
 desolation, carrying off the inhabitants 
 to 1he interior of their dominions, as 
 settlers or as slaves, according as they 
 professed the religion of the conqueror, 
 or the conquered. 
 
 Garcia succeeded his father Sancho, 
 as count of Navarre or Sobrarve, and 
 acquired some accession of territory 
 beyond the Pyrenees, by the voluntary 
 submission of the people, who were 
 wearied out with the civil wars that dis- 
 tracted France under Charlemagne's 
 successors. Garcia married the daugh- 
 ter of Muza the Mussulman governor 
 of Saragossa, and joined his father-in- 
 law, when, by the caliph's orders, he 
 invaded Oviedo. This alliance between 
 Christians and Mahometans-an alliance 
 then so unusual as to be deemed unna- 
 tural, did not prosper. Muza was de- 
 feated, and Count Garcia slain. His son 
 Garcia Ximenes greatly enlarged his 
 dominions, and acquired the county of 
 Aragon by marrying Urraca, the only 
 daughter and heiress of Count Fortun 
 Ximenes. Garcia Ximenes assumed the 
 title of king of Navarre. 
 
 Upon the Cordovan throne Moham- 
 med I. had succeeded to his 
 father Abderrahman. His fr ^ do ; 
 anger and mortification at 852912.' 
 the defeat of his troops un- 
 der Muza, induced suspicions of trea- 
 
 * This name is pronounced Ordonio ; the u 
 being always pronounced as if followed by an i. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 1C 
 
 chery in thatf general. He deprived him 
 of his government, and thus provoked 
 the verification of his suspicions. Muza 
 revolted, sought assistance from the 
 Christians, and gave the caliph much 
 trouble ere he was finally subdued. A 
 meaner, but yet more harassing rebel, 
 next arose. A mountain peasant named 
 Hafsun, having turned robber and col- 
 lected a strong band of ruffians, prof- 
 fered his aid~to all malcontents, and 
 instigated various insurrections. Mo- 
 hammed marched against him, but was 
 duped by his fair professions, and al- 
 lowed his nephew Zeid, with a small 
 troop, to join Hafsun, in order to lead 
 him and his followers against the Chris- 
 tians. Hafsun murdered Zeid and his 
 men in their sleep. The indignant mo- 
 narch ordered his son Almondhir to re- 
 venge his kinsman. Hafsun was de- 
 feated by the prince, but escaped, and 
 renewed his rebellion upon every oppor- 
 tunity. He obtained help from Alfonso 
 III. of Oviedo, who in 862, succeeded to 
 his father Ordono, and from the king of 
 Navarre, who joined him in person. 
 The allies engaged the caliph's troops 
 in 882, and were defeated ; the king and 
 the robber were both slain. These dis- 
 turbances at home did not prevent Mo- 
 hammed from waging constant war with 
 the Christians. He sent an army over 
 the Pyrenees, which penetrated as far 
 as Narbonne ; but a rich booty seems 
 to have been the chief fruit of the ex- 
 pedition. Against the united arms of 
 Oviedo and Navarre, Mohammed failed 
 to effect anything. 
 
 It might have been supposed that 
 such incessant wars between the fol- 
 lowers of the cross and of the crescent, 
 and the success of so many Christian 
 provinces in emancipating themselves, 
 would have exasperated the Mahome- 
 tans against their Christian subjects. 
 But this was not the case. Intolerant 
 as the Mussulman religion has in prac- 
 tice been usually found, its professors 
 in Spain were uniformly tolerant, and 
 they even recalled the Jews, who had 
 been banished by the Visigoth kings. 
 The terms originally granted at the 
 conquest to the conquered nation, had 
 been hitherto scrupulously observed ; 
 and if Mohammed I. narrowed the in- 
 dulgences enjoyed by the Mozarabes, 
 these last had only themselves to blame. 
 Their endeavours to extort the honours 
 of martyrdom from him and his father, 
 form a curious episode in the history of 
 
 the human mind. Two Mozarabes had, 
 during the reign of Abderrahman II., 
 been induced, in conversation with some 
 Mahometan acquaintance, to give their 
 opinion of the two rival religions ; and 
 expressed, with such indiscreet zeal, 
 their contempt for the false Prophet, 
 that they were denounced as blasphe- 
 mers, and put to death. This unwonted 
 act of severity seems to have not merely 
 produced the usual effect of persecution 
 in heightening the religious fervour of 
 those against whom it is directed, but 
 to have actually maddened the Cordovan 
 Mozarabes. Monks and nuns, hus- 
 bands and wives, boys and girls, now 
 thronged the Moorish courts of justice, 
 to curse Mahomet publicly, before the 
 Mussulman authorities, and thus achieve 
 their own martyrdom. The cadis, or 
 Mussulman judges, were seriously dis- 
 tressed at the frequent executions they 
 were thus compelled to order ; [but the 
 blasphemous outrage was too enormous 
 and too public to be overlooked, and it 
 does not seem to have occurred to them 
 to treat these suicidal fanatics as ma- 
 niacs, which they undoubtedly were. 
 The cadis strove, by exhortation and 
 persuasion, to prevail upon the frantic 
 enthusiasts to forbear such wanton in- 
 sults to their masters ; but in vain. The 
 caliph was then applied to ; and his re- 
 monstrances proving equally fruitless, 
 he had recourse to the Christian arch- 
 bishop's authority over his flock. It 
 was not without infinite difficulty that 
 even the revered prelate's admonitions 
 at" length repressed this strange frenzy. 
 The disorders that had occurred during 
 its continuance, determined Mohammed 
 to curtail the Mozarabe privileges. 
 * Mohammed, like his father, was a 
 lover and cultivator of literature. He 
 died in 886, and his son Almondhir, 
 who succeeded, reigned only two years. 
 Almondhir so entirely forfeited his sub- 
 jects' regard by the disproportionate 
 severity of his punishments, that in an 
 engagement with Caleb, the rebellious 
 son of the rebellious robber Hafsun, his 
 troops deserted him, and he fell, pierced 
 with a thousand wounds. Almondhir left 
 the caliphate to his brother Abdallah, 
 who conciliated the nation by restor- 
 ing the survivors amongst Almondhir's 
 victims to their liberty and property. 
 His reign was nevertheless harassed 
 with rebellions, which reached even to 
 his own family. His eldest son Mo- 
 hammed revolted, and, after six years 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 of civil war, was defeated by his younger 
 brother Abderrahman : Mohammed died 
 in prison. 
 
 Meanwhile Alfonso III. was ex- 
 tending his dominion over 
 Oviedo, a considerable part of Por- 
 862-m'. tu ? al and earning the sur- 
 name of the Great, equally by 
 his conquests, his clemency, his charity, 
 and his fervent devotion. His trium- 
 phant progress was however much in- 
 terrupted by frequent insurrections, and 
 at last his own family, like Abdallah's, 
 imbibed the taint of disaffection. More 
 unfortunate still than the caliph, Al- 
 fonso saw his wife, Ximena of Na- 
 varre, and his three sons, all revolt 
 against him. The rebels were sup- 
 ported by the counts of Castile, the 
 principal of whom, count Nuno Fer- 
 nandez, was father-in-law to D. Garcia, 
 the eldest of the three princes. Alfonso 
 subdued this, like all former rebellions ; 
 but wearied and disgusted with such 
 conflicts, he, in the year 900, resigned 
 his crown to Garcia, giving Galicia, as 
 a separate principality, to his second son 
 Ordono. After his abdication, Al- 
 fonso, as a private man, raised and led 
 an army against the Moors ; when he 
 added another victory to his former 
 achievements. Alfonso is said to have 
 been a lover of literature ; and a chro- 
 nicle of his royal predecessors, bearing 
 his name as the author, is still extant. 
 
 What remained of the Spanish 
 March had lately made a step towards 
 independence. The French governors 
 had gradually increased in power and 
 importance ; their office, after a while, 
 became hereditary in one family, and 
 Wifrid, who held it about the end of the 
 ninth century, assumed the title of 
 count of Barcelona. His county was 
 indeed small, the Moors having recon- 
 quered almost the whole March, and he 
 continued a French vassal; but his 
 sons and grandsons successively en- 
 larged their state, and soon rendered its 
 dependence little more than nominal. 
 
 In Navarre, Fortun Ximenes had suc- 
 ceeded to his father, and con- 
 Navarre, siderably augmented his king- 
 
 from A.D. j i. AI_ rul 
 
 862920. dom a t the expense of both 
 the French and the Moors. 
 In 905 he abdicated in favour of his bro- 
 ther Sancho, and retired to a monastery. 
 Sancho pursued a similar military career 
 with nearly equal, though not unvarying 
 success. He is renowned for the inven- 
 tion of a sort of skin shoe, still used by 
 the Navarrese, which enabled his army 
 
 to pass the frozen precipices of the Py- 
 renees at midwinter, and thus surprise 
 the Moors, who had overrun Navarre, 
 whilst he was occupied in France, and 
 were rendered negligent by their con- 
 viction that his return with his forces at 
 that season was impossible. 
 
 Garcia of Oviedo died without chil- 
 dren shortly after his acces- 
 sion ; when his brother Or- 
 dono II. reunited the whole of 
 his father's dominions. He 
 transferred the seat of government to 
 Leon, and altered the title of king of 
 Oviedo, into that of king of Leon. His 
 wars with the Moors were not very im- 
 portant, and his reign is chiefly charac- 
 terized by his treachery towards the 
 counts of Castile. Jealous probably 
 of the power that had supported himself 
 and his brothers against their father, 
 he invited the counts to a conference 
 upon affairs of public importance, and 
 when they presented themselves, seized, 
 and put them to death. The indignant 
 Castilians renounced their allegiance to 
 Leon, and formed themselves into a 
 kind of republic, of which little but the 
 shortness of its duration is known. 
 Ordono died as he was preparing to 
 quell this Castilian revolt; and upon, 
 his death his brother, Fruela II. 
 usurped the crown, which he wore only 
 a few months. 
 
 This last of Alfonso's rebellious sons 
 died of leprosy in 924, and was 
 succeeded by his nephew, Alfonso IV., 
 Ordono II.'s eldest son. The new 
 king, in the first emotion of sorrow 
 upon losing his queen, resigned his 
 crown to his brother, Ramiro II. to 
 the exclusion of his own infant son, 
 Ordono, and retired to a monastery, 
 where he took the vows. But he either 
 found a monk's life less consolatory 
 than he had expected, or he recovered 
 from his sorrow ; for he presently endea- 
 voured to regain by force the bi'rthright 
 he had abandoned. A civil war en- 
 sued. Ramiro took his brother pri- 
 soner, and put out his eyes. He treated 
 with similar cruelty the sons of Fruela 
 who rebelled against him ; and shut all 
 his victims up together in a monastery. 
 The remaining events of Ramiro's reign 
 are his wars with the Moors, in which 
 both parties claimed prodigious vic- 
 tories, having probably gained moderate 
 advantages alternately. These wars 
 Ramiro carried on in conjunction with 
 a new count of Castile, the republic 
 having already expired. This was Fer- 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 nan Gonzalez, a descendant of one of 
 the murdered counts, and another fa- 
 vourite hero of romance. He really 
 attained to such power by his victories 
 over the Moors, that the king of Na- 
 varre gave him his daughter Sancha in 
 marriage ; and the king of Leon selected 
 his daughter Urraca as the wife of 
 his own son and heir, Ordono. Ramiro 
 II. died A. p. 950, and Ordono III. 
 succeeded. His short reign was a 
 scene of almost constant civil war with 
 his brother Sancho, in which the king 
 of Navarre, the caliph of Cordova, and 
 the count of Castile took part; the two 
 latter in favour of the rebel. Ordono, 
 incensed at his father-in-law's conduct, 
 divorced Urraca, and married another 
 wife. Count Fernan Gonzalez appa- 
 rently forgave the insult, when he found 
 occasion for the king of Leon's assist- 
 ance against the Mahometans. 
 
 These dissensions might well have 
 
 proved fatal to the Spanish 
 
 Cordova, Christian states, for the 
 
 from A.D. ., c f~* , 
 
 912963. throne of Cordova was now 
 occupied by one of the great- 
 est of the caliphs. Abderrahman III. 
 the son of the rebellious Mohammed, 
 had succeeded to his grandfather ; and 
 his realm was governed, during his mi- 
 nority, by his uncle Abderrahman, who 
 had quelled his father Mohammed's 
 revolt. This prince, who remained as 
 long as he lived his nephew's principal 
 adviser, acquired by his military achieve- 
 ments the surname of Almudafar, or 
 the Victorious. But circumstances so 
 threatening produced little injury to 
 the Christians. Many years of Ab- 
 derrahman's reign were consumed in 
 subduing the rebellions of the robber 
 Hafsun's descendants, who had made 
 themselves incredibly formidable, being 
 masters, it is said, of 200 fortified 
 castles, villages, and towns, including 
 the old Gothic capital, Toledo. They 
 were assisted by Leon, Navarre, and 
 Castile, and were not finally subdued 
 before 927. And now Abderrahman's 
 consolidated power seemed indeed to 
 bode destruction to the small and di- 
 vided Christian states ; when, for their 
 preservation, his attention was diverted 
 to Africa, where a new field was opened 
 to his ambition ; which mainly occupy- 
 ing his and his successors' arms, af- 
 forded their Spanish adversaries time 
 and opportunity to strengthen them- 
 selves. 
 
 The dynasty of Edris had ruled the 
 kingdom of Fez for 130 years, when 
 
 Yahie, the eighth kins:, was attacked and 
 dethroned by his African neighbours. 
 He applied to Abderrahman to support, 
 a sovereign of a family nearly related to 
 his own. Abderrahman so far complied 
 with this request, that he sent an army 
 to Fez, which conquered the kingdom. 
 He thenceforward governed it through 
 his generals, under the title of protector 
 of the Edris family, the princes of which 
 he seems to have detained in a sort of 
 honourable captivity at Cordova. But 
 he did not hold in peace a kingdom thus 
 unjustly acquired. He was engaged in 
 constant wars, for the defence of Fez, 
 with the caliphs of Egypt, and the dif- 
 ferent African emirs. Abderrahman's 
 latter years were harassed, like his grand- 
 father's, by a domestic rebellion. Upon 
 his declaring Alhakem, one of his sons, 
 walialhadi*, another of them, Abdallah, 
 revolted. Abdallah was vanquished, 
 taken, and, notwithstanding the gene- 
 rous Alhakem's earnest supplications, 
 put to death, by the orders of his father, 
 whose subsequent life was clouded with 
 melancholy. 
 
 r~ N Most of the Spanish caliphs had 
 been encouragers of learning ; but none 
 so much or so successfully as Ab- 
 derrahman the 1 1 Id. The palaces of his 
 hagibs, and his cadis*, as well as his 
 own, were filled with philosophers and 
 poets. Jle founded schools which far 
 surpassed in reputation all others then 
 established in Europe. This was so 
 pre-eminently the case with the School 
 of Medicine, that the Infante, or Prince, 
 Sancho of Leon, sought and found at 
 his court the cure of a malady which 
 had defied the skill of the Christian phy- 
 sicians. Don Sancho's visit to Cordova 
 was the first instance of personal ami- 
 cable intercourse betwixt the princes 
 of the two rival races and faiths. It 
 afterwards became frequent ; and a 
 commerce of friendship and gallantry 
 prevailed amongst Christians and Maho- 
 metans of all ranks, that might seem 
 hardly compatible with the religious zeal 
 which inflamed and mainly occasioned 
 their wars. This unexpected alterna- 
 tion of bigoted hostility and kindly as- 
 sociation, appears to have originated in 
 the chivalrous spirit of courtesy towards 
 enemies, that arose naturally in Spain, 
 between foes who had mutually learned 
 in the field to respect each other. Ab- 
 derrahman likewise patronized the fine 
 
 * See page 12. 
 t See pages 13 and 16, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 19 
 
 arts. He invited artists from Greece 
 and Asia, and employed them in embel- 
 lishing his towns. He encouraged ma- 
 nufactures, commerce, and agriculture, 
 executing magnificent works for irriga- 
 tion, upon which, in Spain, the fertility 
 of the soil entirely depends. Perha,ps 
 at no period, before or since, has Spain 
 known anything like the prosperity and 
 happiness which the Mussulman portion 
 of tlu 1 Peninsula enjoyed under this and 
 the following iviirns. Abderrahman was 
 as just in his government as he was li- 
 beral, and received from the affectionate 
 admiration of his subjects the title 
 of Emir nl Mttinenin, Prince of the 
 Faithful, which Spanish ignorance con- 
 verted into the Miramolin, and used as 
 a common title. 
 
 Abderrahman died in 961, and Alha- 
 kem II. proved himself ,his worthy 
 successor. In his internal administra- 
 tion, in the arts of peace, and in the 
 love of literature, he even surpassed his 
 father. The court, and leading men 
 throughout the nation, emulated, as far 
 as circumstances allowed, the example 
 of the sovereign. Every great town in 
 Mussulman Spain boasted its schools, 
 its scientific and literary academies. 
 The spirit of the age penetrated even 
 into the seclusion of the harem ; and 
 the names of several Mahomet an ladies, 
 who distinguished themselves as votaries 
 of the Muses, are still preserved. After 
 two years of peace the Moors began to 
 upbraid Alhakem with cowardice. In 
 self-defence he published the Algihed*, 
 and in person led his forces against the 
 kingdom of Leon, 
 
 Leon waTTTieri governed by his fa- 
 ther's visitor and friend 
 Sancho, who had been en- 
 abled by Abderrahman's as- 
 sistance to } seize the throne 
 upon the death of Ordono III. and 
 to retain it, notwithstanding both the 
 claims of Bermudo, the deceased king's 
 son by his second, somewhat doubtful, 
 marriage, and the civil war excited by 
 the count of Castile, on behalf of ano- 
 ther Ordono, the son of Alfonso IV. 
 who had married the count's daughter 
 Urraca, repudiated by Ordono III. 
 Alhakem gained advantages sufficient 
 to establish his military cha- 
 Cordova, ra cter; and having perhaps, 
 
 from A.D. i ii t A.I ] 
 
 963976. by the strictness of the dis- 
 cipline he enforced in hi s 
 army, rather blunted his subjects' ap. 
 
 * See page 12. 
 
 Leon, 
 from A.D. 
 957965. 
 
 petite for war, he returned in triumph 
 to Cordova, and concluded a peace 
 with Sancho, which he could never 
 afterwards be induced to break. To 
 such of his ministers as subsequently 
 urged him to take advantage of the 
 dissensions that long raged amongst the 
 Christians, he invariably answered, ' Ob- 
 serve your engagements, for to God 
 must you account for their violation.' 
 
 Of Alhakem II. an anecdote, in the 
 the style of the Arabian Tales, is re- 
 lated, too illustrative of oriental man- 
 ners, and of the degree to which the 
 despotic power of the caliphs was tem- 
 pered by circumstances, to be omitted. 
 The caliph had been tempted to pos- 
 sess himself by force of a field adjoining 
 the gardens of his favourite palace, 
 which offered a beautiful site for a pa- 
 vilion, but which the owner refused to 
 sell. The despoiled proprietor applied 
 to the ministers of justice. The cadi of 
 Cordova heard his complaint, mounted 
 his mule, and rode into the royal garden, 
 where he found Alhakem enjoying his 
 new acquisition. The cadi dismount- 
 ing, asked permission to fill a sack with 
 the earth. This was granted, and the 
 judge next besought the monarch's help 
 to place the full sack upon the mule. 
 Alhakem, imagining so strange a re- 
 quest must be calculated to produce 
 some amusing pleasantry, readily com- 
 plied, but could not lift the burthen. 
 The cadi then solemnly said, ' Prince of 
 the Faithful, the sack thou canst not 
 lift contains but a small portion of the 
 field thou hast usurped. How wilt thou 
 bear the weight of the whole field upon 
 thy head before the judgment-seat of 
 God?' The argument was conclusive. 
 The caliph thanked his monitor for the 
 lesson, and restored the field, allowing 
 its splendid pavilion to remain standing 
 by way of damages. 
 
 The only part of his dominions in 
 which Alhakem failed to maintain 
 peace, was the kingdom of Fez. During 
 his whole reign that kingdom was ha- 
 rassed by internal and external war. 
 His forces were at one time entirely 
 expelled, but in the end regained and 
 kept possession. 
 
 During this period of Moorish for- 
 bearance, the count of Cas- 
 tile obtained from the king of 
 Leon the recognition of his 
 entire independence. Alha- 
 kem's ally Sancho I. died, poisoned it 
 was said by an offended noble ; and 
 the reign of his son, Ramiro III. was 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL; 
 
 one incessant struggle for the crown 
 between him and his cousin Bermudo, 
 the rightful heir, supposing the second 
 marriage of his father, OrdoGo IN. 
 to be valid. 
 
 The death of Alhakem II. in 976, 
 changed the scene. His son, 
 
 Ti Hixera " a child of *& 
 
 976997. years old, was generally 
 acknowledged, and the re- 
 gency was committed to his mother, 
 Sobeiha, a very superior woman. So- 
 beiha had in her service a young man, 
 named Mohammed ben Abdallah ben 
 Abi Amer. He was a peasant, who 
 had attracted her notice by his profi- 
 ciency in the schools of Cordova. She 
 had made him her steward and secre- 
 tary ; had placed in him unbounded 
 confidence, and found him deserving of 
 it. She now appointed him hagib. His 
 pleasing manners, and intrinsic merits, 
 had gained universal esteem, and his 
 exaltation was applauded by high and 
 low. The new minister swore eter- 
 nal enmity to the Christian states ; 
 and, that he might be at liberty to 
 devote himself to their destruction, 
 concluded a treaty with the Egyptian 
 caliph for the pacification of Africa. 
 By this treaty he sacrificed some faith- 
 ful adherents; a solitary act of injus- 
 tice, and to which he was prompted by 
 the usual selfish policy of despotic go- 
 vernments. Mohammed's general con- 
 duct was marked by clemency and 
 generosity. His internal administration 
 was as judicious as it was just; and 
 during his military absences, his place 
 was ably supplied by his patroness, 
 queen Sobeiha, who, from her son's 
 indolent and voluptuous disposition, re- 
 tained the power as absolutely after 
 Hixem's majority, as during his non- 
 age. The hagib' 's protection of letters, 
 science, and the arts, was such as his 
 early proficiency promised. But it is as 
 a warrior that he is chiefly remembered. 
 His wars, or rather expeditions, against 
 the Christian states of Spain, are too 
 numerous for detail, amounting to the 
 sum total of fifty-four. His habitual 
 success quickly earned him the sur- 
 name of Almanzor, the Conqueror, by 
 which he is best known in history. He 
 recovered all the recent losses of the 
 Moors ; overran great part of Castile ; 
 penetrated to the capitals of Leon, Bar- 
 celona, and Navarre; took the two 
 former, and besieged the last. Sancho 
 II. of Navarre succeeded in relieving 
 Pamplona, his metropolis; but highiy 
 
 as this exploit raised his fame, it was 
 a triumph whose repetition could not 
 be hoped; and the Christians seemed 
 about to be driven back into their 
 mountains. A diversion caused by 
 troubles in Africa saved them. A 
 member of the Edris family, supported 
 by the caliph of Egypt, excited an in- 
 surrection in Fez, and the first army 
 Almanzor sent to quell it was defeated. 
 A second, under his own son Abdelme- 
 lic, was more prosperous. The rebel 
 was brought prisoner to Cordova, where 
 he was executed ; and Fez was now 
 avowedly annexed to the Spanish cali- 
 phate, as the province of Almagrab. It 
 continued however for years a theatre of 
 war and insurrection, necessarily requir- 
 ing much of Almanzor' s attention, until, 
 in 997, Abdelmelic succeeded in pacify- 
 ing all these disorders. He was named 
 emir of Almagrab, and governed with 
 equal mildness and vigour. 
 
 During this interval Almanzor's at- 
 tacks upon his Spanish ene- 
 mies had been less energetic. Leon and 
 Borel, count of Barcelona, f *'. 
 aided by his French sovereign, 976998.' 
 had recovered the chief part of 
 his dominions, and transmitted them, in 
 993, to his son Raymond. In Navarre, 
 Garcia III., who had succeeded to his 
 father, Sancho II., passed his life in 
 struggling unsuccessfully against Al- 
 manzor; and, in 1000, bequeathed his 
 arduous task to his son Sancho III., 
 surnamed the Great, who was married 
 to Nuiia Elvira, granddaughter of Garcia 
 Fernandez, the second sovereign count 
 of Castile. Leon was the state against 
 which Almanzor chiefly directed his 
 efforts ; and Bermudo II., though upon 
 Ramiro's death generally acknowledged, 
 was wholly unable to defend his kingdom 
 against the Mussulman conqueror, even 
 during that conqueror's state of com- 
 parative weakness. When upon the 
 pacification of Almagrab, Almanzor's 
 attacks regained their original impetu- 
 osity, Bermudo's death had left his 
 tottering throne to a child of five years 
 old, his son Alfonso V. But the danger 
 was imminent, and threatened all. Na- 
 varre, Castile, and Barcelona united 
 their troops with those of Leon. In 
 1001 they thus assembled so formidable 
 an army, that the Moors, despite their 
 confidence in their leader, and in their 
 late constant success, were struck with 
 dismay. Almanzor's utmost exertions 
 were unable to avert a total and san- 
 guinary defeat. His proud spirit could 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 21 
 
 not endure such a reverse ; he would not 
 allow his wounds to be dressed, and died 
 a very few days after the battle, in his 
 sixty-fifth year. He had, throughout 
 his holy wars, carefully preserved the 
 dust that gathered upon his clothes in 
 battle, for the purpose of covering his 
 corpse, and it was duly so employed. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Rebellions against Hixem II., with 
 whose deposal ends the Caliphate of 
 Cordova Mahometan Spain divided 
 amongst many petty Kings Conse- 
 quent enlargement of the Christian 
 States Murder of Garcia Sanchez, 
 Count of Castile, which falls to his 
 sister, wife of Sancho III. of Navarre 
 His conquests Leaves his domi- 
 nions, as separate kingdoms, amongst 
 his sons ; Navarre to Garcia, Castile 
 to Ferdinand, Sobrarve to Gonzalo, 
 and Aragon to Ramiro Wars of the 
 brothers Gonzalo murdered So- 
 brarbe united to Aragon Ferdinand, 
 upon the death of his brother-in-law, 
 Bermudo III., without issue, succeeds 
 to Leon His conquests Divides his 
 kingdom amongst his children 
 Their wars Alfonso VI. reunites 
 and extends his father's dominions 
 Feats of the Cid The Mahometan 
 kings seek aid from Africa The 
 Almorevides, under Jusef, pass over, 
 repulse the Christians, and enslave 
 the Moors Murder of Sancho IV. of 
 Navarre Navarre falls to Sancho 
 of Aragon Alfonso VI. gives his 
 Portugueze conquests as a County to 
 his illegitimate daughter Theresa 
 Civil wars of Urraca of Castile and 
 Leon, with her husband Alfonso of 
 Aragon and Navarre, and with her 
 son Alfonso's conquests He dies 
 childless Aragon and Navarre 
 choose different kings Ramiro II. 'of 
 Aragon marries his daughter to 
 Raymond V. of Barcelona, and retires 
 to a monastery Barcelona renounces 
 French allegiance Wars among the 
 Christian princes*. 
 
 QUEEN SOBEIHA did not long survive 
 her favourite minister, and upon her 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, 
 Maries, Bigland, Universal Modern History, His- 
 tnria de Portugal, por J. da Costa, 3 vols. 8vo. 
 Tins is, I believe, the production of a Portuguese, 
 settled in London, and of no great estimation. 
 Vidiis de EspaT.oles Celebres, por Don M. J. Quin- 
 tana, 2 tomos, 8vo. Madrid, 1807, 1830-a work 
 of considerable research, and literary merit. 
 
 death-bed recommended Abdelmelic to 
 her son as his hagib. Abdel- 
 melic trod in his father's steps, ^^Jj, 
 but his victories were more 9971031.' 
 dearly purchased ; the Chris- 
 tian princes having been taught by their 
 losses the necessity of acting together. 
 He died in 1008, poisoned, as it was be- 
 lieved, by those who envied his power. 
 Hixem immediately bestowed his vacant 
 post upon Almanzor's second son, Ab- 
 derrahman, a bold profligate youth, to- 
 tally unfit for the office. From this 
 moment the glories of the Spanish Om- 
 meyades faded. Abderrahman prevailed 
 upon the childless Hixem to declare him 
 wait alhadi. This rash and illegal 
 step cost the favourite his life, and the 
 caliph his throne. It provoked Moham- 
 med, a grandson of Abderrahman III. 
 and Hixem' s natural heir, to revolt. He 
 raised troops, fought Abderrahman, de- 
 feated, took him prisoner, and put him 
 to death; the conqueror then obtained 
 from the weak caliph his own appoint- 
 ment as hagib, and repaid the gift by 
 deposing the giver. 
 
 Mussulman Spain now became a the- 
 atre of disorder and civil war. Differ- 
 ent pretenders to the caliphate arose, 
 supported by different parties ; some, 
 princes of the Ommeyade race, some, 
 bold adventurers and strangers, without 
 a shadow of right ; whilst the walis, 
 not only of the several provinces, but of 
 the more considerable towns, took ad- 
 vantage of the suspension of sovereign 
 authority, resulting from this state of 
 things, to /set up for individual inde- 
 pendence./ In 1031 a second deposal of 
 Hixem, who had been momentarily re- 
 stored as the puppet of one of the usurp- 
 ing strangers, finally closed the caliph- 
 ate of the Ommeyades, who had for 
 280 years so brilliantly and happily 
 governed the larger part of Spain. Their 
 extinction left their dominions a prey to 
 a crowd of petty kings, all warring with 
 the nominal government at ^Cordova, 
 and with each other. Almena, Denia, 
 and Valencia had separate kings, de- 
 scendants of Almanzor, and named the 
 Alameri, from his family name, Amer. 
 Saragossa, Huesca, Tudela, and Lerida, 
 had kings of the tribe of Beni Hud. 
 jOthfiE-kings reigned in. Seville, Carmo- 
 na, Malaga, Granada, Algeziras, Toledo, 
 and Badajoz ; the king of Badajoz being 
 moreover the federal or feudal chief of 
 a confederation of princes, occupying 
 the principal part of the present kingdom, 
 of Portugal. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 22 
 
 The Christian sovereigns profited 
 greatly by the enfeebled condition of 
 their hereditary and natural enemies. 
 Even the weakest amongst them, Ray- 
 mond, count of Barcelona, acquired an 
 accession of territory by selling his as- 
 sistance to some of the conflicting can- 
 didates for Mussulman royalty. The 
 other states gained strength doubly, by 
 conquest from the Moors, and by" con- 
 solidation amongst themselves. Count 
 Garcia of Castile had fallen in battle 
 against Abdelmelic, A.D. 
 
 faSfs. i 05 -. His 1 son ' Sanc u ho 
 
 10051022. Garcias, amply avenged his 
 death, and considerably en- 
 larged his county during the disorders 
 consequent upon Abdelmelic's murder. 
 His son, Garcia Sanchez, who, whilst yet 
 a boy, succeeded to him in 1 022, was the 
 last count. Upon attaining his majority, 
 he repaired to Leon to solemnize his 
 nuptials with the Infanta Sancha, daugh- 
 ter of Alfonso V., where he was assassi- 
 nated by three of his own nobles, who 
 had been banished by his father for their 
 turbulent disposition. 
 The county of Castile was now the 
 inheritance of his sister, 
 Navarre, j^una Elvira, the wife of 
 
 from A.D. 01 e -NT 
 
 9981054. Sancho of Navarre, who 
 immediately took posses- 
 sion of it, seized the murderers of his 
 brother-in-law, and burnt them alive. 
 Sancho augmented his realm as well by 
 conquest as by marriage. He took 
 from the distracted Moors the remainder 
 of the former Christian kingdom of So^ 
 brarve, the county of Ribagorza, and a 
 considerable part of Aragon. He like- 
 wise obliged the Christian lordships of 
 Biscay to own his sovereignty. The 
 consciousness of his own increased 
 power from the blending of previously 
 separate states, and the evident weakness 
 produced amongst his enemies by the 
 division of one realm into various prin- 
 cipalities, might have taught Sancho 
 the Great the importance of such an 
 incorporation of dominions as had just 
 fortunately occurred. Paternal affection 
 prevailed nevertheless over the lessons 
 of political wisdom, and, in 1035, he 
 divided his dominions amongst his four 
 sons. He gave to Garcia, the eldest, 
 his own hereditary kingdom of Navarre, 
 with the addition of Biscay ; to Ferdi- 
 nand, queen Nuna Elvira's inheritance, 
 Castile ; to Gonzalo, Sobrarve and Riba- 
 gorza, and to Ramiro the remainder of 
 his Aragonese conquests. The allot- 
 ments of his three younger sons he 
 
 severally raised to the dignity of king- 
 doms. 
 
 The three new kingdoms were speedily 
 reduced to two. Gonzalo was assassi- 
 nated by his own servants within three 
 years ; when Ramiro, with the free con- 
 sent of the inhabitants, added Sobrarve 
 and Ribagorza to his own kingdom of 
 Aragon. Ramiro was a warlike and 
 ambitious prince, who attacked his 
 neighbours on all sides, his brothers as 
 well as the Mahometans. He rendered 
 the Mussulman kings of Huesca and 
 Tudela tributary to Aragon, but was 
 repulsed in an invasion of Navarre, 
 which he undertook in conjunction with 
 the Moors. Garcia IV., who seems to 
 have been a wise and moderate sove- 
 reign, pursued his brother into his own 
 dominions, and obtained possession of 
 nearly the whole of them ; but upon 
 Ramiro's making advances towards a 
 reconciliation, restored them, retaining 
 only* his conquests from his brother's 
 Moorish allies. 
 
 Garcia's moderation could not save 
 him from another and more fatal fra- 
 ternal war with Ferdinand of Castile ; 
 but the conduct and character of both 
 Garcia and Ferdinand are sufficient tes- 
 timony that it was occasioned not by 
 the guilty ambition of either brother, 
 but by the criminal intrigues and misre- 
 presentations of artful men, justly 
 banished by the king of Navarre, and 
 who hoped to avenge their exile and 
 advance their fortunes amidst the disor- 
 ders they excited. After a series of 
 mutual recriminations and offences, the 
 brother kings met in battle in 1054. 
 Garcia was defeated and slain. The 
 victor wept his fate, and instead of 
 seizing upon the vacant kingdom, as- 
 sisted the son of the deceased king, San- 
 cho IV., to ascend his father's throne. 
 
 Ferdinand I. of Castile had, indeed, 
 already obtained such an 
 addition to his dominions as , Castile 
 
 . , . , , from A. D. 
 
 might satisfy a reasonable 10351072. 
 ambition. He had married 
 the Infanta Sancha of Leon, the 
 widowed bride of his maternal uncle, 
 the last count of Castile. Her father, 
 Alfonso V., had been slain by an 
 arrow at the siege of Vizeu, in what 
 is now the kingdom of Portugal, A.D. 
 1027; and his son and successor 
 Bermudo III., upon very slight pro- 
 vocation, turned his arms against 
 Castile. He fell in this unjust attack 
 upon his sister's husband, in 1037, and 
 left no children, Ferdinand, in right of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his wife, succeeded to the kingdom of 
 Leon, consisting of all the north-wes- 
 tern provinces of Spain, and including 
 some part of the north of Portugal. 
 
 Ferdinand reigned 28 years, during 
 which he was engaged in almost con- 
 stant hostilities with the Mahometans. 
 He extended his dominions in Castile, 
 Estremadura, and Portugal; and, ac- 
 cording to Spanish historians, rendered 
 the Mussulman kings of Saragossa, 
 Toledo, and Seville, his tributaries. This 
 circumstance is not mentioned by Arab 
 authors, and it is more likely they were 
 merely his allies in his wars against such 
 of their countrymen as were their own 
 enemies, since these kings were the 
 most powerful of the conflicting Mussul- 
 man sovereigns. The object of a war 
 waged by Ferdinand against Seville is 
 said to have been the recovery of the 
 bones of two female saints, St. Justa, 
 and St. Rufina. Their mortal remains, 
 however, could not be found, and he took 
 those of St. Isidore in their stead. Fer- 
 dinand's extensive domains and royal 
 vassals procured him the title of em- 
 peror; and the title excited the dis- 
 satisfaction of Henry III., emperor of 
 Germany, or, as it was then really con- 
 sidered, of the Holy Roman empire, 
 which had been revived in the person of 
 Charlemagne. In that capacity, Henry 
 claimed a kind of supremacy over the 
 whole of Europe, and now required the 
 rival emperor of Castile and Leon to 
 acknowledge him as his liege lord. 
 This occasion first brings under our no- 
 tice one of the most renowned of Spanish 
 heroes, Rodrigo, or Ruy Diaz de Vivar, 
 better known as the Cid, a Moorish 
 title answering to lord, given him by 
 the conquered Moors. Ruy Diaz was 
 descended from the old judges or counts 
 of Castile, and was thus related to the 
 royal family. Having been early left an 
 orphan, he was educated by the Infante 
 D. Sancho; whilst yet a boy, he accom- 
 panied that prince in all his warlike ex- 
 peditions, and, from the first, highly dis- 
 tinguished himself by his hardihood 
 and prowess. The Cid is said to have 
 urged Ferdinand to resist all claims 
 of vassalage, and to have entered 
 France at the head of 10,000 men, 
 whom he proposed leading across that 
 kingdom into Germany, to maintain his 
 master's free sovereignty by force of 
 arms. But the dispute was adjusted 
 by negotiation, and the absolute inde- 
 pendence of the Spanish emperor recog- 
 nized. Ferdinand's conquests do not 
 
 23 
 
 appear to have enriched his treasury in 
 proportion as they extended his terri- 
 tories ; inasmuch as his last expedition, 
 undertaken to reduce the revolted king 
 of Toledo, who was endeavouring, it is 
 said, to emancipate himself from vassal- 
 age, must have been abandoned, owing 
 to the total exhaustion of the royal 
 finances, had not queen Sancha assisted 
 her consort by the gift of her plate and 
 jewels. We may judire how small were 
 the armies of these Spanish states, by 
 such a gift's sufficing to send one into 
 the field. Ferdinand followed his father's 
 example in dividing his dominions 
 amongst his children. At his death he 
 left Castile to his eldest son Sancho, 
 Leon to Alfonso, Galicia, including the 
 Portugueze provinces, to Garcia, and 
 the cities of Zamora and Toro to his 
 two daughters, the Infantas Urraca and 
 Elvira. 
 
 The consequences of this step were 
 discord and war amongst the brothers 
 and sisters. Sancho II., deeming him- 
 self wronged by the dismemberment of 
 his birthright, seems immediately to have 
 resolved upon despoiling those whom he 
 regarded as usurpers. But before he 
 could execute his purpose, he was 
 obliged to assist, his ally or vassal, 
 Ahmed, king of Saragossa, besieged in 
 his capital by Ramiro of Aragon, uncle 
 to Sancho. The Cid, by his sovereign's 
 orders, led an army to relieve Sara- 
 gossa; and a battle ensued, in which 
 the king of Aragon was defeated and 
 slain. His son Sancho continued the 
 war against the king of Saragossa, and 
 generally with success. Indeed nothing 
 could have enabled the divided Mussul- 
 man princes to stand their ground at all, 
 but the dissensions amongst their ene- 
 mies, which procured them the aid of 
 one Christian king against another. 
 
 Ahmed was now deserted by Sancho 
 of Castile, who, judging he had done 
 enough for his Mahometan friend, with- 
 drew from the Aragonese war, to invade 
 Galicia. After some vicissitudes of for- 
 tune for he was at first defeated and 
 taken prisoner he completely van- 
 quished his brother Garcia, who aban- 
 doned the contest, and fled to his ally 
 Mohammed Almoateded, king of Seville, 
 and conqueror of Cordova. Sancho, 
 next proceeding to attack Alfonso, 
 quickly dispossessed him of his kingdom 
 of Leon, and threw him into a prison ; 
 from which, by his sisters' aid, he 
 escaped, and sought refuge with Ismael 
 ben Dylnun, king of Toledo, The vie- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 24 
 
 torious Sancho, having thus reunited 
 Leon, Galicia, and the Portuguese pro- 
 vinces to Castile, turned his arms 
 against the petty states of his sisters. 
 Donna Elvira surrendered Toro without 
 resistance ; but Donna Urraca defended 
 Zamora stoutly. In these, as in his for- 
 mer enterprises, Sancho was ably as- 
 sisted by the Cid. During the siege, a 
 citizen of the town, under pretence of 
 deserting to the king, found means to 
 assassinate him. 
 
 The siege was immediately raised, and 
 Alfonso was invited to return from 
 Toledo, and assume the crown of his 
 father's re-united dominions, Garcia, 
 it should seem, not being restored. Al- 
 fonso obeyed the call in 1072; but ere 
 he was crowned, the Cid, at the head, 
 and in the name of the nobles, required 
 of the new king a solemn and public 
 oath that he had not participated in the 
 treacherous murder of his brother. Al- 
 fonso took the oath, but deeply re- 
 sented the presumption of the subject 
 who had dared to impose it. His wrath 
 was inflamed by all who envied the 
 illustrious warrior's fame and power. 
 But some years elapsed ere Alfonso 
 judged himself firmly enough established 
 upon his throne to follow the impulse of 
 his hatred against the most distinguished 
 of his subjects ; and during those years 
 he employed the hero in war, in judicial 
 duels with the champions of neighbour- 
 ing states, respecting disputed districts, 
 and in embassies. At length, by the aid 
 of the Cid himself, Alfonso saw, as he 
 believed, the time arrived when he .could 
 dispense with that warrior's arm ; and he 
 now indulged his long-cherished and 
 dissembled spite. In return for his 
 manifold and splendid services, the Cid 
 was disgraced and banished. He passed 
 many years in an exile, from which he 
 was only recalled when danger pressed, 
 to be banished anew when he could 
 again be spared. His fortunes were 
 followed by a body of friends and vas- 
 sals, with whom, in the first instance, he 
 retired to Saragossa. He was there 
 joyfully welcomed by Ahmed's son, Al- 
 moctader, and assisted him in his wars 
 against Moors and Christians. He 
 afterwards carried on a war against the 
 Mahometans upon his own account, and 
 proved their scourge alike in Castile, 
 Aragon, Valencia, and Andalusia. His 
 feats have been celebrated in prose and 
 verse, in history and romance ; and at 
 this distance of time it is difficult to draw 
 the line between the records of truth 
 
 and the creations of fiction. What does 
 appear certain is, that in this private 
 war he achieved wonders, conquered 
 Valencia, established himself there in a 
 kind of principality, and filled Spain 
 with his renown, and her sovereigns of 
 both religions with respect, if not fear. 
 
 Alfonso VI.'s first acquisition of new 
 territories bore a some- 
 what doubtful character. f^!' 
 Sancho IV. of Navarre was 1054 tore, 
 murdered in 1076, by his 
 own brother and sister, Don Raymond 
 and Donna Ermesinda. The fratri- 
 cides derived no advantage from their 
 crime; they were driven from the 
 country by the indignation of the 
 people, and spent the rest of their 
 lives in dependence upon the cha- 
 rity of Mussulman kings. Sancho's 
 remaining brothers and sisters fled with 
 his children to Leon, and Sancho of 
 Aragon was proclaimed king. Ere he 
 had fully established his authority, Al- 
 fonso invaded Navarre ; not to enforce 
 the rights of his murdered kinsman's 
 children, but to secure a portion of the 
 booty. He made himself master of 
 Biscay, and some other districts adjoining 
 his own territories ; and a treaty assured 
 to each monarch his respective acquisi- 
 tions, without noticing the claims of the 
 rightful heir. 
 
 Alfonso's next hostilities were directed 
 against the Moors. The 
 protector of his distress, Castile, 
 
 f m i j i_j.i_- from A. D. 
 
 Ismael of Toledo, sought his 1072 1085. 
 aid against Mohammed, the 
 king of Cordova and Seville, with whom 
 he was at war ; and Alfonso, with every 
 demonstration of gratitude, complied 
 with the request. The allies were very 
 successful, and divided their conquests. 
 But upon Ismael's death, the king of 
 Leon and Castile seems to have con- 
 sidered the ties of obligation as dissolved, 
 and was easily induced, by the proposal 
 of sharing in the spoils, to unite with his 
 late antagonist, Mohammed of Seville, 
 against trie son of his benefactor. Again 
 the allies triumphed, and more com- 
 pletely than before. The king of Seville 
 and Cordova obtained the various small 
 states that Ismael had added to his ori- 
 ginal kingdom, which was the king of 
 Leon's lot. After an obstinate siege, Al- 
 fonso took the old Gothic capital, Toledo 
 itself, in 1085, and made it an archiepis- 
 copal see, to which he attached the pri- 
 macy over the whole Christian church of 
 Spain. He extended his conquests as far 
 as Madrid, assiduously rebuilt and .re- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 25 
 
 peopled the ruined towns in that district, 
 and formed the whole into an additional 
 province, bearing the name of New 
 Castile. 
 
 What has been incidentally mentioned 
 
 of the different Mussulman 
 Mussulman kings, who now harassed 
 fro S m a l n n. and'desolated the land that 
 1031 low. the Ommeyade caliphs 
 
 had raised to such pros- 
 perity, may suffice to show the cha- 
 racter of their proceedings. It would 
 be too tedious to detail the incessant 
 mutual hostilities by which (some falling 
 into subjection to the Christians, and 
 some to the ablest amongst themselves) 
 they were now reduced to a state of 
 weakness, that made them regard with 
 dismay a struggle against the powerful 
 kin^ of Leon and the Castiles. Upon 
 A.lfonso's declaring war against the 
 king of Cordova and -Seville, first his 
 enemy, and latterly his ally, Moham- 
 med summoned his allied and vassal 
 kin^s to deliberate upon the measures 
 to be pursued. It was resolved to apply 
 for aid to the Almoravides, then all- 
 powerful in Africa. 
 
 The Almoravides were an Arab tribe, 
 a branch of one of the noblest, who, 
 banished from Arabia through some 
 internal dissensions, had migrated, time 
 out of mind, to Africa, under the name 
 of the Lamtuna. About thirty years 
 prior to the period of which we 
 are treating, a part of the Lamtuna 
 had issued from the desert, and be- 
 gan to make conquests, under the guid- 
 ance of an ambitious spiritual leader, 
 from whom, in honour of their signal 
 valour, they received the appellation by 
 which they were afterwards disl inguished, 
 of Almoravides, or men devoted to the 
 service of God. After this leader's 
 death they continued their victorious 
 career under their native emir, Abu 
 Bekir, and his kinsman, Jusef ben Tax- 
 fin, who managed to rob the emir ,of his 
 authority, and send him back to the 
 remnant of the tribe left in the desert, 
 whilst he, with the Almoravides, com- 
 pleted the subjugation of the Moorish 
 provinces of Africa and Almagrab, and 
 founded the empire of Morocco. Jusef 
 assumed the title of Al Muzlemin, prince 
 of the Moslems or Mussulmans. 
 
 The ambitious Jusef readily agreed to 
 afford Mohammed the assistance he re- 
 quested, upon condition that Algeziras 
 should be placed in his hands, to secure 
 the passage of his troops. He crossed 
 the straits with a large army, and joined 
 
 Mohammed, who was at the head of his 
 vassals and allies. Alfonso, upon the 
 appearance of so formidable an enemy, 
 obtained succour from the king of Ara- 
 gon and Navarre. The hostile armies 
 met near Badajoz ; and, after a long and 
 sanguinary battle, the Moslem allies 
 gained a complete victory, and recovered 
 much of New Castile. 
 
 Alfonso fortified himself strongly in 
 Toledo, and in this extremity recalled 
 the Cid, committed the defence of the 
 threatened province to his faith, and 
 solemnly endowed him and his heirs with 
 whatever he might conquer from the 
 Mahometans. 
 
 The consequences of Alfonso's defeat 
 proved less serious than might have 
 been feared. Jusef was suddenly re- 
 called to Africa by the death of his 
 eldest son, who was his vicegerent there. 
 During his absence disputes prevailed 
 between the general he had left in com- 
 mand and Mohammed. They divided 
 their troops, and the king of Seville re- 
 ceived a severe defeat from the Cid. 
 
 Alfonso, who had learned from expe- 
 rience how formidable was the enemy 
 with whom he now had to contend, 
 sought auxiliaries in France, and was 
 joined by two Burgundian princes, re- 
 lated to his queen, Constance, with a 
 considerable body of troops. Thus rein- 
 forced, he was able to cope with and 
 defeat the whole of the Mussulman 
 forces, reunited upon Jusef's return from 
 Africa. The prince of the Moslems, to 
 avenge his discomfiture, brought over 
 prodigious hosts ; but he employed them 
 for his own private interest, not for the 
 general advantage of the Mahometans. 
 He began by quarrelling with his ally, 
 the king of Seville. Mohammed now 
 again sought the alliance of Alfonso, 
 from whom he solicited and obtained 
 succours. But they proved unavailing. 
 After a fruitless resistance, Mohammed 
 was compelled to surrender both Seville 
 and Cordova to the Almoravides, upon 
 capitulation. In violation of the terms, 
 he was treacherously seized, loaded with 
 chains, and sent, with his family, to 
 Africa. There he was further robbed 
 of the private property he had been 
 allowed to retain, and languished in 
 actual indigence, supported by the 
 manual labour of his tenderly-reared 
 daughters. 
 
 When the king of Seville and Cor- 
 dova was vanquished, the weaker 
 Moorish princes had little chance of 
 escaping the yoke, and that little they 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUQAL. 
 
 lessened by their dissensions. Notwith- 
 standing the assistance afforded them 
 by the Cid, they were all, by force, ter- 
 ror, or perfidy, successively reduced, 
 with the single exception of Abu Giafar, 
 king of Saragossa. But this prince took 
 no share in the struggle of his country- 
 men against the African conqueror. In 
 alliance with Alfonso of Leon, he was 
 prosecuting an obstinate war against 
 Sancho of Aragon and Navarre, who 
 fell at the siege of Huesca, then forming 
 part of the kingdom of Saragossa. 
 Sancho bequeathed his two kingdoms, 
 and the care of avenging his death, to 
 his eldest son, Pedro. Abu Giafar now 
 offered Jusef his alliance against the 
 Christians. It was accepted; and in 
 1094 the Almoravide emperor was the 
 acknowledged sovereign of Mussulman 
 Spain. 
 
 The tranquillity that prevailed in 
 Spain during the .remainder 
 
 frTp of Jusef ' s life > was but 
 
 10941107. slightly interrupted by Pedro 
 of Aragon' s capture of 
 Huesca, and some few other places 
 belonging to the king of Saragossa, 
 and by the Moors' recovery of Va- 
 lencia, after the death of the Cid. 
 The conqueror left no son to battle 
 for his principality ; but his widow, 
 Donna Xiinena, a lady, like himself, of 
 the royal blood, defended the town reso- 
 lutely against the Mahometans for three 
 years, and then evacuated it upon capi- 
 tulation. She retired to Castile with 
 the dead body of the Cid, placed erect 
 upon his war-horse, as though still 
 alive, and with her two daughters, who 
 were subsequently married to an infante 
 of Navarre and a count of Barcelona. 
 During the continuance of the interval 
 of peace, Alfonso at once 
 Castile, rewarded his foreign auxi- 
 
 trom A.U. i i n i <i 
 
 10851109. lianes, and fixed them in 
 his service. Upon Ray- 
 mond, count of Burgundy, he bestowed 
 his daughter the Infanta Urraca, in 
 marriage, with Galicia for her por- 
 tion ; and to Henry, count of Be- 
 sangon, a younger branch of the 
 same princely family, he gave, in 1095, 
 his natural daughter, Theresa, with 
 as much as he possessed of the 
 present kingdom of Portugal. This 
 was the northern extremity, which was 
 formed into a county, and took the name 
 of Portugal (now first mentioned) from 
 its most important city, Oporto. Al- 
 fonso's Burgundian, or rather French 
 connexions, had influenced him to ap- 
 
 point a French monk, of the celebrated 
 monastery of Clugny, archbishop of 
 Toledo; and this prelate immediately 
 urged the substitution of the Romish to 
 the Mozarabic or Gothic church ser- 
 vice, which the Spanish Christians still 
 used. The change was vehemently re- 
 sisted by all the followers of the old 
 form ; and a judicial duel, the then 
 established process for settling all diffi- 
 cult questions, was ordered to be fought, 
 for the purpose of trying the respective 
 merits of the two rituals. It is asserted 
 that the Mozarabic champion triumphed. 
 If he did, the influence of the new primate 
 and his supporters prevailed over the 
 legal decision ; for Alfonso commanded, 
 and ultimately effected, the introduction 
 of the ritual used by all other members 
 of the Catholic church. 
 
 In the year 1107, Jusef died, at the 
 age of a hundred ; and his 
 third son, Aly, preferred by Mussulman 
 him on account of his supe- trfS^^'b. 
 rior abilities, succeeded to 10941108. 
 the sovereign authority in 
 Africa and in Spain. Aly's first mea- 
 sure ' was to proclaim a holy war 
 against the Christian states. He ra- 
 vaged New Castile, and carried de- 
 solation to the walls of Toledo, ere 
 forces could be assembled to oppose 
 him. When an army was collected, 
 Alfonso, worn out with age and toil, en- 
 trusted its command nominally to hjs 
 only son, Don Sancho, a boy of ten years 
 old, but really to seven counts, experi- 
 enced warriors, whom he appointed the 
 infante's council. The armies met and 
 fought near Ucles ; Aly was victorious, 
 and the young prince fell, notwithstand- 
 ing the counts made such desperate 
 exertions in his defence, as procured for 
 the battle the name of the Battle of the 
 Seven Counts. Alfonso's grief for his 
 son's death roused his former energy. 
 He assembled another army, led it in 
 person against Aly, drove him back 
 into Andalusia, and recovered abund- 
 ance of Christian spoils and captives. 
 He died the following year, leaving his 
 dominions, with the exception of the 
 country of Portugal, to his daughter 
 Urraca. 
 
 The new queen having lost her first 
 husband, by whom she had 
 one son, Alfonso Raymond, A^n^nd 
 remarried with Alfonso Navarre, 
 I., of Aragon and Na- $**fc 
 varre, who had succeeded 
 to his brother, Pedro L, in 1104. 
 Her second husband was surnamed the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Battler, on account of his brilliant mili- 
 tary achievements ; and the union of so 
 many Christian kingdoms under such a 
 monarch, promised great success against 
 the Moors ; but the temper of the royal 
 pair effectually prevented the happy re- 
 sults anticipated. The grasping ambi- 
 tion of Alfonso prompted him to attempt 
 appropriating his wife's inheritance to 
 himself; and the queen's haughty spirit 
 indignantly spurned at any interference 
 with her administration, whilst her ex- 
 cessive levity unfitted her for governing 
 a kingdom in difficult times. 
 
 The different countries now split into 
 factions. The king imprisoned his con- 
 sort ; and subsequently, upon the plea 
 of consanguinity within the degree pro- 
 hibited by the Catholic church, divorced 
 her. 
 
 The Galicians proclaimed Alfonso 
 Raymond king, as heir to his deceased 
 father. A civil war ensued, in which 
 the count of Portugal took part, on be- 
 half of his sister-in-law ; but he died at 
 Astorga, whither he had led an array to 
 support her, in 1112. Peace was at 
 length concluded between the parted 
 husband and wife, when Alfonso the 
 Battler turned his arms against the 
 Moors, from whom he conquered the 
 kingdom of Sarag;ossa, with all its de- 
 pendencies. He immediately made the 
 city, which gave its name to that king- 
 dom, his capital. He is calculated to 
 have trebled the extent of the kingdom 
 of Aragon, and he greatly enlarged 
 Navarre on the French side. 
 
 To Urraca's quarrels with her hus- 
 band succeeded others with her son, 
 Alfonso Raymond, who could not wait 
 patiently until her sceptre should fall 
 into his hands by course of nature; 
 whilst she pertinaciously refused to sur- 
 render rights she knew not how to exer- 
 cise. The terror of Aly's arms, however, 
 produced, in 1130, a temporary reconci- 
 liation between the mother and son, and 
 at the head of their united forces, Al- 
 fonso Raymond gained a signal victory 
 over the Moors at Daroca. 
 
 It may seem strange that an able and 
 valiant sovereign like Aly, 
 Mahometan at the head of the warlike 
 froml'D. Almoravides, and of the 
 10941130. Moors, who had so long 
 held Spain in subjection, 
 should have derived no positive 
 advantage from the Christian dissen- 
 sions just narrated, which it might 
 be supposed should have enabled him to 
 regain much of the old Moorish do- 
 
 minion. 'The fact was, that Aly's 
 authority in Spain was not firmly esta- 
 blished. The Spanish Moors had sub- 
 mitted to his father, partly from the 
 weakness produced by discord, and 
 partly influenced by astrological pre- 
 dictions concerning an African con- 
 queror; but wealthy, polished, highly 
 cultivated, and accustomed to a govern- 
 ment so mild, judicious, and equitable, 
 that its arbitrariness was unfelt, they 
 very impatiently endured the yoke of 
 fierce barharians, fresh from the igno- 
 rance of the desert, who, moreover, 
 extorted from them heavy contribu- 
 tions. They accordingly seized every 
 opportunity of attempting to recover 
 their independence. Aly was recalled 
 from the invasion of Castile, to quell 
 an insurrection at Cordova ; and ere he 
 had completed that task, intelligence of 
 alarming disturbances in Africa obliged 
 him to treat with and pardon the insur- 
 gents. 
 
 In Africa, an obscure individual had, 
 by the promulgation of doctrines here- 
 tical in the eyes of orthodox Mahome- 
 tans, collected disciples, amounting in 
 numbers to an army, and infuriated 
 with religious enthusiasm. They were 
 called the Almohades ; and at their 
 head the Mehedi, or doctor of laws, as 
 their teacher entitled himself, defeated 
 Aly's generals. The Mehedi next occu- 
 pied Tinmal, a mountain town, which 
 he fortified, and whence he directed his 
 operations against Morocco. At Tin- 
 mal the Mehedi died, after having trans- 
 ferred his whole authority to Abdel- 
 mumen, his first and favourite disciple; 
 a fanatical, but able and daring youth, 
 who was proclaimed prince and caliph 
 of the Almohades, and proved a yet 
 more formidable enemy than the Mehedi 
 to the Almoravides. 
 
 Whilst Aly was engaged with the Al- 
 mohades in Africa, his depu- 
 ties carried on hostilities in Aragon and 
 Spain, against both the still $?% 
 discontented and rebellious 1130 ii33. 
 Moors, and the Christian 
 states, with variable fortune. Alfonso 
 of Aragon and Navarre, after gaining 
 twenty-nine successive victories, was 
 at last defeated in battle by his Mus- 
 sulman antagonists, in 1133, and died 
 in consequence, of grief and anger. 
 He left no children, and bequeathed 
 his dominions to the Knights Tem- 
 plars. His subjects would not be 
 thus disposed of. The states of both 
 kingdoms assembled to elect a sove- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 reign. Their choice fell upon two differ- 
 ent princes ; and the united crowns 
 were again separated. The Navarrese 
 invited, from his shelter in Castile, 
 Garcia Ramirez, the grand-nephew and 
 surviving heir of the murdered Sancho 
 IV., who proved a good and able king, 
 warlike, but not ambitious. He main- 
 tained the independence of Navarre 
 against the kings of Aragon and Leon, 
 whilst he faithfully assisted the latter in 
 his Mussulman wars. 
 
 The Aragonese placed Ramiro II., 
 the brother of their late king, upon the 
 throne. Ramiro had been forty -one 
 years a monk, and was wholly unfitted 
 by monastic habits for ruling a turbu- 
 lent nation. In consideration of the 
 impending extinction of the royal line, 
 he obtained from the Pope a dispensa- 
 tion to marry ; and no sooner saw him- 
 self the father of a daughter, than he 
 affianced her to Raymond V., count of 
 Barcelona, abdicated in her favour, and 
 committing the infant queen, Petronilla, 
 and her kingdom to his chosen son- 
 in-law, returned to his cloister. 
 
 The county of Barcelona was nearly 
 equal in extent to Aragon. 
 Barcelona, "The counts had gradually 
 toA.D.iisa. enlarged it, sometimes by 
 conquest, sometimes by ob- 
 taining cessions of territory from the 
 conflicting Moorish kings, or factions, in 
 return for their services, sometimes by 
 marriage, till it comprised all Catalo- 
 nia. In 1112, Count Raymond IV. had 
 married Dulee, heiress of Provence, in 
 France ; and he inherited the counties 
 of Cerdagne and Besalu, by the wills of 
 their last counts. At his death, in 
 1131, Raymond IV. left Provence to his 
 younger, and all the rest of his domi- 
 nions to his eldest son, Raymond V. ; 
 who, upon his marriage with Petronilla, 
 emancipated himself from French vas- 
 salage, and forbade his subjects longer 
 to date, as they had done hitherto, by 
 the reigns of the kings of France. But 
 though Aragon and Catalonia were now 
 indissolubly united, the population and 
 government of the two states remained 
 distinct. Both enjoyed a great share of 
 liberty ; and they respectively valued 
 their peculiar privileges too highly to 
 allow of their several constitutions being 
 amalgamated. 
 
 In Portugal, Countess Theresa had 
 
 assumed the government 
 
 ftomTi,'. upon her husband's death, 
 
 11121137. without any explicit under- 
 
 standing whether she did so as regent 
 for her infant son, or in her own right, 
 the county having been, in fact, rather 
 hers than the deceased count's. She 
 ruled well, appointed good ministers, 
 and successfully defended her frontiers 
 against the powerful Almoravides. 
 During her son's minority, the public 
 tranquillity was little disturbed, even by 
 her dissensions with queen Urraca, re- 
 specting some places in Galicia, to 
 which both sisters laid claim. This 
 period of calm ceased when the young 
 count Alfonso Henriques grew up. He 
 was easily persuaded by his flatterers, 
 both that his mother was only entitled 
 to the regency, and that she was about 
 to degrade herself by marrying her 
 prime minister, Fernando Peres, count 
 of Transtamara, who seems indeed to 
 have possessed a large portion of her 
 favour and confidence. A. civil war 
 was the consequence, respecting the 
 details of which historians differ ; but 
 its issue is certain. The son vanquished 
 his mother, and imprisoned her in a for- 
 tress, where she died. To the power of 
 her maternal curse were ascribed, by 
 contemporary chroniclers, by his super- 
 stitious subjects, and by his own con- 
 science, the few disasters of his gene- 
 rally prosperous life. The count of 
 Transtamara fled to Galicia; and the 
 asylum he there found was either the 
 cause or the pretext of Alfonso Hen- 
 riques' wars with his cousin, Alfonso 
 Raymond. 
 
 The count of Portugal was probably 
 irritated, like the other Christian princes 
 of the Peninsula, by the supremacy 
 which Alfonso Raymond, who had now 
 succeeded to his mother, assumed, upon 
 receiving from those princes the title of 
 emperor, in consideration of his great 
 success against the common enemy. 
 He claimed from the count of Portugal 
 a vassal's homage, which Raymond of 
 Barcelona and Aragon, whose sister, 
 Berenguela, he had married, had wil- 
 lingly conceded. With regard to Por- 
 tugal, it does not clearly appear whether 
 Alfonso VI. gave it as a dependent or 
 independent sovereignty ; and during 
 the wars between the two cousins, the 
 question of homage remained unde- 
 cided. These wars were often inter- 
 rupted by the hostilities which each 
 potentate carried on against the Almo- 
 ravide masters of Mussulman Spain, 
 and were finally terminated by papal 
 mediation. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Conquests of Alfonso, Count of Portu- 
 gal Proclaimed King Cortes of 
 Lamego New Invasion from Africa 
 The Almohades, under Abdelmu- 
 men, defeat and expel the Almora- 
 videsAbdelmumen Emperor of Mo- 
 rocco and Mahometan Spain Al- 
 fonso VIL bequeaths Castile and 
 Leon separately to his two sons 
 Establishment of the Spanish Orders 
 of Chivalry Alfonso VII I. of Castile 
 signally defeated at Alar cos by Jacub, 
 the Almohade Emperor The united 
 Spanish Christians gain the splendid 
 victory of Las Navas de Tolosa over 
 Jacub' s sun, Mohammed Moham- 
 med flies to Africa Almohade so- 
 vereignty annihilated Mahometan 
 Spain again divided amongst many 
 petty King**. 
 
 WHEN Alfonso Henriques was no longer 
 checked by the enmity of his 
 from"!^' Christian neighbours, he 
 1137 1147. prosecuted his enterprises 
 against the Moors with such 
 vigour, that he soon extended his sway 
 nearly to the Tagus ; and, by the terror 
 of his progress, obliged Aly to send 
 from Africa a powerful army, to support 
 the walis, next threatened against him. 
 A battle ensued, esteemed the most me- 
 morable in Portugueze annals, but which 
 has been so disfigured by national va- 
 nity or ignorance, that the facts re- 
 lating to it are not easily ascertainable. 
 The numbers of the Mahometans are 
 rated at 300,000, and even at 600,000 
 men ; and this host is said to have been 
 commanded by five kings. Since the 
 establishment of the Almoravide domi- 
 nation, there were no Moorish kings 
 left in Spain; but the name was erro- 
 neously given to the walis who led the 
 troops of their respective provinces. 
 The mistake is a common one in Span- 
 ish, Portugueze, and French history ; 
 and may have arisen either from the 
 pomp and splendour displayed by the 
 Moorish governors, or from a desire to 
 exalt the victories gained by exalting 
 the rank of the defeated enemy. What 
 does seem certain respecting the battle 
 in question is, that the Mussulman 
 forces were incomparably superior to 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, 
 Marias, Da Costa, Uiglawl, Universal Modern 
 History. 
 
 20 
 
 the Portucueze ; that, dreading an in- 
 vasion, which, even if ultimately foiled* 
 must still bring inevitable ruin upon 
 his territories, the count boldly crossed 
 the Tagus, and advanced to the plain 
 of Ourique, where he entrenched him- 
 self strongly, and awaited the attack ; 
 that the Moors repeatedly assaulted his 
 fortifications, and were as often re- 
 pulsed, until at last, from weariness 
 and mortification, they fell into some 
 disorder ; and that Alfonso Henriques, 
 seizing the critical moment, burst out 
 upon them from behind his lines, 
 and completed their discomfiture. Upon 
 the field of victory the army hailed their 
 count, king of Portugal ; and this glo- 
 rious day, the 25th of July, 1139~ is 
 considered the epoch of the foundation 
 of the monarchy. The five walis of 
 Badajoz, Beja, Elvas, Evora, and Lis- 
 bon, were found amongst the dead, and 
 honoured with the royal title. The con- 
 queror assumed, as the arms of Portu- 
 gal, their five shields, arranged in what 
 he called a cross, though the figure they 
 present more resembles that of a cinque 
 upon dice ; and accordingly the Portu- 
 gueze arms are termed As Quinas, the 
 Cinques. 
 
 Alfonso's military election was sub- 
 sequently confirmed by the Cortes of 
 Lamego, with a solemnity well deserving 
 attention, as perhaps the only instance 
 on record of a formal compact between 
 prince and people, at the original esta- 
 blishment of a monarchy. But before 
 relating the transactions at Lamego, it 
 will be proper to speak of the constitu- 
 tion of the Cortes, both in Spain and 
 Portugal. These assemblies consisted 
 of nobles, prelates, and procuradores t 
 or deputies from the towns. It is to 
 be observed, that the causes, which had 
 made the Visigoth more despotic than 
 other Gothic monarchies, had ceased 
 upon the Arab conquest. When every 
 foot of land was to be recovered from 
 foreign masters by hard fighting, the 
 feudal forms naturally fashioned them- 
 selves ; and by the character of the con- 
 test between the Moors and Christians, 
 were rendered less oppressive to the 
 lower orders in the Peninsula than else- 
 where. The main object of every noble 
 and wealthy warrior was, at the period 
 in question, to attach to himself the 
 greatest possible number of military fol- 
 lowers ; and as leaders, who could thus 
 dispose of nearly the whole force of the 
 country, were to be conciliated at any 
 price by monarchs struggling for their 
 
30 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 kingdoms, like those with whose history 
 we have been engaged, the collective 
 power of the nobles soon became in- 
 finitely superior to that of their king. 
 The nobles quickly resumed their sta- 
 tion in the national councils ; and those 
 bodies immediately regained or acquired 
 an effective control over the royal au- 
 thority. But when the name of council 
 was limited throughout Europe to con- 
 vocations of ecclesiastics, wholly occu- 
 pied with religious concerns, the Spa- 
 nish assemblies adopted the appellation 
 of Cortes in its stead. The prelates 
 continued to form an essential part of 
 these, as of all deliberative assemblies, 
 at a time when the learning extant was, 
 amongst Christians, altogether confined 
 to the clergy. The commons, equally 
 by the force of circumstances, acquired 
 in Spain and Portugal, even earlier than 
 in England, the right of participating, 
 as the third estate of the realm, in the 
 consultations and decisions of the nobles 
 and clergy. When, upon the further 
 extension of their conquests, the Chris- 
 tian peninsular princes wished to re- 
 build and re-people towns in the districts 
 that had previously furnished the desert 
 barrier interposed between themselves 
 and their enemies, they found it neces- 
 sary both to tempt inhabitants thither, 
 and to secure a firm hold upon the 
 affections and loyalty of men who were 
 to occupy fortified frontier places. For 
 these purposes they granted charters to 
 such towns, conferring on them great 
 municipal privileges, together with the 
 right of sending deputies to Cortes. 
 
 At the Cortes, thus constituted and 
 assembled at Lamego, Alfonso Hen- 
 riques appeared upon a throne, but 
 without Other ensigns of royalty. The 
 president, Louren90 Viegas, asked the 
 assembly whether, conformably with 
 the acclamations of the field of O'urique, 
 approved and sanctioned by the Pope, 
 they chose don Alfonso Henriques for 
 their king ? An unanimous ' Yes !' was 
 the answer. He next inquired, whether 
 the count only should be king, or his 
 heirs after him ? The Assembly replied, 
 that the kind's sons should succeed to 
 him, and in their default, his daughters, 
 provided those daughters should not be 
 married to foreigners. ' If such be your 
 will,' resumed Viegas, * give the count 
 the ensigns of royalty,' The Assembly 
 answered, * We give them ! ' Thereupon, 
 the archbishop of Braga placed a crown 
 upon the head of Alfonso, who, rising 
 from his seat, with a drawn sword in 
 
 his hand, thus addressed the Cortes: 
 'Blessed be the Lord God, who has 
 ever assisted me, when with this sword, 
 which I bear for your defence, I have 
 delivered you from your enemies ! You 
 have made me king, and I must share 
 with you the labours of government. 
 Let us then make laws that may pre- 
 serve the tranquillity of the country.' 
 
 The last question addressed by Viegas 
 to the Cortes was, ' Shall the king go 
 to Leon, to do homage for his crown, 
 or to pay tribute to the emperor of 
 Leon and Castile, or to any one else ?' 
 The members of the Cortes drew their 
 swords, and clashing them, vociferously 
 replied, ' We are free, and so is our 
 king ! To our own efforts we owe our 
 liberty ; and if the king consents to do 
 anything of the kind, he is unworthy to 
 live ; nor shall he reign over us, or 
 amongst us, king though he be ! ' The 
 king approved this declaration, adding, 
 that if any one of his descendants should 
 submit to such degradation, he should 
 forfeit his right to the throne. The 
 people applauded, and the Cortes sepa- 
 rated. 
 
 The chief laws made at the Cortes of 
 Lamego regulated the succession to the 
 crown, according to the principle already 
 stated, the merits by which nobility 
 might be acquired, and the crimes which 
 should incur its forfeiture. 
 
 Having established his own independ- 
 ence of foreign authority, the new king 
 proceeded to the emancipation of his 
 clergy from their subjection to the 
 Archbishop of Toledo, whose primacy 
 extended over the whole Peninsula. 
 This was the subject of long negotia- 
 tions with the papal see ; but Alfonso 
 Henriques at length obtained from Pope 
 Alexander II I. a bull dissolving the con- 
 nexion with Toledo, and constituting the 
 archbishop of Braga primate of Portugal. 
 
 Alfonso Henriques' last conquest from 
 the Moors was the city of Lisbon, which 
 he took by the help of a fleet of French, 
 English, and German crusaders, who put 
 into the Tagus in their way to the Holy 
 Land. He easily persuaded these cham- 
 pions of Christianity that it would be no 
 violation of their vow to suspend their 
 voyage for a while, in order to fight the 
 Mahometans in Portugal ; and some of 
 them, chiefly English, he is said to have 
 induced permanently to settle in his new 
 acquisitions. In his wars with his cou- 
 sin, the emperor Alfonso, the king of 
 Portugal was less successful. His in- 
 vasions were uniformly repulsed j and 
 
'HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Mussulman 
 
 Spain, 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 11301163. 
 
 upon one occasion, when he suffered a 
 complete defeat, his leg was fractured, 
 and he himself taken prisoner. He did 
 not regain his liberty without subscrib- 
 ing to hard terms, and continued lame 
 for life. This misadventure was of 
 course ascribed to his mother's male- 
 diction. 
 
 The emperor Alfonso meanwhile had 
 advanced his frontiers south- 
 wards to. the mountainous 
 ridge named the Sierra 
 Morena. These successes 
 of the Christians exhausted 
 the little remnant of repining patience, 
 with which the Spanish Moors had sup- 
 ported the odious yoke of the Alrno- 
 ravides, as long as they found some 
 little compensation for its burthen in the 
 martial prowess of their ferocious lords. 
 In such a temper of mind, they were 
 easily instigated by Almohade emissaries 
 to take advantage of Aly's absence in 
 Africa with a large proportion of his 
 troops, and renew the struggle for inde- 
 pendence. The flames of insurrection 
 pervaded Mussulman Spain. The Al- 
 moravides were everywhere defeated, 
 and rapidly driven from all parts of the 
 country, except Granada ; there they 
 concentrated their forces, and made 
 their last stand. Each insurgent leader 
 upon the expulsion of the Africans 
 assumed the title of king. 
 
 Aly was as unsuccessful in Africa, 
 as his vicegerents were in Spain. Ab- 
 delmumen and the Almohades con- 
 stantly defeated his armies, and ere 
 long, of all his immense dominions, no- 
 thing remained to him but Granada and 
 a small part of Morocco. He t died of 
 vexation, after reigning forty years. 
 His son Taxfin maintained the contest 
 gallantly, but fruitlessly; and lost his 
 life by falling over a precipice during a 
 nocturnal flight from the conquerors. 
 Tn 1146 Abdelmumen took the city of 
 Morocco, and put every member of the 
 royal family to the sword. An act of 
 barbarous policy, springing chiefly from 
 African habits ; for Abdelmumen does 
 not appear to have been of a peculiarly 
 cruel Disposition. 
 
 The Almohade caliph had previously 
 been invited, by the Spanish proselytes 
 to his sect, to assume the place of the 
 Almoravide sovereigns. He in conse- 
 quence, at his first moment of compara- 
 tive leisure, sent an army over to Spain, 
 to establish his authority. The Almo- 
 ravides were now vanquished in Gra- 
 nada, and finally evacuated the Penin- 
 
 31 
 
 sula, taking refuge in the Balearic Isles, 
 as Majorca, Minorca, and Iviza, are 
 collectively denominated. The petty 
 kings were next to be put down ; and of 
 these, Mohammed ben Sad, of Valencia, 
 alone made any effective struggle. His 
 kingdom, after the departure of the 
 Almoravides, was enlarged by the volun- 
 tary submission of Granada; and the 
 emperor Alfonso, whose assistance he 
 requested, led an army to his support. 
 A hard contested battle was fought A.D. 
 1157, between the Almohades, and the 
 united troops of Mohammed ben Sad and 
 his Christian ally; in which both parties 
 claimed the victory, and Alfonso re- 
 ceived a wound that soon afterwards 
 proved fatal. Abdelmumen in person 
 now brought immense reinforcements 
 from Africa, with which he speedily 
 obliged the king of Valencia and Gra- 
 nada to submit, and fully established his 
 sovereignty over all that remained of the 
 Mussulman dominions in Spain. He 
 next, proclaimed a holy war, but died 
 in 1163, ere he had accomplished any- 
 thing of moment against the Christian 
 states. 
 
 Abdelmumen revived the patronage 
 of science and literature, that had lan- 
 guished under the savage Almoravides. 
 The era of his triumphs is adorned by 
 the illustrious name of Averrhoes, one 
 of the brightest luminaries of the Arab 
 schools in Spain. This great man was 
 a native of Cordova, where he succes- 
 sively studied jurisprudence, mathema- 
 tics, and medicine. But he was most 
 distinguished as a philosopher. He was 
 the first translator of Aristotle, and 
 wrote so many volumes to expound the 
 peripatetic philosophy (at a time when 
 the Stagyrite and his doctrines were 
 little known throughout Christendom), 
 that he received the surname of the 
 Commentator. 
 
 Alfonso VII., like so many of his 
 predecessors, divided his 
 dominions between his sons. 
 He gave the two Castiles 
 to the eldest, Sancho III.; 
 Leon and Galicia to the 
 Ferdinand II. Sancho survived his 
 father only a year, and his brief 
 reign is principally distinguished by 
 the institution of the knights of Cala- 
 trava. Of the several Spanish orders 
 of knighthood, formed in imitation of 
 those singular confraternities of chi- 
 valrous monks, the Knights Templars 
 and Hospitallers, this is the first of which 
 the foundation is positively ascertained. 
 
 Castile, 
 from A.D. 
 11301158. 
 
 youngest, 
 
32 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Its rise was as follows. The Knights 
 Templars, who held Calatrava amongst 
 other Spanish possessions, abandoned it, 
 as untenable, upon the advance of the 
 Almohade army, that was overrunning 
 the country in hopes of profiting by the 
 confusion incident to the accession of 
 two new kings, and the division of the 
 realm. Don Diego Velasquez, a vete- 
 x ran warrior, who had become a Cister- 
 tian monk, undertook the defence of the 
 place; repulsed the enemy; and in 
 commemoration of his success founded 
 the order, which, in its subsequent con- 
 tests with the Mahometans, proved itself 
 worthy of its origin. The order of Al- 
 cantara was the offspring of that of 
 Calatrava. The order of St. I ago is by 
 some authors considered much older; 
 but its date is uncertain, although the 
 romantic manner of its institution is upon 
 record. A number of noble youths, 
 after dissipating their hereditary fortunes 
 in profligacy, are said to have turned 
 robbers, "and subsequently, in expiation 
 of their crimes, to have vowed the dedi- 
 cation of their lives to warfare against 
 the misbelievers, under the discipline of 
 a monastic rule. The reward of the ser- 
 vices they performed, was their incorpo- 
 ration as the order of knights of St. lago. 
 To endeavour to expiate sin by religious 
 warfare was in those days not unusual ; 
 and strange as the union of characters 
 so incongruous as those of the monk 
 and the soldier now appears, it bore a 
 very different aspect in an age when the 
 Mahometan religion threatened to over- 
 run the world, propagating its doctrines 
 by fire and sword, and was only to be 
 resisted by force of arms. In Spain, 
 where the whole business of life was 
 fighting to redeem the patrimony of 
 Christian ancestors from the grasp of 
 conquerors doubly abhorred as fo- 
 reigners and as infidels, such institutions 
 were yet more congenial than elsewhere 
 to the feelings of mankind ; and the 
 knights of all these orders amply merited, 
 by "their military exploits and services 
 during several centuries, the wealth 
 with which they were endowed by the 
 gratitude of their sovereigns, and of 
 their countrymen. 
 
 Alfonso VIII. succeeded to his father 
 in infancy. His minority was distracted 
 by the contests of the powerful Casti- 
 lian nobles for the regency, which was 
 likewise claimed by his uncle Ferdinand 
 of Leon. The last claimant took advan- 
 tage of the weakness occasioned by these 
 contests, to seize upon some portion of 
 
 Castile, as properly belonging to Leon. 
 Sancho VI., 'who had now 
 succeeded his father upon Navarre, 
 the throne of Navarre, so iSLii^. 
 far followed Ferdinand's ex- 
 ample, as to repossess himself of the pro- 
 vinces torn from his kingdom during the 
 confusion produced by Sancho IV.'s 
 murder. S'ancho VI. reigned forty-four 
 years. By the skilful policy with which 
 he played off his more powerful neigh- 
 bours, Mussulman and Christian, against 
 each other, and receiving all exiles, 
 availed himself of the services of able 
 men of either religion, he maintained his 
 independence, somewhat enlarged his 
 territories, and earned the surname of the 
 Wise. 
 
 Aragon was not at this period in a 
 much more vigorous condi- 
 tion than Castile. Raymond 
 died in 1162, when queen 
 Petronilla, by his desire, di- 
 vided his dominions between their two 
 sons. The French provinces she assigned 
 to Pedro the youngest, whom she placed, 
 during his minority, under the guardian- 
 ship of. Henry II. of England, as duke 
 of Aquitaine. Barcelona she gave to 
 the eldest, Alfonso, naming her late hus- 
 band's nephew, the count of Provence, 
 regent. The government of Aragon 
 she kept in her own hands. 
 
 Jusef, who succeeded to the sovereignty 
 of his father Abdelmumen, 
 was prevented from taking Mussulman 
 any immediate advantage of fr^T n. 
 the divisions and helpless- 1163 1184. 
 ness of the Spanish Chris- 
 tians by the rebellion of his own bro- 
 thers in Africa, and by his war with the 
 king of Valencia, who, upon Abdel- 
 mumen's death, renewed his efforts 
 to establish his independence. The 
 African rebellion was at length sub- 
 dued ; and in 1172 Mohammed ben 
 Sad, being completely vanquished and 
 expelled, joined the Almoravides in 
 Majorca. Jusef, when acknowledged 
 undisputed sovereign of Mussulman ; 
 Spain, renewed his father's holy war, 
 and recovered various places from 
 the different Christian princes. But 
 his prosperity lasted not long, and 
 he lost his life by a singular accident in 
 1184. He was attacking Alfonso of 
 Portugal, and engaged in the siege of 
 Santarem. Conceiving that his num- 
 bers were greater than the enterprise 
 in hand required, he ordered a large 
 body of troops to march upon Lisbon. 
 The messenger who bore the order, by 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 33 
 
 mistake, named Seville instead of Lis- 
 bon ; and the main body of the army, 
 observing the retrograde movement that 
 ensued, "conceived a retreat to be in 
 contemplation, was seized with a panic 
 at the thought of being left behind, 
 broke up their encampment, and began a 
 homeward march. Upon discovering 
 what had occurred, Jusef, with whom 
 only his body-guard remained, despatched 
 officers to recall his troops. But the 
 besieged also had perceived the deserted 
 state of the Mussulman camp, and sal- 
 lying from their walls they overpowered 
 the guard, and slew the monarch. The 
 returning army, maddened by shame 
 and ra^e, terribly avenged their monarch : 
 they instantly stormed the town, and 
 made a frightful slaughter of the inha- 
 
 bitants. Alfonso Henriques 
 Portugal diej the following year, and 
 i f u-ii85. left his kingdom, established, 
 
 ajicU for the moment at 
 geace, to his eldest son. Sancho I. Ju- 
 seFs son and successor, Jacub ben 
 Jusef, was detained some years in 
 Africa by disturbances in that country. 
 Meanwhile Alfonso VIII. of Castile, 
 
 upon coming of age, dis- 
 Castiie played all the great qualities, 
 
 which, during this- long pe- 
 
 riod of struggle with the 
 Moors, seemed almost inherent in his 
 race. He recovered the lands of which 
 his uncle had robbed him ; he referred his 
 disputes with the kings of Avagon and 
 Navarre to Henry II. of England and 
 Aquitaine, whose daughter he married ; 
 and when restored to amity with those 
 monarchs, he made peace with Leon, 
 and turned his arms against the heredi- 
 tary foe. For some years he was suc- 
 cessful; but in 1195, Jacub brought 
 over so formidable a host from Mo- 
 rocco, that Alfonso was compelled to 
 seek assistance from his Christian 
 brethren. 
 
 Alfonso II. of Barcelona and Aragon, 
 
 who had now succeeded to 
 
 Aragon Queen Petronilla,was a brave 
 
 116J Yi93. anu " a ^ e king, from whom 
 
 aid might well have been ex- 
 pected. .But his atlention was withdrawn 
 iro;n Spanish, and devoted to French 
 affairs. Upon the death of his cousin, the 
 count of Provence, he had claimed, and 
 possessed himself of, that county, to the 
 exclusion of the natural heiress, Dulce, 
 the deceased count's daughter, who was 
 married to the son of the powerful 
 count of TtwUCHift, and of course ;sup- 
 ported by her father-in-law. 
 
 ii"d. 
 
 In Navarre, Sancho the Wise had 
 just closed his long and glo- 
 rious career. His last exploit 
 had been the defence of his 
 son-in-law, Richard Coeur de Lion's, 
 French dominions against the count of 
 Thoulouse, during the king of ling- 
 land's crusade and captivity. His son 
 Sancho VII., and Alfonso IX. of Leon,* 
 who had lately succeeded his 
 father Ferdinand, at the king 
 of Castile's summons hastily i&7 1185. 
 assembled their troops, and 
 led them in person to his assistance. 
 Whilst they were on their way to join 
 him, Alfonso of Castile, from a sud- 
 den impulse of illiberal re- 
 luctance to share the glory 
 of the victory he anticipated il i!i2. 
 with his allies, attacked Ja- 
 cub at Alarcos ere they could arrive. 
 The most signal defeat recorded as suf- 
 fered by the Christians, during the 
 whole struggle for the recovery of Spain, 
 was the consequence of this folly. The 
 kings of Leon and Navarre instantly 
 retreated ; New Castile was devastated 
 by the Moors; and Alfonso was glad 
 to conclude a ten years' truce. 
 
 The calamitous results of the battle 
 of Alarcos were ascribed by the Casti- 
 lians, not to their king's rash precipi- 
 tancy, but to his having selected a Jewess 
 for his mistress. The horror excited by 
 the creed of the unbelieving concubine, 
 was inflamed by indignation at the 
 privileges, which her influence over the 
 king obtained for herproscribed brethren. 
 They were placed upon an equality with 
 Christians, and were allowed to appoint 
 their own judges from amongst them- 
 selves. These privileges the Jews re- 
 tained in Castile upwards of one hun- 
 dred and fifty years after the death of 
 their first protector, and they were fre- 
 quently employed as ministers of finance 
 both there and in Aragon. Alfonso 
 long resisted his subjects' endeavours to 
 impress upon him the propriety of 
 squaring his criminal connexions to 
 their notions of religion ; and foiled 
 many attempts of the nobles to deprive 
 him by violence of the beautiful Rachel. 
 But a succession of misfortunes at 
 length taught him, that kings must 
 command their passions, and conciliate 
 public opinion. He dismissed his be- 
 loved Jewess, and having thus pa -ified 
 
 * During the temporary separation of Castile 
 and Leon, the kings of the two states were still 
 numbered together, as being of one continuous 
 series. 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 the nation, he, by an union of prudence 
 and valour, recovered his reputation, re- 
 dressing the injuries, and avenging the 
 losses, suffered by the kingdom. But 
 his great object was to wash out in 
 Moorish blood the memory of his defeat 
 at Alarcos ; and for that purpose, hav- 
 ing secured the friendship of his cousin 
 Alfonso of Leon, by giving him his 
 eldest daughter Berenguela in marriage, 
 he invaded the Mussulman territories 
 where he obtained considerable suc- 
 cess. 
 
 Mohammed Abu Abdallah had, in 
 Mussulman \ l "> succeeded to his father 
 
 Spain Jacub s sovereignty in Spam 
 from A.D. anc | Morocco. He began his 
 ' reign brilliantly, by subduing 
 the last remnant, of Almoravide pow 7 er 
 in the Balearic Isles ; but afterwards 
 abandoned himself to the indulgences of 
 the harem, and in its voluptuous seclu- 
 sion, neglected alike the war against the 
 Christians, and the internal government 
 of his wide-spread empire. The news 
 of the king of Castile's invasion and 
 ravages of his Spanish dominions aroused 
 him, however, and Assembling an im- 
 mense army, he passed over from Africa 
 to chastise the presumptuous imvader. 
 
 The formidable character of Moham- 
 med's preparations alarmed all Christen- 
 dom. The Pope published a crusade 
 against the Moors, and bands of Cru- 
 saders pouring into Spain, joined the 
 forces of the native princes. These 
 were all united by the magnitude and 
 imminence of the danger. Castile had 
 provoked and begun the war. Alfonso 
 of Leon supported his father-in-law. 
 Alfonso II. of Portugal had 
 Portugal j ust received the kingdom, 
 
 irom A.D. * f . , 
 
 11851212. powerful and prosperous, 
 from his father, Sancho I. 
 surnamed the father and founder of the 
 country ; a title which Sancho obtained 
 in preference to Alfonso Henriques, the 
 first king and actual founder of the 
 monarchy, by devoting his attention to 
 rebuilding and repeopling ruined towns, 
 and promoting in every respect the in- 
 ternal welfare of the country, without, 
 however, neglecting any opportunity of 
 enlarging it at the expense of the Moors. 
 Like Alfonso I. Sancho had procured 
 assistance from passing bands of Cru- 
 saders, most of whom are said to have 
 been English, and had advanced his 
 frontiers considerably south of the 
 Tagus. One of the first acts of Alfonso 
 II. 's reign was despatching an army to 
 support the king of Castile. 
 
 from A.D. 
 11951212. 
 
 '-. Pedro II. of Aragon had succeeded 
 to all his father Alfonso's 
 dominions, except Provence, "Aragon 
 which was detached in favour 
 of his younger brother. The 
 new king, at the commencement of his 
 reign, highly offended his subjects by 
 declaring himself a vassal of the Roman 
 see; a humiliation against which the 
 Cortes of the kingdom solemnly protested. 
 But his submission was an act rather of 
 real, if excessive or mistaken, piety than 
 of weakness. He was an active and war- 
 like prince, and, in consequence, soon 
 recovered his popularity. He now led 
 his forces to join the king 
 of Castile. So did Sancho Navarre 
 
 r AT 1. i L from A.D. 
 
 of Navarre, who was but 11951212. 
 lately returned from Moroc- 
 co, whither he had gone in the hope of 
 marrying a daughter of Jacub's, with 
 Mussulman Spain for her wedding por- 
 tion. He had found his intended father- 
 in-law dead, and Mohammed on the 
 throne, who long detained him against 
 his will, and refused to proceed with the 
 matrimonial treaty. 
 
 The centre of the combined Christian 
 forces was commanded by the king of 
 Castile, the wings by the kings of Ara- 
 gon and Navarre. Upon the 16th of 
 July, 1212, they met the Mussulman 
 hosts under Mohammed in the navas 
 or plains of Tolosa, near the foot of the 
 Sierra Morena. The numbers that day 
 engaged surpassed any before or after- 
 wards brought into the field, during 
 these wars. The battle is said to have 
 been obstinately contested, and decided 
 in favour of the Christians, principally 
 by a shepherd's discovering to their 
 leaders an unknown path across the 
 mountains. The three kings all highly 
 distinguished themselves by their prow- 
 ess. Sancho of Navarre personally burst 
 through a chain, constituting part of the 
 defence of the African camp, in com- 
 memoration of which feat a chain is 
 borne in the Navarre se arms. This is 
 the most celebrated victory gained by 
 the Spaniards over the Moors, of whom 
 100,000 are stated to have fallen, and 
 60,000 to have been made prisoners; 
 whilst King Alfonso asserted, in the ac- 
 count of the battle which he sent to 
 the Pope, (and the archbishop of Toledo, 
 D. Rodrigo Ximenes de Rada, also 
 present upon the field, confirms the as- 
 sertion in his Spanish History,) that 
 only twenty-five Christians fell. Such 
 a disparity in the slain would be difficult 
 to credit, even upon the probable sup- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 35 
 
 position that the shepherd's guidance 
 had enabled the allies completely to sur- 
 prise Mohammed, and that the hard 
 fighting described was merely a figure 
 of speech. But neither would it be fair 
 to tax the gallant warriors of those chi- 
 valrous times with downright falsehood ; 
 and though numbers seem of all things 
 least liable to the influence of the human 
 mind's strong tendency to believe ac- 
 cording to its wishes, we must consider 
 that, whilst those who fought for the 
 cau^e of God deemed themselves almost 
 entitled to a miraculous interposition on 
 their behalf, modern precision in the 
 enumeration of either the dead or the 
 living was then altogether unknown. 
 Be that as it may, the anniversary of the 
 battle of las navas de Tolosa is still 
 commemorated by the Spanish Church as 
 the festival of the Triumph of the Cross; 
 and the acquisition of Ubeda and many 
 other towns attested the importance of 
 the victory. 
 
 Mohammed fled to Morocco, where 
 Mussulman he died the following year, 
 Spain poisoned, as was reported, in 
 from A.D. revenge for, or dread of, his 
 2 ' excessive cruelty. His son 
 and heir, Abu Jacub, was only eleven 
 years old, and no efforts were made to re- 
 trieve the late disaster ; first, the sove- 
 reign's youth, afterwards his voluptuous 
 and profligate habits, and, lastly, his 
 early death, the consequence of his vices, 
 crippled the power of Morocco. With 
 him virtually terminated the Almohade 
 sovereignty. In Africa, indeed, the 
 struggles of his kindred to recover frag- 
 ments of their predecessor's greatness, 
 lasted upwards of forty years, but none 
 attained to real dominion, and in 1270 
 not an Almohade remained anywhere. 
 In Spain, even during Abu Jacub' s life, 
 the contests of his uncles and brothers 
 weakened the Mussulman power, offer- 
 ing opportunities to the Christian princes 
 of extending their respective frontiers, 
 and to several waits of establishing inde- 
 pendent kingdoms. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Death of Henry I. of Castile His 
 sister Berenguela, wife to Alfonso 
 IX. of Leon, succeeds Her son, 
 Ferdinand 111., finally unites Castile 
 and Leon- He conquers great part 
 of Andalusia James of Ar agon con- 
 quers Valencia and Majorca Thibalt, 
 count of Champagne, succeeds, in 
 right of his mother, to Navarre 
 
 Mohammed abcn Alhamar founds the 
 kingdom of Granada Becomes tribu- 
 tary to Ferdinand HI. Sancho II. 
 of Portugal deposed by Pope Innocent 
 IV. , who transfers his crown to his 
 brother, Alfonso HI. Alfonso con- 
 quers Algarve Alfonso X. of Castile 
 conquers Murcia, and aspires to the 
 imperial crown of Germany Rebel- 
 lion of his second son, Sancho the 
 Brave, who eventually succeeds him 
 Joanna I. of Navarre, marrying 
 Philip the Fair, unites Navarre to 
 France James of Aragon bequeaths 
 Majorca and his French provinces, as 
 a kingdom, to his second son* '' 
 
 THE Christian princes did not profit as 
 much or as rapidly by the 
 disunion of their foes as they Portugal 
 
 i i i mi i from A.D. 
 
 might have done. The. share 12121223. 
 taken by the Portugueze 
 troops in the victory at Tolosa, was the 
 only brilliant exploit of Alfonso II. 's 
 reign. He was of a harsh temper, and 
 involved himself in various domestic 
 quarrels; first, with his sisters, ^^hom. 
 he vainly endeavoured to despoil of the 
 principalities left them by their father ; 
 secondly, with his brothers, who, being 
 provided for by marriage with heiresses, 
 had not offended him by encroachment 
 upon his inheritance ; and, finally, with 
 Jiis clergy, whose various privileges and 
 immunities he attacked, even whilst em- 
 barrassed by his other disputes. In 
 consequence of these broils, or rather 
 of the last, he \vas excommunicated. 
 
 Alfonso of Castile died two years 
 after his great victory. He 
 left his crown to his only son . Castile 
 
 TT , * i i from A.D, 
 
 Henry, a boy of eleven, and 12121225. 
 the regency to his daughter 
 Berenguela, 'queen of Leon, who "was 
 separated, upon the almost always 
 available plea of too near consangui- 
 nity, from her husband Alfonso. Be- 
 renguela administered her delegated 
 power ably, but held it only three years : 
 at the end of that time the young- king 
 was accidentally killed by a tile falling 
 upon his head. Berenguela was her 
 brother's natural heiress ; but idolizing 
 her only son, Ferdinand, whom she had 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Da Costa, 
 Conde, Maries, Universal Modern History. Ge- 
 schichte der Dcutschen von M. J. Schmidt, 1 -J ba'nde, 
 8vo. Liim, 17bo' a work held to be of authority in 
 Germany, llistoire Gciierale de Portugal par 
 M. de la Clede, 2 torn. 4to. Paris, 1735. This is 
 said to be the best general History of Portugal, 
 but seems to display more research than critical 
 acumen. 
 
 D2 
 
; HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 IS 
 
 nursed and educated herself, she imme- 
 diately renounced her claim to the throne 
 in his favour. Her husband, aided by 
 the counts of Lara, opposed her mea- 
 sures, and endeavoured to gain posses- 
 sion of Castile in her right. But Beren- 
 guela defeated his machinations, carried 
 her point, and caused Ferdinand III. to 
 be acknowledged king : Alfonso IX., 
 however, long continued to disturb his 
 ivife, and son's government. 
 The king of Aragon was recalled im- 
 mediately after the great 
 Aragon battle, to the concerns of his 
 1212^-1236. French dominions. He had 
 previously been engaged in 
 the crusade then carrying on in France 
 against the heretics, called Albigenses, 
 whom his relations, the count of Thou- 
 louse, and the viscount of Beziers, were 
 accused of protecting. Pedro, after 
 warmly interceding with the papal le- 
 gate in behalf of his kinsmen, had been 
 persuaded or frightened into sending 
 troops to join the crusaders against 
 them, and placing his only son, James, 
 though yet in his childhood, at their 
 head, to serve as a hostage for his own 
 fidelity to the cause. But now, irritated 
 at the Pope's confirming his marriage 
 with Maria, heiress of Montpelier, from 
 whom he had for many years been so- 
 liciting a divorce, he joined the count of 
 Thouiouse, and fell, fighting against the 
 crusaders, in 1213. Whilst Pedro's 
 uncles and brothers were struggling for 
 his succession, the queen-dowager ob- 
 tained from the Pope an order to Simon 
 de .Montfort, the leader of the crusade, 
 to deliver her son into her hands. Having 
 thus got possession of the rightful heir, 
 she procured the assembling of the 
 Cortes of Aragon, to whom she pre- 
 sented the young king, when nobles, 
 clergy, and town deputies voluntarily 
 swore allegiance to him. This was the 
 first time such an oath was taken in 
 Aragon, the most limited of monarchies. 
 It had been usual for the Aragonese 
 kings at their coronation to swear ob- 
 servance of the laws, but not to receive 
 in return an oath of fidelity from the 
 people. Henceforward this correspond- 
 ing oath of fidelity was regularly taken 
 under the following form, celebrated 
 for its singularly bold liberty : " We, 
 who are as good as you, make you our 
 king to preserve our rights ; if not, not." 
 The Catalans followed the example of 
 their Aragonese brethren in proclaim- 
 ing James king ; but many years elapsed 
 ere he could sufficiently allay the disor- 
 
 ders excited by his ambitious uncles, to 
 prosecute the war against the Moors. 
 
 At length the several kings of Cas- 
 tile, Leon, Aragon, and Portugal, were 
 ready, unconnectedly, to invade Mus- 
 sulman Spain, where Almohade princes 
 and Mohammed aben Hud, a descend- 
 ant of the kings of Saragossa, were 
 contending for the sovereignty, and 
 many walls were struggling for inde- 
 pendent royalty ; all far more intent 
 upon gratifying their mutual jealousies 
 and enmities than upon resisting the 
 common foe, with whom, on the con- 
 trary, all were willing to enter into al- 
 liance in furtherance of their separate 
 views. Under these " cicurnstances, 
 James of Aragon made himself master 
 of the greater part of Valencia, and of 
 the island of Majorca; Ferdinand of 
 Castile extended his conquests in Anda- 
 lusia; Alfonso of Leon his in Estrema- 
 dura; and Sancho II. of Portugal, who 
 had lately succeeded to his father Alfonso 
 II., acquired the city of Elvas through the 
 valour and military talents of his general, 
 D. Payo de Correa, a knight of St. lago. 
 
 Sancho of Navarre took no part in 
 these wars. After his ex- 
 ploits at the battle of las * D 
 navas de Tolosa he quitted 12121253. 
 the career of arms, devoting 
 himself wholly to the internal administra- 
 tion of his kingdom. He had no children, 
 neither had his eldest sister, the queen 
 of England, any. Thence his youngest 
 sister's son, Thibalt, count of Cham- 
 pagne, became his natural heir. But 
 Sancho, judging that the distance be- 
 tween Navarre and Champagne unfitted 
 the two states for being governed by 
 one prince, adopted his kinsman, James 
 of Aragon; and to him, as heir, the 
 Navarrese clergy and nobility, and the 
 count of Champagne himself, prospec- 
 tively swore fealty. Upon Sancho's 
 death, in 1234, however, the Navarrese, 
 preferring independence under the lineal 
 heir to an union with Aragon, en- 
 treated king James to release them from 
 their oaths'. He was then engaged in 
 the conquest of Valencia ; and unwilling, 
 it may be hoped, to turn his arms from 
 Mahometan enemies against his fellow- 
 Christians, he complied with the re- 
 quest, and Thibalt was proclaimed king 
 of Navarre. Thibalt neglected the wars 
 carried on by his Spanish brother-kings 
 against the Mahometans, to accept the 
 command of a crusade for the recovery 
 of Jerusalem. The expedition was un- 
 successful, but the reputation of the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 37 
 
 leader'did'not suffer. Upon his return, 
 Thibalt followed the example of his 
 uncle, in studying only to promote the 
 internal welfare of the country. He in- 
 troduced the cultivation of the grape, 
 and the manufacture of wine into Na- 
 varre, with other agricultural improve- 
 ments. Thibalt is more known as one 
 of the most celebrated troubadours or 
 poets of his day. 
 
 Prior to Thibalt's accession, the con- 
 quering progress of Leon 
 
 from *!! D an ^ ^ ast ^ G n *d * )een tem P' 
 
 122^-1238. rarily interrupted. Alfonso 
 of Leon died in 1230, and by 
 his will divided Leon and Galicia be- 
 tween two daughters of his first mar- 
 riage, wholly overlooking his son Fer- 
 dinand, whom he seems never to have 
 regarded with paternal affection, >nd, 
 from the moment of his obtaining the 
 Castilian crown, to have even hated as a 
 successful rival. By negociation, how- 
 ever, and the influence which the ac- 
 knowledged wisdom and virtues of queen 
 Berenguela appear to have given her over 
 every one but her husband, the superior 
 claims of Ferdinand were admitted. The 
 two infantas were amply endowed, and 
 the crowns of Leon and Castile were 
 thenceforward permanently united. 
 With power thus augmented, Ferdi- 
 n . an <! }\ l > renewed his inva- 
 sion of the Mussulman states, 
 about the time that Yahie, the 
 last of the Almohade candi- 
 dates for sovereignty, died, bequeath- 
 ing his pretensions to Mohammed abu 
 Abdallah aben Alhamar, an enterprising 
 leader, who, in the general confusion, 
 had established himself as king of Jaen, 
 and was the sworn enemy of Yahie's 
 chief rival, Abdailah abt-n Hud. Fer- 
 dinand invaded the dominions of Abdal- 
 lah, and Mohammed took that opportu- 
 nity of materially enlarging his own. 
 After a few years of general war, Ab- 
 dallah aben Hud was assassinated by 
 the partisans of the king of Jaen, and 
 his brother Aly, who succeeded to his 
 pretensions, met a similar fate. Mo- 
 hammed ben Alhamar was immediately 
 received into the city of Granada, which 
 he made his capital; and thus, in 1238, 
 founded the kingdom of Granada, the 
 last bright relic of Moorish domination 
 in Spain, and the favourite scene of 
 Spanish romance. Had Mohammed 
 succeeded to the Almohade sovereignty 
 in Spain, and his authority been acknow- 
 ledged by all his Mussulman country- 
 men, so able and active a monarch 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 12301248. 
 
 Aragon 
 from A.l>. 
 12301239. 
 
 Castile 
 from A.D. 
 12381252. 
 
 might probably have offered effective 
 resistance to Christian conquest. But 
 his dominions consisted only of what 
 is still called the kingdom of Granada, 
 and a small part of Andalusia. The re- 
 maining Mahometan portions of Anda- 
 lusia, Valencia, and Estremadura, as 
 well as Murcia and Algarve, swarmed 
 with independent waits or kings. 
 
 James of Aragon completed the sub- 
 jugation of Valencia the fol- 
 lowing year. Cordova, so 
 long the Moorish capital, 
 was taken by Ferdinand, 
 with other places of infe- 
 rior note. The Murcian 
 princes avoided invasion by freely offer- 
 ing to become Castilian vassals ; and 
 now the conquering troops of Castile 
 and Leon poured into the territories of 
 Mohammed. The king of Granada, un- 
 supported by his natural allies, found 
 himself unequal to the contest, and sub- 
 mitted to become, like his Murcian 
 neighbours, the vassal of Ferdinand. 
 In that capacity he was compelled to 
 assist his Christian liege lord in con- 
 quering Mussulman Seville. 
 
 The claims of Ferdinand III. to his 
 people's gratitude, do not rest solely 
 upon his military achievements : he was 
 no less great in his internal administra- 
 tion. He first instituted the council of 
 Castile, a body which, though its com- 
 position has varied with the subsequent 
 changes and progress of public opinion, 
 has ever since continued, even to pur 
 own times, the effective organ of go- 
 vernment. As constituted by Ferdinand 
 it consisted of nobles and clergy, and 
 was by him intrusted with the care of 
 compiling the code of laws known by 
 the name of las siete partidas, the seven 
 parts, from the number of its divisions, 
 which formed the groundwork of Spanish 
 legislation, so long as Spain retained 
 aught of her early freedom. The task 
 of drawing up this code was too arduous 
 to be completed under one rei^n, and 
 Ferdinand's son and successor, Alfonso 
 X., under whom it was published, en- 
 joys the credit justly due to the father. 
 Ferdinand was, moreover, a patron of 
 learning. He founded the university of 
 Salamanca, whither he transferred, and 
 united with the schools his father Al- 
 fonso IX. had there established, an 
 university, founded at Palencia by his 
 grandfather, Alfonso VIII. Ferdinand 
 was preparing to undertake an expedi- 
 tion to Africa, for Ihe purpose of there 
 annihilating the empire of Morocco, 
 
38 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 when he died in the year 1252. His 
 manifold virtues and great successes 
 against the Mahometans, procured him 
 the honour of canonization at Rome. 
 It is somewhat remarkable that his 
 mother Berenguela and Queen Blanche, 
 the mother of Lewis IX. of France, 
 being sisters, the two royal saints, the 
 French St. Lewis and the Spanish St. 
 ^Ferdinand, were first cousins. 
 
 Whilst the Spanish princes were thus 
 prosperous, Portugal was a 
 
 from 1 ? D scene . f disorder - Sancho 
 ] 223^1269. H had inherited his father's 
 troubles with his throne. 
 After much internal dissension, and 
 some foreign interference, he at length 
 procured a fair settlement by arbitra- 
 tion of his hereditary disputes with his 
 clergy, and with the infantas his aunts. 
 For a while he now reigned tranquilly, 
 and conciliated his subjects' good will 
 by his great affability. But when his 
 small participation in his royal neigh- 
 bours' Moorish wars ceased, upon D. 
 Payo Correa's being chosen Grand 
 Master of St. lago, and consequently 
 recalled to Spain, Sancho's un warlike 
 disposition incurred general contempt. 
 The dissatisfaction was increased by his 
 devoted attachment to his queen, the 
 daughter of a Biscayan noble, by a 
 natural daughter of Alfonso IX. of 
 Leon. To Queen Mencia's influence 
 was ascribed whatever displeased the 
 country in the king's government, and 
 her influence itself to magic. The male- 
 contents sent ambassadors to Lyons, 
 where ^ Pope Innocent IV. was then 
 engaged in deposing the German Em- 
 peror Frederic II. with a request 
 that his holiness would perform the 
 same office for King Sancho of Por- 
 tugal. Innocent IV. was perhaps the 
 most ambitious pope that ever wore 
 the tiara. He willingly listened to com- 
 plaints against a king, deemed those of 
 the Portugueze well founded, and pub- 
 lished a bull, deposing Sancho II., 
 and transferring the kingdom to his 
 brother Alfonso, count of Boulogne, in 
 virtue of his marriage with the heiress 
 of the last count. Whilst this was 
 transacting at Lyons, Queen Mencia 
 was seized and carried oft' by one of her 
 royal husband's turbulent vassals, Ray- 
 mond Portocarreiro. She was never 
 seen or heard of more. The king, whom 
 his subjects seem to have not unduly 
 appreciated, was quite as much terrified 
 as grieved or angered by an occurrence 
 so unexampled ; and immediately pro- 
 
 vided for his own safety, by withdrawing 
 to Castile. Here, the Infante Alfonso, 
 Ferdinand's eldest son, conceived a per- 
 sonal friendship for the fugitive monarch, 
 and obtained his father's permission to 
 escort him back to Portugal, with a body 
 of troops adequate to replacing him 
 upon the throne. Upon crossing the 
 frontiers, numbers of loyal Portugueze 
 flocked to their king's standard; and 
 the prospects of the count of Boulogne, 
 who had arrived in all haste from his; 
 wife's domains, seemed for a while over- 
 cast. But the church, which had 
 raised him, was his stay. The candi- 
 date for a brother's crown sent forth 
 clerical champions, to publish the bull 
 of deposal, even in King Sancho's 
 camp. The Portugueze adherents of 
 the lawful king slighted these pontifical 
 thunders, but they daunted his Casti- 
 lian and Leonese auxiliaries ; who im- 
 mediately retreated, taking the unfortu- 
 nate monarch home with them. Sancho 
 made no further attempt to recover his 
 power, but passed the short remainder 
 of his life in religious and penitential 
 exercises. He died A. D. 1248. 
 
 Upon this second departure from 
 the kingdom, most of Sancho's parti- 
 zans submitted, and .Alfonso HI. was 
 generally acknowledged. One brave 
 warrior however, D. Martin de Freitas, 
 stoutly defended Coimbra for the so- 
 vereign to whom he had sworn alle- 
 giance ; and still held out at the time of 
 his master's death ; an event which he 
 refused to believe when communicated 
 by the new king. Alfonso proposed to 
 the staunch loyalist to visit Toledo, and 
 satisfy himself of the fact, upon an un- 
 derstanding that Coimbra should be 
 respected during his absence. Freitas 
 accordingly repaired to Toledo, and had 
 the deceased monarch's grave opened ; 
 when convinced by the sight of the corse, 
 he returned to his post, and surrendered 
 Coimbra to Alfonso, who, Sancho 
 having left no children, was now Jegi- 
 timately king. 
 
 Alfonso III., however misled by am- 
 bition, a passion which in those days 
 the best men seem to have been inca- 
 pable of bridling, was endowed with 
 great and good qualities. He confirmed 
 Freitas in his command ; advanced all 
 the faithful adherents of his brother to 
 posts of honour and trust ; and dismiss- 
 ing the accomplices and instruments of 
 his own crimes, speedily subdued and 
 chastised the faction that had harassed 
 and dethroned the late king. Alfonso 
 
.HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 39 
 
 then turned his attention towards, the 
 Moors. He attacked and conquers! 
 the province of Algarve, forming tlu- 
 southern <>x!ivmity of Porlumil; and 
 next invaded the territories of one of the 
 small Mussulman princes of Andalusia. 
 This step brought him into collision 
 with his deceased brother's friend and 
 champion, Alfonso X. of Leon and 
 Castile, who had now succeeded to St. 
 Ferdinand. The Moorish prince was a 
 vassal of Castile, and the new king has- 
 tened to support him. He repulsed the 
 lung of Portugal, pursued him into his 
 own dominions, and quickly despoiled 
 him of his new conquest, Algarve. The 
 defeated monarch sought to avert the 
 enmity of his mightier neighbour, by 
 asking the hand of his favourite illegiti- 
 mate daughter, Beatrice, urging; the bar- 
 renness of the countess of Boulogne, 
 as sufficient ground for a divorce. The 
 matrimonial negotiation was concluded, 
 Algarve, as a vassal principality, given 
 to the bride for her portion, and even 
 the nuptials were celebrated, before the 
 pope's confirmation of the king of Por- 
 tugal's divorce from the countess of 
 Boulogne, or dispensation for the rela- 
 tionship subsisting between the new 
 bride and bridegroom, had been granted. 
 The kingdom was in consequence laid 
 under a papal interdict, which was not 
 revoked during: the countess of Bou- 
 logne's life. Upon her death, Pope 
 Urban IV. complied with the soli- 
 citations of the Portugueze prelates, 
 granted the dispensation, and legiti- 
 mated a son and daughter already born. 
 Alfonso thenceforward occupied himself 
 wholly with domestic policy. The king- 
 dom flourished under his care, and he 
 had the address to keep upon good 
 terms with the Pope, even whilst he was 
 curtailing some of his clergy's exor- 
 bitant prerogatives. He sent his queen, 
 with their eldest son the Infante Dennis, 
 to visit her father, and obtained from 
 the Castilian monarch's delight in his 
 grandchild, the release of Algarve from 
 
 vassalage. Thus Portugal acquired^ 
 
 under Alfonso III. for the second time 
 and finally, her full dimensions, 
 
 Alfonso of Leon and Castile, having 
 thus happily accommodated 
 from^D *" s differences w i tn the king 
 12521273. of Portugal, addressed him- 
 self to the prosecution of 
 the war, which, interrupted only by oc- 
 casional truces, was constantly waging 
 by the Christians ajzainst the misbe- 
 lievers. He subdued some tributary 
 
 Andalusian princes who had revolted, 
 conquered Murcia with the assistance 
 of his i'ather-in-law King James of 
 Araijon, and compelled Mohammed of 
 Granada, who upon a change of reisrn 
 had endeavoured to free himself from 
 the bonds of vassalage, to submit, and 
 renew his homage. But Alfonso's 
 attention was early withdrawn from 
 Spanish interests, by schemes more ex- 
 tensively ambitious. He aspired to the 
 imperial crown of ^ermany, instigated 
 by his near affinity to the emperors 
 of the house of Swabia, whose male 
 line was just extinct: Alfonso X.'s 
 mother was Beatrice, daughter to Philip 
 of Swabia. Alfonso was elected by one 
 party of German princes, and Richard, 
 earl of Cornwall by another. This 
 double election produced to Germany a 
 real interregnum. The earl of Corn- 
 wall, though he repeatedly visited Ger- 
 many, and was crowned king of the Ro- 
 mans, never succeeded in establishing 
 his authority ; and Alfonso could not, 
 in the disturbed state of Spain, leave 
 his patrimonial kingdom to enforce his 
 imperial claims. In fact he never travel- 
 led further on his way to Germany, than 
 Beaucaire, where he had an unsatisfac- 
 tory interview with the Pope; but he 
 gave enough of his energies and pecuni- 
 ary resources to his distant empire, to 
 weaken his exertions at home. The 
 title of emperor was the only fruit the 
 king of Leon and Castile reaped from 
 his election. 
 
 The Emperor Alfonsois commonly dis- 
 tinguished by the surname of the Wise ; 
 but the Spanish word sabio will equally 
 bear the interpretation of the learned, and 
 it was probably very much in this sense 
 that it was given him. He owed it 
 partly to his having usurped the whole 
 legislative fame, which, at most, he was 
 only entitled to have shared with his 
 father. The part he really could claim 
 in the code of las siete partidas, viz. the 
 spirit he infused into it, in direct oppo- 
 sition to his sainted father's principles, 
 might have procured him the reputation 
 of learning, but certainly not of wis- 
 dom, from enlightened judges. In order 
 probably to bribe the Pope to favour his 
 imperial pretensions, he modified the 
 old Gothic law conformably to the canon 
 law ; sacrificing both that independence 
 of the authority of the Roman see, hi- 
 therto enjoyed by the Spanish church, 
 and that control over ecclesiastical 
 appointments which constituted so im- 
 portant a prerogative of the Spanish 
 
40 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 kings; and moreover admitting eccle- 
 siastical privileges and exemptions from 
 public burthens, previously unknown in 
 Spain. The Castilian monarchs were 
 henceforward involved in contests v/ith 
 the popes respecting church patronage, 
 similar to those which long prevailed in 
 other European kingdoms. But Alfonso 
 may more justly claim the title of the 
 Learned from labours which he origi- 
 nated and superintended, if he did not 
 actually participate in them. The astro- 
 nomical tables, that bear his name, Al- 
 fonsinas, were compiled at his desire by 
 the most scientific astronomers of the 
 age, almost all formed in the Arab 
 schools of Spain. A general chronicle 
 of Spanish history was likewise written 
 by his direction, under his name, and 
 with his assistance. To him also is his 
 native language indebted for its earliest 
 cultivation ; he advanced it to honour by 
 employing it in public documents, which 
 had till then been drawn up in Latin. 
 
 Alfonso's latter years were harassed 
 with disorders proceeding from his own 
 family. The Infante Sancho, his second 
 son, a restless and ambitious youth, 
 craftily fomented the dissatisfaction pro- 
 voked by the encouragement which the 
 emperor's new code gave to ecclesias- 
 tical pretensions. The infante thus 
 prevailed upon a large party of male- 
 content nobles to proclaim him king; 
 and concluding an alliance with the 
 king of Granada, he openly revolted. 
 This rebellion the emperor rather al- 
 layed by negociation and concession, 
 than put down by arms. He bought off 
 his son's adherents, and D. Sancho 
 seeing himself deserted was compelled 
 to submit. Upon the king of Granada 
 the emperor retaliated iti kind, insti- 
 gating several of his most powerful 
 -walis to insurrection, and in secret 
 supporting them. 
 
 At this juncture died Mohammed, 
 the first king of Granada, 
 an able prince, though often 
 unfortunate as a warrior. In 
 the prosperity of his domi- 
 nions he sought consolation for the 
 humiliating necessity of becoming the 
 vassal of the enemies of his religion. 
 Notwithstanding his inferiority in point 
 of power, he reminds us of the best of 
 the caliphs of Cordova. He actively 
 encouraged agriculture and manufac- 
 tures, established prizes for success in 
 each, and executed great works to 
 facilitate irrigation. The silks of Gra- 
 nada, under his fostering care, sur- 
 
 Granada 
 from A.D. 
 12481282. 
 
 passed those of Asia. These labours 
 were assisted by the immense popula- 
 tion that flocked into his kingdom from 
 the provinces conquered by the Chris- 
 tians, which, notwithstanding the fair 
 promises of the victors to their Mussul- 
 man subjects, remained almost deserts]; 
 and by the wealth he drew from his 
 gold and silver mines. He founded 
 schools and hospitals, which he fre- 
 quently visited and examined. Like 
 all the native Moorish sovereigns, he 
 patronized science and literature. He 
 adorned Granada with fountains, baths, 
 and palaces, beginning the most re- 
 nowned, perhaps, of alf known palaces 
 for its magnificence, the Alhambra. 
 But Mohammed's chief occupation 
 was, according to oriental notions of 
 royal duty, to administer justice in 
 person, with rigid and laborious impar- 
 tiality, giving audience to all indiscri- 
 minately, and endeavouring to accom- 
 modate disputes. 
 
 Mohammed II., his son and suc- 
 cessor, renewed his father's treaties 
 with the Emperor Alfonso. But finding 
 that the latter acted unfairly with re- 
 spect to the rebellious walis, whom he 
 was in consequence unable to subdue, 
 he sought assistance from a new king of 
 Morocco, Abu Jusef ben Merin, who 
 had lately obtained firm possession of 
 that portion of the former empire of the 
 Almohades. The surrender of Tarifa 
 and Algeziras was the price the African 
 monarch set upon his friendship, and 
 which Mohammed was obliged to pay. 
 The mere appearance of Abu Jusef 
 and his army sufficed to overawe the 
 walis. They instantly submitted and 
 were pardoned ; when the allied sove- 
 reigns turned their arms against the 
 Christians. The combined hosts of Mo- 
 rocco and Granada defeated the Casti- 
 lians in two pitched battles, and ra- 
 vaged their portion of Andalusia ; until 
 Abu Jusef, more anxious to secure the 
 immense booty he had acquired, than 
 either to support the ally who had so 
 dearly purchased his aid, or to redeem 
 Mussulman provinces from Christian 
 conquerors, concluded a separate peace, 
 and returned home. Upon his depar- 
 ture the same factious walis again 
 rebelled, and again Mohammed's atten- 
 tion was engrossed by civil war. 
 
 Alfonso X. could not profit by 
 his enemy's renewed weak- 
 ness. The fatigues and anx- f^f^u. 
 ieties consequent upon the 12/3 iifii. 
 late African invasion, had 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 '41 
 
 occasioned the death of his eldest son, D. 
 Ferdinand de la Cerda; so named from 
 the bristly hair round a mole upon his 
 shoulder ; cerda being the Spanish word 
 for bristle. D. Ferdinand left two in- 
 fant sons by a French princess. Bat in 
 utter contempt of their indisputable 
 right to the succession, D. Sancho re- 
 newed his intrigues. Supported by the 
 Kings of Portugal and Aragon, he so 
 vigorously enforced his pretended claims 
 to the throne, and so powerfully did his 
 high reputation for courage, he was 
 surnamed the Brave, influence a war- 
 like nation, that the Cortes assembled 
 at Segovia compelled the emperor to 
 declare D. Sancho his heir. This 
 did not satisfy the infante's impa- 
 tient ambition. He could not wait till 
 his father's death should Ihrow into his 
 grasp the sceptre thus wrongfully as- 
 sured to him, and prevailed upon the 
 partizans who had carried him so 
 far, to advance one step further. The 
 old monarch was formally deposed, and 
 his son placed upon his throne. Nearly 
 the whole kingdom concurred in this 
 crime, Seville, almost singly, remaining 
 faithful to its injured sovereign. 
 
 The emperor would not yield to 
 usage he had so little merited at the 
 hands of his subjects or his son. In the 
 extremity of his distress he had recourse 
 to his late enemy the King of Morocco, 
 and requested from him a loan of 
 money, for which he offered to pawn his 
 crown. Abu Jusef, feeling as a sove- 
 reign and a father for Alfonso's wrongs, 
 crossed over from Africa with a nume- 
 rous army to reinstate the dethroned 
 monarch. Sancho concluded a counter 
 alliance with the king of Granada ; 
 and the civil war that now raged, was 
 rendered more than usually atrocious, 
 both by the relative character of the 
 principal antagonists, and by the inter- 
 ference on either side of foreign powers, 
 professing a hostile religion. "Both par- 
 ties ravaged the country ; neither gained 
 any decisive advantage ; and Alfonso 
 X. derived no benefit from an alli- 
 ance, deemed not much less unnatural 
 than his son's rebellion ; inasmuch as 
 the barbarous African Mahometans, 
 were regarded in a very different light 
 from their Spanish brethren, and Al- 
 fonso, it was thought, should rather 
 have submitted quietly to his deposal, 
 than have sought such aid. The em- 
 peror died A.D. 1284, bequeathing his 
 malediction to the unfilial rebel, and 
 his kingdoms to his grandson, D. Al- 
 
 fonso de la Cerda. The will of a de- 
 throned and deceased king was of no 
 avail against the powerful faction of a 
 bold usurper. Sancho the Brave im- 
 mediately obtained full possession of 
 the royal authority, notwithstanding a 
 small party still asserted the legitimate 
 right of succession to be in the Infante 
 de la Cerda. 
 
 Navarre during all this time had con- 
 tinued estranged from the ge- 
 neral politics Of the Penin- Navarre 
 
 sula. Thibalt II., who sue- fiSLuft. 
 ceeded his father in 1253,had, 
 like him, occupied himself with domestic 
 affairs, until, having married a daughter 
 of St. Lewis of France, he accompanied 
 his father-in-law in his last unfortunate 
 crusade against Tunis, and died upon 
 his homeward voyage, A. D. 1270. He 
 had no children, and his brother Henry 
 succeeded, but reigned only four years, 
 when he died, leaving the kingdom to 
 his daughter Joanna, a child of three 
 years old, and the regency to his widow, 
 Blanche of Artois, niece to St. Lewis. 
 The queen-dowager's government was 
 instantly distracted by factions, re- 
 spectively supported and fomented by 
 the neighbouring peninsular kings, each 
 of whom wished to marry the infant 
 queen to his own heir. Blanche fled 
 with her daughter to the French court, 
 where she was kindly received by her 
 royal kinsman, Philip the Bold ; who 
 likewise immediately planned marrying 
 Joanna to his eldest son. The relation- 
 ship of the parties rendered a dispensa- 
 tion necessary ; and the Pope refused to 
 grant one, except in favour of the king's 
 second son. The change was reluctantly 
 submitted to ; but this marriage eventu- 
 ally answered the desired end of uniting 
 the crowns of France and Navarre, bet- 
 ter than that which had been projected 
 might have done ; the early death of the 
 elder brother making the new king of 
 Navarre, Philip the Fair, heir of France* 
 A French regent was forthwith sent to 
 Navarre, whose able administration 
 reconciled the nation to their young 
 queen's marriage, but whose councils 
 nat urally involved the kingdom in French 
 politics, and separated it from the in- 
 terests of the other Spanish states. 
 
 The latter years of James of Aragon, 
 like those of the Emperor 
 Alfonso, were harassed by fr f,[ ago 
 dissension and insurrection, iJS^-Ljrc. 
 springing from the royal fa- 
 mily. But the Aragonese monarch had 
 brought his troubles upon himself, by the 
 
42 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 license of his private conduct. He had in- 
 censed his subjects by dishonouring: their 
 wives and daughters ; he had offended 
 the pope by the improper marriages he 
 contracted after the death of his second 
 \vife, Violante of Hungary, and by his 
 unreasonable applications for divorces ; 
 and he irritated his children by unjust pre- 
 ferences. He sought to limit the inherit- 
 ance of Alfonso, his eldest son, by Leo- 
 nora of Castile, whom he had early re- 
 pudiated upon the plea of too near con- 
 sanguinity, to the single kingdom of 
 Aragon, dividing the rest of his domi- 
 nions amongst his sons by Violante. 
 The disturbances provoked by this at- 
 tempt, ceased only upon Alfonso's un- 
 timely death ; and then the king's ille- 
 gitimate sons took up arms against their 
 surviving legitimate brothers. To ap- 
 pease the Pope's displeasure, James con- 
 sented to the introduction of the horrible 
 tribunal of the Inquisition into Aragon, 
 where, however, it was too much at va- 
 riance with the free spirit of the people 
 and their institutions to be long endured. 
 He died A. D. 1276, of grief for the de- 
 feat of his often victorious army by the 
 Moors; and finally dismembered Ma- 
 jorca and the French provinces from 
 the inheritance of Don Pedro, his eldest 
 son, by Violante, giving them, with the 
 title of king of Majorca, to his younger 
 son, Don James. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Pedro III. of Aragon makes James of 
 Majorca his tributary His wars to 
 enforce the right of his queen, Con- 
 stance, .to Naples and Sicily Re- 
 covers Sicily His son Alfonso con- 
 quers Minorca and Iviza Sicily an 
 independent kingdom under Frederic, 
 youngest son of Constance Rebel- 
 lions in Castile, Portugal, and Gra- 
 nada War between Castile and 
 Granada Abolition of the order of 
 Knights Templars Alfonso XI. of 
 Castile, Alfonso IV. of Portugal, and 
 Mohammed IV. of Granada, put 
 down insurrection in their several 
 kingdoms Navarre separated from 
 France by the failure of Joanna's 
 male heirs Joanna 11. of Navarre 
 James II. of Aragon conquers Sar- 
 dinia and Corsica Alfonso of Cas- 
 tile, assisted by Portugal and Na- 
 varre, gains the signal victory of 
 Rio Salado over the Moors. * 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, Da 
 
 PEDRO III. of Aragon compelled his 
 brother Don Jamesto do him 
 homage for his kingdom of 
 Majorca, and put down a re- 
 bellion of the Catalans, ex- 
 cited by his having neglected to take 
 the customary oaths at his accession. 
 He granted, in 1283, the great Arago- 
 nese charter, which confirmed all the 
 old rights derived from the laws of So- 
 brarve, and added new ones, adapted to 
 the views of the more advanced age in 
 which he lived. These were nearly all 
 Pedro's Spanish transactions ; his atten- 
 tion being very much abstracted from 
 peninsular affairs. 
 
 He had married Constance, the daugh- 
 ter of Manfred, king of Naples and 
 Sicily, the illegitimate but legitimated 
 son of Frederic II., emperor of Ger- 
 many. The papal see claimed a pa- 
 ramount sovereignty over the kingdom 
 of Sicily, as the united realms were then 
 commonly denominated, and had long 
 been at variance with the emperors of 
 the Swabian dynasty. In prosecution of 
 this quarrel Pope Alexander IV. excom- 
 municated Manfred ; and his successor, 
 Urban IV. deposed him, transferring 
 the Sicilian crown to Charles of Anjou, 
 St. Lewis's brother. To give effect to 
 these pontifical decrees, Charles raised 
 an army, with which he attacked the 
 Neapolitan frontiers; and Manfred, 
 betrayed and deserted by those in whom 
 he most confided, fell in the first battle 
 with the invader, who was immediately 
 acknowledged king. The tyranny of 
 the conqueror in the course of a few 
 months exasperated his new subjects 
 beyond endurance ; and Conradin, the 
 son of the last of the Swabian emperors, 
 Manfred's elder and legitimate brother, 
 Conrad, was invited from Germany to 
 head the partizans of his family, and 
 reclaim their hereditary crown. Con- 
 radin had not seen more than fifteeen 
 summers ; he displayed valour and ta- 
 lents far above his years, but was out- 
 generaled by Charles, one of the ablest 
 warriors of 'his day. Conradin was de- 
 feated, taken prisoner, and tried by a 
 mockery of judicial forms for high 
 treason. He was, according to some 
 accounts, acquitted by all his judges 
 save one ; and upon the sentence of 
 
 Costa, Quintana, Maries, La Clede, Universal His- 
 tory. Geschichte dcr Hohenstauffen und Hirer Zei6 
 von Friedrich von Raumer, 6 ba'nde, 8vo. Leipsic, 
 1825 : a work of extraordinary research. Istoria 
 civile del llegno di Aupoli di i'ietro Giannone, 4 
 tomi, 4to, Palmyra, 17G2: a standard Italian his- 
 tory. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 43 
 
 death pronounced by that single dis- 
 sentient and time-serving judge, he was 
 executed. 
 
 Upon the scaffold, Conradin is said 
 to have thrown his glove amongst the 
 crowd, requesting that it might be con- 
 veyed to his cousin and heiress, Con- 
 stance, queen of Aragon. Constance re- 
 ceived the pledge, and her royal husband 
 prepared to enforce the rights which had 
 accrued to her. He armed without ex- 
 citing any suspicion of his preparations 
 being destined against other foes than 
 the Moors ; and when ready to set sail, 
 he released several nobles whom he had 
 long detained in prison upon suspicion 
 of rebellious intentions, telling them that 
 he was convinced their gratitude would 
 better insure the tranquillity of his do- 
 minions during his absence than their 
 confinement. Pedro's enterprise was 
 sanctioned by Pope Nicholas III., who 
 was indignant at Charles's ingratitude, 
 tyranny, and general misconduct. The 
 Aragonese monarch derived more effi- 
 cient assistance from an insurrection 
 against Charles, that had long been or- 
 ganizing, but at last broke suddenly out 
 in Sicily, upon occasion of a casual in- 
 sult offered by a French soldier to a 
 Sicilian female. In this insurrection, 
 well known to history by the name of 
 the Sicilian Vespers, every Frenchman 
 upon the island was put to death. By 
 the aid of so terrible an act of retribu- 
 tion, Pedro easily obtained possession of 
 the island of Sicily ; but he spent the 
 remainder of his life in constant war 
 with Naples and France. He was de- 
 serted by his brother, King James of 
 Majorca. He was excommunicated and 
 deposed, and a crusade was published 
 against him by Nicholas III.'s succes- 
 sor, Martin IV., a creature of Charles 
 of Anjou. But these spiritual arms 
 were altogether disregarded by the Si- 
 cilians and Aragonese ; Pedro stoutly 
 defended both his own and his wife's 
 patrimony against his formidable ene- 
 mies, without incurring any loss. Phi- 
 lip the Bold of France, indeed, invaded 
 Catalonia, and took a few places, but 
 was speedily forced to evacuate the pro- 
 vince, and died in his retreat; Pedro 
 also defeated the combined French and 
 Neapolitan fleets, and took prisoner 
 Charles, prince of Salerno, the son of 
 Charles of Anjou. By threatening the 
 royal captive's life, Queen Constance 
 obtained the liberation of a half-sister, 
 who had languished in Charles's prisons 
 from the time of Manfred's death. Pe- 
 
 dro III. died in 1285, leaving Sicily to 
 his second son, James, and the rest of 
 his dominions to his eldest son, Alfonso. 
 
 Alfonso III. took Majorca from his 
 uncle, King James ; but admitted the 
 mediation of the Pope and the king of 
 France and Navarre, and restored his 
 conquest upon condition of its being 
 held, together with King James's French 
 dominions, in vassalage of Aragon. 
 Alfonso likewise conquered the other 
 Balearic Isles from the Moors. His 
 negociations with his prisoner, the prince 
 of Salerno, and with the Pope, for a 
 final settlement of the conflicting claims 
 respecting Naples and Sicily, were the 
 only additional occupation of his short 
 reign. These negociations were con- 
 ducted under the mediation of Edward I. 
 of England,whose daughter was betrothed 
 to Alfonso. It was arranged that Na- 
 ples and Sicily should be divided ; Na- 
 ples remaining to the Angevine family, 
 and Sicily to King James and his mother, 
 Queen Constance ; James and his sister, 
 the Infanta Constance, respectively 
 marrying, the prince of Salerno's daugh- 
 ter, Blanche, and son and heir, Robert. 
 Alfonso died ere either these arrangements 
 or his own marriage were completed. 
 
 James of Sicily succeeded his brother 
 on the Aragonese throne, and fulfilled 
 the preconcerted matrimonial engage- 
 ments with the family of Anjou. The 
 other articles of the treaty, influenced 
 probably, by his new connexion with 
 his former enemies, he altered in their 
 favour by agreeing to surrender Sicily 
 to the king of Naples. His mother, 
 Constance, the rightful queen, and her 
 younger son, Frederic, whom James, at 
 his departure for Aragon, had left in 
 the island as regents, refused to con- 
 firm this surrender ; and Frederic, with 
 his mother's approbation, assumed the 
 Sicilian crown. In the war that ensued, 
 the king of Aragon sided with his father- 
 in-law against his mother and brother. 
 After gaining a great naval victory over 
 Frederic, however, he seems to have 
 been shocked at his own unnatural con- 
 duct, and declined to act further except 
 as mediator. In 1314 he brought about 
 a peace between the belligerent parties, 
 by which Frederic was recognized as 
 king of Sicily. His title had been con- 
 firmed by the Pope many years before. 
 
 In Portugal. Denn.jsj had 
 
 tbfi- throne in l%79j a ^ the age 
 of nineteen, and his first 
 
 ,-. 
 
 measures are equally cen- 
 sured by Castiliaja,,ajid eulo- 
 
 Portugal 
 
 rrom A.D. 
 
 1269 isoo. 
 
44 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 1 
 
 gized by Portugueze historians. He re- 
 fused to admit his mother to any partici- 
 pation in his councils, and by this exclu- 
 sion so deeply offended her, that she with- 
 drew to her father's court. The Emperor 
 Alfonso invited his grandson to meet 
 and confer with him at Badajoz ; but the 
 young king of Portugal, dreading un- 
 pleasant consequences from an interview 
 at which he was predetermined not to 
 give way, excused himself from the visit 
 upon the plea of urgent business, send- 
 ing his brother and sisters in his stead, 
 to bear his apology and compliments to 
 his grandfather. Dennis married Isa- 
 bella, daughter of king James I. of 
 Aragon ; but his nuptial festivities were 
 interrupted by dissensions with the 
 clergy, relating, as usual, chiefly to tem- 
 poral concerns. The ecclesiastical body 
 contended for the right of constantly in- 
 creasing their landed possessions, and 
 of holding all their acquisitions exempt 
 from taxation or feudal service. The 
 Portugueze, like the Spanish kings, 
 long resisted the introduction of the 
 Roman law, which bestows this and 
 similar privileges upon church property; 
 and Dennis temporarily settled these 
 disputes by a compromise, which Mar- 
 tin IV., a pope 'not remarkable for 
 his conciliatory disposition, sanctioned. 
 Dennis supported Sancho the Brave in 
 his rebellion, provoked so to do, pro- 
 bably, by the resentment which his 
 mother and grandfather expressed to- 
 wards himself. But quickly repenting 
 of such conduct, he withdrew his suc- 
 cours ; and, upon Sancho' s accession, a 
 war was near breaking out between 
 Castile and Portugal. An interview of 
 the two young kings both quenched the 
 kindling flame, and produced, it should 
 seem, a joint determination to deprive 
 their respective brothers of the frontier 
 principalities bequeathed them by their 
 fathers, the reigning kings having felt 
 the evils of such separate principalities 
 during their impending hostilities. The 
 resumptive measures produced rebellion 
 in both countries. In Portugal the ex- 
 asperated Infante Alfonso laid claim to 
 the crown, alleging that Dennis was the 
 illegitimate offspring of an adulterous 
 connexion, his birth having taken place 
 during the life of the late king's first wife, 
 whilst his own had not occurred until the 
 countess of Boulogne's death had left 
 Alfonso III. at liberty to contract a se- 
 cond valid marriage. The king's superior 
 force refuted the argument and quelled 
 the insurrection, when a negociation 
 
 followed, by which, as upon former 
 occasions of a similar kind, the infante 
 received a large income and an internal 
 appanage in lieu of the frontier state, 
 whose possession rendered him danger- 
 ous. The brothers were for the moment 
 reconciled, but not cordially ; for so long 
 as Don Alfonso lived, was Dennis ha- 
 rassed with his revolts. 
 
 Sancho IV.T like Dennis, ultimately 
 triumphed over his brother, 
 and all other insurgents. But Castile 
 owing partly to his illegal 1284^-1294. 
 tenure of the throne, he was 
 too fully occupied with civil war to 
 admit of his reign being distinguished 
 by such brilliant exploits against the 
 Moors, as might have been anticipated 
 from his surname. The Infante John 
 struggled hard for his principality, and 
 allied himself with his father's friend, 
 the king of Morocco. The Infantes de la 
 Cerda asserted their title to the crown, and 
 were supported by the kings of France 
 and Aragon, to whom they were related 
 through their mother and grandmother. 
 
 The war with Don John and his 
 African auxiliary gave birth to one of 
 those instances of devoted loyalty and 
 unflinching resolution which Spanish 
 writers love to record, as evincing their 
 national heroism, and power of sacrificing 
 all private and natural feelings to public 
 duty. Sancho had taken tarifa from 
 Abu Jusef, garrisoned it strongly, and 
 given the command to Don Alfonso 
 Perez de Guzman, an ancestor of the 
 dukes of Medina Sidonia. Don John with 
 the Morocco troops besieged the place, 
 and a son of the commandant's having 
 fallen into their hands, they endeavoured 
 to shake Guzman's invincible courage by 
 menacing his child's life. The stern 
 father flung them a dagger from the 
 walls, and bidding them with that wea- 
 pon execute their savage threat, with- 
 drew to dinner. Alarmed by the sudden 
 outcries of the troops upon the ramparts, 
 when they] witnessed the actual perpe- 
 tration of the murder, he hurried back, 
 and being informed of the cause of the 
 disturbance, calmly observed, * I feared 
 the enemy were in the town:' an ex- 
 ample of painful self-control, from the 
 heroism of which the circumstance of 
 dinner might detract something, were 
 it not allowable to believe that the pa- 
 rent made use of a subterfuge to spare 
 himself the horrid spectacle impending, 
 rather than that he actually dined whilst 
 his child was suffering the agonies of a 
 violent death. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 45 
 
 The king of Granada had hitherto 
 
 ' continued firm in his alliance 
 
 Granada w jfi-| Sancho ; but he now 
 
 1282-S. made a separate peace with 
 
 Abu Jusef, purchasing back 
 Alffcziras, which, after the loss of Tarifa, 
 tiie king of Morocco no longer thought 
 worth retaining. The Africans returned 
 home, and war soon afterwards broke out 
 between the two late allies, Mohammed. 
 
 and Sancho, in which the 
 Cnstiie Castilians were successful. 
 
 But, in 1 2 95 , Sancho's career 
 
 was cut short by death : he 
 committed the regency during the mino- 
 rity of his son, Ferdinand IV., to his 
 widow, Queen Maria, a high-spirited 
 woman of equal judgment and virtue, 
 an heiress, and his near kinswoman, by 
 his marriage with whom he had reunited 
 a large fief to the crown. 
 
 The queen-dowager's great qualities 
 were fully tried ; factions more nume- 
 rous than ever arose to distract her go- 
 vernment. Don Alfonso de la Cerda 
 revived his claim to the crown, supported 
 by all his former friends. Don John, 
 the brother with whom the deceased 
 king had been at war, abetted by the 
 king of Portugal, advanced a similar 
 claim, asserting that the young king 
 was illegitimate, inasmuch as the mar- 
 riage of his parents had not been sanc- 
 tioned by the papal bull, which their 
 near relationship rendered indispensable. 
 Another of her brothers-in-law, Don 
 Henry, aspired to the regency, as did 
 the ever-turbulent counts of Lara and 
 Haro; and amidst the weakness occa- 
 sioned by all these civil commotions the 
 king of Granada, vigorously prosecuting 
 the war, recovered his recent losses. 
 
 The queen-mother would not allow her 
 own pretensions to increase the distress 
 and danger of the moment, and her first 
 step was the resignation of her authority 
 into the hands of Don Henry. But 
 when the new regent, after being de- 
 feated by Mohammed, concluded a dis- 
 advantageous peace with Granada, sur- 
 rendering Tarifa, Maria exclaimed 
 against so disgraceful a treaty, roused 
 the nation rather to continue the war at 
 all hazards than submit to it, and re- 
 gained the regency. She now drew off 
 the king of Portugal from his alliance 
 with Don John, by proposing a double 
 marriage of her son, the young king, 
 with Dennis's daughter, Constance, and 
 of her daughter, Beatrice, with his son 
 and heir, Don Alfonso. She procured 
 from Rome the confirmation of her own 
 
 marriage. She referred the pretensions 
 of the infantet de la Cerda to the arbi- 
 tration of her new ally, the king of Por- 
 tugal, and of their friend, the king of 
 Aragon, who was equally related to both 
 parties. The royal arbitrators gave 
 judgment in favour of the reigning 
 prince, assigning ample estates to the 
 infantes in compensation for their claims. 
 Thus relieved from her most pressing 
 difficulties, Maria speedily quelled the 
 other domestic feuds, and obtained from 
 the Cortes a grant of money, which her 
 frugality turned to such good account 
 that she was afterwards freely intrusted 
 with whatever supplies she required. 
 She repulsed all further Moorish aggres- 
 sion, and when involved in a second war 
 with Aragon respecting Murcia, posi- 
 tively refused to purchase peace with 
 either enemy by any cession of territory. 
 Her defeated brothers-in-law revenged 
 themselves by persuading their royal 
 nephew at a very early age to snatch 
 the reins of government from his 
 mother's hand; but though deprived of 
 the regency, her superior understanding, 
 the calmness with which she bore the 
 petty vexations devised by her rivals to 
 drive her from court, and her great in- 
 fluence over the nation, still insured to 
 her a considerable portion of authority. 
 Ferdinand IV. made a disadvantage- 
 ous peace with Aragon, ceding part of 
 Murcia, and continued the war with the 
 king of Granada, from whom he took 
 some places, the principal of which was 
 Gibraltar. But his reign was short ; 
 and is most remarkable for the manner 
 of its clo:;e, which procured him the 
 surname of the Summoned. He had 
 convicted two brothers, of the name of 
 Carvajal, of a murder, upon somewhat 
 insufficient proof, and sentenced them 
 to death. The Carvajals asserted their 
 innocence to the last, and upon the 
 scaffold summoned the king to appear, 
 within thirty days, before the judgment- 
 seat of God, and there answer tor his 
 unjust sentence. Upon the thirtieth day 
 Ferdinand actually died ; and the peo- 
 ple, too ignorant and superstitious to 
 see in the event either a singular but 
 fortuitous coincidence of circumstances, 
 or the physical effect of a strongly-ex- 
 cited imagination, looked upon his de- 
 cease as an especial interference of Pro- 
 vidence. Ferdinand left a son of a year 
 old, Alfonso XL, and intrusted him to 
 the guardianship of his grandmother, 
 Queen Maria, whose ability for the 
 office he knew by experience. He as- 
 
46 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 sociated with her, however, as her col- 
 leagues in the regency, her younger son, 
 Don Pedro, and her formerly trouble- 
 some brother-in-law, Don John. 
 
 During 1 Ferdinand's reign occurred 
 the abolition of the Order of Knights 
 Templars a measure, the justice or 
 iniquity of which was at the time a 
 question of high interest, and has never 
 yet been positively solved. The trans- 
 action no further belongs to the present 
 history, than as the knights resident in 
 Spain and Portugal were there tried, 
 and judicially acquitted of the equally 
 absurd and atrocious charges brought 
 against them ; those individual knights 
 benefited by their acquittal, enjoying per- 
 sonal security, and a life interest in the 
 estates of the Order. But this judicial 
 testimony in favour of the Order, 
 although corroborated by similar ver- 
 dicts in Germany and England, was 
 unavailing to the brethren in France, 
 and to the Order generally. The de- 
 struction of the Templars was sought 
 by Philip the Fair of France and Na- 
 varre, whose creature Pope Clement V. 
 was ; and upon confessions extorted by 
 the rack, and mostly recanted upon the 
 scaffold and at the stake, great numbers 
 were executed, the Order was abolished, 
 and their estates were either confiscated 
 or transferred to other Orders. 
 
 The kingdom of Granada, at the mo- 
 ment of Ferdinand's death, 
 
 Granada was a p re y f o suc h disorders 
 
 I295 n li3i4. as had lately harassedCastile. 
 Mohammed III. had suc- 
 ceeded in 1302 to his father, Moham- 
 med II. ; and appears to have been so 
 excellent a sovereign, that it is hard to 
 conceive whence sprang the rebellions 
 that distracted his reign, and to which, 
 in the end, he fell a victim. The waits 
 of various towns revolted, endeavouring 
 to establish their independence ; and the 
 populace of the city of Granada, in 
 1309, compelled him to abdicate in fa- 
 vour of his brother, Nasar Abul Giux. 
 Nasar did not long enjoy his usurped 
 throne. His nephew, Ismael ben Ferag, 
 who had previously rebelled against 
 Mohammed III., been vanquished, par- 
 doned, and committed to the care of 
 his father, the wall of Malaga, revolted 
 anew, and more successfully, against 
 the usurper. In 1313 he forced Nasar 
 to abdicate in his turn, and content 
 himself with the government of Guadix. 
 Nasar had, during the contest, sought 
 the alliance of the regents of Castile : 
 and the succours they had^afforded him 
 
 led to a war with Ismael. The two in- 
 /arc/e-resrents fell in a hard fought battle 
 with the new King of Granada. 
 
 Queen Maria immediately concluded 
 a truce with the victor, which 
 he conscientiously observed, fr o"5J l p 
 notwithstanding the oppor- 1312 "1325. 
 tunity of recovering lost pro- 
 vinces, so tempting to an ambitious 
 monarch, offered by the disorders which 
 speedily broke out in Castile. All the 
 factions that had formerly contended for 
 the regency revived with redoubled vio- 
 lence upon the death of the queen's 
 colleagues, especially of her son, Don 
 Pedro, who had been her chief stay. 
 Maria's spirit and good sense again tri- 
 umphed overall ; but, unfortunately, she 
 did not long survive to maintain the tran- 
 quillity she had established. Upon her 
 death, the aspect of affairs became more 
 threatening than ever, and did not seem 
 much improved, when a king of fifteen 
 abruptly assumed the government. But 
 Alfonso XI., even at that early age, dis- 
 played equal judgment, steadiness, and 
 courage ; and the conduct dictated by 
 those qualities, tempered with great 
 moderation, happily suppressed the dis- 
 turbances. 
 
 The truce between Castile and Gra- 
 nada expired in 1325 ; and 
 Ismael was no sooner re- %** 
 leased from, its obligations, 13141333. 
 than he invaded the former 
 country. Notwithstanding the young 
 king's utmost exertions, the invader made 
 several conquests, one of which eventu- 
 ally cost him his life. The town of Martos 
 was stormed by the Moors ; and amidst 
 the horrors incident to such triumphs, a 
 young kinsman of Ismael's, named Mo- 
 hammed, rescued a beautiful Christian 
 maiden from the outrages of the sol- 
 diery. He fell deeply in love with his 
 captive. The king afterwards beheld 
 her amongst the prisoners, and being 
 similarly inflamed by her charms, or- 
 dered her to be conveyed to his harem. 
 The bereaved and indignant lover imme- 
 diately assembled his friends, recounted 
 to them his wrongs, and engaged their 
 assistance. They surrounded the palace 
 gates to await Ismael's coming forth; 
 and upon his appearance Mohammed 
 plunged a dagger in his heart. The 
 murderers, who had no object beyond 
 revenge, fled the moment the blow was 
 struck; and Ismael's eldest son, Mo- 
 hammed IV., a boy scarcely twelve 
 years of age, was quietly and generally 
 acknowledged. Mohammed L III. had 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 47 
 
 previously died in confinement. The 
 beginning of the young kind's reign 
 was harassed with rebellions, instigated, 
 or at least fomented, from Africa, which 
 prevented any immediate idea of prose- 
 cuting the war with Castile. In the 
 end, Mohammed suppressed all these 
 disturbances, partly by his energetic 
 activity, and partly by sacrificing the 
 Juigib, whose misiiovernment, or private 
 feuds with the military leaders, had pro- 
 voked insurrection. 
 
 Dennis of Portugal had already closed. 
 his long reign, of which the 
 Portugal latter vears were more puiu- 
 teJE-tSb. KB0cffiEEOyJthe ..xefael- 
 lionspf his sonDon Alfonso, 
 than its dawn had been by those of his 
 brother of the same name. The brother 
 had originally had some cause of dissatis- 
 faction ; the complaints of the son seem 
 to have been altogether imaginary. The 
 infante accused his' father of soliciting 
 at Rome the legitimation of a natural 
 son, Don Alfonso Sanchez, with a view 
 of substituting such son for himself, in 
 the succession to the crown ; and he 
 taxed Alfonso Sanchez with attempting 
 to further that object, yet more crimi- 
 nally, by poison. The first charge both 
 the king and the Pope solemnly de- 
 nied ; and Dennis betrayed in his whole 
 conduct a weakness of affection for the 
 prince that might sufficiently acquit him 
 of any intention prejudicial to his in- 
 terests. The second imputation was 
 founded upon papers proved to have 
 been forged with the prince's know- 
 ledge. The king's remonstrances with 
 the infante were wholly fruitless ; 
 and though the interposition of Queen 
 Isabella a woman of superior under- 
 standing, piety, and virtue, afterwards 
 canonized was rather more effica- 
 cious, she could only bring about tem- 
 porary reconciliations, followed by re- 
 newed discontent and rebellion on the 
 part of her son. Upon one occasion, 
 that son unsuccessfully endeavoured to 
 procure the assassination of his half- 
 brother ; whom, upon another, he re- 
 quired the king to dismiss from the 
 ministerial office he held. Alfonso 
 Sanchez ended the dispute by volun- 
 tarily relinquishing his post, and quit- 
 ting Portugal ; when the prince's gra- 
 titude for the concessions he had wrung 
 from his too indulgent father displayed 
 itself in another rebellion. The unfilial 
 rebel was repeatedly vanquished, and 
 as often pardoned, by the king, whose 
 death terminated Don Alfonso's last 
 
 revolt, in the year 1324. Dennis en- 
 couraged literature, agriculture, and 
 manufactures, and expended large sums 
 in magnificence, without oppressing his 
 people. He founded the universities 
 of Lisbon arid Coimbra, and is unani- 
 mously praised by Portugueze writers 
 as one of their best kings. 
 
 Alfonso IV., upon first ascending the 
 throne, exhibited that total disregard of 
 his new duties which might have been 
 anticipated from his previous conduct. 
 The monarch who had discovered such 
 guilty impatience for sovereign power, 
 now that he was possessed of it, aban- 
 doned himself altogether to his plea- 
 sures, neglecting the affairs of his king- 
 dom. His reformation was sudden ; 
 and the manner of it is thus related : 
 The assembled council had one day 
 been long awaiting his presence, to 
 transact business of importance. The 
 king was gone a-hunting ; and upon his 
 return, entering the council- chamber in 
 his hunter's garb, he proceeded to enter- 
 tain the grave statesmen there assem- 
 bled with a circumstantial history of his 
 day's sport. When he ceased, one of 
 the ministers arose, and addressed him 
 as follows : ' Senhor, courts and camps 
 are made for kings, not forests and de- 
 serts. When kings forget themselves 
 in their amusements, the interests of 
 their people suffer ; and a whole nation 
 is exposed to inevitable ruin, if its sove- 
 reign prefer his pleasures to the duties 
 of his station. We did not come hither 
 to hear your highness narrate feats, 
 which may be admirable, but which 
 hunters only can appreciate. If your 
 highness will attend to the necessities 
 of your subjects, you will have humble 
 and faithful vassals ; if not' The ex- 
 asperated king interrupted the speaker 
 with the angry question, * What then ?*' 
 The minister quietly resumed, in his 
 former tone * if not, they will seek 
 another king.' The monarch, yet more 
 enraged, poured forth a torrent of in- 
 vectives, and burst from the room in a 
 fury ; but after a brief interval, he re- 
 turned, with recovered tranquillity, and 
 said ' I perceive the truth of your 
 words. He who will not rule as a king, 
 cannot long retain subjects. From this 
 day forward you shall find in me, not 
 Don Alfonso the Hunter, but King 
 Alfonso of Portugal.' 
 
 The king kept his word ; and thence- 
 forward not only devoted himself to the 
 duties of sovereignty, but discharged 
 them in the spirit becoming his exalted 
 
48 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 station. He promoted his father's mi- 
 nisters ; inflicted upon his former fa- 
 vourites due punishment for private 
 crimes, committed in reliance upon his 
 protection ; attended to the advice of 
 his mother, honoured the memory of 
 his father, and displayed good sense 
 and self-command in everything, except 
 the pertinacious hatred with which he 
 still persecuted his half-brother. In 
 the first Cortes he convoked, he ac- 
 cused Don Alfonso Sanchez of being 
 the sole cause of his own dissensions 
 with the deceased king, and procured 
 his condemnation as a traitor. Alfonso 
 Sanchez addressed a respectful letter 
 to his royal brother, justifying himself 
 from the crimes imputed to him, and 
 entreating the remission of his sentence. 
 Upon the rejection of his supplications, 
 he entered Portugal in arms, and com- 
 mitted great ravages. The king marched 
 in person to oppose him ; but no very 
 decided advantage was gained on either 
 side. The queen-mother now interposed, 
 and so effectually convinced her son of 
 his injustice towards his illegitimate 
 brother, and of the great merits of the 
 latter, that she achieved the seemingly 
 hopeless enterprise of reconciling the 
 fraternal enemies. 
 
 Navarre was about this time again se- 
 parated from France. Lewis 
 Navarre Hutin, king of France, had, 
 1284^1328. in 1305, inherited his mother 
 Joanna's kingdom. At his 
 death, in 1316, he left an infant daugh- 
 ter, and his queen pregnant. The child 
 proving to be a male, succeeded to both 
 kingdoms ; but died in a few days. The 
 two realms should now have been di- 
 vided, Joanna II., Lewis Hutin's daugh- 
 ter, inheriting her grandmother's crown, 
 although excluded by the Salic law from 
 the throne of her paternal ancestors. 
 But Philip the Lonsr, who succeeded 
 his brother, Lewis Hutin, as king of 
 France, likewise assumed the title of 
 king of Navarre, and his brother and 
 successor, Charles the Fair, followed his 
 .example; whilst the lawful queen, a 
 helpless infant, had no champion to 
 assert her right against the usurpers, 
 who were her uncles and natural guar- 
 dians. In 1323, the death of Charles the 
 Fair, without male issue, transferred the 
 French crown to Philip of Valois a 
 collateral heir, totally unconnected with 
 the blood of Navarre; when Joanna II. 
 was acknowledged queen. She married 
 Philip d'Evereux, a French prince, ex- 
 changed the county of Champagne with 
 
 the king of France for Angouleme and 
 some other small domains lying nearer 
 to Navarre, and repaired to that king- 
 dom so long deprived of the presence of 
 its sovereigns. 
 
 James II. of Aragon had during this 
 time added the islands of Sar- 
 dinia and Corsica to his do- Aragon 
 minions. He first obtained a 1314-1337. 
 grant of them from the Pope 
 in vassalage, and then sent his second 
 son, Don Alfonso, to reduce them. The 
 infante took part of Sardinia from the 
 Pisans, and forced them to do homage 
 for the remainder and for Corsica. In 
 1324, upon the death of the childless 
 Sancho, king of Majorca, who had 
 succeeded to his father, James II. of 
 that dependent kingdom, the king of 
 Aragon attempted to seize upon his 
 inheritance. But the remonstrances of 
 his son Philip, an ecclesiastic, induced 
 him to abandon his unjust design ; and 
 he placed James III., a son of King 
 Sancho's younger brother, Ferdinand, 
 upon the throne of Majorca, under the 
 guardianship, during his minority, of 
 his advocate Don Philip. Two years 
 afterwards, James of Aragon died, and 
 was succeeded by Alfonso IV. ; his 
 eldest son, Don James, having, with 
 the consent of the Cortes, renounced 
 his birthright, parted from his wife, and 
 entered the Order of Knights of Cala- 
 trava. 
 
 Alfonso IV. took little part in the 
 general politics of the Peninsula ; and 
 his internal government was disturbed 
 by the quarrels of his eldest son, Don. 
 Pedro, with his step-mother, Leonora of 
 Castile, and her children, towards whom 
 the heir-apparent thought his father la- 
 vishly munificent. A treaty of marriage 
 was negociated for Don Pedro with 
 Donna Joanna, the eldest daughter of 
 the Queen of Navarre ; but upon seeing 
 the infantas, he preferred the second, 
 Donna Maria, and was allowed to sub- 
 stitute one sister for the other. 
 
 Meanwhile Alfonso XI. of Castile 
 and Leon was proceeding in 
 the suppression of the distur- ftj]?$?5 
 bances that weakened his 13251333. 
 kingdom, by measures more 
 consonant with the habits of those early 
 times, than with the opinions and feel- 
 ings of men accustomed to the blessings 
 of regular government. Don John the 
 Deformed, son and heir of that Don 
 John who had given Queen Maria so 
 much trouble during her first regency, 
 and been her colleague in her second, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 was at the head of all the malecontents 
 and outlaws in the kingdom. Finding 
 him dangerously powerful, the young 
 king lured him to court, by an offer of 
 his sister Leonora s hand, and upon his 
 arrival caused him to be assassinated 
 in the royal apartments. The next day 
 he summoned an assembly of men of all 
 ranks within reach of the call, and ap- 
 pearing before them in person, justified 
 his illegal violence, upon the plea that 
 Don John was too strong for the law. 
 He also caused Don Alvaro Nunez de 
 Osorio, long his favourite, but who had 
 grossly abused his confidence, to be as- 
 sassinated in the midst of the victim's 
 own vassals and retainers. B ut these acts, 
 however criminally arbitrary, appear 
 to have originated rather in the diffi- 
 culties of Alfonso's situation and the 
 spirit of the age, which thought lightly 
 of juridical forms, than in undue harsh- 
 ness or cruelty ; as the king's conduct 
 towards the turbulent and rebellious 
 nouses of Lara and Haro, was marked 
 by judicious clemency. After com- 
 pletely subduing them, he restored their 
 forfeited honours and estates, and the 
 subsequent fidelity of those noble families 
 well repaid his generous confidence. 
 
 Being now secure at home, Alfonso 
 of Castile, in alliance with Alfonso of 
 Portugal, whose daughter Maria he had 
 married, vigorously attacked the king 
 of Granada, who during the period of 
 Castilian weakness had recovered Gib- 
 raltar. The king of Castile made vari- 
 ous conquests in Andalusia, and then 
 undertook the siege of Gibraltar. His 
 hopes of re-capturing that important 
 fortress, rested much upon his belief that 
 Mohammed of Granada's resentment 
 against the false friend, (Abul Hassan, 
 king of Fez,) who, being admitted into 
 the place as an ally, had artfully made 
 himself its muster, would induce him to 
 view its fall with indifference. 13 ut the 
 prayers of the Mussulman inhabitants 
 prevailed over Mohammed's just indig- 
 nation, and he advanced with a large 
 army to their relief. Alfonso was 
 obliged to raise the siege. He soon 
 afterwards forfeited the king of Portu- 
 gal's friendship, and involved himself in 
 new troubles by his private misconduct. 
 Having formed an illicit connexion 
 with Donna Leonora de Guzman, he 
 not only neglected, but ill-treated his 
 queen, and thwarted the negociation 
 carrying on for the marriage of her bro- 
 ther, the Infante Pedro of Portugal, 
 with his own kinswoman Constance, 
 
 to whom he had himself been affianced 
 prior to his marriage with the Por- 
 tugueze infanta; and who was the 
 daughter of a powerful and turbulent 
 Castilian prince. 
 
 Mohammed of Granada was ill re- 
 warded for his placability 
 towards the treacherous ally 
 who had robbed him of Gib- 
 raltar. He had indulged in 
 some raillery of the African generals who 
 could not, without his aid, maintain their 
 stolen fortress against the Christians ; 
 and they, in revenge, murdered their 
 taunting deliverer. His brother Jusef 
 Abul Hegiag who succeeded him, a 
 pacific and literary monarch, concluded 
 a four years' truce with Alfonso, and 
 occupied himself during its continuance 
 in improving the government and gene- 
 ral condition of his country. 
 
 At the expiration of the truce, the 
 war was renewed ; and Abul Hassan, of 
 Fez, notwithstanding all past differences 
 with the king of Granada, brought a 
 large army over from Africa, to sup- 
 port his Mussulman brethren, and de- 
 fend his own fortress of Gibraltar. In 
 his passage he was attacked by the Cas- 
 tilian fleet, which he utterly defeated, 
 landing his host in safety and triumph. 
 
 Alfonso XI. now saw himself exposed 
 tosuch imminent danger,that 
 he was obliged to look out Castile 
 
 . TT .,, , from A.D. 
 
 for assistance. He withdrew 13331350. 
 his opposition to the marriage 
 of his rejected kinswoman Constance, 
 with Don Pedro of Portugal, and em- 
 ployed his injured queen to negociate 
 his reconciliation with her indignant 
 father. The king of Portugal listened 
 to his daughter's pleadings, forgave his 
 son-in-law, and aided him with a power- 
 ful army. The king of Castile likewise 
 concluded a treaty with the king and 
 queen of Navarre, in consequence of 
 which the former joined him in person 
 at the head of their troops. Thus 
 strengthened, Alfonso sought the enemy, 
 and gained upon the banks of the Rio 
 Salado one of those signal victories, 
 which, however splendidly complete in 
 themselves, appear imperfect to Spanish 
 arrogance without the usual addition of 
 a miraculous disproportion in the num- 
 bers of the slain. Upon this occasion 
 200,000 misbelievers are asserted to 
 have been put to the sword, with a loss 
 of only twenty Christians. The magni- 
 tude of the victory was better proved by 
 the capture of Algeziras, defended by 
 the Moors, it is said, with artillery, then 
 E 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUQAL. 
 
 first mentioned in Spanish history. In 
 the year 1350, Alfonso again laid siege 
 to Gibraltar ; but the plague broke out 
 in his army, as he lay before the fortress, 
 and the king himself was amongst its 
 victims. His reign is unfavourably dis- 
 tinguished by the first imposition of the 
 Alcavala, the most onerous and ruinous 
 of Spanish taxes. It is a duty upon 
 every sale, however trifling, and extend- 
 ing even to the necessaries of life. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Rebellions in Granada, Jusef murdered 
 Mohammed V. dethroned The 
 usurper Jsmael II. supplanted and 
 murdered by Abu Said Pedro IV. of 
 Aragon dethrones James of Majorca 
 and unites Majorca to Aragon Civil 
 wars in Aragon Rebellions against 
 Pedro the Cruel of Castile Alfonso 
 IV. of Portugal puts to death Inezde 
 Castro, his son Pedro's wife or mis- 
 tress Pedro's fierce revenge Abu 
 Said of Granada murdered by Pedro 
 of Castile Henry of Transtamar 
 dethrones Pedro and usurps the 
 crown The Black Prince restores 
 Pedro He is again dethroned, and as- 
 sassinated by Henry, who, threatened 
 by Portugal, Aragon, Granada, and 
 Navarre, procures peace and friend- 
 ship with all Ferdinand of Portu- 
 gal's levity Charles II. of Navarre 
 robbed of Champagne by the French.* 
 
 FOUR years after the last unsuccessful 
 siege of Gibraltar by the Cas- 
 Som^o tuians Jusef of Granada was 
 1338^-136*1. assassinated by a madman, 
 and succeeded by his son 
 Mohammed V., a mild and generous 
 prince. Mohammed concluded a truce 
 with Castile, confirmed the peace with 
 Fez, and ruled in tranquillity. But he was 
 not long permitted to enjoy the reward 
 of his virtues. His brother-in-law Abu 
 Said organized a conspiracy, the object 
 of which was to place Mohammed's 
 brother Ismael upon the throne. Noc- 
 turnal murderers scaled the palace 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter, are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, 
 Da Costa, Maries. La Ciede, Universal Modern 
 History. CoUeccao de Lirros ineditos de Historia 
 Portugueza, publicadot de ordem da Academia de 
 Sciencias de Lisboi, 5 torn. fol. Lisboa, 1790, 1793, 
 1816 a collection of the old Chronicles which 
 constitute the historical wealth of Portuguese lite- 
 rature. These are written by men who from their 
 public employments had every opportunity of 
 knowing facts. 
 
 walls, and broke into its innermost re- 
 cesses. The king only escaped their 
 daggers by the address and presence of 
 mind of one of his wives. Whilst the 
 ruffians were plundering the state apart- 
 ments, she disguised the monarch in the 
 garb of a female slave, in which he 
 made his way out of the palace. He 
 fled to Guadix, which received, and re- 
 mained faithful to him. Ismael II., 
 who now wore the crown, was a feeble 
 and voluptuous prince, in whose name 
 Abu Said, as hagib, governed abso- 
 lutely. Subordinate authority, however, 
 did not long satisfy Abu Said. He 
 soon aspired to the honours as well as 
 the power of royalty, and found it far 
 easier to excite a rebellion against 
 Ismael, whom he had himself rendered 
 unpopular, than against the amiable 
 Mohammed. Ismael lost his life with 
 his usurped crown, and Abu Said was 
 king of Granada. 
 
 Previous to the events just narrated, 
 Joanna II. of Navarre had 
 left her throne to her son Navarre 
 Charles II. ; Charles the 53Lu. 
 Fair of France, ranking as 
 the first of that name in Navarre. The 
 early years of the new king's reign be- 
 long altogether to the history of France. 
 His French domains gave him the right 
 of interference, and he acted a leading- 
 part in all the cabals and civil commo- 
 tions which distracted that unhappy 
 country during the calamitous season 
 consequent upon the victories of Edward 
 III. of England. Amidst these general 
 disorders, Charles was accused of com- 
 mitting great crimes ; whence his odious 
 surname of the Wicked. If he were guilty 
 of such, he was duly punished. His 
 accomplice, and perhaps his calum- 
 niator, the Dauphin, made his own 
 peace with his father, John of France, 
 by betraying Charles to his vengeance ; 
 and the king of Navarre was "thrown 
 into a prison, from which he was only 
 released by a stratagem of his brother, 
 Don Philip. He did not return to 
 Navarre till the year 1362. 
 
 In "Aragon Pedro IV. had ascended 
 the throne, A.D. 1336, and by 
 attempting to deprive his f^JJ^JJ 
 step-mot her and her children 1337 "135 i. 
 of his father's gifts, involved 
 himself in war with Castile. The dis- 
 pute was at length settled by papal 
 mediation ; the queen-dowager and the 
 infantes retained their grants, but with- 
 out prejudice to the king's sovereignty. 
 Pedro's next attack was upon James 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 III. of Majorca, who had done homage 
 to the deceased king Alfonso, and mar- 
 ried his daughter Constance. In re- 
 venue for some very trifling oti'ence 
 received from James, Pedro is said to 
 have secretly instigated him to refuse 
 the homage due to the king of France 
 for his French provinces ; then to have 
 summoned him before the Cortes as- 
 sembled at Barcelona, and accused him, 
 amongst other transgressions, of having 
 made war upon France without his per- 
 mission. He next sent his brother, the 
 Infante James, to Majorca, to fetch 
 their sister, Queen Constance, away 
 from her husband's palace. The indig- 
 nant King James renounced his allegi- 
 ance to Aragon ; and his brother-in-law, 
 pronouncing his dominions forfeited by 
 such contumacy, invaded Majorca in 
 person, and commissioned his brother 
 to attack the French provinces. The 
 Mnjorcans deserted their sovereign, who 
 thereupon fled to France ; when Pedro 
 possessed himself of the island, and 
 shortly afterwards of all his injured 
 kinsman's French territories, with the 
 solitary exception of Montpelier, which 
 the despoiled king sold to France, for a 
 sum of money to supply him with means 
 to attempt recovering the rest of his 
 heritage. In that attempt he was slain, 
 and his son Don James taken prisoner. 
 For years Don James, the younger, lan- 
 guished in an Aragonese prison ; whence 
 at length effecting his escape, he fled to 
 Avignon, and there found a protector 
 in the pope. In 1362, his personal 
 advantages induced Queen Joanna I., 
 of Naples, to marry him. He subse- 
 quently accompanied Edward the Black 
 Prince upon his Castilian expedition, 
 hoping thus to find some opportunity of 
 regaining possession of his patrimonial 
 kingdom. After various fruitless efforts, 
 he died, A.D. 1375, without children, 
 and bequeathed his claims to his friend 
 and patron, the Duke of Anjou. 
 
 Pedro, immediately upon his conquest 
 of the king of Majorca's dominions, so- 
 lemnly reunited them to the crown of 
 Aragon, never more to be dissevered. 
 
 Pedro had hitherto prospered in every 
 enterprise, however unjust. He now 
 encountered obloquy and rebellion for 
 conduct perfectly lawful. His marriage 
 with the Infanta of Navarre had pro- 
 duced only daughters ; and the right of 
 females to succeed having been estab- 
 lished in Aragon by the reign of Queen 
 Petronilla, from whom he himself derived 
 his title, he endeavoured to obtain the 
 
 recognition of the eldest Infanta, Con- 
 stance, as his heiress. His brother, Don 
 James, immediately prepared to oppose 
 this measure, by organizing a confede- 
 racy of Aragonese nobles, under the 
 name of the Union, a sort of legal insur- 
 rection. The Union compelled Pedro 
 to convoke the Cortes at Saragossa ; 
 and in that assembly their superior in- 
 fluence constrained him. not only to 
 endure very violent language, including 
 threats of personal outra e, but also to 
 acknowledge Don James as his heir, 
 in preference to his daughters, and to 
 surrender various royal prerogatives. 
 Against these concessions the king 
 secretly protested ; an act of meanness 
 not to be excused, even by the justice of 
 the cause for which he contended, the 
 maintenance of his daughter's rights. 
 
 The death of Don James, whom the 
 king was accused of poisoning, produced 
 little change, his half-brother, Don Fer- 
 dinand, taking his place with the Ara- 
 gonese Union, and with a similar con- 
 federacy, subsequently formed in Va- 
 lencia. " After a long struggle, the king 
 triumphed over both, and forthwith tore 
 in pieces the charter granting the con- 
 cessions extorted from him. Whether 
 he could have carried his point with 
 respect to his daughter's succession, 
 however, remains doubtful, the question 
 having been fortunately set aside by his 
 second marriage with the Infanta Leo- 
 nora of Portugal, who brought him two 
 sons. 
 
 The throne of Leon and Castile was 
 now occupied by Pedro the 
 Cruel, another hateful sur- Castile 
 
 , , i A from A.D. 
 
 name, which some later wn- 13501355. 
 ters, judging the unfortunate 
 monarch who bore it more leniently, 
 have endeavoured to transmute into el 
 Justiciero, which means the severe judge. 
 These writers assert that it was only to 
 his inexorable severity in the dispensa- 
 tion of justice that Pedro of Castile owed 
 the vituperative epithet. And it is to be 
 remembered on his behalf that the histo- 
 rians who have loaded his memory with 
 every kind of reproach lived under the 
 sway of his triumphant and fratricidal 
 rival, or of those who inherited the throne 
 through that rival. Pedro was assuredly 
 not destitute of good qualities ; but even 
 if we suppose, what is reasonable enough, 
 that the troubles, which distracted the 
 beginning of his reign, confirmed and 
 heightened a natural severity of temper, 
 if we allow that most of the executions 
 he commanded were deserved, and re- 
 E2 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ject all unproved accusations of secret 
 murders, it must still be impossible 
 wholly to acquit of cruelty a king whose 
 reign abounded in imprisonment, exile, 
 confiscation, and sentence of death to 
 such an extent as did Pedro's. No re- 
 sentment for the wrongs of his mother 
 can excuse his putting to death his 
 father's mistress, Leonora de Guzman. 
 Whether his wife, Blanche de Bourbon, 
 died naturally or by violence, is pro- 
 blematical. He is accused of having 
 caused her to be poisoned. He certainly 
 neglected, ill-used, and illegally divorced 
 her ; and finally imprisoned her, when 
 she had irritated him by taking sanctuary 
 in the Cathedral of Toledo, and publicly 
 haranguing the people upon the injuries 
 she had endured, and those she appre- 
 hended. In that captivity she died. 
 
 This treatment of the queen so dis- 
 pleased Pedro's mother, the queen- 
 dowager, who had negociated the mar- 
 riage, that she joined with three sons of 
 her murdered rival, Leonora de Guzman, 
 Henry, Frederick, and Tello, in the re- 
 bellion they raised against the king. 
 
 The conduct of Queen Maria upon 
 this occasion, if it tells against Pedro, 
 seems to acquit her of the charge very 
 -generally brought against her, of having 
 been the instigator, as well as the cause, 
 of Leonora's death. This first rebellion 
 Pedro easily suppressed, and one of its 
 heads, Don Frederick, he executed ; but 
 Don Henry, count of Transtamar, and 
 Don Tello, escaped, and fled, as did 
 many of their adherents, taking refuge in 
 different neighbouring kingdoms. The 
 presence of those who were sheltered in 
 Portugal is said to have been one of the 
 proximate causes of a melancholy catas- 
 trophe in that kingdom, the details of 
 which give to history the pathos and 
 interest of romance. 
 
 Alfonso of Portugal, after repulsing 
 the Mussulman forces that 
 f m A 8 D i nvau< ed his province of Al- 
 iS-Vsf;;. garve, in revenge for the as- 
 sistance he had given his 
 Castilian son-in-law, at the battle of the 
 Rio Salado, reigned many years in peace 
 and prosperity. This period of happiness 
 might have endured to the close of his 
 life, had it not been interrupted by "the 
 above-mentioned catastrophe, originating 
 in his own excessive severity ; a temper 
 of mind which so frequently characterizes 
 the old age of those who, in youth, dis- 
 regarded the restraints of moral principle. 
 
 The Infante Pedro, although he lived 
 in perfect harmony with his wife Con- 
 
 stance, had conceived a violent passion 
 for Inez de Castro, the daughter of a 
 noble Castilian, who had long before 
 sought an asylum in Portugal. The 
 attachment was mutual, but is said to 
 have been strenuously resisted on both 
 sides during the life of the princess, and 
 kept at least within the bounds of per- 
 sonal chastity. Its symptoms could not, 
 however, escape a wife's observation ; 
 and the excess of her jealousy is believed 
 to have preyed upon the frame of Con- 
 stance, and hastened her end. The king, 
 who was as quick-sighted as his daugh- 
 ter-in-law, had early endeavoured to 
 guard against the future possibility of 
 so disproportionate a marriage, by in- 
 viting Donna Inez to stand godmother 
 to one of the infantas children ; the 
 spiritual connexion between the father 
 and godmother of a child being, in the 
 Church of Rome, a bar to wedlock, as in- 
 superable as natural affinity. But when 
 the princess's death removed every real 
 obstacle, Don Pedro's passion set all 
 fanciful impediments at defiance; He 
 obtained ecclesiastical dispensation, and 
 secretly married Inez ; but dread of his 
 father's wrath induced him to conceal 
 the lawful nature of their union, and 
 submit to the imputations thus brought 
 upon his wife's character. Inez lived in 
 profound seclusion at. Coimbra, where 
 she became the mother of four children, 
 the Infantes Alfonso, John, and Dennis, 
 and the Infanta Beatrice. When her 
 countrymen fled to Portugal from the 
 anger of Pedro the Cruel, she procured 
 for them the prince's protection; and 
 the populace, who always hated Cas- 
 tilians, and now saw these foreigners 
 loaded with kindness, were provoked to 
 virulent invectives against the Castilian 
 mistress. The secret of the marriage 
 seems to have been suspected at court ; 
 and some royal favourites, who, being 
 at variance with the brothers of Donna 
 Inez, both envied and feared the influ- 
 ence they would be likely to enjoy when 
 their, sister should be queen, took this 
 opportunity of working upon the old 
 king's good qualities, to render him in- 
 veterate against his unfortunate daugh- 
 ter-in-law. They excited in his bosom 
 fears for the safety of his eldest grandson 
 Ferdinand, the child of Constance; fears 
 for the continuance of peace with Cas- 
 tile ; and alleged that the death of Inez 
 was indispensable to the public security. 
 The queen warned her son of the im- 
 pending storm ; but he, deeming his 
 father incapable of such barbarity, con- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 53 
 
 sidered her warning as a stratagem to 
 force his consent to some one of the 
 many matrimonial proposals with which 
 he had been persecuted ever since the 
 death of Constance ; % and disregarded it 
 accordingly. The enemies of Inez 
 now persuaded the king to take ad- 
 vantage of his son's casual absence upon 
 a hunting excursion, to visit Coimbra in 
 person, and there execute his cruel 
 purpose. Inez, terrified at so unex- 
 pected an intrusion into her retreat, 
 prostrated herself with her infants at 
 Alfonso's feet, and implored mercy for 
 the mother of his grandchildren. The 
 grandfather's feelings were touched, and 
 he left her unharmed. But the argu- 
 ments of his favourites, Gonsalves, Pa- 
 checo, and Coelho, who had attended 
 him to Coimbra, taught him to despise 
 his compassion as a weakness, and in- 
 duced him to authorize them to perpe- 
 trate the crime they urged. The three 
 courtiers hurried back, buried their 
 daggers in the bosom of their defence- 
 less victim, and rejoined their master 
 with hands dyed in the blood of his 
 daughter-in-law. 
 
 The grief and rage of Don 
 
 when apprized of his loss, bonten 
 upon madness, and exercised a fearful 
 influence over much of his subsequent 
 life. Revenge became his ruling pas- 
 sion, and it is difficult to condemn even 
 the criminal excess of a resentment so 
 just. The prince immediately revolted 
 agidnst his father, deluged one half of 
 Portugal in blood, and was proceeding 
 to devastate the other half, when his 
 motl.er's interposition stayed his fury. 
 He listened to her remonstrances upon 
 the injustice of punishing the people for 
 their sovereign's crime ; and, laying down 
 his aims, submitted to a reconciliation 
 with his father. The king employed all 
 means to appease his son, and divert his 
 thoughts from the murdered Inez. Her 
 assassins he sent out of the country to 
 secure them from future revenge, and 
 trusted that the hapless wife was for- 
 gotten, wlu-n the widower formed an 
 illicit connexion with a Galician lady 
 named Theresa Lourenco. The lovers 
 of romance maintain that Don Pedro 
 took this mistress solely to avert his 
 father's importunity fur his marrying 
 again. But without giving him perfect 
 credit for a fidelity so strangely proved, 
 his subsequent conduct showed that 
 Inez was any thing but forgotten. 
 
 In 1357 Alfonso IV. died; and this 
 rebellious .son and cruel father is de- 
 
 scribed by all Portugueze historians as 
 an excellent king under whom the 
 country nourished. Pedro of Portugal's 
 first thought upon ascendingjhe throne 
 was vengeance for the murder of his 
 W.ijfe, ..For this purpose his first step 
 was to conclude a treaty with Pedro of 
 Castile, in whose dominions the mur- 
 derers resided, for the mutual restitu- 
 tion of fugitive offenders. Further to 
 secure his grand object the king of Por- 
 tugal agreed to the marriage of his- 
 three sons, Ferdinand, John, and Den- 
 nis, Alfonso was dead with three 
 of the king of Castile's daughters 
 by Maria de Padilla, a lady whom 
 Pedro the Cruel loved with an un- 
 bounded passion, to which his ill treat- 
 ment of his queen is attributed. The 
 Castilian fugitives required in exchange 
 for the murderers of Inez, are said to 
 have been innocent men, unjustly perse- 
 cuted by Pedro the Gruel's hatred. The 
 more favourable view taken of that mo- 
 narch's character would render this im- 
 probable ; but at all events the Portu- 
 gueze Pedro's thirst of vengeance was 
 too ardent, to hesitate at almost any sa- 
 crifice that might insure its gratification. 
 He obtained possession of only two of 
 the objects of his hatred, Gonsalves and 
 Ccelho ; Pacheco, having received an 
 intimation of his danger, had escaped 
 into Aragon. Pedro put his wife's as- 
 sassins to death with tortures too hor- 
 rible for description, and glutted his eyes 
 with their sufferings. The next measure, 
 prompted by his excessive and unalter- 
 able passion, if less morally objection- 
 able, partakes more of insanity. After 
 having solemnly sworn before the as- 
 sembled Cortes that he had obtained a 
 papal dispensation, and been lawfully 
 married to Inez de Castro, in the 
 presence of the bishop Guarda, and 
 his own chief equerry, both of whom 
 confirmed his oath by theirs, he ordered 
 her corse to be raised from the tomb, 
 her coronation to be celebrated with 
 every civil and religious rite, and her 
 dead hand to be kissed by all who 
 would have rendered that homage to the 
 living queen, beginning with her step- 
 son and his heir, the Infante Ferdinand. 
 The remains of Inez were then re-in- 
 terred with appropriate honours in the 
 royal sepulchre at Alcobaca, whither, 
 during his whole after life* Pedro was 
 in the frequent habit of retiring, to- in- 
 dulge in meditation over the grave of 
 his wife, and that destined for himself. 
 The children of Inez were of course 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 declared legitimate, and all her attend- 
 ants were profusely rewarded. 
 
 Having thus in some degree vented 
 the intensity of his agony, Pedro became 
 very much humanised ; and although 
 the two surnames of the Cruel and the 
 Justiciary have been awarded to him 
 as well as to Pedro of Castile, his right 
 to the last in preference to the first 
 does not rest upon grounds so ques- 
 tionable, as in the case of his namesake 
 and contemporary. Actual cruelty he 
 seems never to have displayed, save in 
 reference to the murder of Inez. In his 
 subsequent conduct, the unrelenting se- 
 verity which characterised his rigid 
 administration of the law, was regulated 
 by such impartial justice, without ex- 
 ception of persons, that it does not 
 appear to have excited dissatisfaction 
 in his subjects, or in historians of his 
 own times and country. His implaca- 
 bility was besides accompanied by an 
 equally unbounded generosity. Not 
 only was he munificent in his gifts and 
 rewards, but, what was more felt and 
 valued by the bulk of his people, he re- 
 mitted taxes to a previously unexampled 
 extent. The power of conferring be- 
 nefits in two forms, to most princes in- 
 compatible, was the result of habitual 
 frugality ; for although upon necessary 
 occasions Pedro exhibited the utmost 
 magnificence, his ordinary mode of life 
 was that of a private gentleman. He 
 was accessible alike to high and low; 
 and his foreign policy was wholly go- 
 verned by the interests of Portugal. He 
 quickly perceived how much his treaty 
 with Castile tended to involve him in 
 the broils of that distracted country, and 
 immediately proceeded to set it aside, 
 sending home the Castilian bride affi- 
 anced to Don Ferdinand, with her ample 
 portion, upon the plea of his son's dis- 
 inclination to the marriage ; a measure 
 highly gratifying to the Portugueze 
 nation. Pedro of Portugal was the 
 only peninsular king who kept clear of 
 the civil wars of Castile. 
 
 Castile, during Pedro the Gruel's 
 reign, was in fact a constant scene of 
 hostilities, foreign or domestic. She was 
 involved in the disorders and rebellions 
 
 of Granada, supporting the 
 'from** lawfu l but dethroned king, 
 1361^-1391. Mohammed. And although 
 
 that patriotic monarch is said 
 to have declined a support, the use of 
 which must cost Granadan blood, the 
 king of Castile waged war so success- 
 fully on his behalf, that the usurper, 
 
 Abu Said, judged it advisable to repair 
 in person to Seville, for the purpose of 
 endeavouring to make peace. Pedro 
 took the opportunity 1o serve his ally 
 very effectually, though after a fashion 
 which leaves an indelible blot upon 
 his character. He received his Mus- 
 sulman visit er courteously, and feasted 
 him splendidly ; but that very night, 
 or the following morning, caused him 
 to be massacred, with his whole train ; 
 mainly tempted, as his enemies averred, 
 by the immense value of their dress, 
 and horse trappings. Mohammed V. 
 immediately recovered his crown, and 
 his second reign was undisturbed by 
 aught, save that interference in the 
 Castilian troubles to which gratitude to 
 Pedro impelled him. 
 
 The civil commotions menacing Pedro 
 were not long suspended. His 
 cruelty produced general dis- , Castile 
 
 it- L- 11 j it. irom A D. 
 
 affection ; and he made the 13551366. 
 two powerful families of 
 Castro and Haro his especial and bitter 
 enemies, by conduct that appears al- 
 together unaccountable. Notwithstand- 
 ing his passion for Maria de Padilla, 
 he had no sooner divorced Queen 
 Blanche, than he married Donna Joanna 
 de Castro, the widow of Don Diego de 
 Haro; and shortly afterwards, without 
 alleging any reason whatever, divorced 
 her in her turn ; when he married his 
 mistress. Henry of Transtamar, who 
 had been sheltered in France, taking 
 advantage of a state of affairs so fa- 
 vourable to his ambitious views, raised 
 a strong body of mercenary adventurers, 
 obtained the renowned French warrior, 
 Bertiand du Guesclin, as their leader, 
 and invaded Castile, where he was 
 joined by numbers of malecontents. 
 Pedro was speedily overpowered ; and 
 whilst Henry was proclaimed king by 
 his adherents, and crowned at Burgos, 
 the discomfited and dethroned mo- 
 narch fled to Bourdeaux, at that time 
 the capital of the English dominions in 
 France. There Edward the Black Prince 
 held his court ; and Pedro of Castile 
 implored his aid. The chivalrous spirit 
 of the Brii ish hero was touched by the 
 sight of a fugitive and suppliant king, 
 however faulty, expelled from his here- 
 ditary realms by a base born brother ; 
 and he agreed to escort Pedro back to 
 his dominions at the head of 30,000 
 men. 
 
 Henry meanwhile was active in pre- 
 parations to maintain his usurped king- 
 dom. He purchased the alliance of 
 
^HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Pedro of Aragon, by a promise of 
 ceding Murria to him ; and that of 
 Charles of Navarre, who un- 
 Navarre dertook to iruard the passes 
 la-\3ffl. of the Pyrenees against the 
 invaders, for a sum of money. 
 Pedro, on the other hand, offered Charles 
 the towns of Vitoria and Logrono as the 
 price of a free passage ; and the king of 
 Navarre managed to earn both bribes. 
 He hired Oliver de Manny, a cousin of 
 du Guesclin's, to surprise and make him, 
 the king of Navarre, a prisoner : thus 
 rendering apparently impossible the 
 execution of his engagement to defend 
 the Pyrenean passes. When his pur- 
 pose was answered, that is to say, when 
 Edward and Pedro had crossed the 
 mountains and traversed Navarre, 
 Charles desired to be released ; but his 
 captor demanded an exorbitant ransom 
 in addition to the sum agreed upon, as 
 the price of the job. Charles assented 
 without making the least difficulty ; left 
 his son in pawn in the castle of Borja, 
 where he had himself been confined, and 
 took de Manny with him to Tudela, 
 under colour of there paying him. At 
 Tudela, instead of submitting to the 
 attempted extortion, he put de Manny 
 to death ; and with the help of the king 
 of Aragon, who was anxious to pre- 
 serve his friendship, he constrained the 
 garrison of the castle of Borja to deliver 
 up his son. 
 
 Meanwhile the Black Prince and his 
 protege had derived from 
 Castile the king of Navarre's strange 
 im^im. artifice all the advantage 
 they desired, and reached 
 Castile unimpeded. Henry encountered 
 them at the head of 100,000 men, all 
 new levies, except the French bands ; 
 and, against the advice of du Guesclin, 
 gave battle near Najera. The French 
 troops were chiefly former followers of 
 the Black Prince in his French wars, 
 disbanded since the peace ; and at sight 
 of the commander under whom they 
 were accustomed to conquer, deserting 
 their new leaders, they joined Edward's 
 ranks. The superiority of number was 
 still however on the side of Henry ; but 
 his raw host was easily defeated by the 
 smaller army of veterans. Du Guesclin 
 was made prisoner ; Henry again fled to 
 France ; and Pedro was again sovereign 
 of Leon and Castile. 
 
 The influence of the Black Prince is 
 said to have moderated Pedro's resent- 
 ment against the subjects who had for- 
 saken or opposed him. But Edward, 
 
 55 
 
 ere long, led back his troops to Bour- 
 deaux, having contracted, during an 
 arduous campaign in a hot climate, the 
 malady that prematurely ended his glo- 
 rious career ; when Pedro, released 
 from the beneficial control of a man so 
 truly great as his English protector, 
 pursued the friends of Henry with a 
 relentless vengeance that once more 
 provoked insurrection. His fugitive 
 rival, who was traversing Europe in 
 search of assistance, having obtained 
 from pope Urban V. an unaccountable 
 declaration of his legitimacy, and from 
 Charles V. of France a sum of money, 
 with which he ransomed du Guesclin, 
 and raised fresh troops, now again in- 
 vaded Castile, taking his way through 
 Catalonia and Aragon. The disaffected, 
 in numbers larger than before, flocked 
 to his standard. The hostile brothers 
 fought with troops less different in 
 quality than upon the former occasion, 
 and du Guesclin's abilities, no longer 
 opposed by those of an antagonist, his 
 equal, if not his superior, insured the 
 victory to Henry. Pedro took refuge 
 in Montiel, where he was besieged. He 
 attempted to purchase from du Guesclin 
 a free passage through his quarters. To 
 lure him from his strong-hold, the 
 French knight accepted his offer; and, 
 receiving the confiding king in person, 
 betrayed him to Henry, who instantly 
 plunged his sword into the heart of his 
 now defenceless brother. 
 
 The conqueror was thus, in the year 
 1369, a sei-ond time seated upon the 
 throne of Leon and Castile, as Henry 
 II. ; and he gained the affections of his 
 subjects by the affability of his manners, 
 and a liberality so profuse, that his 
 grants were long afterwards distin- 
 guished by his name as Henriquenas, 
 and that he himself, in his last will, 
 thought fit to endeavour partially to 
 revoke or limit them. But whatever 
 his conduct might have been, it was 
 impossible that a kingdom held in such 
 direct contravention of all law should 
 be held in peace. Enemies and pre- 
 tenders to the crown arose on all sides. 
 Ferdinand king of Portugal, who two 
 years before had succeeded 
 to his father, had at first sup- ^^ 
 ported the count of Transta- 13671369. 
 mar in his opposition to a 
 tyrannical king ; but, upon the murder 
 of the latter, he declared vehemently 
 against the fratricide, and laid claim to 
 the crown for himself in right of his 
 grandmother Beatrice, the daughter of 
 
56 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 Sancho the Brave. In prosecution of 
 these pretensions he coined money bear- 
 ing the arms of Castile, invited the par- 
 tizans of Pedro to his court, surrounding 
 himself with Castilian malecontents, 
 "betwixt whom and the Portu<rueze, to 
 the great dissatisfadicn of the latter, he 
 affected to make no distinction, and 
 sought the alliance of the kings of 
 Aragon and Granada, asking in mar- 
 riage the Infanta Leonora, daughter to 
 the former. He entered Galicia at the 
 head of a small army, took several 
 places, and committed great ravages. 
 
 John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, 
 was another pretender to the 
 
 Castile crown, which he claimed, 
 
 from A.D. , .. , . . , , ;. 
 
 13691370. more plausibly, in right of 
 his second wife, Constance, 
 Pedro's eldest daughter by Maria de 
 Padilla. It is to be observed that, at 
 the early period in question, the niceties 
 of law opposed but feeble barriers to a 
 monarch's will, when none were par- 
 ticularly interested in supporting its 
 rules ; and that extraordinary facilities 
 were afforded to the subsequent legiti- 
 mation of the offspring of guilty con- 
 nexions. Pedro's marriage with Maria 
 de Padilla seems to have been legal. 
 He was never properly divorced from 
 Blanche de Bourbon : consequently his 
 marriage with Joanna de Castro, con- 
 tracted in the life-time of his first wife, 
 was absolutely invalid ; and the infor- 
 mality of his 'divorce from a lady who 
 never was legally his wife, could be no 
 bar, after the death of Blanche, to his 
 espousing Maria. But Pedro had not 
 rested the claims of her children upon 
 such legitimation. Whether conform- 
 ably or rot to truth, he solemnly de- 
 clared, that he had been married to 
 Donna Maria prior to his marriage with 
 Blanche, and that she had thus been 
 his only lawful wife. And upon this 
 declaration he caused her son, Don 
 Alfonso, who died soon afterwards, to 
 be acknowledged as his heir. 
 
 The younger children of Pedro and 
 Maria were defended against Henry in 
 Carmona. The kings of Aragon and 
 Navarre began hostilities to enforce 
 their lespective pretensions to Murcia, 
 and to the towns of Vitoria and Logrono; 
 and the king of Granada invaded Anda- 
 lusia 10 avenge the murder of an ally 
 whom he had constantly supported. 
 Henry proved himself worthy of the sta- 
 tion he had usurped, by the resolution 
 and ability with which he made head 
 against this_multitude of foes. 
 
 He first turned his arms against Por- 
 tugal ; and entering that kingdom with 
 a powerful army, captured the towns of 
 Braganza and Braga, and committed 
 such ravages as constrained Ferdinand 
 to evacuate Galicia, and hurry home 
 to defend his own dominions. Henry 
 was, in his turn, recalled from invading 
 another's kingdom to defend his own 
 against the Moors. With Mohammed 
 of Granada, however, he soon found 
 means to negociate a long truce, which 
 left the Mussulman sovereign at liberty 
 to devote himself wholly to the occu- 
 pation he preferred that of promoting 
 the internal prosperity of his realm. 
 
 Ferdinand, during the continuance of 
 this diversion, diligently in- 
 creased his preparations for j*J"^ 
 carrying on the war with ioC9 ia/a 
 vigour, and sent a large sum 
 of money to the king of Aragon, to defray 
 the expenses both of that monarch's co- 
 operation, and of conveying the Infanta, 
 Ferdinand's affianced bride, to Portu- 
 gal. But in the midst of these energetic 
 measures, the king of Portugal sud- 
 denly gave ear to pacific overtures from 
 Henry, and finally made peace with 
 him one condition being Ferdinand's 
 marriage with the Infanta, Leonora of 
 Castile, who was to bring him several 
 towns for her portion. Pedro of Aragon 
 kept Ferdinand's money in compensa- 
 tion for the insult offered to his daugh- 
 ter, and for the desertion of his alliance. 
 The sum is said to have been large 
 enough to embarrass the Portugueze 
 finances, and occasion a tampering with 
 the coin of the realm, which was one 
 of the causes of the disorders of Ferdi- 
 nand's reign. 
 
 The peace between Castile and Portu- 
 gal was not long-lived. The royal nup- 
 tials had already been celebrated by 
 proxy, when Ferdinand, who was cha- 
 racterised by a levity, the very reverse 
 of his father's disposition, fell in love 
 with a third Leonora, daughter to Don 
 Martin Alfonso Telles and wife to Don 
 John LourenO da Cunha. He fiist 
 disclosed his passion to the sister of its 
 object, Donna Maria Telles, lady of 
 honour to his own sister, the Infanta 
 Beatrice. Donna Maria remonstrated 
 against an attachment incompatible with 
 the king's or her sister's honour the 
 one being engaged, the other actually 
 married. The king and the lady equally 
 disregarded such representations. A 
 divorce was procured, upon the plea 
 of relationship between Donna Leonora 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 57 
 
 and her husband, who made no effort 
 to retain a wife so desirous of leaving 
 him ; and the Portugueze monarch in- 
 formed the kine; of Castile, with many 
 apologies, that the sudden entanglement 
 of his affections prevented the fulfilment 
 of his contract with the Infanta, but 
 that he was ready to observe the treaty 
 in every other respect. Henry replied, 
 that he was at no loss to find husbands 
 for his daughters, and Ihe king: of Por- 
 tugal, provided he executed the rest of 
 the treaty, might marry whomsoever he 
 pleased. The new queen of Portugal, 
 nevertheless, always regarded her rival's 
 father as her personal enemy, and la- 
 boured to re-kindle the war between 
 the two kingdoms. An alliance was 
 speedily concluded with the duke of 
 Lancaster, to whose claims Ferdinand 
 Was now willing to postpone his own. 
 In consequence of this alliance, Fer- 
 dinand again invaded Castile ; but was 
 so thoroughly routed by Henry's supe- 
 rior force, ere his English ally could 
 arrive, that he was glad to accept the 
 papal nuncio's offer of mediation, and 
 conclude a peace, with the double mar- 
 riage of Henry's brother, Don Sancho, 
 to Ferdinand's sister, the Infanta Bea- 
 trice, and of the natural son of one king 
 to the natural daughter of the other. 
 During the first brief interval of peace 
 with Portugal, Henry had 
 besieged Carmona, reduced 
 it by famine, and thus ob- 
 tained possession of his pre- 
 younger children. His dif- 
 ferences with Aragon and Navarre were 
 settled by negociation, and by mar- 
 riage, which seems to have been his 
 favourite means of conciliation. The 
 king of Aragon renounced his pre- 
 tensions to Murcia, in consideration of 
 securing to his daughter Leonora, the 
 first rejected bride of the king of Por- 
 tugal, the Castilian throne, by her union 
 with Don John, Henry's eldest son and 
 heir; and Charles of Navarre sold his 
 claims upon Vitoria and Logrono for a 
 good price in money, in addition to a 
 large wedding portion with Ferdinand's 
 second rejected bride, the Castilian Leo- 
 nora, who married Prince Charles, his 
 eldest son and heir. The duke of Lan- 
 caster, seeing himself deprived of all 
 peninsular allies, took no active step to 
 advance his wife's title to the kingdom 
 in Henry's life-time. 
 
 Thus at peace with all his neigh- 
 bours, and secure at home from compe- 
 titors for his crown, Henry proceeded 
 
 Castile 
 from A.D. 
 13701379. 
 
 decessor's 
 
 to allay the disorders created by long 
 continued civil war. This he happily 
 effected, and raised his kingdom to a 
 hi^h state of prosperity. He assisted 
 France in all her wars with England, 
 either through gratitude to Charles V., 
 or, in order to prevent, by occupying 
 the English forces in France, Edward 
 III.'s active interference in behalf of his 
 daughter-in-law, the duchess of Lan- 
 caster; and he observed a strict neu- 
 trality in the great schism which then 
 divided the church throughout Europe 
 between the rival Popes, Urban VI. 
 and Clement VII., notwithstanding the 
 efforts of the French king to induce 
 him to declare for Clement, who had 
 established his court at Avignon. Henry 
 died A.D. 1379. 
 
 Under Henry II. the Jews first began 
 to be really oppressed in Spain. They 
 had indeed undergone a brief persecution 
 during: the minority of Alfonso XI. ; but 
 that king himself restored their privi- 
 leges, and prohibited his tribunals' from 
 granting to Christian debtors protec- 
 tion against their Jewish creditors; such 
 an exemption from paying of debts 
 being one great incentive to persecu- 
 tion. But in the contest between Pedro 
 and Henry, the Jews had sided with the 
 former; and in consequence their fa- 
 vour, as doing them justice was called, 
 ceased, though they were still occasion- 
 ally employed as financiers. 
 
 Pedro of Aragon, after his daughter's 
 marriage to the Castilian 
 heir- apparent, remained at Aragon 
 peace with his Spanish S-lak 
 neighbours ; but not in per- 
 fect tranquillity. His kingdom of Sardinia 
 was a constant source of trouble to him : 
 it involved him in disputes with the 
 Popes, and he could never effectually 
 subdue the independent temper of the na- 
 tives. Upon the death of the king of Sicily, 
 leaving only a daughter, although that 
 island had been brought into the Ara- 
 gonese family by an heiress, his grand- 
 mother, Queen Constance, Pedro laid 
 claim to it as a male fief. The Pope, 
 as lord paramount, asserted the right 
 of the young Queen Maria; but Pedro 
 seized upon her person by stratagem, 
 and, carrying her off to Aragon, occu- 
 pied her kingdom. His temper, always 
 tyrannical, grew more oppressive as he 
 advanced in years; and when, in 1386, 
 he died, at the age of 75, his decease 
 excited universal joy throughout his 
 dominions. He also bears the surname 
 of the Cruel ; and it is a somewhat 
 
58 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 curious coincidence, that three contem- 
 porary King Pedro's should all be thus 
 odiously characterized. 
 
 The last, like the earliest, concerns of 
 Charles of Navarre, were 
 f'mTn French. He had married a 
 13071387. daughter of King John of 
 France, and at his return to 
 Navarre, had left her in her native coun- 
 try, with their younger children. Upon 
 his queen's death, he sent his eldest son to 
 bring home the rest of his family. Charles 
 V. of France seized 1 he prince, threw him 
 into prison, and executed his attend- 
 ants, upon a strange allegation that 
 they were employed by his former friend 
 and accomplice, the king of Navarre, 
 to poison him, the French monarch. 
 In further punishment of this imputed, 
 but altogether unproved crime, Charles 
 took possession of the French provinces 
 appertaining to Navarre : his coveting 
 of which was probably the sole ground 
 of the accusation. In truth, the two 
 royal Charleses were well matched in 
 craft, although, in their power to sup- 
 port their respective artifices, there 
 could be no comparison. The prince 
 of Navarre was at length released, at 
 the earnest intercession of his brother- 
 in-law, John of Castile ; but the French 
 provinces were never restored. The king 
 of Navarre died of leprosy in 1387. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Negotiations for the marriage of Bea- 
 trice, Ferdinand* of Portugal's heiress 
 Duchess of Lancaster claims Cas- 
 tile Beatrice marries John of Cas- 
 tile Ferdinand's death Portugueze 
 refuse to acknowledge John's sove- 
 reignty War with Castile, and Civil 
 War The Master of Avis proclaimed 
 king, as John I. Invades Castile with 
 the Duke of Lancaster Duchess's 
 claim compromised, her daughter 
 marrying John of Castile's son 
 Aragon occupied with Italian affairs 
 Henry III. involved in wars with 
 Portugal and Granada Peace re- 
 stored Disorders in Granada The 
 Usurper Mohammed VL renews the 
 war The]Infante Don Ferdinand, re- 
 
 fent for John II. of Castile, defeats 
 im, and concludes a truce Sicily 
 re-united to Aragon Martin of Ara- 
 gon dies without children Disputes 
 concerning the Succession Civil War 
 Infante Don Ferdinand of Castile 
 king of Aragon His son Alfonso V. 
 adopted by Joanna II. of Naples 
 
 Engrossed by Italian politics Con- 
 quers Naples Marriage of Infante 
 Don John of Aragon with Blanche, 
 heiress of Navarre. * 
 
 PORTUGAL, since the final peace with 
 
 Henry, was occupied entirely 
 
 with two objects namely, Portugal 
 
 c ii T f from A.D. 
 
 the marriage of the Infanta 13/31387. 
 Beatrice, King Ferdinand's 
 only child, and the conciliating to Queen 
 Leonora the good will of a nation that 
 had been incensed even to rebellion by 
 her marriage. Her address and blan- 
 dishments seemed likely to effect this last 
 object, had they not been counteracted 
 by her crimes. The king's brother, Don 
 John, fell in love with her sister, Donna 
 Maria Telles, the widow of Don Alvaro 
 Dias de Sousa, and married her. The 
 queen, who had never forgiven her sis- 
 ter's opposition to her own nuptials, 
 looked upon her present elevation as a 
 species of rivalry. She persuaded her 
 weak brother-in-law that, were he not 
 shackled wit a wife, who, as she 
 averred, dishonoured him, she would 
 bring about his union with his niece 
 Beatrice, f and thus secure the succes- 
 sion to him. At her instigation he mur- 
 dered his wife, and fled to Castile; 
 when the queen affected deep regret for 
 her sister, and soon convinced her dupe 
 that she had no intention of rewarding 
 his crime with her daughter's hand. 
 The general horror excited by the share 
 she was pretty well known to have had 
 in this nefarious transaction, was not 
 lessened by the prevalent belief that an 
 illicit attachment subsisted between her 
 and a Castilian nobleman, whom she had 
 raised high in the king's favour, and for 
 whom she had obtained the title of 
 Count of Ourem. Her royal consort 
 seems to have been the only person in 
 the kingdom who still entertained any 
 respect for the queen. 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde.Da 
 Costa, La Clede, Maries, Universal Modern His- 
 tory, Collecgau de Livros ineditos de Historia For- 
 tvgueza. Cronicas del Rey Dom Joam de glo~ 
 riosa lUemoria. I. deste nome, e dos Reys de Portu- 
 gal o X., e as dos Reys D. Duarte e D. Affonso 5. 
 Tiradas a luz por ordem de D. Rodrigo Da Cunha 
 Arcebispo de Lisboa, fol. Lisboa, 1643 ; these 
 chronicles are of the same character as those be- 
 fore mentioned. 
 
 t It is to be remembered, that the Church of 
 Rome, which prohibits marriage between distant 
 cousins, assumes the right of dispensing not only 
 with such prohibitions, but even with those which 
 may be termed the prohibitions of nature, and of 
 sanctioning the matrimonial alliance of persons so 
 nearly related as to render their marriage revolt- 
 ing to the common feelings of mankind. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 *" The schemes for the young heiress's 
 marriage, with the single exception of 
 the queen's fallacious proposition to 
 Don John, referred altogether to foreign 
 connexions, in utter contempt of the 
 fundamental law of the kingdom ex- 
 cluding from the succession princesses 
 married to foreigners. During the life 
 of Henry of Castile, a proposal was en- 
 tertained for the Infantas union with 
 an illegitimate son of his, which, how- 
 ever degrading, might have answered 
 the purpose of a security against Portu- 
 gal's merging in a foreign state. But 
 upon the accession of John I., the hand 
 of Beatrice was offered him for his 
 eldest son Henry, with the express in- 
 tention of effecting the union of the two 
 crowns ; the conditions being, that if 
 the wedded pair had no children, the 
 survivor should inherit both kingdoms. 
 These terms were approved by the 
 Cortes of both Portugal and Castile ; 
 and the treaty was only broken off by 
 the caprice of Queen Leonora. She 
 prevailed upon Ferdinand to retract the 
 consent he had given, renew his alliance 
 with the Duke of Lancaster, and sup- 
 port the duchess's claim to Castile. 
 
 The immediate consequence of this 
 change of policy was the invasion of 
 Portugal by the forces of Castile. John's 
 army took Almeida ; his fleet defeated 
 the Portugueze fleet, capturing twenty 
 vessels ; and Ferdinand was nearly 
 overpowered when an English fleet ar- 
 rived to his relief. It was commanded 
 by the earl of Cambridge, a younger 
 brother of the duke of Lancaster, who 
 had married a younger sister of the 
 duchess Constance. John of Castile 
 found, to his no small mortification, 
 that his troops thought too highly of 
 the duchess of Lancaster's title, to be 
 trusted in battle against her cham- 
 pions ; and he retreated from Portu- 
 gal, limiting his further efforts to the 
 defence of his own dominions. Fer- 
 dinand, overjoyed at this seasonable de- 
 liverance, and charmed with his useful 
 English allies, concluded a matrimonial 
 treaty for his heiress, with the infant 
 son of the earl of Cambridge. But no 
 reliance could be placed in engagements 
 contracted with Ferdinand. Dissensions 
 arose between these fast friends, and 
 the king of Portugal proposed to the 
 king of Castile to make peace, send 
 home the English, and renew the ma- 
 trimonial projects, substituting John's 
 second, to his eldest son, in order to 
 avoid the previously designed union of 
 
 the two crowns. John gladly assented ; 
 but ere the negociation was concluded, 
 his queen died, and as both his sons 
 were still children, he now asked the 
 Infanta's hand for himself, with the 
 proviso that the issue of the marriage 
 should inherit her crown only, and in 
 no event become kings of Castile. 
 
 This was of all proposals the most 
 agreeable to the queen of Portugal, 
 who saw her husband rapidly declining, 
 and hoped to govern as regent for her 
 absent daughter. Every thing was 
 therefore arranged with the utmost dis- 
 patch, and attended by her favourite, 
 the count of Ourem, the queen con- 
 ducted her daughter to her wedding. 
 Her absence afforded an opportunity 
 that was not neglected, of representing 
 her misconduct to the king. The chief 
 spokesman was his illegitimate brother, 
 Don John, King Pedro's son by Theresa 
 Louren90, appointed by his father grand 
 master of the Portugueze order of 
 knights of Avis. Don John had fre- 
 quently censured the queen's familia- 
 rity with the count of Ourem, and she 
 had in consequence attempted his life. 
 He now prevailed upon Ferdinand to 
 order the death, or, in plain English, to 
 sanction the murder, of the obnoxious 
 foreigner. Ere the purpose was exe- 
 cuted, Ferdinand died, in October 1383. 
 
 The master of Avis immediately in- 
 vited the king of Castile to take posses- 
 sion of his queen's inheritance, at the 
 same time soliciting the regency for 
 himself. His request was slighted in a 
 manner that offended and alarmed him, 
 although he could hardly expect it 
 should be granted, inasmuch as both 
 the marriage articles, and the late 
 king's will, appointed the queen dow- 
 ager regent. It was her that, in con- 
 formity with both documents, the king of 
 Castile commissioned to proclaim Bea- 
 trice queen. She was so proclaimed ; 
 but in Lisbon, (at the instigation, it is 
 said, of an old woman,) and some other 
 places, the proclamation was interrupted 
 by cries of ' God save our lawful King, 
 Don John, the son of King Pedro and 
 Inez de Castro !' These demonstrations? 
 of preference deprived their object of all 
 chance of obtaining what, by the laws 
 of Lamego, was certainly his right. Don 
 John was at the time resident in Cas- 
 tile, where he had remained ever since 
 the murder of his wife, and King John. 
 instantly seized and imprisoned him. 
 
 All was now confusion in Portugal; 
 and equal confusion still prevails in the 
 
60 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 history of this period. The real course of 
 affairs and the intentions of some of the 
 parties are lost in the maze of intrigue 
 that ensued. The queen mother, 
 regent for her daughter, called upon 
 the council to assist her in repulsing 
 that daughter's husband, whom she de- 
 nounced as about to invade the king- 
 dom ; and proposed to intrust the com- 
 mand of the threatened frontier pro- 
 vinces to her avowed enemy the master 
 of Avis. This seems to have been 
 merely a device for removing her rival 
 from court, and to have momentarily 
 succeeded. Don John accepted the of- 
 fered command, and departed to assume 
 it. But he shortly returned to Lisbon; 
 where, in conjunction with the Chancel- 
 lor, with others of the ministers, and 
 with the queen's brother, he slew the 
 count of Ourem, with his own hand, in 
 the .palace, and almost in the presence 
 of the queen. Terrified as well as en- 
 raged, she inquired whether she also 
 must prepare for death, and was assured 
 that she had nothing to fear. In fact 
 the assassins or executioners were far 
 from secure of their own safety, and 
 uncertain which party the people would 
 favour. They closed the palace gates, 
 and the Chancellor traversed Lisbon in 
 all directions, announcing that the 
 master of Avis was imprisoned in the 
 palace, in danger of his life, and inviting 
 the people to arm for his defence. The 
 alacrity with which the call was obeyed, 
 satisfied the conspirators as to the in- 
 clination of the public. The palace 
 gates were thrown open, the master 
 of Avis came forth, and repaired to a 
 friend's house escorted by a mob, eager to 
 guard him against supposititious perils. 
 
 This scene was followed by an appa- 
 rent reconciliation betwixt the queen 
 and her brother-in-law. But a proposal 
 to confirm it by their marriage, and to 
 govern jointly as regents until Beatrice 
 should have a son of age to assume 
 their office, the queen peremptorily re- 
 jected, and applied to her son-in-law for 
 aid. 
 
 In Lisbon the master of Avis was 
 now proclaimed regent and protector 
 of the kingdom, whilst the king and 
 queen of Castile passed the frontiers at 
 the head of a powerful army, and were 
 joined by the queen dowager at Santa- 
 rem. But however united in interest 
 were the mother and son-in-law, their 
 amity was of short duration ; and King 
 John moreover offended the nobles, who 
 had embraced his cause, by the arro- 
 
 gance of his deportment, and by an 
 assumption of the title of king of Por- 
 tugal in his own person. The regent, 
 whilst his enemies were thus promoting 
 his ambitious views by their imprudence 
 and dissensions, was conducting himself 
 with consummate skill. He hourly in- 
 creased the numbers of his partizans, 
 and inflamed the popular rage against 
 the Castilians, by detailing and exagge- 
 rating their incroachments, and talking, 
 in the strain of an old Roman, of the 
 laws and independence of his country. 
 The queen dowager, whose wrath seems 
 always to have blazed fiercest against 
 those present, was by this time more 
 incensed against her daughter's hus- 
 band, than against the assassin of her 
 paramour. She opened a fresh treaty 
 of reconciliation with the master of Avis, 
 and offered her hand to the Count of 
 Transtamar, a relation of King John's, 
 upon condition of his murdering his 
 kinsman, her son-in-law. The plot was 
 betrayed by an accomplice; the queen 
 dowager was sent prisoner to Castile* 
 and one principal intriguer thus removed 
 from the scene of action. 
 
 The king of Castile now proceeded 
 against the master of Avis as a rebel. 
 Their troops met, and the king was de- 
 feated in a pitched battle ; but was able 
 nevertheless soon afterwards to besiege 
 the regent in Lisbon. That town was 
 inadequately garrisoned and provisioned ; 
 but, encouraged by Don John's presence, 
 and by the great exertions which his 
 friends throughout the kingdom were 
 making for its relief, it resisted gal- 
 lantly ; and despite great suffering from 
 privations, defended itself until an epi- 
 demic broke out in the besieging camp, 
 which compelled John to raise the siege. 
 
 The Castilian monarch now endea- 
 voured to. get rid of the regent by as- 
 sassination. He offered the count of 
 Transtamar a free pardon for the crime 
 projected against himself, in considera- 
 tion of his perpetrating a similar one 
 upon the person of his rival. Trans- 
 tamar closed with the offer, and sought 
 accomplices. Amongst others he in- 
 vited Count Gonsalo Telles, the queen 
 dowager's brother, to join in the at- 
 tempt. Upon this nobleman, the regent 
 had bestowed ample domains, and he is 
 said by some writers to have revealed 
 the plot to him against whom it was 
 directed ; whilst others affirm that 
 it was discovered by mere accident. 
 Most of the conspirators effected their 
 escape ; but one of them, Garcia Gon- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 61 
 
 salves de Valdez, was seized and burnt 
 alive. In retaliation for this execution, 
 one of his confederates, named Duque, 
 who had secured himself in Torres 
 Vedras, of which he was governor, cut 
 off the noses of six Portuguese prison- 
 ers, whom he sent, thus mutilated, to 
 the recent. In the first emotion of 
 anger, Don John ordered six Castilian 
 prisoners to be similarly mangled ; but 
 before the messenger could leave his 
 presence, stopped him, saying, ' I have 
 sufficiently vented my indignation by is- 
 suing such orders ; to execute them were 
 disgraceful. Do not hurt the Casti- 
 lians.' This is esteemed one of the 
 noblest passages of the master of Avis's 
 life, and touched even his adversaries 
 with admiration. Prisoners were thence- 
 forward treated with more humanity. 
 
 The nation was by this time tho- 
 roughly weary of 1*he disorders incident 
 to such civil contests, and the Cortes 
 assembled to investigate and decide 
 upon the right of succession. They de- 
 termined that Beatrice queen of Cas- 
 tile was the lawful heiress ; but that her 
 husband's assumption of the title of 
 king of Portugal, in violation of the 
 marriage-contract, had forfeited her 
 right. The Chancellor then proposed 
 the master of Avis, already chosen 
 regent by the ^people. Vasco da 
 Cunha, a highly respected nobleman, 
 objected that the Infante Don John, King 
 Pedro's legitimate son by Inez de Cas- 
 tro, was next in succession to Beatrice, 
 and that his captivity could not pos- 
 sibly rob him of his right. The Chan- 
 cellor's answer turned mainly upon the 
 Infantes hopeless imprisonment, and the 
 number of pretenders to the crown, 
 which, as he asserted, authorized the 
 nation to select from amongst them, 
 whomsoever they should prefer. This 
 sophistical argument had probably less 
 weight with the assembly than the 
 skilful address of the master himself, 
 who, professing his own unfitness for 
 royalty, offered to acknowledge his 
 brother the Infante as king ; to govern 
 for him as regent, and deliver up the au- 
 thority to him as soon as his liberation 
 from his Castilian prison should be 
 effected. This apparent disinterested- 
 ness gained all suffrages to the speak- 
 er's real wishes; and upon the 6th of 
 April 1385, the master of Avis was 
 proclaimed king by the title of John 
 I. ; or it should rather be said, was 
 elected, as his undisputed illegitimacy 
 could allow him no shadow of heredi 
 tary right. 
 
 The new king was only twenty-eight 
 years of age, and possessed qualities 
 well calculated to justify the exaltation 
 he had somewhat unjustly and fraudu- 
 lently attained. His disregard of his 
 brother's undeniable right, the dissi- 
 mulation with which he seduced others 
 to concur in that disregard, and the 
 death of the count of Ourem. are the 
 only blots in his otherwise admirable 
 life; and these are altogether over- 
 looked by the Portugueze in their grate- 
 ful admiration of his merits as a sove- 
 reign. He mied wisely and prospe- 
 rously. He pardoned all his enemies, 
 averring that clemency best consoli- 
 dated new governments ; and readily 
 confirmed many laws passed by the 
 Cortes, rejecting only one, by which the 
 freedom of choice in marriage, enjoyed 
 by all his subjects, was denied to him. 
 
 John and Beatrice of Castile did not 
 of course recognize the right of election 
 assumed by the Portugueze Cortes, and 
 still prosecuted their claim to the throne. 
 The fortune of war for some time fluc- 
 tuated ; and John of Portugal was so 
 inferior in power to his competitor, that 
 he would fain have delayed any decisive 
 engagement until the arrival of the 
 duke of Lancaster, whom he had stre- 
 nuously urged to take this opportunity 
 of renewing his endeavours to establish 
 his wife's right to the kingdoms of her 
 forefathers ; and whom he was daily 
 expecting with a considerable army. He 
 found himself however under the neces- 
 sity of giving battle, before he received 
 this accession of strength ; and he suc- 
 cessfully exerted himself to counter- 
 balance his disparity of numbers, by 
 exciting the spirits and confidence of his 
 troops. For this purpose he so artfully 
 disseminated rumours of the sickly and 
 distressed condition of the enemy, that 
 he instigated his own army to force him, 
 to the battle he had predetermined to 
 fight. He gained a complete victory. 
 The duke of Lancaster soon afterwards 
 landed with his English troops ; Por- 
 tugal was cleared of enemies, and the 
 allies prepared to invade Castile. John 
 of Gaunt was accompanied by his fa- 
 mily ; and King John married Philippa, 
 his eldest daughter by his first wife, 
 Blanche, heiress of Lancaster. 
 
 The invasion of Castile was less suc- 
 cessful than the defence of 
 Portugal. The English troops f til l 
 suffered so much from the 1379131)6. 
 heat of the climate, that the 
 duke of Lancaster was glad to lead 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 62 
 
 them back to the English dominions in 
 France. Sufficient impression had how- 
 ever been made upon Castile to induce 
 a desire of peace, and a compromise 
 was the consequence. Constance of 
 Lancaster renounced her pretensions to 
 the crown, in consideration of her only 
 daughter Catherine's marriage with Don 
 Henry, John's eldest son ; to whom, 
 upon his nuptials, was assigned the title 
 of prince of Asturias, borne ever since 
 by the heir apparent, first of the Casti- 
 lian, and subsequently of the Spanish 
 monarchy. A truce was at the same time 
 concluded between Castile and Portu- 
 gal, leaving the title to the latter king- 
 dom undecided. Upon the death of 
 John of Castile without children by 
 Beatrice, this truce became a peace, 
 King John of Portugal being readily 
 acknowledged. Castile had now no in- 
 terest in the title of Beatrice, who, when 
 the lawful impediment to her succession 
 as lineal heiress was removed, had no 
 longer a champion to assert her right. 
 
 The most important act of John of 
 Castile's domestic administration was 
 the new modelling the council of Cas- 
 tile, which he limited to the number 
 of twelve; viz. four nobles, four pre- 
 lates, and four letrados, literati, or law- 
 yers ; these last being commoners ; 
 now first admitted to such high office. 
 John died in 1390, of a fall from his 
 horse. 
 
 During this period Aragon had been 
 wholly occupied with its in- 
 
 from^D ternal and Italian affairs. 
 
 19861398. John I. though a mild prince, 
 was almost as much harassed 
 with rebellion as his tyrannical father 
 had been. The, chief grievance com- 
 plained of by his Aragonese subjects 
 was of a very whimsical kind. His 
 queen was warmly attached to a lady 
 named Donna Caraza Vilaragut, who 
 excelled as a poet and musician ; and 
 her Majesty, delighting in her favourite's 
 talents, had established at court aca- 
 demies of poetry and music. These 
 were considered as Mahometan abomi- 
 nations, and provoked such bitter wrath 
 among the Aragonese, as actually to 
 produce insurrection ; and the king was 
 in the end forced to prohibit his queen's 
 elegant amusements, and to banish her 
 talented friend. The usual troubles pre- 
 vailed in Sardinia, which he at length 
 pacified, by conciliating Donna Eleanora 
 di Arborea, the heiress of the principal 
 turbulent chieftain of that island. In 
 1391, he married his nephew Don Martin 
 
 the younger, by papal dispensation, to his 
 kinswoman Queen Maria of Sicily, and 
 sent the newly wedded pair home to the 
 bride's kingdom, with his brother, Don 
 Martin the elder, the bridegroom's father, 
 to direct their councils. John had only 
 two daughters, Joanna, married to the 
 count of Foix, and Violante, to the duke 
 of Anjou. Upon his death in 1394, he 
 bequeathed his kingdom to his brother, 
 wholly disregarding his daughter's pre- 
 tensions. The Cortes confirmed the 
 deceased monarch's will, and committed 
 the government during Martin's absence 
 in Sicily, to his consort, who success- 
 fully repulsed the countess of Foix's 
 attempt to recover what she deemed 
 her lawful birthright. King Martin af- 
 terwards negociated with both his nieces, 
 and purchased of them the surrender of 
 their claims. 
 
 In Castile, the new king, Henry III., 
 was only eleven years old ; 
 and the factions of the vari- f j^ 1 
 ous pretenders to the re- iS-t^oe. 
 gency, as usual, filled the 
 kingdom with disorder. Henry put an 
 end to them, by assuming the administra- 
 tion in person at the age of thirteen. He 
 possessed strong intellect, and an ener- 
 getic character, although of a very deli- 
 cate frame ; and even at so early an age 
 he displayed the qualities of a great king. 
 His reign was rather useful than bril- 
 liant, as might be expected under a mo- 
 narch who habitually professed him- 
 self more afraid of the curses of his sub- 
 jects, than of the swords of his enemies. 
 He speedily suppressed all internal dis- 
 turbances, and sent home his aunt, 
 Leonora, queen of Navarre, who had 
 forsaken the simple and unostentatious 
 court of her husband, to participate in the 
 gaieties, the splendour, and the political 
 intrigues, of her brother King John's. 
 By the exemplary frugality with which 
 Henry renounced the pomp of royalty, 
 reducing his household to the scale of a 
 private gentleman's, and by the firm- 
 ness with which he repressed the en- 
 croachments of the courtiers, accus- 
 tomed to enrich themselves at the ex- 
 pense of king and public, he replenished 
 the treasury, drained by the calamitous 
 wars of his father, and the profusion of 
 his grandfather. He endeavoured to 
 preserve peace with all his neighbours ; 
 but in this he was occasionally disap- 
 pointed. A war broke out with Portu- 
 gal ; and Dennis, the youngest son of 
 Pedro and Inez de Castro, invaded that 
 kingdom, supported by a Castilian 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 army. He found many adherents who 
 proclaimed him king ; but John's power 
 was by this time too firmly established 
 to be 'shaken, even by rightful claims, 
 aided by the interest which the sad fate 
 of the mother shed over her son. Don 
 Dennis was repulsed, and the war lan- 
 guished. 
 
 The first war that had occurred with 
 
 Granada was equally con- 
 Granada t rary to the wishes of both 
 1391-1406. kings. JusefII.had,in 1391, 
 
 succeeded his father, Mo- 
 hammed V. whose example he followed, 
 endeavouring rather to make his people 
 happy, than to enlarge his dominions. 
 But the nation was less wise than the so- 
 vereign. Rendered insolent by the peace 
 and prosperity they had so long enjoyed, 
 the Moors inveighed against Jusef for 
 the amicable relations he maintained 
 with Henry. Their bigotry was stimu- 
 lated by his youngest son, Mohammed, 
 who employed it as the instrument of 
 his ambition. At the head of the dis- 
 contented, he besieged his father in his 
 palace, and was upon the point of ob- 
 taining Jusef's abdication in his own 
 favour, when the interposition of the 
 ambassador of Fez rescued the king 
 from his rebellious son, at the expense 
 of violating the faith of treaties. The 
 ambassador persuaded the insurgents to 
 turn their fury against the unbelievers, 
 rather than against their sovereign ; 
 and, immediately abandoning Moham- 
 med, the Granadans implored Jusef's 
 pardon, and his consent to lead them 
 against the Christians. Jusef yielded 
 to necessity, and invaded Murcia. 
 Henry was assisted to defend it by 
 Charles III. of Navarre; and want of 
 success presently cooled the martial ar- 
 dour of the Moors. They willingly re- 
 treated to their own territories; and 
 Jusef's explanation of the constraint 
 under which he had acted, produced 
 the renewal of a truce, equally desired 
 by both parties. 
 
 Jusef died in 1396 ; and Mohammed 
 instantly seized upon the sovereign au- 
 thority, throwing his elder brother Jusef, 
 the right heir, into prison. Mohammed 
 VI. immediately renewed the war with 
 Castile, and began it by surprising 
 Ayaiuonte. 
 
 Henry's death left the care of avenging 
 
 this aggression to his suc- 
 
 from st j le n cessor - Under Hem 7 the 
 HOG 1411. contests with the popes re- 
 specting church patronage, 
 which had subsisted ever since Alfonso 
 
 X.'s alteration of the old Gothic law 
 upon the subject, reached their height. 
 The kingdom rang with complaints of 
 the intrusion of Italians into every bene- 
 fice and ecclesiastical dignity ; and the 
 Cortes, to remedy the evil, passed a law 
 declaring foreigners incapable of hold- 
 ing any church preferment in the realm. 
 
 John II. was a babe in arms at the 
 death of Henry III. ; and the Cortes, 
 dreading the prospect of a long regency, 
 offered the crown to Don Ferdinand, the 
 deceased king's brother. The Infante 
 nobly refused to usurp his nephew's 
 right, but undertook to govern for him, 
 as joint regent with the queen-mother, 
 Catherine of England. Don Ferdinand 
 vigorously prosecuted the war with the 
 Moors, regaining Ayamonte, and seve- 
 ral other places. The recovery of An- 
 tequera was the fruit of a victory so 
 brilliant, that it procured the conqueror 
 the title of the hi/ante of Antequera. 
 But this war, however glorious, was one 
 of self-defence, not aggrandizement; 
 and when the king of Granada, discou- 
 raged by adversity, was disposed to 
 treat, the regent readily concluded a 
 truce. He as readily confirmed the 
 peace which the queen- mother had 
 made, upon equitable conditions, with 
 Portugal. The Infante of Antequera's 
 honourable refusal of one crown was 
 recompensed ere long with another ; 
 which he certainly owed, as will pre- 
 sently be seen, more to his reputation 
 than to his hereditary claims. 
 
 The reign of Martin of Aragon was 
 disturbed by insurrections, 
 both in his own dominions 
 and in his son's. The troubles 
 of the latter kingdom became 
 more serious, when, in 1401, queen 
 Maria and her infant son died. She 
 bequeathed her kingdom to her hus- 
 band, who besides was, after his father, 
 her collateral heir ; but he, by his mis- 
 government and his licentious conduct, 
 offended the Sicilians, and provoked re- 
 bellion. He contracted a second mar- 
 riage with Blanche, the youngest daugh- 
 ter of Charles III. of Navarre ; and 
 two years afterwards, died a victim to 
 his irregularities; his father did not long 
 survive him. Neither of the Martins 
 left any legitimate children. 
 
 In those days the law of succession 
 in the collateral and the female lines was 
 so indefinite, that the failure of direct 
 male heirs always produced great dis- 
 order and uncertainty. The Cortes of 
 Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, a&- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 64 
 
 sembled in their respective kingdoms, to 
 investigate the claims of the various 
 pretenders to the crown, and ascertain 
 in whom the right of succession really 
 lay. But Catalonia was the only one 
 of the three kingdoms in which the 
 Cortes assembled quietly, and proceeded 
 .to business. In Aragon and Valencia 
 discontented minorities seceded from 
 the main bodies, constituting distinct 
 assemblies, assuming to themselves the 
 title of Cortes, or States, and distract- 
 ing both kingdoms with civil war. 
 Pope Benedict XIII. and Charles of 
 Navarre actively interfered to restore 
 peace, and negociated a truce between 
 the conflicting parties. So little was it 
 observed, that in Aragon, Don Antonio 
 de Luna, the head of one faction, having 
 invited the archbishop of Saragossa, 
 the leader of the other, to an interview, 
 fastened a quarrel upon his reverend 
 adversary, and murdered him upon the 
 spot ; whilst in Valencia the successful 
 party compelled the son of the viceroy, 
 who had supported their defeated rivals, 
 to bear the severed head of his murdered 
 father, as in triumph, before them. This 
 last act of atrocity, by revolting all men's 
 feelings, turned the tide of civil discord. 
 The opposing assemblies now treated 
 and coalesced ; after which they formed 
 a sort of congress, consisting of three 
 deputies from the Cortes of each of the 
 three kingdoms, to discuss and decide 
 the important question of succession. 
 Sicily, Majorca, and Sardinia, being re- 
 garded as dependencies, were allowed no 
 voice. Sardinia during the interregnum 
 was distracted with feuds and broils ; 
 so was Sicily, where Queen Blanche, 
 widow of Martin the younger, had acted 
 as regent since his death, but now saw 
 her authority disputed. In Majorca, 
 tranquillity was preserved by the dis- 
 cretion of the governor, Moncada. 
 
 The candidates for royalty, upon 
 whose pretensions the nine appointed 
 judges were to decide, amounted to 
 seven. They were the count of Denia, 
 descended from a younger son of James 
 II. ; the count of Urgel, sprung from a 
 younger son of king James's eldest son, 
 Alfonso IV. ; the countess of Urgel, 
 mother to the last claimant, and youngest 
 daughter of Pedro IV. ; Frederic, count 
 of Luna, a natural son of Martin the 
 younger's, legitimated according to the 
 forms of Spanish and ecclesiastical law, 
 by his father, grandfather, and the pope, 
 but for the sole and distinct purpose of 
 enabling him to inherit Sicily ; Violante, 
 
 queen of Naples, daughter of John I. ; 
 her son Lewis, duke of Calabria; and, 
 finally, Ferdinand, the Infante of Ante- 
 quera, second son of Leonora, queen of 
 Castile, second daughter of Pedro IV. 
 The line of Leonora's eldest son took 
 no part in the contest, either on account 
 of John II.'s infancy, or to avoid the 
 union of the two crowns of Castile and 
 Aragon. According to the law of suc- 
 cession, now generally established, the 
 claims of two^only of these candidates 
 could require consideration. If females 
 were excluded from the throne, the 
 count of Urgel was clearly the lineal 
 male heir ; if they were admitted, a fact 
 scarcely to be disputed by any of the 
 parties, since all alike derived their pre- 
 tensions from queen Petronilla, Vio- 
 lante's right was equally incontestable ; 
 and it is to be observed, that if she was 
 entitled to succeed at all, she ought to 
 have been previously preferred to her 
 uncle Martin. Both the count of Urgel 
 and the queen of Naples were, however, 
 passed by, in favour of the Infante of 
 Antequera the younger son of the sis- 
 ter of a king, whose daughter was still 
 living. Ferdinand was chosen and pro- 
 claimed king in 1412 ; and as imme- 
 diately acknowledged in Sicily, Majorca, 
 and Sardinia, as in the electing king- 
 doms. The measures of the two Mar- 
 tins, in behalf of Don Frederic, were 
 thus as completely foiled in the state 
 they had intended for him, as in those 
 to which the young man himself had 
 attempted to extend them. 
 
 Ferdinand's reign was disturbed by 
 two rebellions of disappointed rivals, the 
 count of Urgel and his mother, both of 
 which he suppressed. He continued, 
 after his elevation to the Aragonese 
 throne, to govern Castile as regent; 
 but, unfortunately for both kingdoms, 
 he enjoyed his new dignity only four 
 years, dying in 1416, whilst John of 
 Castile was still a minor. Alfonso V., 
 who succeeded his father Ferdinand, 
 was adopted by Queen Joanna II. of 
 Naples, and immediately repaired to 
 Italy, where he spent some years, first 
 in defending that princess against her 
 numerous enemies, and afterwards in 
 hostilities against herself, when, offended 
 at his encroaching upon her authority, 
 she adopted Lewis of Anjou in his stead. 
 In consequence of his being personally 
 so much engaged in Neapolitan affairs, 
 Alfonso, during the greater part of his 
 reign, left the government of Aragon to 
 his brothers 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 The eldest of these princes, Don John, 
 married Blanche, queen- 
 Navarre dowager of Sicily, who, by 
 laSr-H*. the death of her brother 
 and elder sisters, had become 
 heiress of Navarre. Charles, the first- 
 born of this marriage, was, upon his 
 birth, created by Charles III., his ma- 
 ternal grandfather, prince of Viana, the 
 title borne by Navarrese heirs apparent. 
 Charles of Navarre, after he had as- 
 sisted to allay the tumults of the Arago- 
 nese interregnum, concerned himself no 
 further in Spanish politics. The chief 
 business of his life was endeavouring to 
 obtain some compensation from the 
 French kings for his French patrimony ; 
 and through the weight of his English 
 connexion, (Henry IV. of England 
 having married his sister Joanna, dow- 
 ager duchess of Brittany,) he at length 
 received a paltry one, in the duchy of 
 Nemours. He died in 1435, and was 
 succeeded by Blanche and her husband 
 John, who were jointly crowned king 
 and queen of Navarre. 
 Alfonso of Aragon, after his quarrel 
 with his adoptive mother, re- 
 visiting his hereditary domi- 
 nions for a short time in 1423, 
 took and plundered Marseille, 
 a town belonging to his Angevine ene- 
 mies, in his way home. During his 
 stay he was chiefly occupied with the 
 great Church schism between the two 
 antipopes. He acknowledged, and for 
 a while cordially supported, Benedict 
 XIIL, the successor of Clement VII., 
 but subsequently offended him by sending 
 ambassadors to the council of Con- 
 stance, and urging Benedict to submit, 
 like his antagonist, to the authority of 
 the fathers of the church there assem- 
 bled, who invited both pontiffs to lay 
 down the papal dignity, and thus make 
 way for the election of a successor, 
 whose title should not admit of dispute. 
 Upon Queen Joanna's death, Alfonso 
 again quitted Spain to enforce his claim 
 to the kingdom of Naples, derived from 
 her adoption. The rest of his life he 
 passed wholly in Italy, induced to re- 
 main there, partly, it is said, to escape 
 from the jealous disposition of his queen, 
 Maria of Castile, who, during his resi- 
 dence in Aragon, had put his mistress, 
 Margaret de Hijar, to death. Alfonso 
 did not immediately obtain full posses- 
 sion of the kingdom of Naples, being 
 opposed by the Neapolitan partizans of 
 the house of Anjou and their allies, the 
 chief of whom were the duke of Milan 
 
 65 
 
 and the republic of Genoa. The war 
 was of considerable duration, and its 
 favourable termination was at last 
 brought about in a somewhat unusual 
 manner. Alfonso was a bold warrior 
 and able captain, but disdained to owe 
 success to aught except fair fighting. 
 When he was besieging Gaeta, the 
 commandant, pressed by hunger, turned 
 the women, children, and other useless 
 mouths out of the town. Alfonso's gene- 
 rals recommended driving them back, 
 thus to starve out the garrison the 
 sooner. But the king, saying he had 
 rather lose a town than his character 
 for humanity, relieved, and suffered 
 them to pass. The immediate conse- 
 quences of his liberality were such as 
 might have been anticipated. Gaeta, 
 by getting rid of supernumeraries, was 
 enabled to hold out until the long ex- 
 pected Genoese fleet, dispatched for its 
 relief, appeared in sight. Alfonso's own 
 fleet lay off Gaeta. He embarked, 
 fought the Genoese, was defeated and 
 taken prisoner, with his two brothers. 
 The siege of Gaeta was of course raised; 
 but the ultimate result of this disaster 
 produced a very unlocked for alteration 
 in the aspect of the Neapolitan contest. 
 The royal captives were delivered over 
 by the Genoese to the duke of Milan, 
 upon whom Alfonso so wrought by his 
 cogent arguments and representations 
 of the danger of allowing the French to 
 establish themselves in Italy, that he ut- 
 terly changed the politics of the Milanese 
 government. The duke released his 
 prisoners, and concluded an alliance, 
 offensive and defensive, with the king of 
 Aragon, as king of Naples. 
 
 In Spain, meanwhile, upon receiving 
 intelligence of Alfonso's captivity, Queen 
 Maria assembled the Cortes of the three 
 kingdoms to deliberate upon the means of 
 procuring his release. Their anxious dis- 
 cussions were interrupted by the arrival 
 of the king of Navarre, with the welcome 
 tidings of his own and his brother's 
 liberation; and the joy of the cortes in- 
 duced them to grant the funds requisite 
 for the spirited prosecution of the Nea- 
 politan enterprise. This liberal supply, 
 and the conversion of Italian enemies 
 into friends, enabled Alfonso rapidly to 
 complete the subjugation of Naples. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 John 1. of Portugal's wars in Africa 
 His third son, Don Henry, sends out 
 ships of discovery Explores the 
 
66 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Western coast of Africa Jusef III. 
 rightful king of Granada restored 
 Civil wars in Granada John II. of 
 Castile, conjointly with the king of 
 Tunis, reinstates Mohammed VII. 
 War between Castile and Granada 
 Disorders in Granada fomented by 
 Castile Disorders in Castile Un- 
 popularity of John's favourite, Don 
 Alvaro de Luna, who is banished and 
 recalled The king joins his enemies 
 Luna executed Civil wars in Gra- 
 nada, Navarre, and Catalonia The 
 Infante John of Aragon subdues his 
 son, the lawful king of Navarre, by 
 Blanche's death Disorders in Por- 
 tugal Alfonso V. of Portugal's Afri- 
 can wars and conquests Prosecution 
 of Maritime Discovery Death of 
 Don Henry * 
 
 IN Portugal, when peace was once re- 
 stored and confirmed, king 
 f P ST al J nn soon re-established his 
 1387^1438. finances by an economy per- 
 vading his government and 
 household. He spent little in pomp and 
 splendour ; lived frugally, and associated 
 upon an easy footing with the friends of 
 his youth. He was wont to say that con- 
 versation was the cheapest of pleasures ; 
 and he introduced literary pursuits 
 amongst his courtiers. When he had 
 replenished his exhausted treasury, John 
 made abundant compensation to those 
 whom the inevitable expenses of war 
 had obliged him to offend by revoking 
 the ample donations, with which, upon 
 first receiving the crown, he had recom- 
 pensed the services that had helped to 
 place it upon his brow. 
 
 But after satisfying these just claims, 
 John neither lavished his money upon 
 friends and favourites, nor hoarded it in 
 his coffers. Findinghimself at peace with 
 his Christian neighbours, he vigorously 
 prosecuted the war against the common 
 and hereditary foe, attacking the Moors 
 in Africa, where he seems to have me- 
 ditated recovering the old Gothic pro- 
 vince of Mauritania, or at least so much 
 of it as constituted the province of Al- 
 garve beyond the sea. He besieged 
 and took Ceuta in the kingdom of Fez, 
 which, through the instrumentality of 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter, are Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, 
 Quintana, Maries, La Clede, Da Costa, Cronicas 
 dos Keys de Portugal, Collecgao de Livros ineditos 
 de Historiu Portugueza,\Jmversal Modern History, 
 J)a Asia de Joao <!e Barros e Diogo de Couto, 17 
 tom. 8vo. Lisboa, 17/8. This history of the exploits 
 of the Portuguese in Asia, is held in the highest 
 estimation 'until 1'or authenticity and style. 
 
 his many sons, he held, against repeated 
 assaults of the Moors, during the re- 
 mainder of his reign ; although at such 
 an expense of blood and treasure, that 
 his wisest counsellors recommended its 
 demolition and abandonment. Another 
 employment of John's wealth ultimately 
 produced far more glory and power, as 
 well as opulence, to his kingdom, than 
 his Mauritanian conquests. His third 
 son, Henry, was the first projector of 
 those remote maritime enterprises and 
 geographical discoveries, that opened 
 new channels to the commerce of Eu- 
 rope, poured the riches of the Indies 
 into Portugal, exalted the reputation 
 and consequently the energies of her 
 sons, brought immense realms in Asia 
 and America under her sceptre, and 
 temporarily elevated her to a rank 
 amongst the nations of Europe, alto- 
 gether disproportionate to her natural 
 extent and population. 
 
 Prince Henry was grand master of 
 the order of Knights of Christ, insti- 
 tuted by King Dennis upon the abolition 
 of the Templars, to do battle constantly 
 with the Mahometans. The grand 
 master had accompanied his father to 
 the siege of Ceuta, and there highly 
 distinguished himself even beyond his 
 brothers; which circumstance, com- 
 bining with his strong sense of the 
 duties of his sacred office, inspired him 
 with an irrepressible desire to conquer 
 and convert all who denied the truth 
 of our holy religion. But expeditions 
 of thekind'he meditated against, Maho- 
 metan misbelievers, whether in Spain or 
 Mauritania, could only be undertaken, 
 by the authority and under the control 
 of the king, and the infante in conse- 
 quence turned his thoughts towards the 
 more distant heathen. His studious 
 disposition and especial taste for geogra- 
 phy, astronomy, and mathematics, also 
 contributed, in all probability, not a 
 little, to give his schemes of conquest 
 and conversion that direction. These 
 sciences Don Henry assiduously culti- 
 vated at Sagres, a sea-port town he had 
 himself founded near Cape St. Vincent 
 in Algarve, where he drew around him 
 learned men, travellers, and mariners. 
 When he had speculatively satisfied 
 himself of the possibility of sailing round 
 Africa, of which, at that time, little be- 
 yond the northern coast was known, 
 and of thus reaching the East Indies, 
 he built and collected vessels in the 
 harbour of Sagres, and sent them forth 
 upon voyages of discovery. The dis- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 67 
 
 patch of the first two was determined so 
 suddenly one morning, that it was be- 
 lieved the prince had been favoured 
 with an especial revelation upon the 
 subject during the preceding night, a 
 mark of divine favour of which his 
 great devotion, and the virginal purity 
 of his morals, were judged to render 
 him worthy. Don Henry fitted out these 
 first expeditions at his own expense; 
 but the king soon entered into his son's 
 views, and took the principal charge 
 upon himself. 
 
 Navigation was then still almost in 
 its infancy. The name of Cape Non 
 had been given to the southernmost 
 African promontory yet known, and 
 terrified the imagination of the ignorant, 
 almost as much by its very sound as by 
 the thousand superstitious terrors con- 
 nected with all beyond it, particularly 
 with the torrid zone, then supposed to 
 be actually uninhabitable from heat. For 
 many years Don Henry's mariners 
 advanced only a few leagues past the 
 dreaded Cape, and Portugal resounded 
 with murmurs against the waste of 
 men and money occasioned by the In- 
 fante's mania for discovery. But Don 
 Henry persevered, and his father coun- 
 tenanced him. Gradually his captains 
 grew more enterprising, emboldened in 
 some measure by the assistance his 
 astronomical science afforded them. 
 The first, and, during King John's life, 
 only great fruit of these labours, was 
 the discovery and settlement of the 
 island of Madeira, about the year 1418. 
 But far from appeasing the popular 
 clamour, this only increased it ; the co- 
 lonizing the island being regarded as a 
 frightful drain upon the population. 
 Nearly about the same time the Cana- 
 ries were accidentally discovered by an 
 English ship, driven from her course. 
 A private adventurer, a Frenchman 
 named de Bethancourt, with a mixed 
 French and Spanish crew, conquered 
 the savage natives, and took possession 
 of some of these islands, which his heirs 
 afterwards sold to Prince Henry. 
 
 In 1433 King John died, after having 
 married his eldest son and heir, Edward, 
 called by the Portugueze Duarte, to the 
 Infanta Leonora of Aragon. Edward's 
 reign was not prosperous ; he found 
 the treasury exhausted, and the country 
 impoverished by his father's liberality, 
 African wars, and maritime expeditions. 
 He endeavoured to remedy the existing 
 distress by economy, sumptuary laws, 
 and the more violent measure of claiming 
 
 for the crown, in default of heirs-male, 
 the forfeiture of all lands granted by 
 his predecessors. The dissatisfaction 
 which such a claim necessarily provoked 
 was prodigiously increased by the con- 
 duct of John das Regras, the chancellor, 
 who had proposed it, and having an only 
 daughter, obtained in her favour an ex- 
 emption from his own law. But all 
 these measures had far less effect in 
 replenishing the royal' coffers, than had 
 the king's prosecution of the African 
 war, in yet further draining them. Re- 
 luctantly yielding to the wishes of two 
 of his brothers, the Infantes Henry and 
 Ferdinand, he sent an expedition under 
 their command against Tangiers. Their 
 forces were inadequate to the enter- 
 prise, and the African princes united 
 against them. After much gallant 
 fighting the infantes were fain to pro- 
 mise the restitution of Ceuta as the 
 price of the free re- embarkation of their 
 troops ; and one of them was further 
 compelled to remain as a hostage for the 
 fulfilment of this promise. The lot fell 
 upon Ferdinand. The treaty was disap- 
 proved at home ; Edward could not 
 endure to abandon his father's conquest, 
 and his counsellors shrank from the dis- 
 grace of advising such a step. Everything 
 short of the restoration of Ceuta was 
 proffered for. Don Ferdinand's ransom, 
 but in vain. Equally fruitless was the 
 mediation of the kings of Castile and 
 Granada. Ferdinand died in Mussulman 
 captivity, and has been canonized as a 
 martyr. A severe fit of illness, the con- 
 sequence of mortification at his defeat, 
 at the violation of his engagement, and 
 at the desertion of the brother he had 
 left as its pledge, brought Don Henry 
 to the brink of the grave. Upon his 
 recovery, retiring to Sagres, he devoted 
 himself wholly to his favourite pursuits, 
 and never again visited his brother's 
 court. Edward died of the plague after 
 a five years' reign, leaving two infant 
 sons. 
 
 At Granada, meanwhile, Jusef, the 
 rightful king, unexpectedly 
 recovered histhrone, at a mo- f ^ " nada 
 ment when he had little hope 1407^-4427. 
 of preserving his life. His 
 usurping brother, Mohammed, was 
 taken ill, and, understanding his case to 
 be desperate, in order to secure his son's 
 succession, he wrote to the alcayde of 
 Salobrena, to whom he had intrusted 
 the safe keeping of Jusef, to cut off his 
 prisoner's head, and return it by the 
 bearer of the letter. The alcayde was 
 F2 
 
63 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAJL. 
 
 engaged at chess with the prince, whose 
 amiable qualities had won his affection, 
 when this cruel mandate was delivered 
 to him. He sat speechless with horror 
 at its purport, whilst Ahmed, the mes- 
 senger, urged the necessity of prompt 
 obedience, and his own immediate de- 
 parture with his allotted burthen. The 
 prince took the paper from the alcayde's 
 hands, read it, and calmly asked a few 
 hours to take leave of his family. Ahmed 
 refused this request, and again urged 
 an immediate execution, as his own life 
 depended upon his reaching Granada at 
 the appointed minute. With great diffi- 
 culty he was at length persuaded to 
 allow time for finishing the game at 
 chess. The distressed alcayde could 
 not play, and the intended victim quietly 
 pointed out the blunders by which his 
 antagonist was giving him the victory 
 more rapidly than he desired ; when, 
 j-ust as the decisive checkmate could no 
 longer be deferred, two noble cavaliers 
 arrived at full gallop from Granada, 
 bringing intelligence of Mohammed's 
 death ; and those who were about to de- 
 prive the prince of life kissed his hand 
 as their sovereign. Granada immediately 
 acknowledged him as Jusef III. 
 
 Jusef was by nature a pacific mo- 
 narch ; but his love of peace was insuf- 
 ficient to induce him to stoop to do 
 homage to Castile ; a humiliation that 
 seems to have been resisted or submitted 
 to according to the respective characters 
 of the rulers of either kingdom. The 
 Infante of Antequera, then regent of 
 Castile, was not of a temper to give up 
 what he thought his nephew's right ; 
 and the war, which had been inter- 
 rupted by a truce, was renewed. It 
 was quickly terminated, however, by 
 another truce, that left the question of 
 homage still undecided ; and during the 
 remainder of his reign Jusef preserved 
 peace. His brilliant and chivalrous 
 court was thronged with exiles and 
 malecontents from the different states 
 of the Peninsula, and was visited by all 
 those young and noble gallants, who 
 found obstacles opposed at home to the 
 settlement of their disputes by the esta- 
 blished mode of duel ; for which Jusef 
 willingly afforded every facility, presiding 
 over the lists in person. 
 
 Jusef died in 1423, and was succeeded 
 by his son Mohammed VII. surnamed 
 el Hayzari, or the left-handed. The 
 new king was haughty and reserved, 
 and immediately incurred the ill-will of 
 his subjects. He had scarcely reigned 
 
 four years, when his cousin, Mohammed 
 el Zaquir, excited a rebellion, dethroned 
 him, and usurped his place. Moham- 
 med VIII. (as el Zaquir is reckoned, 
 notwithstanding the temporary character 
 of his usurpation) was affable in his 
 deportment, and captivated the popu- 
 lace by restoring the various sports and 
 spectacles which Jusef had encouraged, 
 and Mohammed el Hayzari had sup- 
 pressed. But he persecuted all the 
 adherents of his predecessor, and was 
 disliked by the higher classes. Jusef 
 aben Zeragh, who had been Mohammed 
 VJI.'s hagib, and the numerous mem- 
 bers of his widely-spreading family, (the 
 Abencerrages, probably, of Spanish ro- 
 mance,) were objects of anxious sus- 
 picion to Mohammed VIII. They re- 
 ceived timely warning of a plot for their 
 destruction, and most of them escaped 
 from Granada. Those who remained 
 were assassinated by the usurper's or- 
 ders. Jusef aben Zeragh and forty of 
 his kindred fled to Castile. 
 
 In Castile, John II., though only 
 thirteen years of age when 
 he lost his uncle and guar- f^* 1 ^ 
 dian, had ever since ruled in i4iJl"im 
 person. Dread of the evils 
 usually accompanying a regency, had 
 heretofore led to the assumption of the 
 government by kings as young, and to 
 submission on the part of the nation to 
 such assumption. The experiment had 
 answered, those boy-monarchs proving 
 equal to the charge they undertook ; 
 and if it did not in like manner answer 
 upon the present occasion, the failure 
 did not proceed from John's youth. 
 Through life he was a weak king, al- 
 though deficient neither in intellect nor 
 in personal bravery : he was entirely 
 destitute of his father's strength and 
 firmness of character, and abandoned 
 his authority, at all periods of his life, 
 either to favourites and flatterers, or even 
 to persons whom he detested, but had 
 not energy to resist. To this king, 
 amidst the generous glow of his opening 
 manhood, the Aben Zeraghs presented 
 themselves, and told the story of their 
 sovereign's wrongs and of their own 
 persecutions. John's lively imagination 
 and youthful gallantry kindled with in- 
 dignation at the details he received from 
 the Moorish fugitives ; and his favourite, 
 Don Alvaro de Luna, newly created 
 Constable of Castile (the highest military 
 dignity) and grand-master of St. lago, 
 an able general, who loved war as afford- 
 ing him opportunities of gaining reputa- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 69 
 
 Granada 
 from A.D. 
 1428-1440. 
 
 town as 
 
 tion, encouraged his master's sympathy 
 for the dethroned Mohammed VI I. John 
 pledged his'word to reinstate his Mus- 
 sulman brother-king, and wrote to 
 the king of Tunis, with whom the object 
 of his compassion had taken refuge, to 
 propose their co-operating for that pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Supported by the forces of his two 
 friends, Mohammed VII. en- 
 tered his former kingdom; 
 but, as it seemed, he scarcely 
 needed their succours. Every 
 he approached opened its 
 gates ; and the troops sent to oppose 
 his progress deserted in such numbers 
 to their lawful sovereign, that the usur- 
 per's general durst not hazard an en- 
 gagement, but was glad to lead back a 
 remnant of his army to Granada. The 
 capital followed the example of the other 
 towns, and Mohammed VIII. shut him- 
 self up in the Alhambra, which he for- 
 tified. El Hayzari immediately be- 
 sieged him there ; and the partizans of 
 the usurper, frightened at the hourly in- 
 creasing number of their enemies, seized 
 and delivered up their unfortunate leader 
 to his rival. Mohammed VIII. was 
 forthwith beheaded, and Mohammed 
 VII., once more undisputed king of 
 Granada, endeavoured to win the regard 
 of his subjects by correcting the errors 
 of his former government. 
 
 But gratitude to the friends of his 
 adverse fortunes was not one of the 
 virtues which Mohammed judged it 
 expedient to practise. He refused or 
 evaded payment of the sums due to Cas- 
 tile, for the expenses incurred in his re- 
 storation. The war that ensued proved 
 as unfavourable to Granada, as the ill 
 faith of its sovereign merited. De Luna 
 defeated the Moorish armies and captured 
 their towns ; and Jusef ben Alhamar, a 
 wealthy noble belonging to the royal 
 family, seized the opportunity of the con- 
 sequent dissatisfaction to revolt. Assisted 
 by the Castilians, he dethroned Moham- 
 med and took his place. He, too, is num- 
 bered amongst the kings as Jusef IV., 
 though his usurpation lasted even a 
 shorter time than Mohammed VIII.'s; 
 at the end of six months he died, and 
 Mohammed VII. recovering his autho- 
 rity, found himself king of Granada for 
 the third time. Experience had not 
 taught him honesty in his foreign rela- 
 tions. The war with Castile was re- 
 newed, and the successes of King John 
 and the Constable De Luna very mate- 
 rially reduced the Mussulman kingdom. 
 
 Its final ruin was perhaps only averted 
 by the dissensions that arose amongst 
 its enemies. 
 
 Able as Don Al varo had shown himself 
 both in the cabinet and in 
 the field, his boundless power, , Castile 
 
 , i ' i if , from A.I. 
 
 and yet more his selfish use 1429-1450. 
 of it, accumulating wealth 
 and dignities upon his own head, pro- 
 voked universal detestation. The queen 
 and prince of Asturias joined with the 
 nobles confederated against the Con- 
 stable; and the king, unable to re- 
 sist, abandoned his favourite and ba- 
 nished him from court. John II. now fell 
 into a state of dependence upon the tri- 
 umphant faction, as complete as that 
 in which he had voluntarily been held 
 by the Constable. This, however, did 
 not last long. The admonitions of the 
 bishop of Avila recalled the prince of 
 Asturias to his filial duty ; he implored 
 his father's pardon, was reconciled to 
 him, and joined him in raising the royal 
 standard against the confederated nobles. 
 These were supported by King John of 
 Navarre and his brother the Infante 
 Henry of Aragon, who, it will be recol- 
 lected, were the king's first cousins, and 
 stood in the direct line of succession to 
 the throne. They moreover possessed 
 large estates, as the appanage of younger 
 branches of the royal family, in Leon and 
 Castile, which gave them both an imme- 
 diate interest and a controlling influence 
 over the affairs of those' kingdoms. 
 Their interference, nevertheless, intro- 
 ducing Aragonese and Navarrese troops, 
 blends a character of foreign war with 
 the intestine disorders of John the Se- 
 cond's reign. 
 
 The king and prince engaged the 
 rebels and their allies near Olmedo, and 
 completely routed them. The infante 
 of Aragon fell in the battle, and numbers 
 of insurgent nobles were made prisoners* 
 John II. restored to full power, imme- 
 diately recalled his exiled favourite, re- 
 established him in his former authority, 
 and loaded him with new honours. This 
 conduct offended the prince, and injured 
 the harmony that had recently prevailed 
 between father and son. 
 
 The king himself, soon afterwards, be- 
 gan to feel his favourite's power oppres- 
 sive ; and it became actually intolerable 
 to him when, upon the queen's death, 
 the Constable insisted upon his mas- 
 ter's taking the Portugueze Infanta 
 Isabella to wife, instead of a French 
 princess of whom he had made choice. 
 The prince, irritated at his father's second 
 
70 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 marriage, revolted again ; but ere long 
 submitted, and was forgiven. Soon after 
 this second reconciliation, king, queen, 
 and prince seem to have conspired toge- 
 ther against the tyrannical favourite, 
 whom it has been said John II. spent 
 nine-tenths of his life in supporting 
 against the nation, and the last tenth in 
 trying to get rid of. The love which the 
 king speedily conceived for his young 
 queen, did not lessen his hatred of the 
 Constable who had forced her upon 
 him : nor did gratitude for the crown 
 she owed him, reconcile Isabella to the 
 despotic authority of a subject. De Luna 
 was well aware of the enmity of the 
 royal family; but for awhile maintained 
 his post in their despite, living in covert 
 hostility with them. At length his auda- 
 cious temper led him to break through 
 all bounds, and even John's yielding na- 
 ture was aroused to action. Don Alfonso 
 de Vivaro, treasurer, and a favourite of 
 the queen's, was the object of De Luna's 
 especial jealousy and apprehension, al- 
 though the rivals preserved an external 
 show of amity. The Constable invited 
 the Treasurer to join a party of his 
 friends, assembled upon the platform- 
 roof of a tower. The invitation was ac- 
 cepted, and the hated and incautious 
 visitor was thrown over the battlements. 
 
 De Luna was now a declared rebel. 
 After some resistance, he surrendered 
 upon the king's plighting his word, either 
 that his life should not be touched, or 
 that he should suffer no injustice. His- 
 torians differ as to the precise words of 
 the promise, though to ascertain them 
 would be essential to the estimate of 
 John's moral character ; since, whatever 
 were the promise given, the late all- 
 powerful Constable perished upon a 
 scaffold, and was indebted to private 
 charity for a grave ; the whole of his 
 immense wealth being confiscated. John 
 did not long survive his former favourite, 
 dying A.D. 1450. He was distinguished 
 as a patron of literature. 
 
 Granada did not peaceably enjoy the 
 interruption of the war with 
 Granada Castile, occasioned by the 
 H41-H54. troubles just related. Mo- 
 hammed VII., notwithstand- 
 ing his best endeavours to conciliate his 
 subjects, continued to be unpopular, and 
 for the third time an insurrection over- 
 turned his throne. The head of this 
 new rebellion was his nephew, Moham- 
 med ben Ozmin, who, deposing and im- 
 prisoning him, assumed his place as 
 
 Mohammed IX. in 1444. The friends 
 and "partizans of the captive monarch 
 were too conscious of his unpopularity 
 again to attempt his restoration ; but re- 
 solving not to acknowledge the usurper 
 of his rights, they invited another of his 
 nephews, Mohammed ben Ismael, who 
 had fled in discontent to Castile, to 
 place himself at their head. He an- 
 swered their call, followed by all the 
 Granadan exiles ; and was supported by 
 John II., as far as the distracted state 
 of Castile would allow. The contest 
 between the two cousins lasted ten years ; 
 during which time the kingdom was 
 drenched with her children's blood. In 
 1454, Mohammed ben Ismael triumph- 
 ed. Mohammed ben Ozmin, after per- 
 fidiously massacring the leading men of 
 Granada, escaped from the city, fled, 
 and disappeared for ever from the 
 scene. 
 
 Alfonso of Aragon had no legitimate 
 offspring; and his brother, 
 the Infante John, although f ^*Jn 
 he had borne the title of king 1443^-146*1. 
 of Navarre ever since his 
 father-in-law's death, preferred the dele- 
 gated power which the king's continued 
 absence, and his own situation as pre- 
 sumptive heir, gave him in Aragon, to 
 the government of his wife's heredi- 
 tary kingdom. Queen Blanche resided 
 in Navarre, which she ruled 
 wisely and mildly, but could jj*jj a 
 not preserve from implication i486 1464. 
 in her husband's Castilian 
 cabals, or from material consequent 
 suffering. She died in 1441, enjoining 
 her only son, Charles, prince of Viana, 
 not to assume the title of king of Na- 
 varre without his father's consent. She 
 left two daughters, Blanche, married to 
 the prince of Asturias, and Leonora, to 
 Gaston de Foix. Her widower retained 
 the title of king of Navarre, but left the 
 government of the country nearly as 
 much to his son, as he had previously 
 done to his wife. Charles was an ami- 
 able prince, but quickly incurred his 
 father's dislike by endeavouring to main- 
 tain Navarre neutral amidst the Casti- 
 lian factions in which King John became 
 more embroiled than ever, after his se- 
 cond marriage with Joanna, the daugh- 
 ter of the admiral of Castile, one of the 
 most turbulent nobles of that distracted 
 kingdom. The prince of Viana was 
 provoked by the king's unfatherly treat- 
 ment to forget his promised forbearance* 
 and assert his claim to the crown which, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 in point of law, had devolved to him 
 upon his mother's death. He was joined 
 by his eldest sister, Blanche, the divorced 
 queen (upon the plea of barrenness) of 
 Henry IV. of Castile, who had now suc- 
 ceeded to John II. The kins: of Na- 
 varre, exasperated by his children's re- 
 sistance to his authority, caused the 
 prince of Viana to be seized, threw him 
 into prison, and, pronouncing that he 
 and Blanche had forfeited their right to 
 even their maternal heritage by their in- 
 surrection, formally disinherited them, 
 and declared Leonora countess of Foix 
 heiress of Navarre. The Cortes of Ara- 
 gon, Catalonia, and Valencia interfered 
 in behalf of a prince whom they regarded 
 as their future sovereign, but in vain ; 
 and the father's imkindness, according 
 to some authors, so preyed upon the 
 son's mind, as to occasion a slow fever, 
 of which, after a nominal reconciliation 
 with King John, he died in 1461. Ac- 
 cording to other writers, he was poisoned 
 by his step-mother Queen Joanna, who, 
 as they assert, confessed the crime upon 
 her death-bed. Charles bequeathed his 
 rights to his sister Blanche ; her father 
 thereupon committed her to the custody 
 of her younger sister the countess of 
 Foix, to whom he likewise intrusted the 
 government of Navarre. The countess 
 is said to have subsequently conceived 
 that King John was disposed to do his 
 eldest daughter justice, and to have 
 freed herself from her rival by poison. 
 It is hardly necessary to remark, that 
 these eternally-recurring accusations of 
 poisoning, are seldom or never sup- 
 ported by proof : but upon the present 
 occasion they draw a sort of probability 
 from the will of Blanche, by which, dis- 
 inheriting Leonora and her family as 
 her'enemies, she bequeathed her rights 
 to Henry IV. of Castile. 
 In Portugal, the queen-dowager, Leo- 
 nora of Aragon, had been 
 Portugal, appointed regent by the de- 
 
 from A. 0. ii- "ii i~ ji 
 
 1438_1463. ceased king s will. But the 
 Portugueze, always jealous 
 of dowager queens, especially when of 
 Spanish extraction, did not submit to 
 her authority. Queen Leonora seems 
 to have deserved their jealousy. She 
 applied to the eldest of her husband's 
 brothers, Don Pedro duke of Coimbra, 
 for assistance in her difficulties, which 
 he honestly afforded her. Nevertheless 
 she was so incensed at the Cortes' as- 
 % signing only the care of her son's person 
 and education to her, and to Don Pedro, 
 with a council of nobles, the regency, 
 
 that she confederated with Don John, a 
 younger brother, and the count of Bar- 
 cellos, an illegitimate brother of King 
 Edward's, against him who had so re- 
 cently befriended her. The result of 
 their cabals did not answer the expecta- 
 tions of the caballers. To quell the dis- 
 turbances that the queen and her allies 
 had excited throughout the kingdom, 
 Don Pedro was appointed sole regent, 
 when his great prudence quickly restored 
 tranquillity. He found it impossible 
 however to conciliate the hearty good 
 will of the count of Barcellos, even by 
 creating him duke of Bragariza. The 
 new duke's eldest son affected, indeed, 
 the utmost devotion to his kind uncle 
 the regent ; but both father and son as- 
 siduously laboured to prejudice the 
 king's mind against him, through the 
 instrumentality of the youthful nobles 
 who were the associates of their sove- 
 reign's studies and pleasures. 
 
 Alfonso V. was, however, fully "sen- 
 sible of his uncle's abilities and merits ; 
 and when, upon his attaining to his ma- 
 jority, the regent, in the Cortes con- 
 voked for that purpose, surrendered his 
 office, the young king concurred in the 
 prayer of the assembly that Don Pedro 
 would still assist him with his councils. 
 With the approbation of the Cortes, Al- 
 fonso married his cousin Isabella, the 
 duke of Coimbra's daughter, and for 
 two years the uncle and father-in-law 
 continued to rule with nearly his pristine 
 authority. During this period the duke 
 of Braganza and his eldest son, created 
 count of Ourem, were incessantly plying 
 the king with flattery of his own ca- 
 pacity, with ridicule of the duke of 
 Coimbra's gravity and caution, and 
 with insinuations touching his exces- 
 sive and dangerous popularity. At 
 length they so wrought upon Alfonso's 
 ambitious and somewhat suspicious 
 temper, that the coldness and general 
 alteration of his deportment towards 
 Don Pedro drove the latter from 
 court. 
 
 More serious imputations were now 
 brought forward. Don Pedro was charged 
 with having poisoned King Edward, 
 Queen Leonora, and the Infante Don 
 John. Not a shadow of proof was ad- 
 vanced ; no credit whatever was given to 
 these accusations by the public; and 
 the indignation of the duke of Coimbra's 
 friends was violently aroused. Don 
 Henry hastened from his retirement at 
 Sagres, to vindicate his brother, and was 
 taxed with being his accomplice. Don 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Ferdinand, the duke of Braganza's se- 
 cond son, left his government of Ceuta, 
 and repaired to court to defend his re- 
 vered uncle against his own father and 
 brother. And Don Alvaro de Almada, 
 count of Abrantes, reputed the most 
 chivalrous cavalier of his day, appearing 
 in the Council-chamber in full armour, 
 flung down his gauntlet, and challenged 
 Don Pedro's accuser, whoever he might 
 be, to mortal combat. The king had 
 probably never believed the calumnies 
 advanced against his uncle and father-in- 
 law, and now openly approved the con- 
 duct of his defenders. The next attempt 
 of the adverse faction was to irritate the 
 duke of Coimbra to insurrection. In 
 this they failed, but contrived to affix 
 upon him appearances which they inter- 
 preted into guilt. He was persuaded to 
 visit the court for the purpose of plead- 
 ing his own cause, and to take with him 
 an armed escort for his protection. His 
 journey, so attended, was represented as 
 an insurrectionary movement. Troops 
 were sent to stop his progress ; his es- 
 cort was attacked, and he himself slain 
 in the affray. By the orders of his 
 nephew and son in-law, the rights of 
 sepulture were denied to his corse, which 
 was secretly buried by some peasants. 
 Much bitterness was displayed towards 
 the duke's family. His second son 
 was thrown into prison ; the eldest, 
 Constable of Portugal, escaped similar 
 treatment, only by flight ; the pro- 
 perty of both was confiscated, and the 
 queen found herself wholly unable to 
 soften her husband towards her nearest 
 relations. In course of time, however, 
 Don Pedro's innocence was fully es- 
 tablished; when his remains were 
 transferred with princely honours to a 
 royal sepulchre, and his children re- 
 instated in their lands and dignities. 
 
 The object of the ambition of Al- 
 fonso V. was Africa, where two of his 
 uncles had been defeated, and one had 
 perished ; and his designs upon that 
 country were encouraged by the mea- 
 sures of Pope Calixtus III. who pro- 
 claimed a crusade against the African 
 Mahometans. In this expedition, Al- 
 fonso purposed taking a principal part, 
 and in honour of it first coined the gold 
 pieces called cruzados. The crusade 
 excited no general interest in Europe, 
 and was abandoned even by the pope, 
 but not by the king of Portugal. He 
 sailed for the kingdom of Fez, accom- 
 panied by his uncle and brother, the 
 Infantes Henry and Ferdinand ; and the 
 
 fruit of this enterprise was the capture of 
 the town of Alegar. In a second at- 
 tempt, directed more especially against 
 Tangiers, the scene of St. Ferdinand's 
 captivity and death, Alfonso was foiled 
 with great loss, but not disheartened; 
 and in two subsequent expeditions, his 
 perseverance was amply repaid. He 
 ravaged the country, took many strong 
 places, and by the terror of his arms, 
 induced Tangiers voluntarily to surren- 
 der; thus avenging his own and his 
 uncles' preceding disasters. Alfonso 
 was further rewarded with the title of 
 The African. 
 
 The king's military ardour had not so- 
 engrossed his mind, as to prevent his 
 zealously promoting his uncle's explor- 
 ing voyages. When the progress of 
 discovery reached the coast of Guinea, 
 the tide of public opinion, which had 
 so long set against Don Henry's 
 schemes, and so severely tried the 
 prince's firmness and perseverance, 
 turned at once in their favour. Gold 
 was more plentiful in that district of 
 Africa, than in any previously known 
 place, and the trade carried on with the 
 natives yielded it in abundance. Another 
 source of wealth was found in the slaves 
 there captured, and transported to 
 Portugal ; the seizure of the poor negroes 
 being justified upon the plea of saving 
 their souls by their conversion to 
 Christianity : "a plea, the plausibility 
 of which should, however, be judged 
 rather according to the bigotry and 
 superstition of the fifteenth century, 
 than to the enlightened ideas of the nine- 
 teenth. The riches thus brought into 
 Portugal excited the jealousy of Castile. 
 John II. advanced claims to both the 
 Guinea coast and the Canaries, which 
 were resisted by Alfonso. They re- 
 mained undecided at John's death, and 
 were more strenuously revived by his 
 successor Henry IV., surnamed the Im- 
 potent, upon his accession to the Cas- 
 tilian throne. An amicable interview 
 between the two youthful kings, who 
 alternately entertained each other at 
 Badajoz and Elvas, settled the dispute. 
 The king of Castile renounced his 
 utterly unfounded pretensions to the 
 Guinea coast, and the Infante Henry, 
 whose disinterestedness was very un- 
 common, readily gave up to that 
 monarch his purchased sovereignty of 
 the Canaries. His chief object in 
 making the acquisition, really seems to 
 have been the conversion of the bar- 
 barous natives, and that object he did 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 not conceive likely to be obstructed by 
 any change of Christian masters. These 
 arrangements, and the friendship of the 
 two monarchs, were sealed, by the mar- 
 riage of the king of Castile, who had 
 previously divorced Blanche of Navarre, 
 as has been stated, with Alfonso's sister 
 Joanna. 
 
 The Infante Don Henry lived to 
 see the African coast explored as far 
 as Sierra Leone, and the Azores and 
 Cape de Verd Islands colonized; up- 
 wards of three hundred and seventy 
 leagues of coast, besides the various 
 islands, being thus discovered under his 
 direction during forty-three years, reck- 
 oning only from his first real success, 
 the discovery of Madeira. Henry had 
 the further satisfaction of obtaining 
 from Pope Martin V., a bull, bestowing 
 upon the crown of Portugal all these, 
 and all future discoveries to India in- 
 clusively ; all lands belonging to the 
 heathen being then considered as in 
 the pope's gift. Don Henry died in 
 1463, aged sixty-seven, leaving his for- 
 tune and his title of duke of Vizeu 
 to his nephew Don Ferdinand, the king's 
 brother. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 War between Castile and Granada 
 Mohammed X. pays Henry IV. tri- 
 bute Henry's favouritism Civil 
 war in Castile Henry's brother 
 Alfonso proclaimed king Dies His 
 sister Isabella acknowledged by Henry 
 as heiress instead of his daughter 
 Joanna Alfonso of Aragon leaves 
 Naples to his illegitimate son Ferdi- 
 nand; his hereditary realms to his 
 brother John king of Navarre John's 
 son Ferdinand marries Isabella -Re- 
 newed civil tear in Castile Death of 
 Henry IV. Alfonso of Portugal 
 supports Joanna Peace between 
 Castile and Portugal Ferdinand 
 succeeds to Aragon He and Isa- 
 bella Kings of Spain Civil wars 
 in Granada Abu Abdallah rebels 
 against his father Muley Hassan 
 Proclaims himself king War of 
 Ferdinand and Isabella against Gra- 
 nada Abdallah el Zagal, brother of 
 Muley Hassan, gains a victory over 
 the Spaniards, and is proclaimed 
 king Muley Hassan abdicates in his 
 favour Civil war in Navarre 
 Severity of John II. of Portugal 
 Conspiracies The Duke of Vizeu 
 
 73 
 
 implicated The king stabs him 
 Cape of Good Hope discovered Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella support Abu 
 Abdallah against Abdallah el Zagat, 
 I whom they vanquish Besiege Abu 
 . Abdallah in Granada Conquest of 
 Granada* 
 
 FEW reigns have opened more auspi- 
 ciously than that of Henry 
 IV. of Castile. The impend- Castile 
 ing hostilities with Portugal 
 were averted, as we have seen, 
 by a compromise which gave him half 
 of what he claimed. In his wars with 
 Granada, he early made himself master 
 of Gibraltar, whilst the governors of 
 his frontier towns incessantly ravaged 
 the Mussulman, territories, gradually 
 narrowing them by various small con- 
 quests. This border warfare produced 
 many of the romantic adventures that 
 have furnished the subjects of Spanish 
 ballads. A specimen of these may be 
 permitted to interrupt the sketch of 
 Henry's early prosperity, and enliven 
 the too frequently dry records of early 
 history. 
 
 Ferdinand Narvaez, commandant of 
 Antequera, stood in the foremost rank 
 of Castile's adventurous frontier gover- 
 nors. One day a party of his men, 
 who had been out upon a marauding 
 expedition into the hostile territories, 
 brought home with them a young 
 Moorish cavalier, handsome in person, 
 and splendidly attired, whom they had 
 surprized alone. The captive declared 
 himself the son of the alcayde of Ronda ; 
 and the burst of tears accompanying his 
 words astonished Narvaez, as altogether 
 unbecoming the son of so gallant a war- 
 
 * The authorities principally reMed upon in this 
 chapter, are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Conde, 
 Quintana, Da Costa, Cronicas dos Reys, Colleccao 
 de Livros ineditos de Historia Portugueza, Barros 
 e Couto. La Clede, Giannone, Maries, Universal. 
 Modern History, Historia General de Espana, cora- 
 puesta, enmendada, y anadida, par el Padre Juan de 
 Mariana, 2 torn., i'ol., Madrid, 16/8 : this history- 
 enjoys a high reputation, and is very entertaining, 
 but not to be compared for critical judgment, and 
 consequently for authenticity, to that of Ferreras. ; 
 Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur et de In. 
 Decadence de la Monarchic Espagnole, par M. Sem- 
 pere, Ancien Magistral Espagnul, 2 torn., 12mo., 
 Paris, 1826 : this work is rather philosophically 
 political and statistic, thatf historical ; but the 
 author, who served both the third and fourth 
 Charleses, and emigrated upon Buonaparte's usur- 
 pation in 1808, had great opportunities of know- 
 ledge, and his book, although partial, especially 
 perhaps to the Bourbon kings, abounds in useful 
 information. It has been much relied upon in the 
 few political views contained in this first book, 
 (though they were so few, that this general refer- 
 ence seemed sufficient,) and will be more fre- 
 quently cited hereafter. 
 
74 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 rior as that alcayde. The young Moor 
 explained that he wept, not his captivity, 
 but the disappointment of his dearest 
 hopes ; that he loved the daughter of a 
 neighbouring alcayde, who had promised 
 to wed him secretly that very night. 
 * Plight me your word to return,' said 
 Narvaez, ' and you are free to visit her.' 
 The youth stood beneath his lady's 
 window ere dawn, and told her that he 
 was a prisoner, that he had come only 
 to bid her an eternal farewell. The 
 maiden replied, ' Can I live free whilst 
 thou art a prisoner ? My lot must be 
 one with thine ; and the contents of 
 this casket will ransom us both, or 
 support us in captivity.' Before the 
 shades of the next evening fell, the youth 
 and maiden presented themselves to 
 Narvaez; and he, touched by their love 
 and fidelity, released them and escorted 
 them in safety to Ronda. 
 
 The hostilities between the Moors 
 and Christians, and the successes of the 
 latter, ceased only when Mohammed X. 
 became the vassal of Castile. In his 
 relations with his Christian neighbours, 
 Henry was equally prosperous. By pur- 
 chasing the king of Navarre's Castilian 
 estates, he deprived that ambitious kins- 
 man of half his power of interfering in 
 Castilian affairs ; and ere longan oppor- 
 tunity presented itself of repaying him 
 in kind. The Catalans were indignant 
 at the king of Navarre's treatment of 
 his eldest son ; and recoiling from the 
 idea of owning, after the death of the 
 absent Alfonso, so unfeeling a prince 
 as their sovereign, they now revolted 
 against his delegated authority as regent, 
 and offered their crown to Henry of 
 Castile and Leon. 
 
 These fair prospects were early over- 
 cast by the effects of Henry's levity and 
 indolence, and of that addiction to 
 favouritism, in which he even exceeded 
 his father. His treacherous and rapa- 
 cious minion, Don John de Pacheco, 
 whom he created Marquis of Villena, 
 was far less able and more criminal 
 than Don Alvaro de Luna ; and is said 
 to have received a bribe from Lewis 
 XL of France, to prevent the union of 
 Catalonia with Castile. Certain it is 
 that the union was not effected ; and 
 that the French king, who at this very 
 time was carrying on intrigues for the 
 annexation of Catalonia to France, was 
 shortly afterwards acknowledged by the 
 Catalans as their feudal sovereign. 
 
 All the disorders of John II.'s reigii 
 now distracted Castile with tenfold vio- 
 
 lence. The marquis of Villena became 
 jealous of Don Beltran de la Cueva, 
 who soon rivalled him in the king's 
 good graces, and so exclusively possessed 
 the queen's, that he was generally be- 
 lieved to be the father of the Infanta 
 Joanna, the only offspring of the queen, 
 and who, in allusion to her supposed 
 adulterous origin, was popularly termed 
 la Beltraneja, or the Beltranian. Don 
 Beltran was loaded with honours be- 
 yond any predecessor in royal favour ; 
 being created count of Ledesma, duke 
 of Alburquerque, master of St. lago, 
 and mayordomo of the palace. 
 
 The king caused the infanta to be 
 formally acknowledged by the Cortes as 
 heiress of the kingdom. But the pre- 
 valent opinion of her illegitimacy, the 
 hatred and envy borne to the new 
 favourite, and the cabals of Villena, 
 whose jealousy was envenomed by find- 
 ing himself in a state of some peril upon 
 the detection of his intrigues with France, 
 produced disturbances so violent, that 
 Henry was compelled to sanction the 
 revocation of this solemn act, and to 
 declare his half-brother, Don Alfonso, 
 his heir. But this did not satisfy the 
 insurgents. With an affectation of legal 
 forms they investigated the whole con- 
 duct of Henry, pronounced him incom- 
 petent to govern, deposed him, and pro- 
 claimed Alfonso, then only fifteen years 
 of age, king in his stead, crowning their 
 new monarch with all accustomed cere- 
 monies. So outrageous a proceeding of 
 course provoked Henry to retract his 
 late concessions. He again asserted 
 Donna Joanna's rights, and a civil war 
 ensued, which was waged with fluc- 
 tuating success, and did not cease even 
 upon the death of the young anti-king, 
 whose fate is by some historians called 
 mysterious. He was one morning 
 found dead in his bed, to which he had 
 retired over night in seemingly perfect 
 health. No marks whatever of violence 
 were perceptible upon his person ; but 
 suspicions were entertained that his 
 factious partizans had murdered him, 
 through jealousy of the talent and high 
 spirit he discovered ; and in the hope of 
 finding a more manageable puppet in 
 his sister the Infanta Isabella, whom 
 they immediately proclaimed queen. 
 If the insurgent party really perpetrated 
 such a crime from such a motive, their 
 conduct was as absurd as it was atro- 
 cious. No one could be less adapted 
 for a puppet than Isabella. She was 
 some years older than her deceased 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 75 
 
 brother, her character was consequently 
 more formed, and she was as much 
 distinguished by her virtue and pru- 
 dence, as by her abilities. She posi- 
 tively refused to rob her brother Henry 
 of his rightful crown, and a negotiation 
 was set on foot, which terminated in the 
 king's divorcing his queen for infide- 
 lity, disinheriting the Infanta Joanna as 
 illegitimate, and acknowledging his sis- 
 ter the Infanta Isabella as his heiress, 
 upon condition of retaining the royal 
 title and authority for life. 
 
 The tranquillity thus restored was in- 
 terrupted by Donna Isabella's marriage. 
 From amongst many suitors she selected 
 Ferdinand, the son of the king of Na- 
 varre by his second marriage, and his 
 heir, since the prince of Viana's death. 
 
 John had, in 1468, succeeded 
 
 Arragon to all his brother Alfonso's 
 
 A^TJei, hereditary dominions. Na- 
 
 ' and ' pies, as his own conquest, 
 
 Navarre f ne deceased monarch had 
 
 lleT-uS). judged that he was entitled 
 
 to dispose of at his own 
 pleasure, and bequeathed accordingly 
 to Ferdinand, his natural son, by his un- 
 fortunate mistress Margaret de Hijar. 
 John's first business upon his accession 
 was the pacification of Catalonia. The 
 lively and turbulent natives of that pro- 
 vince had soon grown weary of their 
 connexion with France, and resuming 
 their independence, had invited several 
 individuals to assume their government. 
 Amongst others they had offered their 
 crown to Don Pedro, Constable of 
 Portugal, the son of the murdered duke 
 of Coimbra, and, by his mother, grand- 
 son of that Count of Urgel, who had, 
 on Martin's death, been one of the com- 
 petitors for the crown of Aragon. 
 Don Pedro, accepting the offer, had 
 repaired to Catalonia, and been slain 
 in the contest with John, then king of 
 Navarre and regent of Aragon. Va- 
 rious subsequent endeavours to esta- 
 blish an independent government having 
 failed, the Catalans relaxed in their op- 
 position to John, and at length sub- 
 mitted to his authority. The new king 
 was now generally acknowledged, and 
 declared his son and heir Ferdinand, 
 king of Sicily. 
 It is evident that, in making choice 
 
 of the king of Sicily for 
 froffAD her husband Isabella acted 
 146^-1474. with her usual judgment ; 
 
 her marriage with the heir of 
 Aragon promising to unite the most 
 powerful of the separate Spanish king- 
 
 doms into one yet more powerful state. 
 But the connexion was contrary to 
 Henry's inclination, and again he re- 
 voked all past arrangements. He once 
 more acknowledged Joanna as his legi- 
 timate daughter, and endeavoured to 
 strengthen her party by matrimonial alli- 
 ance. He affianced her successively to 
 a French prince, to Don Henry, the son 
 of the Infante Henry of Aragon slain at 
 the battle of Olmedo, and finally to her 
 maternal uncle, Alfonso of Portugal, 
 then a widower. Alfonso had hitherto 
 avoided any involvement in the Castilian 
 broils ; but he now earnestly solicited a 
 papal dispensation for the unnatural 
 marriage proposed, and prepared vigor- 
 ously to enforce his bride's pretensions. 
 But in Castile, meanwhile, the quiet 
 firmness of the queen of Sicily effected 
 her reconciliation with her royal brother, 
 and her consequent reinstatement in, 
 what it is difficult to know whether to 
 term, her right or her usurpation. Fur- 
 ther changes in Henry's determinations 
 were prevented by his death ; which 
 occurred A.D. 1474. 
 
 Granada had, during this time, been 
 similarly disturbed as her 
 Christian neighbour and Granada 
 rival. Muley Aly Abul SSSHft. 
 Hassan had, in 1466, suc- 
 ceeded his father Mohammed. He was 
 early provoked to declare war against 
 Castile, by the conduct of Henry, who 
 openly supported the rebellious wali of 
 Malaga, and admitted him as an imme- 
 diate vassal of Castile. The war between 
 the two kingdoms produced no conse- 
 quences worth notice, both monarchs 
 being too much engaged with disturb- 
 ances at home, for either to attack the 
 other efficiently. 
 
 Isabella did not, upon her brother's 
 death, succeed quietly to an 
 uncontested and untroubled f^^AD 
 throne. Donna Joanna had 1474^-1476. 
 a strong party in the king- 
 dom: Alfonso of Portugal, with the con- 
 currence of his son and council, declared 
 in her favour, and gave weight to his 
 declaration by his arms ; a war, though 
 languidly carried on, existed with Gra- 
 nada ; and Ferdinand (who, had females 
 been excluded, was the next male heir to 
 the Castilian crown) was so exasperated 
 at the restrictions imposed upon the au- 
 thority he wished to exercise in his wife's 
 dominions, that he actually meditated 
 abandoning Castile, and retiring to 
 Aragon. Queen Isabella urged that 
 the admission of her preferable claim 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 was indispensable to the future succes- 
 sion of their then only child, the In- 
 fanta Isabella; and at length appeased 
 her consort by her mildness, good 
 sense, and conjugal submission, al- 
 though she never carried this last vir- 
 tue to such an extent as could in any 
 manner prove injurious to her subjects, 
 or detrimental to the rights of her 
 crown. 
 
 The government was conducted in 
 the joint names of the royal pair. Fer- 
 dinand and Isabella proposed a truce 
 to Muley Aly Abul Hassan, upon 
 condition of his paying them the tribute 
 his ancestors had paid to theirs. The 
 Moorish king replied that arms were 
 now forged where of yore tribute was 
 coined. The negotiation went on ne- 
 vertheless, and in the end the Christian 
 sovereigns were glad to conclude with 
 Granada a two-years' truce, afterwards 
 prolonged, which was equally necessary 
 to both kingdoms, and allowed the king 
 and queen of Castile to devote their un- 
 divided attention to the maintenance 
 of^ Isabella's title against the Infanta 
 Joanna, and her Portugueze betrothed 
 uncle. 
 
 Alfonso invaded Castile, and was of 
 course joined by allJoanna's 
 f p ortugai partizans. Much blood was 
 14641479. shed, and much suffering 
 endured by both parties, but 
 for a considerable time no decided ad- 
 vantage was gained by either. At length 
 a signal defeat experienced by the king of 
 Portugal at Toro, convinced him of the 
 impossibility of establishing his niece's 
 pretensions without further assistance ; 
 when he determined to visit France in 
 person, and endeavour to obtain support 
 from Lewis XL He was encouraged to 
 take this unusual step, by the favourable 
 manner in which all the overtures of 
 the Portugueze ambassador had been 
 received by that crafty monarch, who 
 was then at war with King John, the 
 father of Alfonso's enemy Ferdinand, 
 for the small remnant of Aragon's once 
 extensive French provinces. The king 
 of France received the king of Portugal 
 with every demonstration of friendship, 
 and promised the most cordial co-opera- 
 tion, so soon as peace should be fully 
 restored betwixt himself and Charles the 
 Bold, duke of Burgundy. Alfonso im- 
 mediately visited the Burgundian court, 
 to endeavour to negotiate a peace, thus 
 important to his views. He failed how- 
 ever, and the duke equally failed in his 
 attempts to open his visitor's eyes to the 
 
 faithless character of Lewis XI. Upon 
 Charles's death Alfonso confidently ex- 
 pected the fulfilment of the promises he 
 had received ; when he discovered that 
 Lewis was engaged in negotiation with 
 Ferdinand and Isabella. 
 
 Alfonso's mortification and disap- 
 pointment at this discovery were so 
 great, that he resolved to make a 
 pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and 
 there spend the rest of his life. This 
 resolution was no sooner formed than 
 the king of Portugal proceeded to put 
 it in execution. As the first step he 
 wrote to his son, the Infante John, 
 whom he had appointed regent dur- 
 ing his absence, bidding him assume 
 the royal title without further delay, 
 since he himself should never return. 
 The nobles who had attended their 
 sovereign to France, prevailed upon him 
 however to change his purpose ; and the 
 French king, who no longer expected to 
 derive benefit from his presence or 
 friendship, gladly furnished him with 
 vessels for his conveyance home. 
 
 The regent Don John had meanwhile 
 governed well ; he had carried on the 
 war without much disadvantage, and 
 protected his frontier from the enemy. 
 When apprehensive of being attacked at 
 Evora with superior numbers, he inge- 
 niously averted the danger by making his 
 small body of cavalry gallop about the 
 country, so as to produce such a show of 
 dust and trampling, as convinced the 
 Castilian leader that Don John had been 
 joined by very considerable reinforce- 
 ments. Upon the receipt of his father's 
 letter, the regent caused himself to be 
 proclaimed king. A few days after- 
 wards he was informed that King Al- 
 fonso had landed in Portugal ; and he 
 asked the duke of Braganza, with whom 
 and the Archbishop of Lisbon he was 
 then walking, how he should receive 
 him ? ' As your father and your king,' 
 promptly replied the duke. The young 
 monarch stood silent, flinging stones into 
 the river; and the prelate whispered to 
 the duke, ' That stone shall not light 
 upon my head.' The newly-proclaimed 
 sovereign, after a hard struggle, con- 
 quered himself, sank back into the 
 Infante, and was as obedient a son as 
 ever. But it may be presumed that 
 the unpalatable advice had some share 
 in producing in Don John's mind the 
 ill-will, or the suspicions, which, as will 
 be seen, afterwards proved fatal to the 
 duke of Braganza. The Archbishop 
 quitted Portugal for Rome. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 77 
 
 The Infante and the nation were by 
 this time weary of a war in the success 
 of which they had but little interest. 
 That little was diminished by the Pope's 
 revoking the dispensation granted for 
 the incestuous marriage projected, but 
 still unsolemnized, between the uncle 
 and niece. Alfonso nevertheless per- 
 severed two years longer in the struggle ; 
 but was ultimately constrained to aban- 
 don it as hopeless. In 1479 he con- 
 cluded a treaty of peace with Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, by which he acknowledged 
 them as king and queen of Leon and 
 Castile; and agreed that the Infanta 
 Joanna should remain single until the 
 prince of Asturias (,a child born since 
 his mother's accession to the throne) 
 was of age to marry, when he should 
 either espouse her, or if disinclined to ful- 
 fil the contract, should pay her a sum of 
 money by way of compensation. Donna 
 Joanna, offended at this stipulation, im- 
 mediately retired to the Portugueze 
 convent of Santa Clara, where she took 
 the veil. Alfonso of Portugal did not 
 long survive this treaty. 
 
 The dominions for which Ferdinand 
 and Isabella had been thus 
 
 Castile successfully contending, were 
 /476^-U79. f ar superior in power to Por- 
 tugal, and Alfonso could not 
 so long have maintained the struggle for 
 his niece's pretensions, had not the exer- 
 tions of the king and queen of Castile 
 been hampered by the necessity of re- 
 sisting Joanna's domestic partizans, and 
 weakened by the disorders ever attend- 
 ant upon civil war. The bonds of the 
 law were everywhere relaxed, if not 
 broken, and the whole country was in a 
 state of anarchy of which one instance 
 may give some idea. Don Alonzo de 
 Aguilar, governor of Cordova, autho- 
 rized the rescue of two murderers, whom 
 the officers of justice were conveying to 
 prison by order of Don Diego de Melo, 
 the corregidor, or chief magistrate, of 
 the town. The tumult drew Don Diego 
 to the spot in execution of his duty, 
 when he was violently attacked and 
 forced to take refuge in a church. 
 Aguilar dared not in person violate the 
 sanctuary ; but he employed a body of 
 Mahometan prisoners, who of course 
 had no scruples touching Christian 
 churches, to do that for him which he 
 shrank from doing for himself. They 
 broke open the sacred edifice and 
 dragged out the corregidor, whom 
 Aguilar then confined in one of his cas- 
 
 tles to extort the restitution of a pledge 
 he had given Melo that he would make 
 compensation for damage done in a 
 private feud or war with the count of 
 Cabra. Conduct so flagitious was Isa- 
 bella forced to pardon in considera- 
 tion of Aguilar's releasing her corre- 
 gidor. 
 
 To repress such lawless excesses, and 
 to enforce the execution of equal justice, 
 was one great object of Isabella's reign. 
 For this purpose she afforded the ut- 
 most encouragement to the hermandad, 
 or brotherhood, an association formed 
 for mutual protection against the licen- 
 tious tyranny of the turbulent and guilty 
 nobles, arid the inferior criminals whom 
 they protected, and which, being re- 
 garded as an encroachment upon their 
 feudal privileges, was violently op- 
 posed even by those nobles who were 
 faithful to their duty, and had no occa- 
 sion to fear it for themselves. Ferdi- 
 nand's illegitimate brother, the duke of 
 Villahermosa,was appointed general and 
 judge of the hermandad. She further 
 astonished her court and the whole 
 nation by inflexibly rejecting all offers 
 of money, when she most needed it, and 
 all intercession, even from those whose 
 support was most essential to her, in 
 behalf of a Galician nobleman, named 
 Alvar Yanez de Lugo, who had mur- 
 dered the only witness to a fraud he 
 had committed. Isabella persisted in 
 ordering his execution. 
 
 In the same year in which Isabella's 
 title to her kingdom was 
 finally recognized, died John 
 II. king of Aragon and Na- 
 varre ; and Ferdinand suc- 
 ceeded to all his dominions 
 except Navarre, the maternal inheritance 
 of his half-sister, Queen Leonora. He 
 was now sufficiently occupied with the 
 administration of his patrimonial states, 
 and more freely allowed his consort to 
 rule hers at her own discretion. The 
 government of their respective kingdoms 
 remained separate during the lives of the 
 wedded sovereigns, and those kingdoms 
 long afterwards retained their several 
 constitutions ; but the separate names of 
 C astile, Leon, ^d. AragoaHMftvbe con- 
 sidered as thenceforward merged in the 
 common appellation of Spain. 
 Ferdinand and Isabella pro- f ^j| ain 
 ceeded to confirm and extend u^gi.'iSi.' 
 their right to the title of 
 Kings of Spain, by energetically bending 
 their powers to the conquest of all that 
 
 Aragon and 
 
 Navarre 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 1469-1479. 
 
78 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 the Mahometans yet held in a country, 
 which had once been almost wholly 
 subjected to their sway. 
 
 One preparatory measure, which was 
 represented by the clergy as indispen- 
 sable to obtain the blessing of heaven 
 upon the glorious enterprize, the queen 
 is said to have taken with great reluc- 
 tance, and to have long resisted. Spain 
 has since had cause to mourn that her 
 extreme piety prevailed in the end over 
 her strong judgment, and her enlightened 
 humanity. In 1480 Isabella yielded to 
 her confessor's urgency, and sanctioned 
 the introduction of the Inquisition into 
 Castile. Its first seat was at Seville. A 
 few years afterwards Ferdinand erected 
 a second tribunal in Aragon, where it 
 was as unwelcome as before. The 
 severity of its proceeding so exasperated 
 the Aragonese, that the chief inquisitor 
 was assassinated in the church. The 
 crime was imputed to the new converts 
 from Mahometanism and Judaism, and 
 the victim, being considered as a martyr, 
 was canonized, and revered as a saint. 
 But the fierce temper of the free Arago- 
 nese, and their passionate attachment to 
 their privileges, may sufficiently explain 
 their having been impelled to the guilt 
 of sacrilege and murder, in resentment 
 of an infraction of their rights. It is 
 remarkable that even whilst, in com- 
 pliance with the dictates of mistaken 
 piety, Ferdinand and Isabella were 
 establishing this tremendous engine of 
 ecclesiastical tyranny in their dominions, 
 they resolutely opposed every open en- 
 croachment of papal authority upon 
 their own, and suffered no interference 
 on the part of the Roman pontiff with 
 the church patronage of Spain. 
 
 During the period of truce, Muley 
 Aly Abul Hassan, had at 
 Granada length subdued the rebellious 
 1475^1484. wall of Malaga; but the 
 quelling of his revolt was 
 followed by family dissensions that 
 quickly spread through his kingdom. 
 Queen Zoraya, the mother of the heir 
 apparent, Abu Abdallah, conceived a 
 jealousy of a Christian slave, by whom 
 the king had two sons, Cid Alnay er, and 
 Cid Yahie, that at first distracted only 
 the harem and the court, but soon ex- 
 tended its mischievous effects to the city 
 of Granada, which was split into the fac- 
 tions of Zoraya, and of the fair Christian. 
 
 The king's domestic troubles did 
 not however absorb his attention. At 
 the expiration of the truce in 1481, 
 
 ere the sovereigns of S^>ain were fully 
 prepared for hostilities, Muley Aly 
 suddenly invaded Andalusia, where he 
 surprised and took Zahara, a very strong 
 fortress. Joy, triumph, and congratu- 
 lations surrounded the conqueror, when, 
 as we are told by Arab historians, a 
 Mahometan holy man standing forth, 
 solemnly predicted that the ruins of 
 Zahara would fall upon the heads of the 
 captors ; and that the last hour of the 
 Moors was about to strike. .The Grana- 
 dans failed in their subsequent attempts 
 upon other towns, but committed great 
 ravages in the open country. The 
 kings of Spain retaliated by pouring, 
 their troops into the kingdom of Gra- 
 nada. They took Alhama and besieged 
 Loxa. Muley Aly Abul Hassan strove 
 vigorously to recover the one place, and 
 relieve the other ; but just as his exer- 
 tions seemed upon the point of being 
 crowned with success, he was recalled 
 to his capital by intelligence of another 
 impending revolt. 
 
 Zoraya, in the virulence of her jea- 
 lousy and hatred of a rival, had la- 
 vished her treasures and her influence 
 in organizing and increasing a faction, 
 through whose agency she projected 
 deposing her husband, and placing her 
 son Abu Abdallah prematurely upon 
 his father's throne. The king upon 
 reaching Granada imprisoned both 
 mother and son ; but Zoraya, by brib- 
 ing their jailers, gained admittance for 
 herself and her women to Abu Abdal- 
 lah's apartment ; where they formed a 
 rope of their veils and robes, by means 
 of which they let the prince down from 
 the window. Abu Abdallah joined his 
 partizans, and was immediately pro- 
 claimed king. Granada now became a 
 scene of blood, and conflict ; the father 
 occupying' one fortified palace within 
 its walls, the Alhambra, and the son 
 another, the Albaycin, whilst their 
 factions battled in the streets. The 
 old king, hoping that military success 
 against the Christians might recall his 
 subjects to loyalty, quitted his strong 
 hold to attempt the relief of Loxa. He 
 succeeded, and routed Ferdinand's 
 army; but during his absence, his 
 son seized upon the Alhambra, and 
 thus made himself sole master of the 
 capital. Muley Aly Abul Hassan re- 
 tired to Malaga, of which his brother, Cid 
 Abdallah, surnamed el Zagal, was wall. 
 
 The kings of Spain, eager to revenge 
 the affront received before Loxa, sent 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 79 
 
 an army to ravage the district of Malaga. 
 The icali led out his troops to oppose 
 the enemy. The hostile bands encoun- 
 tered, fought, and Cld Abdallah was 
 victorious. The Spaniards fled, leaving 
 one of their generals, the count of 
 Cifuentes, a prisoner. This victory ex- 
 alted the reputation of the warrior who 
 had gained it ; and, as if Granada were 
 not yet sufficiently distracted, a third 
 faction arose, that, disdaining alike the 
 age of Muley Aly, and the incapacity of 
 Abu Abdallah, proclaimed Abdallah 
 el Zagal king, as the only man capable 
 of saving the country. Abu Abdallah 
 thought to retrieve his cause by rival- 
 ling his uncle's fame, and led his troops 
 to relieve Lucena, which Ferdinand was 
 then besieging. His attempt was un- 
 successful ; he was defeated and taken 
 prisoner. He flattered himself however 
 with hopes of deriving benefit even 
 from his failure ; and actually recovered 
 his liberty upon condition of doing 
 homage for his kingdom to the Spanish 
 sovereigns, after which ceremony he was 
 nominally supported by them, as lawful 
 king of Granada. During his captivity 
 his father had regained possession of 
 the Alhambra : Abu Abdallah was now 
 introduced by his partizans into the 
 Albaycin, and again the walls of Granada 
 inclosed two kings. 
 
 One day of frightful blooasned passed. 
 The second dawned ; and again the con- 
 flict between the adherents of either mo- 
 narch was recommencing in the streets, 
 when Cid Alnayer, the Christian slave's 
 son, prevailed upon his father to avoid 
 a repetition of the preceding day's 
 horrors by abdication. The friends ot 
 Abdallah el Zagal now came forward 
 urging the people to reject the worn-out 
 father and worthless son in favour of the 
 hero of Malaga; and notwithstanding 
 the opposition of Abu Abdallah and 
 his party, Abdallah el Zagal was pro- 
 claimed king, and very generally ac- 
 knowledged. On his way from Malaga, 
 the new monarch met and defeated a 
 body of Spanish troops, whose heads he 
 brought with him to Granada. This 
 was esteemed a most auspicious omen. 
 Upon his arrival his brother gladly re- 
 ceived him into the Alhambra, acknow- 
 ledged him as his successor, and retired 
 to private life. Muley Aly Abul Hassan 
 survived his abdication only two years. 
 The Alhambra and the Albaycin were 
 still held, and the streets of Granada 
 still contested, by two rival monarchs 
 nearly related, although somewhat less 
 
 closely than before; whilst the realm 
 for which they fought was rapidly 
 crumbling from their grasp. Indeed, 
 frightfully as the kingdom of Granada 
 was convulsed from within, and dispro- 
 portionate as was the force assailing it 
 from without, its continued independent 
 existence seems incredible. That it did 
 still exist and maintain the struggle 
 some years longer, is a proof of the in- 
 conceivable exertions, which, under any 
 circumstances, a gallant nation can and 
 will make against foreign aggression. 
 
 The kings of Spain had no allies in 
 their Moorish war. Only two Christian 
 kingdoms now remained in the Penin- 
 sula, besides their own, Portugal and 
 Navarre. Navarre was in a 
 state of utter exhaustion Navarre 
 and debility. Queen Leo- uT-lSz. 
 nora, during her long ad- 
 ministration as regent for her father, 
 had, by her violence of temper and 
 want of judgment, consummated the 
 ruin of the country ; destroying rather 
 than draining its resources, and in- 
 flaming the civil war that had so long 
 raged. The title of queen she had 
 little time to enjoy, dying within a 
 month of her accession. She was suc- 
 ceeded by her grandson, Francis Phoe- 
 bus, so named from his beauty. Her 
 eldest son Gaston, the young king's 
 father, had married the French princess 
 Magdalen, and been accidentally slain 
 at a tournament, leaving this son and a 
 daughter, Catherine. Francis Phoebug 
 was only twelve years old at the time of 
 his grandmother's death, but was a 
 youth of the fairest promise, and it was 
 more to the enthusiasm his appearance 
 excited than to the influence of his 
 mother and uncles, that the submission 
 of the nation was due, when the royal 
 family repaired to Navarre, after having, 
 by an act of amnesty, so far conciliated 
 the adverse factions, as to render the 
 kingdom a tolerably safe ^'residence. 
 The reign of Francis Phoebus was how- 
 ever very short: he died in 1483, and 
 his sister Catherine was proclaimed 
 queen. Ferdinand and Isabella sought 
 the young sovereign's hand for their 
 son and heir John, prince of Asturias, 
 and whilst urging their suit, occupied 
 her kingdom. The princess Magdalen, 
 more naturally than judiciously, pre- 
 ferred a connexion with her own coun- 
 try, and removed her daughter to France, 
 where she married her to John d'Albret, 
 a French prince. Some troubles ensued, 
 but in the end, Catherine and her hus- 
 
so 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 band were acknowledged by the Navar- 
 rese, and recognized by the kings of 
 Spain, who promised to protect them, 
 and restored the portion of their domi- 
 nions they had occupied. 
 
 In Portugal, John II., who was now 
 upon the throne, devoted his 
 attention principally to do- 
 14/91492. mestic administration, to the 
 prosecution of maritime dis- 
 coveries, and to the cultivation of the 
 commercial advantages to be therefrom 
 derived. He was an austere sovereign ; 
 and although he was imbued with a 
 love of justice that induced him both to 
 endeavour to correct before he pu- 
 nished, and to applaud the judges who 
 gave sentence against himself, in any 
 suit to which he was a party, his reign 
 was disturbed by the consequences of 
 his harshness. He set on foot a rigor- 
 ous investigation into the titles by which 
 the nobility enjoyed many of their privi- 
 leges, and held such of their estates as 
 had been granted them by his predeces- 
 sors. The privileges in question John 
 esteemed detrimental to public justice ; 
 and the grants of lands he regarded as 
 a criminal squandering of public pro- 
 perty. But the nobility were indignant 
 at such an attack upon their rights ; 
 and none so much so as the duke of 
 Braganza, who held all his property by 
 the obnoxious tenure, and who, know- 
 ing'himself to be personally disliked by 
 his royal kinsman, perhaps thought the 
 measure especially intended for his ruin. 
 He entered into a private correspon- 
 dence with the Spanish court, which, 
 when it was discovered, he asserted 
 had no object but the protection of the 
 legal and hereditary rights of his order. 
 The king is said to have frequently 
 warned the duke that he was aware of 
 his secret, and therefore guilty inter- 
 course with a foreign state. The duke 
 disregarded the intimation. The duchess 
 of Braganza was sister to John's queen ; 
 and, like her, daughter to the deceased 
 King Alfonso's brother, Don Ferdinand, 
 duke of Vizeu. But this doubly close 
 connexion, by blood and marriage, with 
 the sovereign, could neither save the 
 duke of Braganza, nor soften the fate of 
 his family. The duke, after some delay, 
 was seized, tried for a treasonable cor- 
 respondence with Spain, condemned, 
 and executed. The widow fled with her 
 children to Spain. The duke's brothers 
 were proclaimed traitors, and the whole 
 property of the family was confiscated. 
 The harshness of the investigation 
 
 which the duke of Ityaganza had en- 
 deavoured to resist, and the excessive 
 severity with which the illegality of his 
 measures was punished, probably gave 
 rise 4 o a subsequent conspiracy against 
 John, which was revealed by a woman 
 named Margaret Tinoco, mistress to 
 the bishop of Evora, one of the conspi- 
 rators. Many persons of the highest 
 rank and consideration were implicated 
 in her disclosures, at the head of whom 
 was the duke of Vizeu, cousin to the 
 king, brother to the queen, and to the 
 fugitive duchess of Braganza. It is as- 
 serted that before the king could take 
 any decisive steps against conspirators 
 so numerous and powerful, and entitled 
 by their station to free access to the 
 royal presence, he was repeatedly so 
 surrounded by them, as to be completely 
 in their power, and exposed to the most 
 imminent danger, from which he was 
 only extricated by great, boldness and 
 address. Once, it is said, they attacked 
 him whilst following him up the stair- 
 case of the palace when he coolly 
 turned round to inquire what was] the 
 matter ; and the assailants desisted in 
 utter confusion. Such a state of things 
 could not be suffered to continue ; but 
 public proceedings against the duke of 
 Vizeu seem to have been judged im- 
 practicable. The king therefore sum- 
 moned the duke to court, under colour of 
 employing him upon some affair of 
 public importance; and when he ap- 
 peared, plunging a dagger into .his 
 heart, laid him dead at his feet. After 
 this strange example of a vigour beyond 
 the law, the duke's accomplices were 
 seized, and legally tried; very many 
 were executed, and all were rigorously 
 punished. John then sent for Manuel 
 duke of Beja, the duke of Vizeu's 
 younger brother, who, still a boy, was 
 brought to court by his governor, Don 
 Diego de Silva, both trembling with 
 affright. But the king, after explaining 
 to his youthful relation the motives of 
 his extraordinary conduct, assured him 
 that he should always regard him as a 
 son ; and in proof of kindness restored 
 to him the estates forfeited by the duke 
 of Vizeu's treason. He did not, how- 
 ever, allow him to assume his brother's 
 title, and he remained duke of Beja. 
 
 The troubles and misfortunes just 
 narrated, did not divert John's attention 
 either from the measures requisite for 
 securing to Portugal the command of 
 the productive trade with the coast of 
 Guinea, or from encouraging and sti- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 81 
 
 mulating men of science (of whom he 
 formed a junta or council) to devise 
 means of yet further facilitating navi- 
 gation. By sending out materials ready 
 prepared, he had a fortress erected in a 
 strong position of that African region, 
 before the natives suspected the inten- 
 tion ; and in 1486, he added to the 
 former titles of the kings of Portugal, 
 the new one of Lord of Guinea. c The 
 following year his vessels of discovery, 
 assisted by a further application of as- 
 tronomy to navigation, which was the 
 result of the labours of his scientific 
 counsellors, completed their survey of 
 the western coast of Africa ; and Bar- 
 tholomew Dias, who commanded the 
 successful expedition, gave to its south- 
 ernmost extremity the name of Cabo 
 Tormentoso, or Stormy Cape, from the 
 tempestuous weather encountered by the 
 fleet in its vicinity. This voyage occu- 
 pied nearly a year and a half. The 
 king, conceiving that he discovered in 
 the situation and appearance of this 
 promontory, as described to him, the 
 promise of achieving the great object of 
 desire in sailing round Africa into the 
 Indian ocean, changed this appalling 
 denomination into the more auspicious 
 one, which it still bears, of the Cape of 
 Good Hope. But the monarch's fa- 
 vourable opinion of the newly found 
 Cape, could not inspire any navigator, 
 during the continuance of his reign, 
 with resolution to double it. John's 
 geographical researches were not con- 
 fined to the sea. He despatched two 
 officers of his household upon overland 
 journeys: one to Ethiopia, to seek the 
 realms of Prester John, a supposed 
 Christian pontiff and potentate in the 
 East, who had long excited European 
 curiosity, and was about this time sup- 
 posed to be identified with the king of 
 Abyssinia ; the other to India, to ac- 
 quire geographical information that 
 might tend to facilitate the long-desired 
 maritime voyage to that country. 
 
 Although John II. took no part in 
 the war with Granada, he lived upon 
 friendly terms with Ferdinand and Isa- 
 bella ; and his only son, Don Alfonso, 
 married their eldestdaughter the Infanta 
 Isabella. But, within a year from his 
 nuptials, the young prince was acciden- 
 tally killed in his father's presence, by 
 his horse falling with him as he rode a 
 short race with a courtier. The king 
 was now without an heir, and endea- 
 voured to procure the legitimation of his 
 natural son Don George, who was still a 
 
 Spain 
 
 child, with a view to substituting him in 
 the place of the deceased infante. He 
 met with decided opposition to his pro- 
 ject from his queen, who, in addition to 
 the ordinary feelings of a wife towards 
 the living proofs of her husband's infi- 
 delity, was of course the zealous advo- 
 cate of her brother, the duke of Beja's, 
 claim, as next heir. The queen's resist- 
 ance to Don George's legitimation was 
 supported by the nobility; and Pope 
 Alexander VI., whilst he granted such a 
 bull of legitimation as might authorize 
 the holding of the grand-masterships 
 of Avis and St. lago, refused to extend 
 it in contravention of the right of the 
 lawful heir to the throne. The king 
 apparently submitted; 4 but he still 
 lavished wealth and honours upon the 
 boy, and secretly encouraged, if he did 
 not instigate, the formation of a party in 
 favour of his succession. The duke of 
 Beja, alarmed and offended, left the 
 court in disgust, and retired to his 
 country residence. 
 
 Meanwhile Ferdinand and Isabella 
 steadily pursued their design 
 of extirpating the last rem- 
 nant of Mussulman domina- 
 tion in Spain. Under the 
 show of supporting their vassal, Abu 
 Abdallah, they wrested one by one every 
 place in the kingdom from Abdallah el 
 Zagal, whose prowess and gallantry, 
 counteracted as he was by civil dissen- 
 sion, could only prolong the struggle. 
 The war lasted ten years from its com- 
 mencement by the Moorish capture of 
 Zahara. In every campaign Ferdinand 
 commanded his army in person; and Isa- 
 bella not only by her diligence and fru- 
 gality supplied him with all things requi- 
 site for his operations, but frequently 
 appeared in the camp, animating the 
 zeal of the troops by her resolution, and 
 further encouraging them by her solici- 
 tude in providing for their wants, con- 
 tributing to their comforts, and securing 
 due tendance for the sick and wounded. 
 However feminine in its manner were 
 this participation in her husband's mili- 
 tary toils, it occasionally exposed the 
 queen to considerable danger. While 
 the Spanish army was besieging Ma- 
 laga, a Moor issued from the town with 
 the intention of assassinating both the 
 king and queen. To obtain an oppor- 
 tunity of executing his design, he de- 
 manded an audience of the royal pair, in 
 order, as he said, to reveal to them a 
 certain method of penetrating into the 
 besieged city. The supposed deserter 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN;AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 82 
 
 was conducted to head quarters, and 
 introduced into the apartment of Donna 
 Beatrice de Bovadilla, the queen's 
 favourite lady. Seeing Donna Beatrice 
 richly dressed, and engaged at chess 
 with Don Alvaro de Portugal, a member 
 of the Braganza family, the Moor mis- 
 took the players for his destined victims, 
 and suddenly attacking them, killed Don 
 Alvaro, and wounded Donna Beatrice, 
 ere he could be seized or disarmed. 
 Isabella, whose chamber adjoined her 
 attendant's, heard the disturbance, and 
 entering the room to inquire its cause, 
 witnessed the bloody scene. 
 
 Abdallah el Zagal's active services 
 against the invaders, and 
 Granada consequent absence from 
 148^-1490. Granada, enabled his ne- 
 phew to obtain entire posses- 
 sion of that capital, where he indulged in 
 the pleasures of royalty, taking no share 
 in the war, and possibly flattering himself 
 that his liege lords were really carrying 
 it on for his benefit. It is needless to 
 detail the progress of the conquest, year 
 by year. In 1490 so very little of the 
 kingdom was left, that the contest, on 
 the part of Abdallah el Zagal, unsup- 
 ported by the power, wealth, and popu- 
 lation of the city of Granada, was ma- 
 nifestly hopeless. Cid Yahie, a nephew 
 of Abdallah el Zagal and of Muley 
 Aly, despairing of success, voluntarily 
 surrendered Baza, a town of which he 
 had the command, to Ferdinand, re- 
 ceiving ample domains in compen- 
 sation. Yahie immediately afterwards 
 visited his royal uncle Abdallah el 
 Zagal, and by demonstrating to him 
 the utter impossibility of further resist- 
 ance, prevailed upon him to follow his 
 example, and give up his only remaining 
 towns, Almeria and Guadix, together 
 with his regal dignity, upon similar 
 conditions. But after this forced re- 
 signation of royalty, the uncrowned 
 monarch found it irksome to reside, the 
 subject of a stranger, in the country he 
 had been accustomed to govern ; and with 
 the willing concurrence of the Spanish 
 sovereigns, to whom he could not but be 
 an object of apprehension, he sold the 
 estates that had been granted to him, 
 and passed over to Africa. Yahie is said 
 to have fought stoutly on the Christian 
 side; and he may well be supposed 
 eager for revenge upon the royal kins- 
 man whose guilty folly and cowardice 
 had brought such calamities upon his 
 family and his kingdom. 
 Abu Abdallah was now sole king of 
 
 Granada ; but if he expected the resto- 
 ration of the towns and provinces taken 
 by his avowed protectors from his uncle, 
 he was destined to be cruelly disappoint- 
 ed. Ferdinand, on the contrary, having 
 possessed himself of all save the capital, 
 summoned Abu Abdallah to surrender 
 that into his hands, in conformity, as he 
 alleged, with a secret article in the 
 treaty, under which the Moorish prince 
 recovered his liberty after his defeat 
 before Lucena. Abu Abdallah seems 
 not to have disavowed the existence of 
 such an article, for he strove to palliate 
 his refusal by ascribing it wholly to the 
 opposition of his nobles and people. 
 Ferdinand, disregarding these excuses, 
 as soon as the return offspring facilitated 
 military operations, led an army of 
 50,000 men into the plains of Granada, 
 and encamped a few miles from the 
 walls. 
 
 The inhabitants, the king, and his mi- 
 nisters, were all thunderstruck at this 
 ominous sight. Muza ben Abil Gazan, 
 a noble Granadan cavalier, upbraided 
 them all publicly with their pusillani- 
 mous despondency ; and exhorting the 
 timid to trust in the valour of 20,000 
 gallant youths, whom the town could 
 readily supply, encouraged the king and 
 people to prepare for defence. The 
 conduct of that defence was intrusted to 
 Muza ; and for a while his sallies, at the 
 head of his brave followers, occasioned 
 the besiegers far more loss than they 
 cost, the besieged. In pitched battles, 
 however, the Spaniards proved superior 
 to the Moors, and many such were fought 
 in the space between Ferdinand's camp 
 and the ; city walls. In these engage- 
 ments, Gonsalvo de Cor- 
 dova, afterwards surnamed . J p fZi 
 the Great Captain, first ac- 
 quired distinction. Frequent repulses 
 gradually damped the courage and 
 spirits of the Granadans, who were, 
 after a while, entirely pent up within 
 their walls. Different divisions of the 
 Spanish army now ravaged the adjacent 
 districts which still belonged to Granada, 
 and occupying every approach to the 
 city, cut off its supplies ; whilst Isabella, 
 who had joined her royal consort, to 
 prove how fixed was the determination 
 never to relax in exertion until Granada 
 should have fallen, built a wooden town 
 upon the site of the encampment, to 
 afford the troops shelter during the in- 
 clemency of the approaching winter. 
 The town thus built was named Santa 
 Fe y or Holy Faith. Had the queen's 
 

 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 83 
 
 invincible constancy neededj confirma- 
 tion, she might have found it in the 
 steady resolution with which her con- 
 fessor, Father Hernando de Talavera, 
 rejected every bishopric she pressed 
 upon his acceptance, uniformly answer- 
 ing, ' Madam, I will hold no see, but 
 that of Granada.' 
 
 The Gran ad an s, who were suffering 
 from want since the inter- 
 A.Ti4SH. ception of their convoys, 
 sank into despair at the sight 
 of these demonstrations of perseverance 
 on the part of their besiegers. Vain 
 were now all the efforts of Muza to re- 
 vive their enthusiasm, and to persuade 
 his fellow-citizens rather to meet an 
 honourable death, than endure the op- 
 pression and infamy that must await 
 them, especially their women, under the 
 yoke of a hostile race, who detested 
 their religion. The king and the people 
 resolved to capitulate, and the lofty- 
 minded Muza, mounting his horse, is- 
 sued from the city gates, and, making 
 his way through the besieging army, 
 disappeared. What became of him was 
 never known. 
 
 Granada surrendered upon condition 
 that the Mahometans should retain their 
 property and arms, enjoy the free exer- 
 cise of their religion, and be governed 
 by their own laws, administered by 
 their own Cadis. The king was to 
 be endowed with large domains in the 
 kingdom of Granada ; but he preferred 
 receiving their value in money, and, like 
 his uncle, quitted Spain for Africa. It 
 is said that after leaving the palace of 
 his fathers, Abu Abdallah paused upon 
 a hill, whence, for the last time, he 
 
 could behold the city of Granada, and 
 wept bitterly, when his mother, Zoraya, 
 who accompanied him, now probably 
 repenting of the criminal exertions by 
 which she had, for his exaltation, pre- 
 maturely torn the sceptre from his 
 father's grasp, indignantly exclaimed, 
 ' Aye, weep the loss of thy kingdom 
 like a woman, since thou couldst not 
 defend it like a man !' 
 
 In January 1492, Ferdinand and Isabel 
 made their triumphant en- 
 try into Granada. It was Sp ii"p 
 immediately constituted an 
 archiepiscopal see, to which the queen's 
 inflexible confessor was appointed. 
 Cid Yahie, who had by his example 
 and persuasions facilitated the final 
 reduction of the kingdom, was named 
 governor of the Moors, and his cousins, 
 Cid Yahie, and Cid Alnayer, were 
 amply provided for. Thus finally ter- 
 minated the domination of the Ma- 
 hometans in Spain, nearly 800 years 
 after their first conquest of the Penin- 
 sula. Ferdinand, in honour of this 
 great achievement, was complimented 
 by the Pope with the title of the Ca- 
 tholic King, by addressing his pontifi- 
 cal letters, ' Regi Hispaniarum Catho- 
 lico." The designation of ' King of the 
 Spains ' gave great offence in Portugal, 
 where it has always been contended that 
 the term Spain must continue to com- 
 prehend, as it did before the Moorish 
 invasion, the whole peninsula, which is 
 now properly divided into Castile and 
 Portugal. The honorary appellation of 
 Catholic King has been constantly borne 
 by the successors of Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. 
 
 G2 
 
84 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 BOOK II. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Isabella's compact with Columbus He 
 sails on his voyage of Discovery 
 Ferdinand recovers Cerdagne and 
 Roussillon from France Columbus 
 discovers the West Indian Islands 
 His second voyage Misconduct of 
 Spaniards in Hispaniola Charles 
 VIII. of France conquers Naples 
 Ferdinand and Isabella reinstate 
 Ferdinand of Naples Marriag es and 
 deaths in the Royal Family Vasco 
 de Gama sent out by Manuel of Por- 
 tugal Doubles the Cape of Good 
 Hope Reaches Calecut in the East 
 Indies Prosecution of Columbus's 
 discoveries American Continent dis- 
 covered Disorders in Hispaniola 
 Calumnies against Columbus His 
 ill usage Triumphant acquittal in 
 Spain Further opposition and ill 
 usage in Hispaniola*. 
 
 THE romantic portion of Spanish history 
 is now finished, and we are about to 
 enter upon what may be termed the poli- 
 tical, the events of which concern the 
 whole European commonwealth, and 
 will frequently require some detail of the 
 history of other countries, to render 
 them intelligible. We have seen the 
 great object of the ambition of every 
 Spanish sovereign, from the days of 
 Pelayo, Accomplished, and the whole 
 Peninsula brought under Christian sway. 
 Of the newly-conquered 
 AD. P ?492 P a rts, however, the inhabi- 
 tants were still Mahometans, 
 to whom it had been found expedient, if 
 not necessary, to assure the free exercise 
 of their religion. This concession was 
 painful to the queen's devotional feel- 
 ings ; and whilst she took all right and 
 lawful means to effect their conversion 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Quintana, Collecgau 
 de Livros ineditos de Historia Portugueza, Barros 
 e Couto, Da Costa, La Clede, Giannone, Sempere, 
 Universal Modern History, History of America, by 
 Dr. Robertson, 3 vols. 8vo. London. 1780. Life 
 of Christopher Columbus, by Washington Irving, 
 4 vols. 8vo. London. 1828. These two works are 
 too well known to require any statement of their 
 value. C/ironica do Serenissimo Senhor Rey Dom 
 Manuel, por Damiac de Goes, fol. Lisboa. 1749. 
 Goes had, like the preceding chroniclers, access to 
 all official documents, and he wrote his Chronicle 
 of Manuel by order of that king's last surviving 
 son, Cardinal Henry, 
 
 to Christianity by instruction, she pro- 
 bably thought to atone for the supposed 
 impiety of the indulgence, by concur- 
 ring in the exclusion of the Jews from 
 Spain. The Jews had given offence by 
 siding with Joanna during the civil 
 war : nevertheless this impolitic measure 
 seems to have been really the fruit of 
 bigotry, on the part of both Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, rather than of resentment, 
 and clearly not of the rapacious desire 
 to confiscate their wealth, from which 
 that persecuted race had so often suf- 
 fered in Spain, and throughout Europe ; 
 for they were now permitted to dispose 
 of their property, upon condition of ex- 
 porting its proceeds in merchandize, not 
 in gold, silver, or jewels and large sums, 
 offered by the Jews for leave to remain, 
 were steadily rejected. Many of them 
 removed to Portugal, whence a few years 
 afterwards they were similarly expelled. 
 This expulsion was however represented 
 as an indulgence; a considerable num- 
 ber having been previously burnt to 
 death. 
 
 The next measure, subsequent to the 
 capture of Granada, was altogether Isa- 
 bella's own, and was one which in its 
 results has exercised a lasting influence 
 upon the condition of the whole human 
 species, civilized and uncivilized. This 
 was the contract, which, on the 1 7th ^of 
 April, 1492, she signed with Christopher 
 Columbus. 
 
 Christopher Columbus was the son 
 of an indigent wool-comber of Genoa, 
 but had received an education superior 
 to what might have been expected from 
 the circumstances of his family, and had 
 directed his attention chiefly to sciences 
 connected with navigation. After his 
 education was completed, he, for many 
 years, pursued a sea-faring life upon 
 the Mediterranean, where, from the 
 constant hostilities then raging, not only 
 between Christians and Mahometans, 
 but also amongst all small states, and 
 many powerful vassals of large states, 
 every mercantile voyage was a cruize. 
 He afterwards married the daughter of 
 one of Prince Henry of Portugal's best 
 mariners, B. Monio de Palestrello, 
 from whose papers he acquired much 
 knowledge concerning nautical affairs ; 
 and domiciliating himself in Porto Santo, 
 one of the new-found islands, colonized 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 85 
 
 by Palestrello, he sailed in some of the 
 Portugueze discovery fleets. From all 
 these sources of information, and his 
 previous studies, Columbus was induced 
 to adopt the opinion, entertained by 
 some of the ancient philosophers, that 
 the earth is spherical; and he thence 
 argued that it must be possible to reach 
 India, whither the Portugueze were 
 then shaping their course eastwards 
 round Africa, by sailing westward ; 
 and the magnitude of the enterprize he 
 had thus conceived was, to his imagina- 
 tion, brought more within compass, 
 by a persuasion that the size of the 
 earth was very much less than its now 
 ascertained dimensions, and that con- 
 sequently India, or rather China, could 
 not be very far off in this westerly 
 direction. So early as 1474 Columbus 
 had proposed this new course for a 
 voyage of discovery to John II. The 
 king referred it to the committee of 
 learned men whose labours were then 
 affording such facilities to navigation ; 
 they rejected it as chimerical, and John 
 declined embarking in the scheme : thus 
 forfeiting for Portugal the glory of dis- 
 covering a new world, and the entire 
 dominion of America. 
 
 Many years seem to have passed ere 
 Columbus, thus discouraged, took any 
 energetic measures to seek another pa- 
 tron for his project. He next proposed 
 it to his native Genoa, which, like Por- 
 tugal, rejected it ; and in 1485, being 
 then a widower with one son, he visited 
 Spain. There, in the prior of a Fran- 
 ciscan monastery, situated near a little 
 sea-port town, called Palos de Moguer, 
 in Andalusia, he first found a mind 
 capable of appreciating his views. This 
 prior, whose name, John Perez de Mar- 
 chena, deserves to be recorded, entered 
 warmly into the ideas and reasonings of 
 Columbus, and gave him an introduc- 
 tion to the queen's confessor, taking 
 charge of his child, the young Diego, 
 whilst the father should try his fortune 
 at the Spanish court. The whole ener- 
 gies and means of the kings of Spain 
 were, at that period, engrossed by the 
 war with Granada. The high-minded 
 Isabella was nevertheless deeply im- 
 pressed with the grandeur and boldness 
 of the idea ; and, like King John, she 
 referred the proposal to a committee of 
 learned men to examine into its merits, 
 who, like their Portugueze brethren, 
 pronounced it altogether visionary and 
 impracticable. Still the queen rather 
 delayed than positively refused, and 
 
 Columbus' did not despair. He re- 
 mained in Spain, watching every oppor- 
 tunity of urging his suit, whilst he sent 
 his brother Bartholomew to England to 
 make similar proposals to Henry VII- 
 Various untoward accidents so delayed 
 B. Columbus' s voyage, that, although 
 the project met with a more favourable 
 reception from the judicious English 
 monarch than it had before experienced, 
 by the time Bartholomew brought the 
 tidings to his brother, it was too late for 
 England to profit by his enterprize, the 
 treaty with Isabella having been already 
 concluded. 
 
 When the successful termination of 
 the Moorish war left her leisure to turn 
 her mind to other matters, Isabella 
 again gave ear to the representations of 
 Columbus. His arguments and those 
 of his true patron the Franciscan prior 
 had by this time wrought a change in 
 the opinions of some of her counsellors ; 
 and although the cautious Ferdinand 
 still declined any participation in so 
 wild a scheme, Isabella determined to 
 undertake the adventure on behalf of her 
 own realms ; and, her treasury being ut- 
 terly exhausted, proposed to pawn her 
 jewels for the purpose of raising the 
 money requisite to fit out the three 
 vessels with which Columbus was to 
 explore unknown oceans. Lewis de 
 Sant Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical 
 revenues in Aragon, however, advanced 
 the needful sum, without reducing her 
 to such extremities. And C. Columbus 
 at the age of fifty- six, after having 
 for eighteen years endured all the 
 disappointment, mortification, and ridi- 
 cule, usually lavished upon speculative 
 schemers, at length on the 3d of August, 
 1492, set sail upon his bold voyage of 
 discovery. 
 
 This year was further memorable for 
 the signature of treaties, that, if they did. 
 not actually begin, led the way to the 
 beginning of the new era in the history, 
 of modern Europe, since which the 
 history of every country has become 
 more complicated, by the involvement 
 of each country in the affairs of its- 
 neighbours. The change in question 
 began with Charles VIII. of France^ 
 who, upon attaining to his majority, was 
 impelled by a youthful and foolish am- 
 bition to invade the kingdom of Naples, 
 to which he laid claim in right of his 
 relationship with the former kings of 
 the house of Anjou. In order to be at 
 liberty to undertake this distant con- 
 quest, Charles negotiated disadvanta- 
 
86 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 geous treaties with his neighbours ; and, 
 by that concluded with Spain, he re- 
 stored to Ferdinand the counties of 
 Roussillon and Cerdagne, which John 
 of Aragon and Navarre had pawned to 
 Lewis XI., Charles's father, for money 
 with which to put down the Cataloman 
 insurrection. 
 
 It is asserted by Spanish historians 
 that Charles showed manifest symp- 
 toms of bad faith, in his suspicious 
 procrastination of the delivery of the 
 two provinces, the sole remnant of the 
 once ample Aragonese dominions in 
 France. Ferdinand however was not 
 to be trifled with, and he compelled 
 their surrender. 
 
 Meanwhile Columbus was prosecu- 
 ting his arduous enterprize ; but when, 
 after leaving the last of the already dis- 
 covered islands, he had sailed for two 
 months and a half upon unknown 
 oceans, without reaching India, China, 
 or even Japan, the bold adventurer 
 himself began to feel alarmed as well as 
 astonished at the immense extent of 
 shoreless sea ; and his sailors and pilots 
 became so thoroughly frightened, that 
 he now found almost as much difficulty 
 in persuading them to proceed, as he 
 had formerly experienced in obtaining 
 vessels to make the attempt. It is said 
 that he at last promised to turn back if 
 no land should be seen in the next three 
 days, and. that, within the specified time, 
 on the 12th October, they 
 *.i 1492 68 made one of the Bahama 
 islands, which Columbus 
 named San Salvador. 
 
 The wonderful strangers, in their 
 floating castles, were received with re- 
 verence and kindness by the simple 
 natives, whom Columbus called Indians, 
 from his persuasion that he had reached, 
 if not India itself, yet the neighbourhood 
 of that land of wealth. A persuasion 
 which was confirmed by the quantity of 
 gold he found amongst the islanders, 
 and, strangely enough, not shaken by 
 their evident state of barbarism. In an 
 intercourse carried on by signs, neither 
 party comprehending a word of the 
 other's language, it is not surprising that 
 mistakes should have occurred, and that 
 he should have understood their replies 
 to his inquiries whence they procured 
 their gold, according to his preconceived 
 notions, as directing him further west- 
 ward to Japan. He prosecuted his voy- 
 age from San Salvador, himself and his 
 men in the highest spirits. He disco- 
 vered, besides several small islands, the 
 
 larger ones of Cuba, and Hayti, as it 
 was then called by the inhabitants, and is 
 now again called by its negro lords, after 
 bearing in the interval the names of 
 Hispaniola and St. Domingo. They 
 were everywhere equally well received, 
 and in this last island Columbus, with 
 the consenfof the cacique, as the native 
 chiefs were termed, built a wooden fort, 
 in which he left a scanty garrison of 
 Spaniards, under the command of one 
 of his trustiest associates. On the 4th 
 January, 1493, Columbus set sail on his 
 return, carrying with him, as tokens and 
 trophies of his success, a quantity of 
 gold, specimens of the various produc- 
 tions of the islands, and several natives. 
 He was driven by stress of weather into 
 the Tagus on the 4th March, and was 
 kindly received by the king, notwith- 
 standing the mortification John must 
 have felt upon the occasion. Columbus 
 put to sea again as soon as the weather 
 permitted, and reached Palos on the 
 15th of the same month. 
 
 The joy, the exultation, excited jn 
 Spain by the arrival of Co- 
 lumbus, cannot be described. A .D. P i493. 
 He was loaded with honours, 
 and confirmed in the promised dig- 
 nities of admiral and viceroy of the 
 newly discovered regions, as well as 
 in various pecuniary privileges. A diffi- 
 culty however arose as to Isabella's 
 right of conferring such dignities, or bene- 
 fiting in any way by the discovery, 
 Portugal claiming those regions as com- 
 prized within her grant from the Pope : 
 all parties, it will be remembered, alike 
 believed them to be a part of India. 
 The question was referred to a junta of 
 learned men of both nations, at the same 
 time that application was made to the 
 reigning Pope (Alexander VI.) con- 
 cerning it. The junta decided that the 
 discoveries of Columbus were not in- 
 cluded in the Portugueze grant ; and his 
 holiness finally, as he conceived, termi^ 
 nated the dispute, by drawing a line 
 across the Atlantic, from pole to pole, 
 and adjudging all lands discovered or to 
 be discovered on the east of that line to 
 Portugal, all on the west to Castile. 
 This bull of division was no sooner ob- 
 tained than a new, and far more power- 
 ful expedition was prepared for prose- 
 cuting discoveries so happily begun. 
 Men of all ranks, including noble ca- 
 valiers, now flocked to partake in the 
 glories of the enterprize, in the spoils of 
 a land teeming with gold ; and Isabella, 
 to whom, as to Columbus, the conversion 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 87 
 
 of the heathen natives was a principal 
 object, sent an ample supply of monks as 
 missionaries. With these the admiral 
 sailed in September of the same year. 
 Upon reaching Hayti he found his 
 fortress in ruins, and all the 
 West indies garrison slain. The unruly 
 1*493^1494. temper of the Spanish adven- 
 turers had, upon his depar- 
 ture, shaken off all bonds of subordina- 
 tion. The soldiers had indulged in the most 
 licentious and offensive outrages against 
 the natives ; and afterwards, by quarrel- 
 ling amongst themselves and with their 
 commander, they had afforded to men, 
 whom they had exasperated to the utter- 
 most, but whom, as savages, they too 
 much despised to fear, opportunities for 
 destroying them [in detail. It cost the 
 admiral (Columbus's favourite title) 
 much labour and exertion to replace 
 matters upon their former footing. He 
 effected it, however, and then, despatch- 
 ing the greater part of his little fleet to 
 Europe, he set sail with the remainder 
 to continue his discoveries, and, as he 
 hoped, to find his way to Japan at least, 
 if no farther. He now left a consider- 
 able colony established upon the island. 
 In this voyage he discovered a great 
 number of the West Indian islands, 
 though of course he did not reach any 
 part 'of Asia. But the misconduct of 
 his unruly colonists, the noble cavaliers 
 hardly brooking his authority, again 
 produced hostilities with the natives, 
 which compelled Columbus to reduce 
 Hispaniolaby arms to positive subjection. 
 He sent five hundred Indians to Spain, 
 with his brother Diego, to be sold for 
 slaves, and imposed on the islanders a 
 sort of poll tax, or tribute, of a specified 
 quantity of gold or cotton, not large, 
 but nevertheless not to be provided 
 without a degree of labour to which 
 that feeble and indolent race .were 
 wholly unaccustomed, and which re- 
 duced them to actual despair. 
 The attention of the kings of Spain was, 
 during this period, chiefly 
 Italy occupied with the affairs of 
 Ue- A Mtt. Italy. Charles VIII. crossed 
 the Alps, and entered Italy to 
 execute his intention of invading Naples, 
 in 1494. Alfonzo king of Naples upon 
 succeeding to his father Ferdinand, Ap- 
 plied to his kinsman the king of Spain 
 for assistance, as did Pope Alexander 
 VI.; but the king of Spain had received a 
 high price for his neutrality, and refused 
 to interfere except by mediation. This 
 proved ineffectual, and Charles overran 
 
 the kingdom almost without opposition, 
 Alfonzo, like his father Ferdinand, 
 having rendered himself so odious to 
 his subjects by tyranny and cruelty, that 
 they would not fight in his cause. In 
 this extremity Alfonzo resigned his crown 
 to his son Ferdinand II., trusting that 
 the amiable qualities of the young prince 
 would, by awakening affection in the 
 hearts of the Neapolitans, inspire them 
 with resolution to defend their country. 
 But it was either too late, or the Neapo- 
 litans hated the unoffending youth for 
 the offences of his progenitors. Their 
 indifference compelled Ferdinand to fly, 
 and in 1495 Charles found himself 
 master of Naples. 
 
 The violence and licence, in which 
 Charles indulged his followers and his 
 army, quickly transferred to him the 
 hatred borne by the Neapolitans to their 
 former sovereigns. The Italian states, 
 which, actuated by aversion to those 
 tyrannical princes, had beheld their 
 overthrow with indifference, took fright 
 at the prospect of seeing so powerful a 
 monarch as the king of France esta- 
 blished amongst them, and Ferdinand of 
 Spain conceived similar apprehensions 
 at the consequences of his neutrality. 
 By his ambassadors he stimulated those 
 states, and Maximilian, emperor of Ger- 
 many, to form a league against France, 
 which he himself invaded through Rous- 
 sillon. Charles was now alarmed in his 
 turn. He quitted Naples with the 
 larger part of his army, and returned to 
 France, fighting an indecisive battle, 
 with the allies by the way. Ferdinand 
 then sent over a body of troops, under 
 the command of Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
 who quickly '^expelled the French, and 
 reinstated Ferdinand II. in his kingdom. 
 
 This was about the brightest period 
 of the reign of Ferdinand and 
 Isabella. The Moors were s P ain 
 subdued ; their French pro- 
 vinces regained ; their kins- 
 man, who was married to a niece of Fer- 
 dinand's, was restored ; a new world was 
 discovered that promised to prove a fruit- 
 ful source of wealth; and marriages, 
 seemingly the most fortunate, were con- 
 cluded for their children, their son and 
 heir Don John having married the daugh- 
 ter of the Emperor Maximilian ; their 
 second daughter Joanna, Philip, the son 
 and heir of that monarch, by Mary of 
 Burgundy, and already, in right of his 
 deceased mother, sovereign of the rich 
 and fertile Netherlands ; the third, Ca- 
 therine, was affianced to Arthur prince of 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 14941495. 
 
88 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Wales ; and Manuel duke of Bej a, having 
 
 this year succeeded to his 
 
 Portugal cousin John II., despite all 
 
 from A.D. . , . . p. r , ,, 
 
 14931495. intrigues in favour of the 
 
 illegitimate Don George, soli- 
 cited and obtained the hand of the eldest 
 infanta, the widow of the prince of Por- 
 tugal. These brilliant prospects were 
 however soon clouded in the point nearest 
 to the heart of a mother. The prince of 
 Asturias died within a few months of his 
 marriage, and his widow bore a dead 
 child. The queen of Portugal was now 
 
 invited to Spain, to be for the 
 from^n second time sworn to as heir- 
 14951497. ess of the kingdom. She 
 
 came, but scarcely had she 
 been regularly acknowledged by all the 
 several states, ere she died in childbed ; 
 and the same ceremonies were renewed 
 with increasing: gloom in regard to her 
 new-born son Don Miguel, who was ac- 
 knowledged heir of both Spain and 
 Portugal, and seemed destined at length 
 to unite the whole Peninsula into one 
 kingdom. These hopes were cut off, in 
 a few more months, by the death of the 
 infant heir. The superstition of many 
 Spanish writers has represented this 
 series of domestic calamities in the 
 royal family as the chastisement due to 
 the guilt of the king, who shortly before, 
 upon the early death of Ferdinand of 
 Naples, (exhausted it is said by the 
 fatigue of the war,) had concluded a 
 treaty with Charles of France for di- 
 viding the kingdom of Naples, and de- 
 spoiling the new king Frederic, a brother 
 of Alfonzo's, of his rights. This ini- 
 quitous treaty, however, if already signed, 
 was not put into execution for some years. 
 All the success of the Spanish and 
 Portugueze naval expeditions had as yet 
 failed, it seems, to establish their im- 
 portance in public opinion, for upon 
 
 Manuel's accession it had 
 SOIDA'D k een seriously debated in his 
 1496^-1499. council whether the attempt 
 
 to reach India round Africa 
 should be further prosecuted or aban- 
 doned. Fortunately the bolder argu- 
 ments so far prevailed, that the new 
 ting determined to carry on the attempt 
 at a moderate expense, and in July, 
 1497, four years after the discovery of 
 America, he despatched Vasco de Gama, 
 with three ships, to double the Cape of 
 Good Hope, and endeavour to reach 
 India. Dias, the discoverer of that pro- 
 montory, who had the command of one 
 of the annual ships employed in the trade 
 with the Coast of Guinea, was commis- 
 
 sioned to guide him thus far on his course, 
 ere proceeding upon his own voyage. 
 
 In the month of November Gama 
 successfully doubled the formidable 
 Cape, and sailed up the Eastern coast of 
 Africa, as far as Mozambique. Here 
 he found a Moor from Fez, who, acting 
 as interpreter between him and the 
 natives, facilitated the conclusion of a 
 treaty, in virtue of which the king of 
 Mozambique was to furnish the adven- 
 turous navigators with pilots well ac- 
 quainted with the course to India. But, 
 whilst they were taking in wood and 
 water, a quarrel arose with the natives, 
 to whom the fault is of course imputed. 
 The pilots made their escape, and hosti- 
 lities ensued. They did not last long ; 
 the terrors of the Portugueze fire-arms 
 soon compelling the Africans to submit. 
 Another, and as the king assured Gama, 
 a better pilot was supplied, and on the 
 1st April, 1498, he sailed from Mozam- 
 bique. The new pilot proved quite as 
 ill-disposed as his predecessors, endea- 
 vouring to betray the fleet into the 
 power of his countrymen at Mombaza ; 
 and being alarmed with apprehensions 
 of detection, by the bustle apparent in 
 the crew of Gama's ship, which had 
 accidentally grounded, he also made his 
 escape. It was not till they reached 
 Melinda that they found really friendly 
 natives. From that port Gama at last 
 obtained a pilot who steered him right 
 across the gulph to the coast of Malabar. 
 
 The first place in India made by the 
 Portugueze, was Calecut. Here Gama 
 announced himself as an ambassador 
 sent by the king of Portugal to nego- 
 tiate a treaty |of alliance with the sove- 
 reign, the zdmorin of Calecut, one of 
 the most powerful princes of that part 
 of Hindostan, to establish commercial 
 relations, and to convert the natives to 
 Christianity. How far this last object of 
 his mission was agreeable to the bi- 
 goted Hindoos, or the equally bigoted 
 Mahometan conquerors, who were then 
 the masters of those wealthy regions, we 
 are not distinctly told by the Portugueze 
 historians : but the zamorin appears in 
 the first 'instance to have received 
 Gama well, and been upon the whole 
 pleased with his visit. This friendly 
 intercourse was interrupted, as we are 
 assured, by the intrigues of the Moors 
 or Arabs, who being in possession of 
 the pepper trade, and indeed of the whole 
 spice trade, were jealous of interlopers. 
 Quarrels arose, and some acts of violence 
 were committed. They ended, however, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 [89 
 
 in' Gama's gaining the advantage, and 
 friendship was restored between him 
 and the zamorin. He procured cargoes 
 of Jpepper, sailed from Calecut, and 
 reached Portugal in July, 1499, after a 
 two years' voyage. He was received 
 with the utmost exultation. The king 
 in addition to his other titles, now as- 
 sumed the strange one of Senhor, or 
 Lord of the Conquest, Navigation, 
 and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, 
 Persia, and India ; and bestowed upon 
 Gama those of admiral, and count of 
 Vidigueira, besides a share in the royal 
 monopoly of the trade with India. Ma- 
 nuel was at this time married, by papal 
 dispensation, to Maria, the youngest 
 sister of his deceased wife Isabella, ac- 
 cording to the usual practice of the 
 Portugueze court, where the ties of 
 relationship seem to have been con- 
 sidered as recommendations, not bars, 
 to marriage. 
 
 In Castile, during this time, the vilest 
 calumnies had been circu- 
 from ai " D * atecl a g amst Columbus, by 
 14971498. the combined enmity of the 
 colonists,who were impatient 
 alike of the strict discipline he enforced, 
 and of their subordination to one whom 
 they regarded as an upstart, mercenary 
 foreigner, and of Fonseca, bishop of 
 Badajoz, afterwards patriarch of the 
 Indies, to whom Isabella had com- 
 mitted the entire management of her 
 Transatlantic affairs ; and who, though 
 an able man, was not superior to the 
 influence of a petty malevolence, pro- 
 voked by the high spirit of Columbus. 
 To these calumnies the queen was in- 
 duced to listen by her tenderness for 
 her newly-acquired barbarian subjects, 
 and her consequent dissatisfaction with 
 the admiral's treatment of them. His 
 consignment of five hundred slaves she 
 had immediately restored to their native 
 * homes. She at the same time sent out a 
 commissioner to inquire into the accusa- 
 tions against the admiral, and strict 
 orders that the Indians should in every 
 way be conciliated. She was further 
 induced by Fonseca, in violation of her 
 agreement with Columbus, to sanction 
 the prosecution of his discoveries by 
 other persons, upon terms very bene- 
 ficial to the royal treasury: namely, 
 the receiving a tenth of all the gold 
 obtained, without contributing to the 
 expense of the expeditions. 
 
 These marks of royal displeasure 
 brought Columbus back to Spain. He 
 committed his authority during his 
 
 absence to his brother [Bartholomew, 
 an able man of firm character, but 
 naturally, as having achieved no won- 
 derful deeds to redeem the stain of low 
 and foreign birth, yet more obnoxious 
 than the admiral himself, to the haughty 
 and turbulent colonists. In Spain Co- 
 lumbus easily vindicated his conduct ; 
 but, partly from the machinations of his 
 enemies, and partly from the exhausted 
 state of the treasury, (drained by the 
 Neapolitan expedition, and the expenses 
 incident to the late royal marriages and 
 successive installation of several heirs,) 
 it was not till May, 1498, that he was 
 enabled to sail upon his third expedition 
 of discovery. Upon this oc- 
 casion he actually did disco- America 
 
 ., ,-. . , r* from A.D 
 
 yer the great Southern Con- 14951503. 
 tinent of America, and gave 
 names to places upon the gulph of Paria. 
 But he mistook the point of land that 
 forms the western side of the bay for ano- 
 ther large island, and thence provokingly 
 lost the fame of the discovery. He 
 proceeded onward to his colony, which 
 he found in open rebellion against his 
 brother ; and he could no otherwise re- 
 store tranquillity, than by allowing a 
 large body of the rebels to return to 
 Spain in the vessels destined to continue 
 the examination of these new regions. 
 In consequence of these hinderances, 
 the private expedition which sailed from 
 Spain the following year, under Ojedo 
 and Amerigo Vespuccio, a Florentine 
 merchant, being secretly furnished by 
 Fonseca with the charts made by Co- 
 lumbus of his last voyage, was enabled 
 to explore the continent north-west- 
 ward from the mouths of the Orinoco,, 
 and thus to defraud the real discoverer of 
 part of his glory, claiming the discovery 
 of the continent as their own, and 
 giving it the name of America, instead 
 of that of Columbia, which it assuredly 
 ought to have borne. 
 
 Even the surrender to the mutineers 
 of ships, so essential to his own hopes 
 and projects, had not enabled the ad- 
 miral to reduce the colony to complete 
 order. He was compelled to propitiate, 
 rather than attempt forcibly to control, 
 those who remained behind ; and, for 
 this purpose, to allow them to make 
 slaves of the natives whom they em- 
 ployed in searching for gold. This con- 
 travention of her express orders again 
 irritated Isabella, and a second time 
 gave weight to the allegations of the 
 admiral's inveterate enemies. She sent 
 out Don Francisco de Bovadilla, in 1500, 
 
90 
 
 HISTORY O? SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 with authority to inquire into the con- 
 duct of Columbus, and, should it prove 
 criminal, to supersede him. Bovadilla 
 is represented as a man of good sense 
 and character, but the temptation 
 proved too strong for his virtue, and he 
 sent the viceroy of the new world with 
 ' 's 'two brothers home in chains. 
 
 Upon their voyage, the captain of the 
 ship in which they sailed, offered to 
 take off the insulting irons. ' No !' said 
 Columbus. ' Their majesties have com- 
 manded me to submit to Bovadilla ; by 
 their authority he put these fetters upon 
 me, which I will wear till they shall 
 command them to be taken off.' He 
 accordingly landed at Cadiz in chains, 
 when a burst of universal indignation 
 arose. The unpopularity, produced by 
 misrepresentation, and by the public dis- 
 appointment at the discovery of the new 
 world not having been followed by an 
 immediate and immense influx of trea- 
 sure, vanished, and a reaction ensued, 
 proportionate to the injudicious viru- 
 lence of the admiral's enemies. Isabella 
 ordered his instant release, and wrote to 
 him with her own hand, expressing her 
 regrets at his ill-usage, and inviting him 
 to court. She likewise sent him money 
 to defray his journey thither. He re- 
 paired to Granada, where the court then 
 was, accompanied by the acclamations 
 of the people ; and Isabella received 
 him with tears of emotion at the recol- 
 lection of all he had done, and all he had 
 suffered. Columbus had supported his 
 ill-fortune without a complaint ; but the 
 sight of his queen's sympathy over- 
 powered his fortitude. He flung himself 
 upon his knees before her, and burst 
 into so passionate a fit of weeping, as 
 rendered him for some minutes in- 
 capable of addressing her. 
 
 Bovadilla was immediately super- 
 seded ; but Columbus was not rein- 
 stated in his viceroyalty. Some notion 
 now ibegan to be entertained of the 
 magnitude and importance of the newly- 
 found world ; and Ferdinand's convic- 
 tion that the viceroyalty of such regions 
 was too great a trust to be committed to 
 a foreign adventurer, induced Isabella at 
 least to suspend his authority. He was 
 despatched with a fourth expedition to 
 explore further 'the southern continent, 
 and if possible find a passage to India. 
 In this last object it is needless to say 
 that he failed. In the former he so far 
 succeeded, that he explored a consi- 
 derable extent of coast, and was very 
 near lighting upon Mexico. It is im- 
 
 possible not to regret that he should 
 have missed a discovery which would so 
 abundantly have recompensed his toils, 
 by insuring to him the reputation and 
 respect necessarily contingent upon the 
 ascertainment of the value of his New 
 World. He sailed from Cuba, made the 
 main land about the bay of Honduras, 
 but unfortunately turning south-east 
 instead of north-west, sailed along the 
 Mosquito shore, towards the southern 
 continent ; and attempted to establish a 
 colony, in which he was disappointed by 
 the opposition of the natives, and the 
 usual misconduct of the Spaniards. On 
 his return he was shipwrecked upon the 
 island of Jamaica, where he was de- 
 tained a twelvemonth by the ill will of 
 Ovanda, the new governor of Hispa- 
 niola, who, although two of the ad- 
 miral's most attached followers boldly 
 made their way in a country canoe to 
 the colony with the tidings of his dis- 
 tress, wilfully neglected to send vessels 
 for his relief! During that year Colum- 
 bus restrained the hostile disposition 
 of the natives only by making an use of 
 his astronomical knowledge, which 
 might be called quackery, were it not 
 justified by actual necessity. He threat- 
 ened to deprive them of the moon at a 
 period when he knew that an eclipse 
 would occur ; and, when he saw the 
 savages terrified by the seeming execu- 
 tion of his threat, promised to restore 
 her if they bound themselves to comply 
 with his wishes. 
 
 Upon reaching the colony he found 
 it in great disorder, himself slighted, 
 and the unhappy Indians, upon whom 
 he had originally hoped to confer the 
 benefits of civilization unmixed, more 
 cruelly oppressed than ever. He could 
 not endure to reside in such a scene, 
 and returned, for the last time, to Eu- 
 rope, to solicit the restoration of his own 
 authority. He found his sole protectress, 
 Isabella, upon the brink of the grave. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Compulsory conversion of ihe Moot* 
 Conquest of Naples by Ferdinand 
 and Lewis XILThe Great Captain 
 expels the French from their share 
 Death of Isabella Accession of Jo- 
 anna and her husband Philip in 
 Castile Portuguese discover Bra- 
 zil Hostilities in India Gradual 
 increase! of Portuguese possessions in 
 India Indian Mahometans obtain aid 
 from Turkey Victory of Mahometan 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 91: 
 
 allies Their defeat Peace restored 
 Dissensions amongst thePortugueze 
 in India Albuquerque extends the 
 Portugueze Empire from the Persian 
 Gulf to Malacca Establishes a yet 
 more extensive trade Death of Phi- 
 lip Confirmed insanity of Joanna 
 Ferdinand obtains the Regency 
 Joins the league of Cambray against 
 Venice The Holy League against 
 France Seizes Navarre Peace with 
 France War and Conquests in 
 Northern Africa Discovery of the 
 Pacific Death of Ferdinand Death 
 of John and Catherine of Navarre*. 
 
 Spain 
 fram A.D. 
 14981501. 
 
 VARIOUS occurrences fcad, during the 
 absence of Columbus, occu- 
 pied and harassed the queen. 
 She had experienced much 
 difficulty in prevailing upon 
 Ferdinand to summon Joanna, now 
 their heiress, with her husband, the 
 Archduke Philip, to Spain, in order to 
 the solemn recognition of her rights ; 
 and, when she succeeded, her daughter's 
 visit brought her fresh grief instead of 
 comfort. Joanna had probably never 
 been blessed with strong intellects ; she 
 idolized her husband, and Isabella could 
 not but perceive the ill effects produced 
 by jealousy, and Philip's indifference, 
 upon the princess's mind. Her mental 
 disorder increased to partial insanity 
 when he, disliking the Spanish gravity 
 and state, pertinaciously adhered to his 
 determination of returning to Flanders, 
 whilst her approaching confinement pre- 
 vented her accompanying him. This 
 last domestic calamity preyed upon 
 Isabella yet more heavily than her pre- 
 ceding misfortunes, and altogether un- 
 dermined her constitution. 
 
 Her melancholy had already, perhaps, 
 lessened her constancy in resisting the 
 influence^ of her intolerant clergy, and 
 she had given way to their desire of expe- 
 diting by harsh measures the conversion 
 of the Mahometans, thus violating the 
 conditions upon which Granada" had 
 surrendered. These severities provoked 
 a rebellion, and the Spanish noblemen, 
 
 * The authorities principally relied upon in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Garibay, Quintana 
 Barros e Couto, Goes, Da Costa, La Clede, Maries, 
 Giannone, Robertson, Universal Modern History 
 History of the House of Austria, by Archdeacon 
 Coxe,3 vols.4to. London. 1807. History of Brazil, 
 by Robert Southey, 3 vols. 4to. London. 1810, &c. 
 The great diligence with which Coxe and Southey 
 have consulted all accessible sources of informa- 
 tion upon their several subjects, renders their re- 
 spective histories of the House of Austria, and of 
 Brazil, most satisfactorily authentic. 
 
 who first attempted to quell it, lost their 
 lives amidst the stronghold of the Ma- 
 hometans, the Alpujarra mountains. 
 Ferdinand himself then marched against 
 them, and by generalship at length 
 forced them to submit. The more ob- 
 stinate, or rather the more honest, Ma- 
 hometans were allowed to remove with 
 their effects to Africa, upon paying a 
 large sum of money per head, which 
 Ferdinand seems to have valued beyond 
 industrious subjects ; the remainder re- 
 ceived baptism, and became nominal 
 Christians. 
 
 The other transaction which had 
 marked this period, though considered 
 as glorious, was stamped by too much 
 treachery and guilt to have been really 
 gratifying to the pure mind of the con- 
 scientious Isabella. When Lewis XII. 
 succeeded Charles VIII. upon the 
 French throne, Ferdinand renewed or 
 made the proposal for dividing the king- 
 dom of Naples, justifying the plunder 
 of a kinsman, upon the plea that Fre- 
 deric had refused the marriage he had 
 wished and recommended between the 
 duke of Calabria, Frederic's son and 
 heir, and Joanna, the daughter of his 
 father Ferdinand I., by Joanna, Fer- 
 dinand of Spain's sister; and had, by 
 ill treatment, obliged those two prin- 
 cesses to quit Naples for Spain. Lewis 
 gladly embraced the offer ; and when he 
 had overrun the duchy of 
 Milan, which he claimed in Ital y 
 right of his grandmother, a S-l>3. 
 Milanese princess, he called 
 upon Ferdinand to assist him, according 
 to agreement, in the invasion of Naples. 
 The mode in which Ferdinand performed 
 his part of the compact was as perfidious 
 as the compact itself was unjust. He 
 sent over the Great Captain, Gonsalvo 
 de Cordova, with a powerful army, 
 under colour of assisting Frederic 
 against the invaders; and these pre- 
 tended allies were, as friends, allowed 
 to occupy many of the strong-holds 
 of the kingdom ; when, joining with 
 the invaders, they turned their arms 
 against him whom they had profess- 
 edly come to defend. The Neapoli- 
 tans were not more disposed than be- 
 fore to fight for their king or their in- 
 dependence. Frederic found resistance 
 impossible, and showed his sense of his 
 Spanish kinsman's conduct, by trusting 
 his future destiny preferably to a 
 stranger. He surrendered himself to 
 Lewis's generals, and was conveyed a 
 prisoner to France, where he spent the 
 
92 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 remainder of his life in captivity. Ta- 
 rento alone still held out, defended by 
 the duke of Calabria in person. It was 
 besieged by the Great Captain, and when 
 reduced to extremity, surrendered, upon 
 condition of the duke of Calabria's en- 
 joying his liberty ; notwithstanding the 
 solemn ratification of which condition, 
 the unfortunate prince was soon after- 
 wards transferred, against his will, to 
 Spain*, where he too lived and died a 
 prisoner. In 1501 Naples was con- 
 quered and divided between the allies. 
 
 But the unjust conquerors of Naples 
 did not long agree touching the division 
 of their booty. The French and the 
 Spaniards very soon began to charge 
 each other reciprocally with encroach- 
 ment, and the historians of either nation 
 still labour to throw the guilt of aggres- 
 sion upon the other. It certainly ap- 
 pears likely that the king of Spain, who 
 had so treacherously plundered his own 
 relation, would not display a very scru- 
 pulous probity towards his accomplice ; 
 and it is certain that the Neapolitans, 
 to whom the levity and licentiousness of 
 the French troops were intolerable, ex- 
 pressed in various ways a marked pre- 
 ference for Spanish over French masters. 
 Nevertheless, if both parties were not 
 equally in fault, which is most probable, 
 circumstances seem to acquit Ferdinand 
 and his Great Captain of any regularly 
 formed scheme to despoil the French of 
 their share: since when, after much 
 wrangling, war at last broke out be- 
 tween the commanders of the two con- 
 quering armies, the Great Captain and 
 the duke of Nemours, the former was 
 not duly prepared for the contest, and, 
 for a while, the French had so decidedly 
 the advantage, that the Spanish allot- 
 ment must have fallen to France, had 
 not the progress of her arms been 
 checked by negotiations. The Arch- 
 duke Philip, passing through France on 
 his return to the Netherlands, took 
 upon himself to settle the dispute in an 
 interview with Lewis, by betrothing his 
 infant son, afterwards the Emperor 
 Charles V., to Lewis's eldest daughter, 
 Claudia, upon [condition that the king- 
 dom of Naples should be resigned by 
 both parties to the youthful pair. Im- 
 mediate notification of this treaty was 
 
 * Spanish writers, who seem more solicitous to 
 clear the character of the Great Captain from the 
 charge of perfidy than that of the king, endeavour 
 to justify Gonsalvo's conduct to the duke of Cala- 
 bria by referring it to Ferdinand's express order. 
 A poor apology. 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 15011506. 
 
 sent by Lewis and Philip to the French 
 and Spanish generals; but the latter, 
 demurring as to the authority of the 
 archduke, did not proceed to disarm ; 
 and Ferdinand, resenting the presump- 
 tion of his son-in-law, refused to ratify 
 the treaty. Having now received con- 
 siderable sums from the Moors, he de- 
 spatched abundant reinforcements to his 
 general, who, thus seasonably strength- 
 ened, quickly expelled the French from 
 Naples. The duke of Nemours fell in 
 action. 
 
 Lewis, indignant at this breach of 
 faith, made great exertions to revenge 
 the violation of an iniquitous compact, 
 sending one army to recover Naples, 
 and another to invade Roussillon, by 
 the restoration of which the French had 
 certainly gained but little. The former 
 of these armies was repulsed by the 
 abilities of the Great Captain, and Fer- 
 dinand in person accom- 
 panied the duke of Alva to 
 the defence of Roussillon, 
 which they effectually cleared 
 from invaders. 
 
 But the joy of these successes was, 
 before the end of the year, sadly over- 
 clouded to Spain. In the month of 
 November, 1504, died Queen Isabella, 
 who has been justly and happily eulo- 
 gised by an elegant modern writer*, as 
 the most beautiful of historical charac- 
 ters, the purest sovereign who ever sat 
 upon a throne; and, estimating her by 
 the standard of her contemporaries, (the 
 only fair standard,) she was also one of 
 the most enlightened. The encourage- 
 ment she afforded to science was such, 
 that the grandees had their children 
 well-educated to please her; and the 
 Inquisition, as she established it, was 
 destined chiefly, if not solely, to watch 
 over new converts from Judaism or 
 Mahometanism. By her will, drawn 
 up with the concurrence of her Cortes* 
 Isabella left the regency of her king- 
 doms to Ferdinand, during the incapa- 
 city 'of her daughter Joanna, and the 
 minority of her grandson Charles; 
 having first received Ferdinand's assur- 
 ance upon oath that he would not, by a 
 second marriage, risk the separation of 
 their united realms, through the birth 
 of a male heir to his own patrimonial 
 dominions. 
 
 With Isabella expired the tranquil- 
 lity of Spain. The Archduke Philip 
 immediately laid claim to the regency, 
 
 * Washington Irriug. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 93 
 
 or rather to the sovereignty of Castile, 
 as husband to the insane queen, and the 
 majority of the Castilians were induced 
 to declare for him, partly by loyalty 
 to Joanna, partly by dislike of Ferdi- 
 nand, whose cold temper had been 
 always peculiarly offensive to them, and 
 who now increased their dislike by 
 marrying again, in violation of his 
 word pledged to the late queen, and, 
 as they thought, evincing little feeling 
 of her loss. His marriage was, how- 
 ever, of use to him, by producing peace 
 with France. He chose for his bride 
 Germaine de Foix, the niece of Lewis 
 XII., who resigned his claims to his 
 half of the kingdom of Naples in favour 
 of the issue of that marriage, but to re- 
 vive in default of such issue. Ferdinand, 
 after a long contest for the regency of 
 Castile, was in the end obliged to yield, 
 and Philip obtained the government 
 with the title of king. Ferdinand's con- 
 currence was perhaps the more easily 
 gained from his anxiety to visit Naples ; 
 the jealousy he had long entertained of 
 the Great Captain, but which the benign 
 influence of Isabella had hindered from 
 breaking out during her life, haying 
 risen to an uncontrollable height since 
 her death. The prompt loyalty with 
 which Gonzalvo obeyed the mandate 
 recalling him to Spain, proved Ferdi- 
 nand's suspicions to be groundless, but 
 does not seem to have allayed them. 
 In Portugal, meanwhile, the success 
 of Gama had put an end to 
 Portugal, aii d ou bts as to the prosecu- 
 
 from A.D. ,. - ... 
 
 15001505. tion of maritime enterprize. 
 In 1500 Manuel sent Pedral- 
 vares Cabral to India, and he, standing 
 out more to the west than usual, acci- 
 dentally discovered Brazil. Soon after- 
 wards another adventurous Portugueze 
 navigator, named G. de Cortereal, sail- 
 ing northward, is said to have reached 
 Greenland ; but the northern continent 
 of America had already, even before 
 Columbus had discovered the gulph of 
 Paria, been visited by English vessels 
 under the command of John Cabot, a 
 Venetian, employed by Henry VII.; 
 and that portion of the new world did 
 not appear sufficiently inviting to induce 
 any warm competition for its dominion. 
 i Cabral had not the conciliatory man- 
 ners of Gama, and soon after his reach- 
 ing Calecut the Moors succeeded in so 
 completely embroiling him with the na- 
 tives, that hostilities ensued. A factor, 
 whom he had placed on shore to super- 
 intend the collecting of pepper for the 
 
 cargo of his ships, was killed ; and Ca- 
 bral, after amply avenging his death, 
 left Calecut, accepting the invitations of 
 the kings of Cochin and Cananor to 
 complete his cargoes in their ports. A 
 war broke out in consequence between 
 Cochin and Calecut, in which the former 
 was nearly subdued. But Manuel now 
 sent out fleets and troops sufficient for 
 the protection of his allies. The zamo- 
 rin's armies were defeated, and driven 
 from their conquests ; the king of Co- 
 chin recovered the whole of his domi- 
 nions, and was easily persuaded by the 
 commander of those allies to whose 
 prowess he was so much indebted, Al- 
 buquerque, to permit them to build a 
 fortress in a strong position, which 
 would enable them efficiently to protect 
 the kingdom of Cochin, and insure the 
 safety of the factors left in India to 
 prepare cargoes of pepper and other 
 spices. This was the first strong foot- 
 ing obtained by the Portugueze in 
 India, and the first gernrf of their im- 
 mense eastern empire. From this time 
 forward they were engaged in constant 
 warfare in .that part of the world : the 
 smaller princes seeking their friendship 
 and protection, the more powerful op- 
 posing them ; whilst the policy of the 
 Portugueze was to spare and to .court 
 the native Hindoos, encouraging them 
 to rise against their Mahometan masters, 
 the real antagonists of the European 
 adventurers. 
 
 The Mahometans were so much an- 
 noyed by the appearance of Christian 
 arms in a quarter hitherto their undis- 
 turbed property, that they made repre- 
 sentations upon the subject to the 
 powerful Mameluke Sultan of Egypt, 
 who sent an ambassador to Rome' to 
 alarm the Pope, as the spiritual head 
 or father of Christendom, with menaces, 
 that if he did not put a stop to all 
 Christian aggression against the Ma- 
 hometans, whether in Spain, in Africa, 
 or in India, the sultan would take 
 signal vengeance upon all Christians 
 in his dominions, as well as upon Je- 
 rusalem and its holy places. The 
 terrified Pope imparted the sultan's 
 threats, backed by his own entreaties, 
 to Ferdinand and Manuel. Upon the 
 former they produced no effect what- 
 ever, and they rather inflamed than 
 cooled the king of Portugal's eagerness 
 to make war upon the misbelievers in 
 every part of the world. In northern 
 Africa, indeed, his expeditions had failed. 
 Some had proved unavailing, some had 
 
'94 
 
 . HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 been directed to other more pressing 
 objects; one having been employed to 
 assist the Venetians against the Turks, a 
 service which the Venetians now repaid 
 by stimulating the Egyptian monarch 
 against their former allies, whose direct 
 intercourse with India seemed likely to 
 injure their indirect trade with that 
 country through Egypt. Manuel's zeal 
 was unimpaired by his reverses, and he 
 replied to his holiness that he intended 
 both to make India Christian and Por- 
 tugueze, and to destroy the sect of Ma- 
 hometanism at Mecca ; and that the 
 holy father ought to assist his pious de- 
 signs by preaching a crusade against 
 the Turks in Europe, which should pre- 
 vent their opposing him in Asia. 
 
 The days of crusades were past ; no 
 
 Christian league interfered with the 
 
 movements of the Mahonie- 
 
 ^rom 1 "^ 63 tans ' and a P owerful amia- 
 350415^5. ment was equipped by the 
 Sultan in the Red Sea, and 
 despatched to India to co-operate with 
 the Mussulman sovereigns of that fine 
 but never independent region, for the 
 expulsion of the Portugueze. Don Fran- 
 cisco de Almeida, the first viceroy of 
 the Portugueze eastern empire, and, 
 like all the early commanders, an able 
 man, was then in India. He had in- 
 creased the profitable trade carried on 
 there, by extending the Portugueze dis- 
 coveries, (if we may give that name 
 to the first reaching of one civilized 
 country by the ships of another,) and 
 establishing various new friendly con- 
 nexions ; he had also given a degree 
 of consistency to a vice-royalty, which 
 appeared rather unsubstantial, by in- 
 ducing some tributary states of the 
 larger Indian kingdoms, especially na- 
 tive Hindoo tributaries of Mussulman 
 conquerors or their descendants, to 
 transfer their allegiance and their tri- 
 bute to Portugal, and by obtaining leave 
 from different sovereigns, to build forts 
 for the safety of the Portuguese factors, 
 settled in their sea-ports. Almeida's 
 son, Don Loure^o, with very inadequate 
 forces, first encountered the Turkish 
 armada near Diu. The Turks had been 
 joined by the Cambayan navy, under 
 the command of the captain of Diu, 
 Melique Az, a Russian renegade, who, 
 having been presented by a slave trader 
 to the king or sultan of Cambay, had 
 gained his liberty and his master's favour 
 together, by his dexterity as an archer, 
 displayed in transfixing with his arrow 
 a kite that had most impertinently and 
 
 inauspiciously, 'on a clay of battle, de- 
 filed the king's turban, as high in air he 
 soared over head. The united Turkish 
 and Cambayan fleets, Don Louren90, 
 with more temerity than judgment, at- 
 tacked. He was defeated and slain, his 
 vessels retiring, however, in good order. 
 
 The afflicted viceroy made every exer- 
 tion to avenge his son's fall, and assem- 
 bled a large fleet, with which he de- 
 feated that of the enemy, but concluded 
 a peace with Cambay. Alfonso Albu- 
 querque, the greatest of the great men 
 Portugal sent to India, now arrived as 
 Almeida's successor, and somewhat 
 uncourteously demanded the instant 
 surrender of his authority. Almeida, 
 who deemed he was only to resign it at 
 his departure, the usual practice, threw 
 Albuquerque into prison ; but the com- 
 mander of the next fleet from Portugal 
 took Albuquerque's part, and Almeida 
 sailed for Europe under circumstances 
 of insult unsuited to his services. What 
 would have been the king's decision be- 
 tween the two able viceroys, to one of 
 whom he had incurred, and to the other 
 was incurring, so vast a debt, is un- 
 known, as Almeida lost his life on his 
 homeward voyage, in a squabble be- 
 tween his servants and a party of ne- 
 groes. Albuquerque's subsequent ser- 
 vices abundantly effaced all recollection 
 of any impropriety in his conduct to- 
 wards his deceased predecessor. During 
 his government he extended the Portu- 
 gueze dominions in the east, from 
 Ormuz, at the mouth of the Persian 
 Gulph, to Malacca, took Goa, a very 
 valuable sea-port, where the seat of 
 government was subsequently fixed, 
 established a friendly intercourse with 
 the Shah of Persia, and sent vessels to 
 open a trade with the Molucca or Spice 
 Islands. All this was effected ere his 
 death in December, 1515, within twenty 
 years from Gama's first voyage. 
 
 In Castile, King Philip was sedulously 
 destroying the good will at 
 first shown him by his wife's {r ^^ 
 subjects. He quarrelled with 15061512. 
 the Inquisitors, neglected 
 Cardinal Ximenez and the Duke of Alva, 
 whom Ferdinand had recommended to 
 him as his ablest counsellors, indulged 
 the rapacity of his Flemish favourites, 
 and, finally, ill-treated Joanna, endea- 
 vouring to have her declared insane, 
 and, as such, confined. The grandees, 
 upon this attempt, positively required to 
 see their queen. They visited her at 
 one of her best moments, and found her 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 95 
 
 quite rational. Their report raised the 
 indignation of the Castilians to its ut- 
 most height, and a rebellion seemed 
 upon the point of breaking out, when it 
 was stayed by Philip's sudden death, in 
 consequence of drinking cold water when 
 over- heated. 
 
 But this event was far from producing 
 immediate tranquillity. The shock 
 finally confirmed Joanna's insanity. She 
 kept the corse in her own chamber, so 
 jealously excluding all women, except 
 her own immediate domestics, that she 
 even refused other assistance than theirs 
 at the birth of her child, the Infanta 
 Catherine; and she pertinaciously re- 
 fused to listen to any kind of business, 
 or even to sign a paper, merely answer- 
 ing, to every application, ' My father 
 will see to it.' 
 
 Ferdinand was then in Italy, endea- 
 vouring to secure his possession of his 
 newly -acquired kingdom of Naples. He 
 was labouring, at once to counteract the 
 dangers he feared from the Great Cap- 
 tain's popularity, and to obviate the 
 possibility of future mischief from any 
 recognition of right in his young queen, 
 Germaine, as whose marriage portion 
 the French half of the kingdom having 
 been confirmed to Ferdinand by Lewis, 
 might be reclaimed in the event of her 
 dying childless. But Ferdinand's ab- 
 sence was not the only difficulty with 
 which Castile had to contend. Philip's 
 follies had not reconciled the Castilians 
 to their late queen's husband. They 
 still hated him, and various measures 
 were proposed to avoid his government. 
 One party proposed committing the re- 
 gency, during the minority of the prince 
 of Asturias, to that prince's paternal 
 grandfather the Emperor Maximilian, 
 and negotiated his free passage through 
 Navarre. Another would have named 
 the queen's second son, Ferdinand, a 
 child, in fact meaning to govern them- 
 selves in his name. A third would have 
 re-married her. In such a state of anar- 
 chy, all the disorders that Isabella had 
 with difficulty repressed, revived and 
 distracted the country. The following 
 year, 1507, Ferdinand returned to Spain, 
 and by the influence of Alva and Xi- 
 menez, obtained the regency. His firm- 
 ness and prudence, joined to Cardinal 
 Ximenez' great abilities, soon restored 
 the country to its former tranquillity. 
 
 The interests of his Neapolitan con- 
 quest kept Ferdinand perpetually en- 
 gaged in the various and fluctuating 
 wars and leagues of the different Italian 
 
 states with France and the empire. By 
 his accession to the league formed 'at 
 Cambray against, Venice, he obtained 
 from the Venetians, as the price of 
 peace, some Neapolitan sea-ports which 
 they had seized. He afterwards turned 
 against his former allies, joined the Holy 
 League, as it was termed, formed by 
 Pope Julius II. and- the Venetians, for 
 the expulsion of the French from Italy ; 
 and he is said to have done so only upon 
 condition of the Pope's excommunicat- 
 ing the king and queen of Navarre, as 
 adherents of the schismatic council of 
 Pisa. Certain it is, that those sovereigns 
 were thus excommunicated; and that 
 the king of Aragon turned the sentence 
 to his own advantage. 
 
 He proposed taking his share of the 
 war by invading the south of France 
 and assisting his son-in-law, Henry 
 VIII. of England, to recover Guienne. 
 To facilitate this invasion, Ferdinand 
 demanded from the Navarrese sove- 
 reigns a free passage for his troops 
 through Navarre, and that, the prince 
 of Viana, together with some strong 
 places, should be placed in his hands as 
 pledges for the safety of his troops dur- 
 ing their passage. These last demands 
 Catherine and her -husband rejected, 
 offering to observe the strict- 
 est neutrality. To that offer ,,. Navarre 
 Ferdinand replied, by accus- 1^2 15*12'. 
 ing them of having con- 
 cluded an alliance, offensive and de- 
 fensive, with France, upon the strength 
 of which accusation he sent the duke of 
 Alva with a powerful army to occupy 
 their kingdom. A show of negotiation 
 was still kept up, some old pretensions 
 to the crown were produced, founded 
 upon the close family connexion be- 
 tween the kings of Aragon and those 
 of Navarre, or the will of Blanche, 
 and the excommunication, which gave 
 the ancient Pyrennean kingdom to the 
 first occupant, was insisted upon. The 
 Aragonese faction, which, in opposi- 
 tion to a French faction, had so long 
 existed in Navarre, supported Alva ; 
 and his preponderating numbers bore 
 down all opposition; whilst the presence 
 of an English army in Guienne, awaiting 
 Spanish co-operation, prevented the op- 
 pressed sovereigns from obtaining effec- 
 tive succours from France. Pamplona 
 surrendered upon terms. Alva solemnly 
 swore, in the name of Ferdinand, to re- 
 spect and maintain all laws, rights and 
 privileges of the Navarrese ; and most 
 of the other fortified towns iollowed the 
 
96 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 example of the capital. The king and 
 queen retired to France, whence the for- 
 mer returned with a French army to 
 attempt the recovery of his wife's domi- 
 nions. But he found the Spanish forces 
 too powerful, and again evacuated the 
 kingdom ; or, at least, by far the larger 
 part of it, which lies south of the Pyre- 
 nees, and has, ever since 1512, formed a 
 part of the Spanish monarchy ; a na- 
 tural and important union, had it been 
 brought about by just means. John 
 and Catherine retained the royal title, 
 with which they ruled the small French 
 portion of Navarre. 
 The English commander, the marquess 
 of Dorset,] meanwhile was 
 Spain complaining of the non- 
 1512^1515. execution of the stipulations 
 of the treaty with England, 
 on the part of Spain. The season for 
 military operations was consumed by 
 Alva in conquering and securing Na- 
 varre ; and the English army returned 
 home without recovering Guienne. Fer- 
 dinand had now gained all he had pur- 
 posed by the war, and made peace with 
 Lewis, leaving his allies to shift for 
 themselves. 
 
 The Castilian dominions in Africa 
 were likewise extended during Ferdi- 
 nand's regency. Cardinal Ximenez, 
 with the regent's sanction, fitted out an 
 armament at his own expense, with 
 which he took Oran ; and this acquisi- 
 tion exciting a desire for conquest in 
 Africa, similar to that animating Portu- 
 gal, many attacks upon the Moors were 
 made with considerable success. Fer- 
 dinand, besides, assisted his son-in-law, 
 Manuel, in the only prosperous one of 
 those many African expeditions, that 
 consumed the wealth he derived from 
 India : namely, the expedition in which 
 Manuel took the sea-port town of Ar- 
 zilla, in the empire of Morocco. 
 
 It was upon this second assumption 
 of the regency of Castile, 
 that the king of Aragon 
 seems to have begun really 
 to appreciate the import- 
 ance of the discovery of 
 Columbus, who had not long survived 
 his royal friend and patroness. In 1507 
 Ferdinand established a council for the 
 especial management of Indian affairs, 
 composed of able men. Without the 
 licence of this council, no trade could 
 be carried on with the New World, nor 
 could any individual repair thither. He 
 further regulated a church establishment 
 for those provinces, over which he al- 
 
 Spanish 
 
 America 
 
 from A.U. 
 
 1504-1517. 
 
 lowed the pope as little control as was 
 compatible with Catholicism. These 
 Transatlantic dominions certainly were 
 rapidly increasing in consequence, not- 
 withstanding the frightful decline of the 
 native population, resulting from the 
 Spaniards both compelling the Indians 
 to labour beyond their strength, and 
 driving them from the fertile and, to 
 them, genial plains, to the cold and bar- 
 ren mountain regions, where mines are 
 usually found. Diego Columbus, the 
 admiral's eldest son, had instituted a suit 
 against Ferdinand, for the restitution of 
 the rights, honours, and privileges as- 
 sured to his family ; and obtained from 
 the Council of the Indies a sentence in 
 his favour. This favourable decision 
 obtained him, probably, the hand of 
 Donna Maria de Toledo, a niece of the 
 duke of Alva, and the powerful influ- 
 ence of his wife's family prevented ter- 
 giversation on the king's part. Ovando 
 was recalled, and Don Diego sent out 
 as governor to Hispaniola, whither he 
 was accompanied by many of his new 
 connexions, and whither the splendour 
 of the sort of court he and his lady 
 held, quickly attracted colonists of a 
 rank far superior to any of the preceding 
 adventurers, and from whom most of 
 the noble Creole families in Spanish 
 America are descended. 
 
 In 1510, Don Diego employed Velas- 
 quez, one of his father's associates, to 
 conquer and colonize Cuba ; and various 
 unsuccessful attempts.by private persons, 
 at establishments upon the continent, 
 ended in one feeble colony upon the Isth- 
 mus of Darien, under Balboa. Balboa 
 was an able and enterprising man : he 
 conciliated the neighbouring Indians, 
 from whom he obtained such informa- 
 tion of the wealth of the Peruvian empire, 
 as impelled him to make his way across 
 the isthmus, when he discovered the 
 Pacific Ocean. He sent tidings of his 
 discoveries and schemes to Spain, re- 
 questing means to conquer Peru. The 
 tidings and schemes were gladly received ; 
 but the jealousy which every man of 
 abilities excited in the breasts of the 
 king and his Indian minister, Fonseca, 
 prevented their intrusting the projector 
 with the execution. They sent Pedrarias 
 Davila to supersede Balboa as governor 
 of Darien. Internal dissensions ensued, 
 which ended in Balboa's execution upon 
 a false accusation ; and Pedrarias having 
 offended the natives, could get no infor- 
 mation from them. The Peruvian project 
 was, therefore, abandoned as illusory. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 97 
 
 Such was the prosperous state in 
 which Ferdinand left an im- 
 Spain mense empire to his grand- 
 son Charles, no affection 
 for whom had, however, in- 
 spired or sweetened his exertions. He 
 seems to have entertained for the young 
 prince (whom, indeed, he had scarcely 
 ever seen, Charles having been entirely 
 educated in the Netherlands) no senti- 
 ments except the jealousy kings so often 
 betray of their successors. He even 
 sought to weaken the future sovereign of 
 Spain by giving to Don Ferdinand, his 
 younger grandson, the three grand- 
 masterships of St. lago, Calatrava, and 
 Alcantara, which, as too formidable in 
 the hands of subjects, he and Isabella 
 had, with some difficulty, irrevocably 
 united to the crown ; a mischievous 
 grant, only prevented by the earnest 
 remonstrances of his trustiest counsel- 
 lors. His joy when Germaine bore him 
 a son, who would have separated Ara- 
 gon, Catalonia, Valencia, Sicily, and 
 Naples, from Joanna's realms, was un- 
 bounded ; and upon the early death of 
 this infant heir, his anxiety to see him 
 replaced is said to have impelled him to 
 the use of drugs that entirely destroyed 
 his already- failing strength, and brou'ght 
 on a succession of illnesses which termi- 
 nated his career on the 23d of January, 
 151G. 
 
 Ferdinand has been as highly praised 
 by Spanish historians as he is bitterly 
 vituperated by the French. His true 
 eulogy is in the regrets of his own sub- 
 jects, which seem to have been real ; 
 and his character must be judged from 
 his history. He was a bad husband to 
 Isabella. Perhaps the best trait re- 
 corded of him, is his refusing, when in 
 great want of money, a free gift offered 
 him by the Aragonese nobles, upon con- 
 dition of his repealing a law that allowed 
 the vassals of the nobles to seek redress 
 of their grievances from the royal tribu- 
 nals. He replied, ' I will not sell my 
 subjects' liberty for money. I have 
 emancipated the nobles' vassals from 
 their masters' yoke, and will keep them 
 free.' 
 
 The despoiled king and queen of Na- 
 varre shortly followed the usurper of 
 their rights, dying in the months of April 
 and July, respectively, of the same year. 
 They left their French dominions and 
 regal title to their son, Henry II, of 
 Navarre. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Able regency of Ximenez Charles ar- 
 rives in SpainIs proclaimed king 
 jointly with Joanna Death of Xime- 
 nez The rapacity of Charles's Fle- 
 mish favourites disgusts the Spa- 
 niards Charles elected emperor 
 Rebellion of the Comuneros, or mu- 
 nicipalities Their leader, Padilla, 
 affects to act in Joanna's name 
 Charles conciliates the nobles and 
 clergy Comuneros advance in their 
 demands They are defeated Padilla 
 taken and executed The confede- 
 rated cities gradually submit Ri- 
 valry between Charles and Francis I. 
 Francis secretly assists Henry of 
 Navarre to invade his kingdom Na- 
 varre conquered and recovered Open 
 war between Charles and Francis- 
 Charles, by his wise clemency, finally 
 suppresses the rebellion of the Comu- 
 neros.* 
 
 BY Ferdinand's death, Joanna became 
 
 queen of the whole monar- 
 
 chy of her parents, enlarged s i )ain 
 
 as it had been, even since her isiiti^-ms. 
 
 own accession to the one- 
 
 half, by her father's policy. But Joanna's 
 
 mental infirmity grew worse and worse. 
 
 Her son Charles, therefore, was invited 
 
 to Spain ; and the government remained 
 
 until his arrival,jn the hands o 
 
 nand's natural son, the archbishop of 
 Saragossa, and of Cardinal Ximenez, 
 whom the deceased king had appointed 
 severally regents of Aragon and of Castile. 
 To the former no objection was made ; 
 but Ximenez was of a family, though 
 noble, reduced to great poverty, and the 
 haughty Castilian grandees disdained 
 submission to one whom they esteemed 
 their inferior. He had besides provoked 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Quintana, Barros e 
 Couto, Goes, Da Costa, La Clede, Sempere, Coxe's 
 House of Austria, Universal Modern History, 
 Cronica do muito alto e muito poderoso Rey destes 
 Reynos de 1'ortugal, Joam 3 dcste name, por Fran- 
 cisco d'Andrade, sen Consi'lhero e seu Cronista mor, 
 fol. Lisboa, 1613 ;i chronicle resembling the for- 
 mer for authenticity. History of Charles V., by 
 Dr. Robertson, 4 vols. 8vo. London. 1777 it is 
 almost superfluous to say, that this is a standard 
 book. Essai sur les Moeurs et sur I' Esprit des Na- 
 tions, et sur les principaux faits de I'Histoire dcpuix 
 Charlemagne jusqu'h J.ouis XIII., par M. de Vol- 
 taire ; (Euvres Completes de M. de Voltaire, 100 
 torn. 12mo. Basle. 17y2 a work of considerable 
 value to the philosophic investigator of history, 
 from the extraordinary powers of the author's mind, 
 but not to be depended upon for facts, which are 
 frequently distorted or discoloured, perhaps uncoil* 
 sciously, to suit preconceived theories. 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 much ill-will, by the rigour with which 
 he had investigated those grants of lands 
 and privileges that royal profusion had 
 lavished to the impoverishment of the 
 exchequer, and had enforced the fair 
 pleas he found for resuming many. A 
 deputation of these grandees arrogantly 
 questioned him as to his powers, and 
 the late king's right of naming a regent ; 
 when the cardinal, coolly leading his 
 interrogators to a window, showed them 
 a large body of troops under arms, and 
 answered, * By those powers I govern 
 Castile until Prince Charles shall arrive, 
 or shall supersede me. 1 That this last 
 alternative was not an empty profession, 
 he soon had occasion to prove. When 
 Adrian, bishop of Utrecht, a Fleming, 
 who had been the prince's preceptor, 
 arrived with his pupil's authority to as- 
 sume the regency, it would have cost 
 Ximenez but a word (such was the Cas- 
 tilian abhorrence of the Flemings since 
 Philip had disgusted them with his na- 
 tion) to free himself from his rival ; but 
 he at once received him as his colleague, 
 and governed conjointly with him. 
 
 Boldness and wisdom were the cha- 
 racteristics of the cardinal's administra- 
 tion. He repulsed a French invasion of 
 Navarre, on behalf of the despoiled 
 sovereign ; and by dismantling every 
 fortress throughout that kingdom, ex- 
 cept Pamplona, which he proposed to 
 render impregnable, according to the 
 military science of the day, he pro- 
 jected to make it impossible for an in- 
 vading army thenceforward to do more 
 than overrun the country, and retreat 
 upon the advance of superior forces. 
 He proceeded steadily with Ferdinand 
 and Isabella's plans for reducing the 
 exorbitant power of the nobility, and 
 adopted one measure, which, had it been 
 persevered in, might have preserved to 
 Spain her liberties, and delivered her 
 from the feudal tyranny of the privileged 
 orders, without exchanging it for the 
 more noxious yoke of despotism. This 
 was the establishment of a burgher 
 militia, to be raised and trained by the 
 great towns. Ximenez' object was not 
 to strengthen the towns, but to give the 
 crown troops, independent of the barons ; 
 and the citizens seem to have viewed the 
 scheme jn the same light, as a mere 
 burthen, without advantage to them- 
 selves. They submitted reluctantly, 
 and after the projector's death the plan 
 dropped. Ximenez was much thwarted, 
 and in every way annoyed by the influ- 
 ence of the Flemish court. He remon- 
 
 strated warmly against the assumption, 
 by the prince of Asturias, of the regal 
 title, to which he could have no right 
 during his mother's life. But when he 
 found his opposition vain, he exerted 
 himself as strenuously to obtain Charles's 
 recognition as king in Castile, as though 
 he had himself advised the measure ; and, 
 in despite of the indignation of the Cas- 
 tilians at this indecent denouncement of 
 a mother's infirmity by a son, at this 
 ungracious usurpation of a parent's 
 rights, the cardinal succeeded in caus- 
 ing Joanna and Charles to be acknow- 
 ledged as joint queen and king. In 
 Aragon, the archbishop's abilities proved 
 unequal to the task ; and the disorders 
 excited by the attempt continued until 
 the young prince's own arrival in Spain. 
 This event was retarded by all the in- 
 fluence of William de Croy, Seigneur 
 or Lord de Chievres, who had superin- 
 tended Charles's education, and during 
 his pupil's minority, governed the 
 Netherlands, under the authority of the 
 Emperor Maximilian, to whom the Fle- 
 mings themselves had committed the 
 regency. In these offices, De Chievres 
 had acquitted himself well ; but his 
 natural avarice could not resist the 
 temptation of maintaining himself the 
 sole channel for the distribution of fa- 
 vours, which he was, so long as his for- 
 mer pupil, and now master, (Charles 
 was legally of age, though barely 
 sixteen at his grandfather's death,) 
 could be detained in Flanders. At 
 length, however, the exhortations of 
 Ximenez and of the emperor, joined to 
 the murmurs of the Spaniards, prevailed, 
 and the young king repaired to Spain, 
 accompanied by his Flemish ministers 
 and courtiers. 
 
 It was still the object of these persons 
 to prevent all intercourse between 
 Charles and the able regent of Castile ; 
 an object that, unfortunately for Spain, 
 was but too easily accomplished. The 
 cardinal, upon his journey to receive 
 his sovereign, was seized with severe 
 illness, ascribed to poison, but no unna- 
 tural effect of great fatigue in advanced 
 age. Unable to proceed, he wrote to 
 entreat an interview, and to admonish 
 the young king as to his future course. 
 The latter, either influenced by his fa- 
 vourites, or irritated by the admonitory 
 tone of the letter, answered by permit- 
 ting the cardinal to retire to his diocese, 
 and repose his declining age after a long 
 life of toil. Ximenez died a few hours 
 after reading the letter. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 99 
 
 This extraordinary man united to the 
 most splendid political abilities the 
 learning of a recluse, and the profound 
 piety, the ascetic mortifications and 
 penances, of the cloister. He displayed 
 the magnificence becoming an arch- 
 bishop of Toledo, a primate of Spain ; 
 but amidst it he constantly wore sack- 
 cloth, slept upon a board, and fed upon 
 the meagre diet of his austere order, the 
 Franciscan. He visited and encouraged 
 the most indigent members of his family, 
 but would not enrich them, and expended 
 his immense revenues upon the poor, 
 upon wars with the infidels, in building 
 public granaries, in founding the univer- 
 sity of Alcala, and a chapel, with twelve 
 canons, for the performance of the old 
 Mozarabic ritual, for which he professed 
 peculiar reverence, and in the general 
 encouragement of learning. The first 
 polyglot Bible was published at his ',ex- 
 pense. 
 
 The influence of the Flemings was 
 now, for the moment, unopposed and 
 uncontrolled, Charles appearing to be so 
 mere an instrument in their hands, that 
 hebeijanto incur the contempt of Spain, 
 as little superior in intellect to his imbe- 
 cile mother. The Flemings, knowing 
 him better, suspected possibly that their 
 reign would be short, and made the most 
 of the opportunity, selling every public 
 employment and every favour with the 
 most audacious venality, and yet more 
 exasperating the Castilians by appro- 
 priating high offices to themselves, con- 
 trary to established laws; Sauvage, a 
 Fleming, being appointed Chancellor, 
 and William de Croy, a nephew of De 
 Chievres, and still under the canonical 
 age, archbishop of Toledo. 
 
 A general spirit of dissatisfaction was 
 now fermenting throughout Spain. The 
 cities of Castile began to confederate ; 
 at first, only for the purpose of giving 
 weight to their remonstrances against 
 the illegal intrusion of foreigners into 
 the highest dignities of church and 
 state; though, as is usual in such cases, 
 they soon enlarged and extended their 
 views. The Cortes of Aragon and Ca- 
 talonia still resisted Charles's desire to 
 obtain the title of king and a grant of 
 money. They at length yielded, but 
 the subsidy they gave was very inferior 
 to his expectation and his necessities ; 
 and the whole kingdom expressed the 
 most violent displeasure, when, soon 
 afterwards, the king's sister, the young 
 and lovely Leonora, who had been pro- 
 mised to the prince of Portugal, was 
 
 given in marriage to his father, King 
 Manuel, now the widower of two of her 
 aunts. * 
 
 This third marriage seems to have 
 at last withdrawn Manuel's 
 mind from those African ex- 
 peditions, to which his heart i&'oe ss. 
 and soul had been previously 
 devoted. In them he had so entirely 
 consumed his Indian wealth, that upon 
 one occasion, when the prevalence of 
 the plague prevented the assembling of 
 the Cortes, he was impelled by necessity 
 to impose a tax by his own authority. 
 The urgency of the case was generally 
 received as a sufficient excuse ; but one 
 magistrate, a man of little consideration 
 either for birth or wealth, opposed its 
 payment at Evora. The king sent for 
 him, and endeavoured by argument, 
 flattery, threats, and imprisonment, to 
 overcome his resistance ; till convinced, 
 at length, of his inflexibility, he dis- 
 missed him with high praises of his 
 patriotic firmness, and abandoned the 
 illegal tax. Upon the death of Queen 
 Maria, Manuel's vexation at the almost 
 constant failure of his attempts to re- 
 cover the African province of Algarve 
 beyond the sea, (during his whole reign 
 he re-conquered only three African 
 towns,) had inspired him with an inten- 
 tion of abdicating in favour of his eldest 
 son, and devoting himself, as grand- 
 master of a military order, to. the ef- 
 fecting his favourite schemes. Some 
 symptoms, however, of both an undue 
 impatience for power and an arbitrary 
 temper, betrayed by the prince of Por- 
 tugal upon the occasion, induced him 
 to give up his project when he married 
 Leonora, and occupied himself with the 
 internal and colonial interests of his 
 kingdom. 
 
 The attention of the king of Spain 
 was about this time com- 
 pletely abstracted from the 
 discontents of his subjects 
 by an event that opened to 
 him a prospect of greatly increased 
 power and dignity. This \vas the death 
 of his paternal grandfather, Maximilian, 
 who had long been endeavouring to 
 secure the imperial crown to Charles, 
 the undoubted heir of his dominions as 
 Archduke of Austria. The intrigues 
 and negotiations of the two rival can- 
 didates for the empire, Charles of Spain 
 and Francis I., who had lately suc- 
 ceeded to the French throne, do not 
 belong to the history of Spain. It is 
 enough to say that the former was 
 H2 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 
 1518-1522. 
 
100 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 elected; that the rivalry of the two 
 young monarchs, which first appeared 
 upon this occasion, gave birth to a 
 series of wars in which almost all Europe 
 was involved ; and that Spain had little 
 cause to rejoice in her king's elevation, 
 his imperial dignity costing her much 
 blood and treasure spent in quarrels not 
 directly affecting her interests. Charles 
 J. of Spain was, as emperor df Ger- 
 many, Charles V., by which denomina- 
 tion he is known in European history ; 
 for Spanish historians he remained 
 Charles I. 
 
 Germany was at this time full of 
 religious dissensions and disorders, ex- 
 cited by the novel doctrines of the 
 Reformed Church, which the celebrated 
 Martin Luther had recently promul- 
 gated, and by the injudicious measures 
 that Pope Leo X. had adopted, in order 
 to suppress what he esteemed heresy. 
 These disorders had begun under Maxi- 
 milian, and much increased during the 
 interregnum. The emperor's presence 
 was therefore indispensable in his new 
 dominions, but his departure from 
 Spain was the occasion of great evils in 
 the country he left. 
 
 Unable to spare time for a repetition 
 in Valencia of the contests and delays 
 that had harassed him in Castile, Aragon, 
 and Catalonia, Charles determined to 
 send Adrian, who had recently received 
 a cardinal's hat, to that province, there to 
 hold the Cortes in his name, swear 
 fidelity to the constitution, and receive 
 the oaths of allegiance. This substitution 
 was vehemently resisted by the Valen- 
 cian nobles as a violation of the laws 
 and constitution. Whilst the emperor's 
 indignation against the refractory nobles 
 was at its highest, the citizens and 
 populace of the city of Valencia, having 
 been stimulated by a seditious monk to 
 take the law into their own hands with 
 respect to some unpunished criminals, 
 were so pleased with this exercise of 
 power, that they proceeded to form 
 themselves into a hermandad, or con- 
 fraternity, possessed themselves of the 
 government of the city, elected munici- 
 pal officers, and sent deputies to court 
 to petition against the feudal privileges 
 of the nobility, which were more oppres- 
 sive in Valencia than in any other part 
 of Spain. The emperor, incensed at 
 the nobles, encouraged these popular 
 complaints against the objects of his 
 . cwn anger, and sanctioned the acts of 
 the people. The other Valencian towns 
 fallowed the example of the capital. 
 
 The Castilian tumults were directed 
 against the emperor's own measures. 
 Want of money induced him to summon 
 another Cortes, and want of time to ap- 
 point the place of assembling in Galicia. 
 This was as unwonted as the early re- 
 newal of a demand for money. The cities 
 were indignant, and their deputies pre- 
 sented forcible statements of grievances 
 requiring redress. The jealousy which 
 the nobles about this time b?gan to 
 entertain of the towns, enabled the em- 
 peror to elude the petition of the depu- 
 ties, and obtain the supplies he needed ; 
 when, naming Cardinal Adrian regent 
 of Castile, and two noblemen of Aragon 
 and Valencia respectively regents of 
 those kingdoms, he embarked at Co- 
 runa, and set sail to take possession of 
 the empire. 
 
 It is noticed by historians as remark- 
 able, that during this first residence in 
 Spain, the young king discovered no 
 symptoms of the great talents and ener- 
 getic character by which the Emperor 
 Charles V., was distinguished. But it 
 is to be observed that, having been born 
 and bred in Flanders, he was not then 
 familiar with either the manners or the 
 language of his peninsular subjects ; and 
 that his governor, de Chievres, had ac- 
 quired a species of paternal authority 
 over him in his early boyhood, such as 
 the strongest minds are not perhaps the 
 first to shake off. When to these con- 
 siderations is added that of his unripe 
 years (he was born in 1500, and, there- 
 fore, barely seventeen when he landed 
 in Spain), his deficiency in political 
 sagacity will hardly be thought sur- 
 prising. 
 
 When it was publicly known that the 
 emperor had obtained a grant of sup- 
 plies, and quitted Spain without redress- 
 ing a single grievance, the indignation 
 of the cities knew no bounds. In Sego- 
 via, the deputy who had suffered him- 
 self to be thus duped was put to death 
 by .the people ; and in other cities, 
 where the deputies prudently avoided 
 the wrath of their constituents, they 
 were executed in effigy. In more effi- 
 cacious measures, Toledo took the lead. 
 There the citizens flew to arms, expelled 
 all the constituted authorities of royal 
 nomination, elected municipal governors 
 and councils, to whom they gave the 
 name of Comunidad, raised troops from 
 amongst themselves, of which they 
 intrusted the command to Don John 
 de Padilla, the eldest son of a Castilian 
 nobleman, and invited all the other 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AXD PORTUGAL. 
 
 lOi 
 
 cities of Castile to follow their example, 
 an invitation which was very generally 
 obeyed. The nobility and clergy, seve- 
 rally offended by the appointment of 
 Cardinal Adrian to the regency, and of 
 De Croy to the Archbishopric of Toledo, 
 were at this period not disinclined to 
 unite with the Comuneros, as the parti- 
 zans of the Comunidades termed them- 
 selves. 
 
 The complaints of the insurgents were 
 well founded; the insurrection bore a 
 formidable aspect, and many members 
 of Adrian's council advised conciliation. 
 But the most unwarlike seem always 
 most ready to provoke civil war, and the 
 cardinal determined to quell the revolt 
 by force. He accordingly sent a body 
 of troops against Segovia, the guiltiest 
 of the confederated cities. Padilla led a 
 body of Comuneros to oppose the assail- 
 ants, and the royal troops were defeated 
 with the loss of their artillery. An offi- 
 cer, named Fonseca, was now sent 
 against the rebel city with a larger army, 
 which he was ordered to provide with 
 cannon from the magazines at Medina 
 del Campo. But the inhabitants of that 
 place refused to part with the artillery; 
 Fonseca attempted to take it by force, 
 and to cut short resistance, set the town 
 on fire. The loss of life and property 
 in consequence was great, and the exas- 
 peration of the public mind proportion- 
 ate. The flame of insurrection spread 
 through Leon, Galicia, and Estramadura. 
 It was already raging in Valencia and 
 Murcia, and was only kept down in 
 Aragon and Catalonia, by the good 
 sense and energy of the regent Don John 
 de Lanuza. Andalusia alone seems to 
 have partaken but little in the prevalent 
 temper. 
 
 Padilla was now at the head of con- 
 siderable numbers of troops, and of a 
 Junta formed of deputies from the con- 
 federated cities; and he resolved by a 
 bold measure to gain a legal sanction of 
 his proceedings. He led his troops to 
 Tordesillas, where Joanna had resided 
 ever since her husband's death, and 
 made himself master of the town and of 
 the queen's person. He visited her ma- 
 jesty, and chancing to find her in a lucid 
 interval, informed her of the state of 
 affairs, of her son's mal-administration, 
 and her people's sufferings. She replied, 
 that she had not known of her father's 
 death, or she would herself have attended 
 to the government, and naming Padilla 
 captain-general, she authorized him to 
 act in her name. The sanguine Padilla 
 
 now thought all was secured ; but Jo- 
 anna quickly relapsed into her usual 
 condition, and could not be induced to 
 sign a paper, or exercise any other 
 function of royalty. The Junta and 
 Padilla, however, still acted in her 
 name, and the Castilians were delighted 
 at the idea of being governed by the 
 daughter of the idolized Isabella. 
 
 The emperor was by this time aware 
 of the serious character of the insurrec- 
 tion, and had recourse to conciliatory 
 measures. He appointed the Constable 
 and the Admiral of Castile, two power- 
 ful noblemen, co-regents with Adrian, 
 and offered to concede all that had been 
 demanded at the last Cortes. But the 
 Comuneros and the Junta now rejected 
 what at an earlier period would have 
 amply satisfied them. They demanded, 
 further, the confirmation of every old 
 liberty, some rather extravagant privi- 
 leges, great curtailments of the already 
 very limited royal authority, and above 
 all the restriction or abolition of many 
 feudal prerogatives of the nobility. 
 They had, however, no longer power 
 to enforce their demands. The nobles, 
 gratified by the appointment of the 
 constable and admiral, and offended 
 by the comuneros" attack upon their 
 order, went over, for the most part, to 
 the side of government, and the consta- 
 ble's son, the Count de Haro, took the 
 command of the royal forces. His mi- 
 litary skill proved an overmatch for 
 Padilla's. He recovered possession of 
 Tordesillas and of the queen ; de- 
 feated the insurgents in several actions, 
 and at length, at Villalar, took Padilla 
 prisoner. He formally executed him 
 the following day. The cities now vied 
 with each other in submission, Toledo 
 alone continuing to resist. There Donna 
 Maria, Padilla's widow, resided ; a wo- 
 man of high spirit, who by her courage 
 and address, induced the citizens still 
 to defend the cause for which her hus- 
 band had fallen ; until the death of the 
 Flemish archbishop, and the nomination 
 of a native to that high dignity, drawing 
 off her clerical partisans, Donna Maria 
 found her influence gone. The town 
 and citadel capitulated, and she escaped 
 with her infant son to Portugal, where 
 she ended her days in exile. The Va- 
 lencian insurrection, which extended to 
 Majorca, was fiercer and more sangui- 
 nary ; but was at length, like the Cas- 
 tilian, suppressed, the efforts of the 
 viceroy being aided by the nobility. 
 And the consequence of these, as of all 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 102 
 
 unsuccessful rebellions, was a material 
 accession of power to the triumphant 
 party, and a proportionate reduction of 
 those rights, for the extension of which 
 the vanquished had fought and suffered. 
 
 The death of de Chievres, during the 
 progress of these disorders, having eman- 
 cipated the emperor from tutelage, his 
 powerful mind and character now be- 
 gan to develope themselves, as did also 
 that rivalry between him and Francis I., 
 which, in the collision between two 
 powerful and ambitious princes, scarcely 
 needed to be enkindled by a contest for 
 the empire. 
 
 Francis had repeatedly summoned the 
 emperor to restore Navarre to Cathe- 
 rine's son Henry ; a restitution which 
 the emperor had as ofien evaded, by 
 alleging his own pretensions to that 
 kingdom. Francis thought that the 
 Spanish troubles during the rebellion of 
 the comuneros, offered the lawful king 
 a favourable opportunity of recovering 
 his dominions, and accordingly supplied 
 Henry with men and money for the en- 
 terprize, whilst disclaiming the invasion, 
 and maintaining the outward appear- 
 ance of peace and friendship with the 
 sovereign whose territories were invaded. 
 Henry, assisted by the French party in 
 Navarre, overran the open country and 
 besieged Pamplona; the fortifications 
 projected by Ximenez were yet incom- 
 plete, and the place fell. The siege is 
 rendered memorable by one remarkable 
 event. Amongst the garrison was the 
 celebrated Ignacio Loyola, who received 
 a wound in the defence of the city, and 
 during the confinement requisite for its 
 cure, his ardent mind conceived the first 
 idea of the extraordinary monastic order 
 which he afterwards founded, that of 
 the Jesuits. 
 
 After the fall of his capital, Henry 
 met with little resistance. His kingdom 
 was soon regained, and, leading his 
 army across the frontiers, he laid siege 
 to Logrono. But the place defended 
 itself stoutly ; the troops that had just 
 conquered the Castilian rebels hastened 
 to its relief; and Henry with his French 
 troops was routed, driven back into Na- 
 varre, and through Navarre over the 
 Pyrenees, again losing his kingdom as 
 rapidly as he had recovered it. 
 
 Francis sanctioned a similar attempt 
 upon the Netherlands in a similar way, 
 disowning the adventurer whom he sup- 
 ported. This incursion equally failed, 
 but drew on open hostilities, the chief 
 scene of which was Italy ; where the 
 
 kingdom of Naples and the duchy of 
 Milan were claimed by both the empe- 
 ror and the French king. The latter 
 had conquered Milan from the Sforza 
 family, who had long held that duchy, 
 and the emperor now commissioned his 
 able generals, Antonio de Leyva, a 
 Spaniard,- the marquis of Pescara and 
 Prosper Colonna, Italians and Lannoy, 
 viceroy of Naples, a Fleming, to expel 
 them, and reinstate Francis Sforza, as 
 a vassal of the empire. In this they 
 succeeded, partly from their own abili- 
 ties, partly from the detestation borne 
 by the Italians to the French, (whose 
 levity was far more disgusting to their 
 jealous tempers than the arrogance of 
 the Spaniards, or the roughness of the 
 Germans,) and partly from the folly of 
 the French court, that wasted, in idle 
 pleasures, the money requisite for the 
 necessary expenses of the army, includ- 
 ing the pay of the Swiss mercenaries. 
 During these operations the death of 
 Pope Leo X. vacated the papal see, to 
 which the emperor procured the eleva- 
 tion of his preceptor, Cardinal Adrian, 
 thus strengthening and tightening the 
 bands of the alliance he had contracted 
 with Leo. 
 
 The emperor now returned to Spain, 
 visiting England in his way to invigorate 
 the friendship existing between himself 
 and Henry VIII., and to pacify Cardi- 
 nal Wolsey's resentment at the neglect 
 of his claims in favour of Adrian's, in. 
 the late papal election. He accomplished 
 both objects, and landed in Spain in 
 June 1522. Here he completely ex- 
 tinguished the last lingering spark of 
 rebellion by his judicious clemency. 
 Upon reaching Valladolid, he caused a 
 general amnesty to be proclaimed in his 
 presence in the market place, both for- 
 bidding further prosecutions, and re- 
 scinding past sentences of dishonour or 
 confiscation. From this amnesty eighty 
 persons were, indeed, excepted ; but that 
 seems to have been done merely to in- 
 spire terror, for not above ten or twelve 
 were executed ; and when an officious 
 courtier offered to tell the emperor where 
 one of the excepted persons was con- 
 cealed, he replied, smiling, ' You would 
 be more usefully employed in telling the 
 unfortunate gentleman where I am.' 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Discovery and invasion of Mexico 
 Warlike character and resistance of 
 the Mexicans Daring conduct of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 103 
 
 Cortes Harassed by the governor of 
 Cuba Conquest of Mexico Disco- 
 very of the Straits of Magellan 
 Disputes between Spain and Portu- 
 gal, concerning the trade to the Mo- 
 luccas Provisionally settled upon 
 the double marriage of the royal fa- 
 milies Progressive extension of the 
 Portuguese dominions in India 
 Acquisition of Diu and the Moluc- 
 cas Mahometan Princes seek aid 
 from Constantinople Siege of Diu, 
 by Turks and Indians Ungrateful 
 treatment of the Portugueze Viceroys 
 Battle of Pavia Capture of Fran- 
 cis Recovery of the Milanese 
 Treaty of Madrid Liberation of 
 Francis He refuses to execute the 
 treaty Storming of Rome Capture 
 of Pope Clement VII. Peace amongst 
 the Christian Powers'*. 
 
 WHILST^ the transactions related in the 
 last chapter were taking 
 Spanish place, considerable changes 
 fVonjTo nac * occurred i n the Spa- 
 15181522. nish possessions in America, 
 the extent of which was 
 constantly increasing. The distressed 
 condition and frightful mortality of 
 the Indians, under the severe labour 
 required from them by their cruel task- 
 masters, had long been a subject of the 
 deepest regret to the benevolent Bartho- 
 lomew Las Casas, a Dominican monk, 
 one of the first missionaries sent to 
 America. When he despaired of pro- 
 ducing any effect by his remonstrances 
 to the colonists, he returned to Spain 
 to endeavour to procure laws, pro- 
 hibiting the forced labour of the na- 
 tives. Here Charles had found him 
 upon his first visit to Spain, and imme- 
 diately despatched commissioners to 
 inquire into the state of the case, who 
 confirmed the worthy Dominican's state- 
 ments, but also confirmed the counter- 
 statements of the colonists, that without 
 such forced labour the mines could not 
 be worked, or the soil cultivated. Various 
 laws were passed to regulate and mode- 
 rate what it seemed hopeless to prevent ; 
 and when such laws proved wholly 
 futile to repress the avarice of men, far 
 removed from the restraining authority 
 of "government, Las Casas proposed 
 the transportation of negro slaves to 
 America, as substitutes for the Indians. 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted in this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Barros e Couto, 
 d'Andrade, Da Costa, La Clecie, Voltaire, Robert- 
 eon, Coxe, Universal Modern History. 
 
 The proposal was at once adopted, and 
 has continued to be generally acted upon 
 till within the present nineteenth century. 
 It is impossible not to smile at this sur- 
 prising expedient of a whimsical and 
 partial humanity, that relieves one race 
 of men at the expense of another ; but 
 it must be remembered that the slave- 
 trade, horrible and revolting as it is, was 
 no invention of the good monk's, having 
 been already mentioned as a main 
 branch of the commerce with the coast 
 of Guinea. Las Casas merely extended 
 to the West Indies what was already 
 practised in Europe; and it must be 
 further acknowledged in favour of the 
 real humanity of his plan, that the ro- 
 bust negroes performed, without injury 
 to their health, that work which was 
 death to the feeble Indians. 
 
 In 1518, Velasquez, governor of Cuba, 
 selected Fernando Cortes, as a clever 
 man, whose poverty insured his submis- 
 sion, to undertake, in his name, and upon 
 his account, with eleven vessels of differ- 
 ent sizes, and six hundred and seventeen 
 men, the conquest of the newly-dis- 
 covered empire of Mexico, with its pre- 
 sumed boundless treasures and inex- 
 haustible gold mines. But the expedi- 
 tion had not yet sailed, when Velasquez, 
 beginning to suspect that his deputy was 
 not likely to prove quite as subservient 
 as he desired, endeavoured to deprive 
 him of his command. Cortes, foiling 
 the attempt, reached the Mexican coast 
 safely, and now fully determined, whether 
 such had been his original intention or 
 not, to throw off his dependence upon 
 Velasquez. He found the Mexicans a 
 very different people from all the Ame- 
 ricans previously known to the Spa- 
 niards ; warlike, advanced to a certain 
 degree of civilization, subject to a regular 
 form of government, and entertaining 
 lofty ideas of themselves and their 
 monarch. The then reigning emperor, 
 Montezuma, was represented to Cortes 
 as a bold and able warrior, who had 
 obtained the crown by his military 
 achievements, and had since reduced 
 almost every neighbouring nation to 
 subjection. Cortes assumed the charac- 
 ter of an ambassador from the Emperor 
 Charles V. to this mighty emperor of 
 the West, and as such insisted upon 
 visiting his court, which it was the grand 
 object of Mexican policy to prevent. 
 
 After long and fruitless negotiation, 
 Cortes determined to proceed to the 
 capital of the empire, despite the oppo- 
 sition of the Mexicans. But he also 
 
104 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 determined that his hazardous enter- 
 prise should be attempted for his own 
 benefit. To insure this, he founded the 
 town of Vera Cruz, on the sea- coast ; 
 and forming a corporation, after the 
 municipal model of Spain, out of his 
 little army, he received from the autho- 
 rities so constituted the offices of chief 
 justice and captain-general, thus involv- 
 ing all in the guilt of his rebellion. He 
 then burned his ships, at once to 
 strengthen himself with their crews, and 
 to render flight hopeless ; and leaving a 
 garrison in Vera Cruz, set forward with 
 the remainder of his band. He fought 
 and beat all who opposed him, and 
 gaining the friendship of those who 
 feared Montezuma's power and ambi- 
 tion, obtained a reinforcement from 
 TJascala, a native republic yet unsub- 
 dued, the bravest and most warlike of 
 Mexico's neighbours. Thus aided, 
 Cortes made his way to the capital, 
 which was seated in the centre of a lake, 
 accessible only by narrow causeways, 
 and impregnable without the command 
 of the lake. 
 
 Montezuma's character seems to have 
 sunk under the enervating influence of 
 arbitrary power, for he displayed none 
 of the energy of an usurper and con- 
 queror. He received the Spaniards 
 with deference, professing to believe 
 them the kindred of the first founder 
 of the Mexican empire, of whom the 
 tradition ran, that he had come thither 
 from far distant eastern countries 
 to instruct the then ignorant natives; 
 and that he had announced the future 
 visitation of the descendants of his kins- 
 men, to reform whatever abuses might, 
 during the interval, arise in Mexico. 
 But if Montezuma was sincere in this 
 belief, he probably did not desire the 
 improvement expected to be brought 
 about by his white visitors ; for whilst 
 he was thus expressing reverence and 
 affection for his guests, he ordered his 
 generals to attack the Spaniards left at 
 Vera Cruz, and their Indian allies, in 
 which attack several Spaniards were 
 slain. This disaster was privately re- 
 ported to Cortes by one of his Indian 
 allies, who made his way to him disguised 
 as a Mexican. The daring adventurer 
 immediately resolved to secure himself 
 against similar danger, by holding the 
 emperor's own person as a hostage for 
 his safety ; and Montezuma actually 
 suffered a handful of strangers to make 
 him prisoner in the midst of his guards 
 and people, and to compel him to declare 
 
 that it was by his own free-will and plea- 
 sure that he removed to the quarters 
 assigned, the Spaniards, for the better 
 enjoyment of their society. He was 
 further compelled to give up the gene- 
 rals, who had only obeyed his orders, 
 and whom Cortes tried and executed for 
 what he termed the horrible sacrilege of 
 shedding Spanish blood. And, as if all 
 this had been little, Cortes, as an ad- 
 ditional expiation, dared to put fetters 
 for a few hours upon the powerful sove- 
 reign, in the heart of whose dominions 
 he then was, with only a few hundred 
 men. 
 
 And even to this indignity, as well as 
 to his imprisonment, the address of 
 Cortes reconciled Montezuma, over 
 whom he acquired an absolute ascend- 
 ancy in every point (even to the acknow- 
 ledging himself a vassal of the European 
 emperor, the presumed heir of his own 
 ancestor), with the single exception of 
 his religion, which Cortes vainly urged 
 the captive monarch to change. 
 
 This good understanding was inter- 
 rupted by the arrival of a fresh expedi- 
 tion from Cuba, sent by Velasquez to 
 wrest from his rebellious deputy an au- 
 thority thus abused. Cortes felt it indis- 
 pensable to hasten with the better part 
 of his little troop to the coast, in order 
 to obviate the evils of divided councils. 
 He arrived unexpectedly; by superior 
 ability surprised his enemies, made the 
 leader prisoner, and reinforced his feeble 
 numbers, by persuading nearly all the 
 troops sent to crush him to join his 
 standard. 
 
 But his absence had been al tended 
 with fatal effects at Mexico, as the capi- 
 tal was named. Alvaredo, the officer 
 whom he had left in command there, 
 was unequal to the task of either re- 
 straining the violence and rapacity of 
 his own men, or of conciliating the 
 Mexicans. A. horrible massacre of an 
 unarmed multitude had been perpetrated 
 on pretence of a conspiracy ; and Cortes 
 found war raging, and the Spaniards 
 besieged in their quarters, notwithstand- 
 ing their possession of the emperor's 
 person. He was suffered, nevertheless, 
 to enter the city, and lead his compara- 
 tively great reinforcements to his almost 
 overpowered comrades. For a day or 
 two the fighting was incessant, and the 
 struggle frightful ; the numbers, the 
 fierce courage, and the desperation of 
 the Mexicans, gaining, in some mea- 
 sure, the advantage over Spanish disci- 
 pline. Cortes now had recourse to the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 105 
 
 influence of Montezuma to repress the 
 tumultuous assailants, and reduce his 
 subjects to obedience. The captive 
 monarch was accordingly led forth be- 
 tween two Spanish soldiers, to command 
 his subjects to lay down their arms. 
 But the furious multitude paid no re- 
 spect to the orders of an inthralled 
 sovereign ; they continued their assault 
 upon the Spanish quarters, and Monte- 
 zuma was mortally wounded by a chance 
 arrow. 
 
 Cortes had now lost his only hold upon 
 the Mexicans. A more active and war- 
 like emperor, named Guatimozin, suc- 
 ceeded, and the Spaniards were compelled 
 to evacuate the city, which they effected 
 with great difficulty. They suffered 
 severely in battle, as well as from fatigue 
 and privation, ere they reached the sea- 
 coast, and the neighbourhood of their 
 Indian allies. Once there, Cortes again 
 reinforced his bands from an armament 
 sent against him by Velasquez ; and 
 now, with the assistance of the Tlasca- 
 lans, he regularly conquered the coun- 
 try, fighting his way back to the capital, 
 which he besieged by land and water. 
 After a long resistance, and despite the 
 gallant exertions of the new emperor, he 
 took it in July, 1521. The town was 
 sacked, and the plunder, in the precious 
 metals alone, might have satisfied the 
 most rapacious. But the appetite of all 
 these adventurers for gold grew with 
 what it fed on, and their expectations 
 rose with every new discovery. Upon 
 the present occasion those expectations 
 had been extravagant ; and the booty 
 fell so short of the hopes entertained, 
 that the troops believed the royal trea- 
 sures had been concealed, and mutinied. 
 To appease them, Cortes suffered the 
 captive emperor to be tortured, but with- 
 out wringing from him any information 
 touching concealed treasure. 
 
 Cortes despatched accounts of his 
 success to Spain, together with the share 
 of plunder reserved for the emperor. 
 Though his soldiers might have been 
 disappointed, Charles was amazed at the 
 amount of this " m seasonable supply of 
 wealth ; and notwithstanding some per- 
 secutions on the part of Fonseca, the 
 conqueror was allowed to retain the 
 government of his conquest. After a 
 while, however, jealousy of his power in- 
 duced such curtailment of his authority, 
 that Cortes returned in disgust to Spain, 
 where he was pacified with titles and 
 honours, but could not obtain the resto- 
 ration of his uncontrolled viceroyalty. 
 
 About this time, the great object of 
 Columbus, the discovery of 
 a westward passage to the Portuguese 
 East Indies, was achieved, f^m A IT 
 but did not produce the ad- 1515 1523. 
 vantages he had anticipated. 
 Ferdinand Magalhaens, a Portugueze 
 officer, who had served under Albu- 
 querque, and was well acquainted with 
 every part of the Portugueze empire in 
 the East, being offended at the refusal, 
 first by Albuquerque, and then by the 
 king, of some large reward to which he 
 conceived himself entitled, renounced 
 his allegiance, repaired to Madrid, and 
 proposed to Ximenez, then regent, to 
 attempt sailing round the continent of 
 America, at its southern extremity, thus 
 to reach and claim the Moluccas, where 
 the Portuguese had now built a fort, 
 (their ordinary first step towards obtain- 
 ing complete possession,) and where 
 they carried on the most lucrative branch 
 of their spice trade. The cardinal was 
 pleased with the bold plan, as was the 
 young king, in his turn. But an expe- 
 dition for the adventure was not imme- 
 diately equipped ; and it was not until 
 August 1519, that Magalhaens sailed 
 upon his daring attempt. He made the 
 river Plata, which had been discovered 
 two years before; and thence steering 
 southwards, after contending with great 
 difficulties, with tempestuous weather, 
 the ravages of the scurvy, and repeated 
 mutinies amongst his affrighted crews, 
 he at length discovered, and made his 
 way through the straits, still called after 
 him the Straits of Magellan, as his name 
 is modified to French and English pro- 
 nunciation. His difficulties, however, 
 were not over. He had reached the 
 southern Pacific, but not the Moluccas : 
 his provisions were exhausted, and sick- 
 ness and mutiny still harassed him. He 
 discovered various groups of islands; 
 amongst others those since named the 
 Ladrones and the Philippines, upon one 
 of which, in an affray with the savage 
 natives, Magalhaens was killed. The 
 survivors prosecuted their voyage, and 
 in November, 1521, reached the Mo- 
 luccas. 
 
 The appearance of Spanish vessels oft' 
 the Spice Islands surprised, as much as 
 it offended, the Portugueze governor, 
 de Brito. Negotiations and conflicts 
 ensued, in which the native princes took 
 part. At length the Spaniards, proving 
 the [weaker, withdrew ; but their at- 
 tempt was afterwards renewed from 
 their American ports, and violent com- 
 
106 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 plaints were made by Portugal. The 
 disputes thus provoked lasted for some 
 years, and were at last rather suspended 
 than settled. John III., who in 1523 
 succeeded to his father 
 ftSSS, Manuel, advanced the em- 
 15181530. peror a sum of money, of 
 which he stood in great need 
 for his European wars, and Spain agreed 
 not to revive her claim to the Moluccas 
 until she should have repaid the loan. 
 It never was repaid, and the provisional 
 agreement became, in fact, final, with- 
 out the question of right being decided. 
 This arrangement was further strength- 
 ened by a double marriage of Charles 
 with John's eldest sister, Isabella, and 
 of John (after he had been unwillingly in- 
 duced, by the earnest remonstrances of his 
 wisest counsellors, to resign his wish to 
 espouse his young step-mother Leonora,) 
 with Charles's youngest sister, Catherine. 
 John III. proved a gloomily religious 
 prince, under whose influence his sub- 
 jects are said to have grown hypocri- 
 tical, and the Portugueze character to 
 have been, in consequence, materially 
 deteriorated. He introduced the Inqui- 
 sition to repress the Jews. Under his 
 reign, the oriental empire of Portugal 
 continued to increase by the wars, which 
 
 Portugueze il } e able statesmen and War- 
 East Indies nors, whom he sent out 
 uaKjjSi as vicer oys and governors, 
 waged, upon the most frivo- 
 lous pretexts, against the different 
 neighbouring princes. They took advan- 
 tage of the dissensions of the princes of 
 the Moluccas, to obtain the complete so- 
 vereignty of those valuable islands. The 
 disorders provoked by the tyranny and 
 consequent assassination of the sultans 
 of Cambaya enabled them to wrest from 
 those monarchs the important fortress 
 and city of Diu; and similar convulsions 
 in the Deccan gave them opportunities 
 of considerably extending the Portu- 
 gueze dominions in that wealthy coun- 
 try. It is to be observed, however, that 
 the sovereigns thus lawlessly despoiled, 
 were themselves equally lawless con- 
 querors. They were the chiefs of the 
 Mahometan hordes, who had overrun 
 India, overthrown the native princes, 
 and oppressed the Hindoos. The en- 
 slaved natives probably cared little for 
 the expulsion of one foreign master by 
 another, if they had not cause to rejoice 
 at exchanging the wantonly cruel ty- 
 ranny of oriental despots for the more 
 orderly extortion and oppression of a 
 civilized people. 
 
 The increase of the power of the 
 Portugueze now alarmed all the 
 Mahometan potentates, and they applied 
 to Constantinople for assistance to expel 
 the Christian intruders. Again the re- 
 quest was enforced by a Christian 
 power, Venice, whose jealousy of the 
 Portugueze rivals of her own commercial 
 greatness extinguished all nobler feel- 
 ing, all religious sympathy. Solyman, 
 thus doubly urged, equipped a powerful 
 armament in the Red Ser., which pro- 
 ceeding to the Indian Ocean, joined the 
 Cambayan forces in besieging Diu. 
 The defence, first; by Antonio de Sil- 
 veira, and afterwards by John de Mas- 
 carenhas, of this place, or rather of the 
 fortress, for the town and rest of the 
 island were quickly abandoned as unte- 
 nable, ranks amongst the most cele- 
 brated feats of the Portugueze in India. 
 They repulsed incessant assaults, the 
 women labouring day and night at the 
 fortifications, and venturing into the 
 posts of greatest danger, to carry every 
 needful assistance to the combatants, 
 who, from their scanty numbers, could 
 hardly ever quit the walls. During both 
 sieges, the place was reduced to the 
 utmost extremity ; and upon both occa- 
 sions was relieved by the seasonable 
 appearance of the viceroy with a pow- 
 erful fleet. 
 
 Of the viceroys and governors, who 
 effected these acquisitions, scarcely one 
 was duly recompensed. Many died in 
 poverty, and Nuno da Cunha, who 
 gained Diu for King John, was only 
 saved by death from being dragged in 
 chains to the foot of his ungrateful 
 master's throne. During John's reign, 
 the celebrated apostle of India, St. 
 Francis Xavier, visited that country to 
 attempt the conversion of the idolatrous 
 natives; and the Portugueze obtained 
 an establishment in China, and a free 
 trade with Japan. 
 
 The war in Italy between the emperor 
 and the king of France had 
 been carried on with fluctu- . s P ain 
 
 AT T\ \- c from A.D. 
 
 atmg success, the Duchy of 15221530. 
 Milan, for which they chiefly 
 contended, being alternately gained and 
 lost by both parties. The year 1524 
 proved decisive in the emperor's favour, 
 though not exactly as he had antici- 
 pated. Francis's best general, and first 
 prince of the blood, the Constable de 
 Bourbon, exasperated by a series of 
 affronts and persecutions originating in 
 his rejection of the advances of the king's 
 mother, Louisa of Savoy, had fled from 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 107 
 
 France, and joined the emperor ; where- 
 upon a treaty had been concluded be- 
 tween that sovereign, Henry VIII., and 
 Bourbon, for the invasion and partition 
 of France, by which Charles was to 
 recover Burgundy, unjustly taken from 
 his grandmother, Mary of Burgundy, 
 by Lewis XL, and to retain all disputed 
 states and provinces ; Henry was to be 
 reinstated in the former dominions of 
 his ancestors, Guienne, Normandy, &c., 
 if not in the kingdom of France ; and 
 Provence and Dauphiny were to be 
 erected into an independent kingdom for 
 Bourbon, who was to marry the empe- 
 ror's sister, Leonora, queen-dowager of 
 Portugal. France was to be simulta- 
 neously invaded on different sides. But 
 want of money prevented the projected 
 Spanish invasion from Navarre ; and 
 Francis, by exciting the Scotch, occu- 
 pied the English troops at home ; be- 
 sides which, Wolsey had ceased to favour 
 the emperor, in consequence of his 
 hopes of gaining the papacy through the 
 imperial interest having been again dis- 
 appointed by the Cardinal di Medici's 
 succeeding to Adrian, under the name 
 of Clement VII. Lannoy, Pescara, and 
 Bourbon entered France from Italy, but 
 being unsupported, could effect nothing. 
 They were compelled to retire, and 
 Francis, in the full exultation of suc- 
 cess, pursued them into Italy, took 
 Milan, and besieged Pavia. The place 
 was resolutely defended by Antonio de 
 Xeyva through the greatest difficulties, 
 from want of money to pay his troops, 
 and scarcity of provisions, whilst Lan 
 noy, Pescara, and Bourbon made incre- 
 dible exertions for his relief. The latter, 
 pawning his jewels for funds, raised a 
 body of Germans, which so far aug- 
 mented the numbers of the Imperialists, 
 that Charles's generals now deemed 
 themselves equal to encounter the 
 French army. They attacked Francis 
 under the walls of Pavia. The battle 
 was long and bloody, but in the end, 
 the French were completely defeated; 
 and Francis, together with the king of 
 Navarre, and many officers of high rank 
 and reputation, were made prisoners. 
 
 The emperor received the intelligence 
 of this important victory without any 
 outward show of triumph. Upon read- 
 ing the despatches, he retired into his 
 oratory, where he spent half an hour in 
 private devotion, before he publicly an- 
 nounced the news. This moderation, 
 however, did not extend to the use he 
 endeavoured to make of his advantages. 
 
 The terms of peace, which he proposed 
 as the price of Francis's liberty, were, 
 for himself, the restoration of Burgundy 
 exempt from feudal homage, the aban- 
 donment of the feudal homage that 
 Francis, as suzerain, or superior lord, 
 claimed from him for Flanders and 
 Artois, and the renunciation of all the 
 French king's Italian pretensions; for 
 Bourbon, Provence and Dauphine ; and 
 full satisfaction for Henry VIII. Francis, 
 upon first hearing these hard conditions, 
 drew a dagger, passionately exclaiming, 
 * Better a king should die thus.' If he 
 really meant self-destruction, he was 
 prevented by his Spanish attendants. 
 
 Francis, partly at his own wish, was 
 transferred to Madrid, where he hoped 
 that a personal interview with Charles 
 would procure him better terms ; but 
 the latter held it unfit to see his prisoner 
 till all should be arranged. A struggle 
 of mutual obstinacy now ensued, which 
 lasted many months, and allowed time 
 for a considerable change to occur in 
 the policy of the other states of Europe. 
 The magnitude of the emperor's de- 
 mands, and the great accession of 
 power he would attain if they should be 
 complied with, alarmed his allies, and 
 the Italian States, with the pope at their 
 head, united their endeavours to obtain 
 the prisoner's liberation. Henry VIII. 
 entered into the league ; and the captive 
 king's mother, Louisa, as regent of 
 France, of course, joined and supported, 
 to the utmost of her power, a confedera- 
 tion, of which the object was her son's 
 deliverance. By the ability and energy 
 which she displayed, as well upon this 
 occasion as generally, in guarding 
 against the ill effects of Francis's mis- 
 fortune, Louisa made some compensa- 
 tion for the evils which her passions 
 and caprices had brought upon the 
 kingdom. 
 
 To this general co-operation in favour 
 of Francis, was added the double fear 
 either of his effecting his escape, as 
 Henry of Navarre had done, or of his 
 despair driving him to abdicate in favour 
 of his son, as he threatened to do, if it 
 did not actually cost hioi his life; it 
 had already thrown Francis into a dan- 
 gerous fever, from which he recovered 
 by the cheering effect of a visit from the 
 emperor. These combined causes pro- 
 duced some little relenting in the con- 
 queror, whilst impatience of his irksome 
 durance wrought a similar effect upon 
 the captive. A treaty was at length 
 concluded, by which Francis agreed to 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 108 
 
 restore Burgundy, independent as re- 
 quired, to relinquish his suzerainty over 
 Flanders and Artois, and all his preten- 
 sions in Italy ; to restore Bourbon's for- 
 feited estates and other property, and to 
 marry the queen dowager of Portugal, 
 betrothing the Dauphin to her daughter. 
 The emperor on his side abandoned the 
 claim to a kingdom for Bourbon, to 
 whom he engaged to give instead the 
 duchy of Milan, on condition, however, 
 of his resigning his right to Leonora's 
 hand, and agreed to set Francis at 
 liberty, without waiting for the execution 
 of the treaty, upon receiving the Dau- 
 phin and one of his brothers as hos- 
 tages. Henry VIII. having changed 
 sides, his interests were of course over- 
 looked. Francis not only signed this 
 treaty, but solemnly swore to return to 
 his prison, if the States-general of his 
 kingdom should prevent its execution. 
 His French eulogists assert that he pre- 
 viously made a protest as solemn, but 
 secret, against his oath and signature, 
 declaring both invalid as the effect of 
 constraint, and submitted to only for the 
 sake of regaining his liberty. The re- 
 gent and the parliament of Paris had 
 similarly protested against their own 
 concession of the certainly exorbitant 
 demands of some of the parties, to the 
 alliance formed for effecting the libera- 
 tion of Francis. 
 
 It would be mere waste of time to 
 reprobate the baseness of a subterfuge, 
 so unworthy of an honest man, were it 
 not that most French writers* (copied 
 by those of nearly all other nations) 
 have been pleased to depict Francis I. 
 as the very soul of honour, and the mo- 
 del of a chivalrous king, in opposition 
 to his imperial rival, whom they load 
 with reproach as perfidious, crafty, and 
 unfeeling. The truth seems to be, that 
 the only point of the chivalrous character 
 which Francis possessed, was dauntless 
 valour ; but that is, perhaps, the most 
 captivating of all qualities to the war- 
 loving French nation. His character, 
 moreover, acquired great brilliancy from 
 his patronage of the arts and sciences ; 
 which secured to him the favour of al- 
 most all contemporary men of letters, 
 and they bestowed upon him his usurped 
 reputation. Deceit and dissimulation 
 were in those days honoured with the 
 name of policy (the politician who ab- 
 stained from yet more nefarious means 
 
 * Voltaire must be excepted from the list of 
 Nch andiscriminatijtig panegyrists* 
 
 was esteemed a man of scrupulous vir- 
 tue), and Francis I. and Charles V. prac- 
 tised them equally, if not with equal 
 success. The latter, however, never 
 deliberately violated his plighted word 
 or oath. 
 
 Francis was exchanged for his two 
 sons in boats upon the Bidassoa, the 
 river that divides France and Spain, and 
 upon reaching the French shore, he 
 leaped upon a horse and galloped off 
 with the exclamation, ' Again 1 am a 
 king!' At Paris, the Spanish ambas- 
 sador claimed the fulfilment of the 
 treaty ; when Francis refused to dismem- 
 ber his kingdom by restoring Burgundy, 
 and offered a sum of money for his sons' 
 ransom, which the emperor contemp- 
 tuously rejected. Long wars, acrimo- 
 nious negotiations, reciprocal insulting 
 invectives, and a formal challenge to 
 single combat ensued, giving a character 
 of personal enmity to the previous ri- 
 valry of the two sovereigns. 
 
 Francis now joined the Italian League, 
 and his and the pope's ambassadors 
 insisted upon the emperor's resigning 
 Naples and Milan, and entirely with- 
 drawing his troops from Italy. He of 
 course refused, and said, if the allies 
 chose to make war upon him, the con- 
 sequences must be upon their own 
 heads. The only important conse- 
 quence did fall upon the pope's, in May, 
 1527. This was the storming and sack- 
 ing of Rome by the Imperialists, whom 
 Bourbon, unable to pay them, led 
 against that opulent city, as the only 
 means of pacifying their murmurs. He 
 was killed in the assault, and the troops, 
 exasperated by the loss of a beloved 
 general, committed atrocities which con- 
 temporary historians have [recorded as 
 unexampled. The most distinguishing 
 feature, however, is, that the licence of 
 the sacking continued for months; in 
 fact, as long as the army remained in 
 Rome, whence they were with difficulty 
 withdrawn to defend Naples, when 
 threatened by the French. The pope 
 was taken prisoner. 
 
 The emperor received the tidings' of 
 this event with demonstrations of the 
 deepest regret for the profanation of the 
 metropolis of the Christian world, and of 
 the Holy Father's person. He stopped 
 the public rejoicings for the recent birth 
 of his only son Philip, and ordered pray- 
 ers for the pontiff's deliverance, which 
 rested with himself. Nor did he render 
 it long necessary that such prayers 
 should be put up. The horror expressed 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 109 
 
 by the whole Christian world, at the 
 violence offered to its spiritual head, 
 joined to a great want of money, which 
 his Cortes would not grant for wars un- 
 connected with Spanish interests, in- 
 duced him speedily to release Clement, 
 upon his paying alarge pecuniary ransom. 
 When the war had lasted an addi- 
 tional two or three years, with little effect 
 beyond much bloodshed and suffering, 
 the emperor concluded separate treaties 
 of peace with all his enemies in 1529-30. 
 He gave up his demand of Burgundy, 
 and "Francis fulfilled the treaty of Madrid 
 in all other points, without making a 
 single stipulation in behalf of his Italian 
 allies. Clement acknowledged Charles 
 as king of Naples and suzerain of Milan, 
 and he in return re-established the pope's 
 nephew, Alexander di Medici, in Florence 
 as duke, giving him his natural daughter 
 Margaret in marriage. Charles there- 
 upon visited Italy, was solemnly crowned 
 emperor by the pope, and, forgiving 
 Francis Sforza the revolt by which he 
 had forfeited the duchy of Milan, rein- 
 stated him in his hereditary dignity. 
 The main object of marrying his daugh- 
 ter to a Medici, namely the conciliation 
 of the papal see, was early frustrated by 
 the premature death of Clement VII., 
 in 1534; and when Alexander di Medici, 
 a profligate tyrant, was soon afterwards 
 treacherously murdered by his kinsman 
 Lorenzo, the companion of his licentious 
 pleasures, the emperor gave the widow 
 to Ottavio Farnese, hereditary prince of 
 Parma, the grandson of Clement's suc- 
 cessor Paul III., who had been married 
 prior to his taking holy orders. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 War with the Mahometans Rise of the 
 piratical states of Barbary Barba- 
 rossa king of Algiers Ferdinand 
 elected king of the Romans The 
 Turks invade Hungary Ladislam 
 of Hungary defeated and slain at 
 Mohacz His sister Anne and her 
 husband Ferdinand his successors 
 The Turks besiege and take Rhodes 
 Charles gives Malta to the knights 
 of St. John Expeditions to Barbary 
 Charles takes Tunis, and reinstates 
 Muley Hassan, the expelled king 
 Failure before Algiers War renewed 
 between Charles and Francis Truce 
 Insurrection at Ghent Charles 
 traverses France Quells the Insur- 
 rection French envoy to the Porte 
 murdered in Italy Francis renews 
 
 the war Renewal of peace Con- 
 quest of Peru Charles's American 
 code Remonstrances from Mexico 
 Rebellion in Peru Gasca quells 
 the insurrection and establishes or- 
 der Conquest of Chile Death of 
 Joanna Abdication and death of 
 Charles Death of John HI. of Por- 
 tugal Colonization of Brazil *. 
 
 Foreign 
 
 States 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 1522-1540. 
 
 A VERY important business to Charles, 
 both as king of Spain and 
 as emperor, was the war in 
 which he was almost con- 
 stantly engaged with the 
 Mahometans. The hosti- 
 lities were carried on upon two dis- 
 tinct theatres, namely, the northern 
 coast of Africa, and Hungary. In 
 northern Africa, the piratical states had 
 about this time arisen. Barbarossa, 
 a bold and powerful corsair, who was 
 long the terror and the scourge of the 
 Mediterranean, and of the coasts of 
 Spain and Italy, had seized upon Al- 
 giers, and there establishing the seat of 
 his power, had rapidly subdued the 
 greater part of the coast. On the side 
 of Hungary, Europe was threatened by 
 the Turks a warlike race of Oriental 
 barbarians, who, issuing from the moun- 
 tains of Asia, had overthrown first the 
 empire of the Arabian caliphs, and then 
 that of the Greek emperors of Constan- 
 tinople, forming, out of these two con- 
 quests, Turkey in Asia and Turkey in 
 Europe. They were still pursuing their 
 victorious career, led by one of their 
 greatest and most ambitious sultans, 
 Solyman the Magnificent. The danger 
 apprehended from the Turks had been 
 one principal cause of Charles's election ; 
 the electors wishing for a head who had 
 power to defend the empire, and who 
 was peculiarly interested in so doing, 
 by the geographical situation of his 
 Austrian possessions, which, if Hungary 
 should be lost, must next stand the 
 shock of the Turkish arms. The immi- 
 nence of this peril, together with the 
 disorders then convulsing Germany, 
 from the religious dissensions and enmi- 
 ties of the Catholics and Protestants, 
 required a more uninterrupted vigilance 
 of the sovereign, than the emperor, from 
 the various and complicated interests of 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Ferreras, Quintana, d'An- 
 drade, Barros e Couto, Da Costa, La Clede, Vol- 
 taire, Sempere, Robertson, Coxe, Southey, Univer- 
 sal Modem History, Cronica de Dom Sebustiao. 
 This appears, unfortunately, to be the lust of the 
 Chronicles of Portuguese kings. 
 
110 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his widely- spread dominions could give; 
 and in consideration of these circum- 
 stances, he early prevailed upon the 
 electors to choose his brother Ferdi- 
 nand, king of the Romans. The empe- 
 ror further negotiated a double marriage, 
 between his favourite sister Maria and 
 Ladislaus, king of Hungary and Bohe- 
 mia, the last male heir of the illustrious 
 dynasty of the Jagellons, and between 
 Ferdinand and Anna, the only sister and 
 presumptive heiress of Ladislaus. 
 
 Hungary lay yet more exposed than 
 Austria, and constituted the outermost 
 bulwark of Christendom against the 
 Turks. In the year 1526, Solyman 
 invaded that unfortunate kingdom, and 
 Ladislaus, imprudently venturing to en- 
 counter an enemy far too powerful for 
 his means of resistance, fell with his chief 
 nobility in the fatal battle of Mohacz. 
 The Turks now overran the country and 
 subdued the towns, whilst the magnates, 
 or chief nobles, instead of opposing the 
 common foe, were engrossed with dis- 
 putes and cabals, touching the choice 
 of a successor to the deceased king. At 
 length the claims of Anna and the 
 power of Ferdinand, supported by his 
 imperial brother and favoured by the 
 influence of of the queen dowager, pre- 
 vailed over the innate antipathy of the 
 Hungarians to a foreigner. Ferdinand 
 and Anna were jointly elected, and Bo. 
 hernia followed the example of Hungary. 
 But this last kingdom long remained 
 the field of battle, upon which Germans 
 and Turks contended for the mastery. 
 
 The violence and length of the struggle, 
 and the strict alliance subsisting between 
 Turkey and France, repeatedly called 
 for the full exertion of the emperor's 
 resources, and compelled him to treat 
 the German Protestants with more le- 
 nity than his own religious opinions, and 
 his great desire to conciliate the pope, 
 in order to secure his assistance in his 
 Italian affairs, might otherwise have 
 inducedjiim to do. During many years 
 of his reign, he vainly endeavoured to 
 reconcile the adherents of the opposed 
 creeds, by persuading both parties to 
 give a little way, and employing the 
 mildest divines of either religion, to pre- 
 pare a confession of faith that should 
 satisfy both. When he found this 
 scheme impracticable, he attempted to 
 put down the Protestants by force, and 
 this likewise proving impossible, he was 
 obliged to acknowledge the full rights of 
 Lutheranism in all the states already 
 professing that creed, contenting him- 
 
 self with prohibiting its introduction into 
 those which still adhered to Catholicism. 
 
 The war with Solyman was not con- 
 fined to the land frontier of the Chris-p 
 tians and the Turks. Andrew Doria, a 
 noble Genoese, and the most celebrated 
 naval commander of his day, (with the 
 exception, perhaps, of Barbarossa,) had 
 entered the service of the emperor, to 
 whom Genoa was a sort of dependent ally. 
 Doria, with fleets drawn from Charles's 
 various realms, frequently encountered 
 the Turkish naval forces in the Mediter- 
 ranean. The Turkish admiral was an an- 
 tagonist worthy of Doria, being no other 
 than Barbarossa. The corsair, in order 
 to secure his kingdom of Algiers alike 
 against its Christian foes and the con- 
 quered Moors, had consented to hold it 
 in vassalage of the Othoman Porte, and 
 thus becoming himself a subject of the 
 sultan's, commanded his fleets. The for- 
 tune of war fluctuated between those 
 two bold and able leaders. At one time 
 Doria made some conquests in the 
 Morea; strong garrisons were imme- 
 diately sent thither from Spain, and for 
 a while they defied Solyman's efforts 
 at recapture. But possessions so dis- 
 tant proving expensive far beyond their 
 value, the emperor ordered them to be 
 dismantled and evacuated, after having 
 in vain offered to transfer them to 
 Venice, the Pope, or the Knights of St. 
 John of Jerusalem. 
 
 These knights of St. John were the 
 only order of military monks still exist- 
 ing in the vigour of their original spirit, 
 and their office of fighting the infidels. 
 During the first war between Charles 
 and Francis, they had been attacked by 
 Solyman with overpowering numbers, 
 in their stronghold, the island of Rhodes, 
 and, in consequence of that war, were 
 left totally unsupported by the potentates 
 of Christendom. Most gallantly did 
 they defend themselves for six months 
 against an army of two hundred thou- 
 sand men ; but at the end of that time 
 they were constrained to surrender their 
 island upon an honourable capitulation 
 in 1522. The emperor, as the best 
 atonement he could make for suffering 
 private interests to prevent his assisting 
 the champions of the whole Christian 
 world, gave them the island of Malta, of 
 which they have ever since borne the 
 name, together with the town of Tripoli, 
 in Africa. In return for these gifts, they 
 became his zealous allies in all his naval 
 wars with the Barbary powers, and in 
 all his African expeditions. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Ill 
 
 The wars with the African Moors, or 
 with the Mediterranean cor- 
 
 spain sairs, were carried on, with 
 1530^-4544. occasional interruptions,dur- 
 ing Charles's whole reign. 
 The grand expedition against Tunis, by 
 which the emperor earned his chief 
 military reputation, occurred in 1535 ; 
 but its object was not avowedly con- 
 quest. Muley Hassan, the legitimate 
 Mahometan king of Tunis, having been 
 causelessly attacked, vanquished, and 
 expelled from his dominions, by Bar- 
 barossa, applied for assistance to the 
 king of Spain, as to the formidable 
 pirate's natural enemy. Charles readily 
 agreed to assist the dethroned monarch ; 
 and as a war with the Barbary pirates 
 was consonant to the temper of the age, 
 all the several parts of his empire so 
 exerted themselves, that he set sail with 
 an armament consisting of four hundred 
 vessels of various sizes, to expel the con- 
 queror of Muley Hassan's kingdom. 
 After a six weeks' siege, he took Goleta 
 (a fortress commanding the mouth of the 
 harbour of Tunis) by storm ; and as he 
 set foot within his new conquest, aecom- 
 
 Eanied by the fugitive king, he said to 
 im, ' Through this gate shall you re- 
 enter your kingdom.' Hence they 
 marched against the city of Tunis itself, 
 which, by a singular accident, was gained 
 with unexpected ease. Barbarossa, who 
 was there in person, led out his troops 
 against the emperor, and after a slight 
 skirmish, retired within its walls. But 
 during his short absence in the field, a 
 large body of Christian prisoners, kept 
 in chains in the castle, had seized the 
 opportunity, found means to bribe or 
 intimidate their gaolers, broke loose 
 from their chains, and mastered the 
 castle. Barbarossa durst neither attack 
 them, whilst the Christian army lay so 
 near, nor remain in the town whilst the 
 Castle was in their hands. He there- 
 fore silently evacuated Tunis, and retired 
 to Algiers. .To prevent the soldiery 
 from plundering the now unresisting 
 town was found to be impossible ; but 
 as soon as order could be re-established, 
 Charles restored it to Muley Hassan, to 
 hold in vassalage of the Spanish crown. 
 The conquest of the kingdom seems to 
 have been achieved in that of the capital 
 from which it was named. 
 
 An attempt made some years later 
 upon Algiers, was not equally successful. 
 It was undertaken too late in the year ; 
 and scarcely had the troops landed, ere 
 a tremendous storm drove the fleet from 
 
 its moorings, wrecked and sank many 
 ships, dispersed the remainder, and de- 
 prived the soldiers of provisions, ammu- 
 nition, and all other necessaries. Not- 
 withstanding the unpardonable military 
 blunder of setting forth upon such an 
 enterprise at an unfitting season, Charles, 
 by the courage, judgment, and self-pos- 
 session which he exhibited under such 
 trying circumstances, combined with 
 extreme tenderness for the sick and 
 wounded, acquired, perhaps, more re- 
 spect and affection from his troops, and 
 even more reputation as a general, upon 
 this unfortunate expedition, than in his 
 most prosperous wars. But this was 
 its sole fruit. To besiege Algiers was 
 impossible ; equally so to attempt any- 
 thing else ; and with great difficulty was 
 the re-embarkation of the army for its 
 return home effected. The emperor re- 
 mained almost the last on shore. Many 
 similar expeditions were undertaken by 
 his officers, with variable success. 
 
 The peace of Cambray, and the mar- 
 riage of Francis with Leonora, did not 
 put a final end to the wars between the 
 rival monarchs, now brothers-in-law. 
 Francis, prior to signing this treaty, had, 
 as at Madrid, made a secret formal pro- 
 test, that he concluded such treaty only 
 from necessity, and meant to abide by it 
 no longer than the same necessity should 
 constrain him. A trick yet more dis- 
 graceful than the former, since the pre- 
 sent necessity was no more than every 
 state might plead when obliged to make 
 a disadvantageous peace. Francis's 
 rupture of the peace of Cambray was 
 delayed only by the difficulty of finding 
 new allies, after having so unscrupu- 
 lously sacrificed those with whom he 
 before acted, and whilst he was disgust- 
 ing the German Protestants by his per- 
 secution of the French Calvinists. The 
 new war produced only new bloodshed, 
 mutual invasions, and personal insults, 
 without permanent fruits. It was ter- 
 minated by a ten years' truce, which 
 Pope Paul III., who was impatient to 
 turn the emperor's arms against the 
 German Lutherans, negotiated. 
 
 During the continuance of this truce, 
 an act of common honesty, attended by 
 little sacrifice, occurred on the part of 
 Francis, which has been extolled as the 
 height of punctilious honour. Disturb- 
 ances had broken out at Ghent, on ac- 
 count of the assessment of a new tax, in 
 which the turbulent burghers of that 
 city complained of some infraction of 
 their privileges. The queen-dowager of 
 
112 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.' 
 
 Hungary, governess of the Low Coun- 
 tries "for her brother, had recourse to 
 severe measures to enforce submission, 
 and an open rebellion followed. The 
 citizens of Ghent offered to transfer their 
 allegiance to Francis, who refused their 
 offer (a really conscientious action), and 
 sent their letters to Charles. The em- 
 peror was then in Spain. He felt the 
 importance of reaching Ghent without 
 loss of time ; and as the winter, which 
 had set in, rendered a sea-voyage both 
 hazardous and uncertain, he applied to 
 his royal brother-in-law for a safe con- 
 duct to traverse France. It was readily 
 granted. He was received, entertained, 
 and escorted with the highest honours ; 
 and appearing unexpectedly in Ghent, 
 suppressed the rebellion. Almost all 
 historians have concurred in placing this 
 conduct of the French king's in brilliant 
 contrast to the emperor's at Madrid; 
 forgetting, it should seem, the essential 
 difference between the two cases. 
 Francis was at Madrid as a prisoner of 
 war, from whom his captor was entitled 
 to demand what ransom he pleased. 
 Charles was at Paris as a received and 
 sanctioned, if not an invited, guest. 
 Charles may have been unreasonably 
 harsh ; he certainly was uncourteous ; 
 but Francis must have covered himself 
 with indelible infamy had he violated 
 his own safe-conduct, to seize the per- 
 son of his brother-in-law during a truce. 
 And to what purpose should he have 
 committed such an outrage? Surely 
 his own conduct had taught him the 
 value of extorted oaths. 
 
 Francis afterwards broke the truce 
 upon receiving, or pretending to receive, 
 real offence from the emperor. He 
 accused the latter of at least conniving 
 at the assassination of a French envoy 
 to the Porte, on his way through Italy, 
 in order to ascertain from his papers the 
 nature of the connexion between the 
 king of France and the sultan. No 
 proof was brought against Charles, or 
 even against the governor of Milan : and 
 without ascribing to the emperor a deli- 
 cate conscientiousness that did not be- 
 long to the age, we may observe that the 
 alleged object seems a very inadequate 
 motive to such a crime. Charles needed 
 no intercepted despatches to tell him 
 that Francis and Solyman were in close 
 alliance, and always ready to attack him. 
 The truth cannot now be ascertained. 
 The imputed violation of the law of 
 nations was, after all, rather the osten- 
 sible than the real cause of the war, 
 
 Spanish 
 America 
 from A.D. 
 16221550. 
 
 which originated solely in the continued 
 rivalry of the two monarchs. Again, 
 Charles's persevering vigour got the 
 better of Francis' impetuous attack, and 
 a peace, like those previously concluded, 
 followed. 
 
 It may seem extraordinary that the 
 French king had always money at com- 
 mand for every enterprise, whilst the 
 dreaded emperor, the master of the New 
 World and its gold mines, was uniformly 
 cramped in his operations by want of 
 pecuniary means. But Francis was an 
 absolute king, possessingunlimited power 
 over the persons and property of his sub- 
 jects. Charles was, in all his various 
 realms, a very limited monarch, obliged 
 to solicit his supplies from German Diets, 
 Spanish Cortes, and Sicilian, Neapoli- 
 tan, and Netherland States. Of these, he 
 chiefly relied upon the Spanish Cortes ; 
 and they, deeming his Italian and French 
 wars no concern of theirs, dealt out their 
 grants so parsimoniously, as to produce 
 a constant endeavour on the sovereign's 
 part to lessen their powers. The trea- 
 sures of the New World, too, 
 though he occasionally re- 
 ceived them in profusion, did 
 not yet pour their streams 
 regularly into his exchequer. 
 His empire there had, however, now 
 reached nearly its full extent by the con- 
 quest of Peru, of which it is necessary 
 to speak briefly. 
 
 Many adventurers had attempted to 
 prosecute Balboa's schemes, who all 
 failed, until Francisco Pizarro, the un- 
 educated and neglected natural son of a 
 Spanish nobleman, by daring boldness, 
 and unwearying perseverance, made his 
 way to Peru. But he had no means 
 with which to attack a populous and 
 powerful empire, and for years he 
 vainly sought them in America. At 
 length he visited Spain, captivated the 
 emperor by his descriptions of Peruvian 
 wealth, and obtained the independent 
 government of whatever he should dis- 
 cover and conquer. Upon the strength 
 of his appointment, aided by a small 
 loan from Fernando Cortes, then in 
 Spain, he raised about one hundred and 
 twenty-five men, with whom he returned 
 to the Isthmus of Darien. Thence, in 
 February 1531, he and his associate, 
 Almagro, a foundling, set sail for Peru. 
 
 The invasion of Peru, except in the 
 paltry means and numbers of the in- 
 vaders, offers nothing of the daring en- 
 terprise, which, in the conquest of 
 Mexico, awakens, even against the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 113 
 
 reader's will, a kind of sympathy with 
 the lawless adventurers, this is a mere 
 series of atrocities. Pizarro found a 
 civil war raging in Peru between the 
 two sons of a lately deceased Inca, the 
 title of Peruvian sovereigns, each of 
 whin claimed the vacant throne. By 
 siding with the one, Huescar, he em- 
 ployed half the strength of the empire 
 in the subjugation of the other. By 
 plain fraud and violence he got Ata- 
 hualpa, the rival Inca, into his power, 
 when he compelled him to collect the 
 wealth of the empire for his ransom ; 
 and finally, he tried and executed him 
 as an usurper, and the murderer of his 
 brother Huescar. This judicial mock- 
 ery and real murder did not at once se- 
 cure the submission of the natives, who, 
 indignant at the perfidy and cruelty of 
 their invaders, flew to arms at the call 
 of the next heir of the race of the Incas. 
 But the Peruvians were not a martial 
 people, and the war that followed was 
 little more than a succession of massa- 
 cres. In 1534, Pizarro dispatched his 
 brother Ferdinand Pizarro to Spain, 
 with the royal share of the booty, far 
 exceeding anything the new world had 
 previously furnished. Ferdinand, the 
 legitimate heir of the noble house of 
 Pizarro, was received with the highest 
 honours ; Francisco was confirmed in 
 his government, and Almagro was ap- 
 pointed governor of the yet unexplored 
 countries south of Peru. Ferdinand 
 was accompanied on his return by 
 numbers of high-born youths, and as 
 many private adventurers as he chose 
 to take with him. 
 
 The civil wars which, to avenge the 
 unhappy natives, arose amongst the con- 
 querors of Peru, have no general inte- 
 rest to merit detail. After much fight- 
 ing, Pizarro put his old associate, 
 Almagro, to death, and was himself as- 
 sassinated in revenge by Almagro' s son. 
 The youth, in his turn, was executed, 
 with forty of his adherents, by Vaca de 
 Castro, whom the emperor had sent out 
 as governor. By this time different 
 Spanish adventurers had overrun, and 
 partially colonized, the greater portion 
 of what, till very lately, constituted the 
 Spanish dominions in the new. world, 
 including the northern part of the 
 Souih American continent, and the 
 provinces upon the river Plata, south of 
 Brazil ; and it was now Spain boasted 
 that the sun never set upon her empire. 
 
 The importance of Columbus's dis- 
 covery was at length duly appreciated 
 
 and the Madrid government felt the 
 necessity of a regular and uniform ad- 
 ministration of the transatlantic pro- 
 vinces. Upon this subject, Charles 
 consulted with Las Casas, and by his 
 advice laws were drawn up for the pro- 
 tection of the Indians, subjecting them 
 to a tribute, exempting them from forced 
 labour, and ordering that, for whatever 
 work they did perform, they should be 
 paid as servants. These humane laws 
 exasperated the Spanish conquerors In 
 Mexico, longer settled and governed by 
 a firm viceroy, they were met by violent 
 remonstrances ; amongst the more un- 
 ruly masters of Peru they provoked a 
 rebellion, headed by Gonzalo Pizarro, 
 another brother of the discoverer's, who 
 insisted upon being appointed viceroy, 
 but dared not take the bold step, recom- 
 mended by his friends, of marrying the 
 heiress of the Incas, and declaring him- 
 self independent king of Peru. 
 
 To quell this formidable rebellion, 
 Philip, then regent of Spain for his 
 absent father, sent out an old priest 
 without men or money. Strange as the 
 appointment seems, he could not have 
 made a better. Pedro de la Gasca, a 
 member of the Inquisition, was equally 
 distinguished by circumspection in deli- 
 beration, and by vigour in execution, 
 by inflexible probity, and by gentleness 
 of temper, combined with insinuating 
 manners. He had been frequently em- 
 ployed in difficult transactions, but 
 never raised to any high office; and 
 now, though, from advanced age and 
 delicate health, fearful of the voyage 
 and the climate, he at once undertook 
 the arduous task. He accepted the 
 post of president of the Audiencia, or 
 council of Lima, refusing the salary, 
 and all pay beyond the maintenance of 
 himself and his very few servants, but 
 demanding authority the most unlimited. 
 At Panama he announced himself as a 
 minister of peace ; gained over the 
 emissaries Gonzalo Pizarro had sent to 
 bribe, or, if incorruptible, to murder 
 him ; gained over his adversary's fleet, 
 in which he proceeded to Peru, and 
 there continued to gain over the rebel's 
 partizans as they advanced against each 
 other, until the royalist and rebel leaders 
 encountered with their forces ; when 
 Pizarro's whole army deserted him, and 
 he himself was taken and executed. 
 
 Gasca had now quelled the rebellion ; 
 but the more difficult business of reduc- 
 ing the province to a state of order 
 remained. He facilitated this by send- 
 
114 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 *ng off some of the more turbulent 
 spirits upon distant expeditions. It was 
 then that Pedro de Valdivia undertook 
 to complete the conquest of the adjacent 
 Chile, which Almagro had begun, but 
 neglected amidst his civil broils with 
 Pizarro. The Chilenos were a more 
 warlike race, and their subjugation 
 occupied some years. Gasca, having 
 thus freed himself from the most un- 
 manageable of those he had to deal 
 with, introduced as strict an administra- 
 tion of justice, and as effective protec- 
 tion for the natives as circumstances 
 would allow ; but he was compelled 
 materially to relax the provisions of 
 Charles's just but obnoxious laws ; and 
 it was not till the licentious conquerors 
 had, by killing one another, made way 
 for a more orderly generation, that 
 Peru was permanently tranquillized. In 
 1550, Gasca, having effected all that 
 was possible, returned to Spain as poor 
 as when he had left it, but bringing 
 ample supplies to the royal exchequer. 
 His services were rewarded with the 
 bishopric of Palencia. 
 
 The different states and provinces of 
 America were henceforward adminis- 
 tered by viceroys and governors, inde- 
 pendent of each other. The Spanish 
 court endeavoured to temper the des- 
 potic authority, intrusted to these per- 
 sons, by the appointment of Audiencias, 
 or councils, and to protect the Indians, 
 by constantly passing laws in their 
 favour. But the interests of the gover- 
 nor and his council were the same ; all 
 being alike eager to amass fortunes, 
 with which to return home ; and the 
 colonists, provided they could propitiate 
 these local authorities, cared little for 
 the disapprobation of the distant su- 
 preme government. Natives and negro 
 slaves were therefore still condemned to 
 toil in the mines, and the large sums, 
 transmitted to the royal exchequer as 
 the king's share, were too acceptable 
 not to check any very rigorous inquiry 
 into the means by which they were pro- 
 cured. The only laws strictly enforced 
 were those which secured to Spain a mo- 
 nopoly of the colonial trade, and prohi- 
 bited manufactures, nay even some kinds 
 of agriculture, which it was supposed 
 might interfere with those of the mother- 
 country. But the mother-country was in 
 those days industrious, agricultural, 
 manufacturing, and commercial, She 
 could abundantly supply the wants of 
 her colonial children, who, on their part, 
 engrossed by the prospect of immense 
 
 and immediate wealth promised; often 
 delusively, by the rich mines of the new 
 world, disdained all slower and more 
 ordinary sources of profit. 
 
 But American wealth, as before said, 
 did not thus pour its perennial stream 
 into Spain during Charles's reign. If 
 large portions of the spoils of conquered 
 and plundered empires occasionally 
 came to assist the preparations for hiss 
 various wars and armaments, he de- 
 pended for their regular sup- 
 port upon his subjects, and s P ain 
 a great part of his Spanish uSLtfM. 
 policy consisted of endea- 
 vours to depress and diminish the power 
 of the Cortes. This, in Castile, their 
 own indiscretion had helped him in 
 some measure to effect. In the rebel- 
 lion of the Comuneros, the nobles, irri- 
 tated by the attempt of the citizens to 
 curtail their privileges, had contributed 
 to subdue the towns which never quite 
 recovered their former influence ; and in 
 1539, the nobles and clergy positively 
 refusing to allow the imposition of a 
 tax, calculated to bear equally upon all 
 classes (exemption from taxation was 
 one of their main privileges), the empe- 
 ror took the opportunity to observe, 
 that those . who would not pay taxes, 
 ought to have no share in voting them. 
 He never again summoned either of 
 those orders to the Cortes; and the city- 
 deputies, unsupported by their superiors, 
 rapidly lost their own importance. 
 Charles further lessened the conse- 
 quence of the grandees by alluring them 
 from their castles, where amidst their 
 own vassals they were all-powerful, to 
 his court or camp, where they lavished 
 their fortunes in ostentatious magnifi- 
 cence, and remained without influence, 
 though retaining their proud preroga- 
 tives, far surpassing those of the nobles 
 of other nations, as the following anec- 
 dote may illustrate. 
 
 As the emperor, with the empress 
 arid his whole court, was returning from 
 a tournament, an officer of the royal 
 household, in clearing the way for the 
 sovereign, struck the Duke of Infan- 
 tado's horse. The haughty grandee 
 calmly asked the officer, ' Do you know 
 me ? ' and upon being answered in the 
 affirmative, drew his sword and cut him 
 over the head, but restrained the resent- 
 ment of the nobles in his company, who 
 would have slain the presuming Algua- 
 zil. The emperor, offended at such an 
 outrage committed in his presence upon 
 his officer, ordered the Alcalde Ron.* 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 115 
 
 quillo to arrest the duke. The magis- 
 trate advanced to obey, when the Con- 
 stable of Castile bade him begone, for 
 that offences and offenders of this 
 description belonged to his jurisdiction ; 
 and he accordingly carried off the duke 
 to his own house, escorted by all the 
 nobles present, no one remaining with 
 the emperor, but the single archbishop 
 of Toledo. The monarch, thus tri- 
 umphantly braved by a subject, found it 
 expedient to conceal his sense of the 
 insult offered to his dignity, and pru- 
 dently complying with the claims of 
 Castilian arrogance, he next day sent a 
 civil message to the duke, inquiring if 
 he wished the Alguazil to be punished. 
 The duke was now satisfied, and not 
 only requested that the man should be 
 pardoned, but took upon himself the ex- 
 pense of the surgical assistance required 
 by the wounded man. 
 
 The emperor had three children. 
 Philip, his heir, he vainly tried to 
 induce either the German diet to sub- 
 stitute to Ferdinand, as king" of the 
 Romans, or Ferdinand to admit as 
 next in succession to himself. Phi- 
 lip very early married his cousin, the 
 Infanta Maria of Portugal, who died 
 A.D. 1545, in giving birth. to her only 
 child, Don Carlos; and in 1554, he 
 married Mary of England, his father 
 resigning the kingdoms of Naples and 
 Sicily to him in honour of this union. 
 Of the emperor's two daughters, the 
 eldest, Maria, married Maximilian, the 
 eldest son of the king of the Romans ; 
 and Joanna, the youngest, the only sur- 
 viving son, out of six, of John III. of 
 
 Portugal. The prince died 
 ftom" 8 ? w ithin the year; and as it 
 1530^1554. was feared that grief might 
 
 prejudice the unborn heir, 
 with which the youthful widow was 
 expected shortly to present Portugal, 
 the unhappy father, now bereft of his 
 last son, visited her repeatedly in full 
 dress, and cheered her with hopes of 
 her husband's recovery. In ignorance 
 of his loss, she, three weeks after his 
 death, bore a son, who was named 
 Sebastian. Joanna, upon her recovery 
 was recalled to Spain, where she acted 
 as regent, when her brother, as well as 
 her father, was absent. 
 
 In the year 1555 died Queen Joanna, 
 
 whose name, till her death, 
 fnfm^D was cou pl e d with her son's 
 15541556. in the government of Spain, 
 
 although she had remained 
 permanently incapable of taking any part 
 
 therein; and very soon after her de- 
 cease, the emperor formed the extra- 
 ordinary resolution of abdicating all his 
 crowns. For this resolution, various 
 motives have been assigned; but the 
 real one seems to have been the pre- 
 carious state of his health. He was a 
 martyr to the gout, which, in 'his fifty- 
 fifth year, had brought upon him 'the 
 infirmities of old age, frequently render- 
 ing him incapable of attending to busi- 
 ness. To this circumstance, he proba- 
 bly ascribed the advantages which the 
 German Protestants and Henry II. of 
 France (who had succeeded to Francis 
 I.) had gained over him, and did not 
 choose to risk any consequent diminution 
 of his high reputation. 
 
 But, whatever were his motives, the 
 emperor summoned his son from Eng- 
 land to Brussels, where, in the month 
 of October, in a full assembly of the 
 Netherland States, and accompanied by 
 his two sisters, the dowager queens of 
 France and Hungary, he addressed a 
 pathetic harangue to the states, request- 
 ing them to transfer their love and 
 loyalty to his son ; and then exhorted 
 his son to govern his faithful Nether- 
 landers justly and kindly. All present 
 are said to have been melted to tears. 
 The emperor then resigned the sove- 
 reignty of the Netherlands to Philip ; 
 the queen of Hungary at the same time 
 laying down her office of governess. A 
 few weeks later Charles resigned to 
 Philip the crown of Spain and the 
 Indies with similar forms. The empire 
 he retained some months longer, during 
 which he again vainly endeavoured to 
 prevail upon Ferdinand, either to resign 
 in favour of Philip, or to give him the 
 preference over his own son Maximilian 
 in the succession. Finding this wish 
 unattainable, he, in August 1556, abdi- 
 cated the empire also, transmitted the 
 imperial crown to his brother by Wil- 
 liam, prince of Orange, and retired to 
 the monastery of St. Juste, in Spain a 
 retreat which had early captivated his 
 fancy by its peaceful seclusion. There 
 Charles past two years in the amuse- 
 ments of private life, and in the aus- 
 terest exercises of his religion, and died 
 on the 21st of September, 1558. He is 
 believed to have hastened his death by 
 going through the ceremonies of his 
 own funeral, which he chose to have 
 performed, or rehearsed, during his life. 
 In the interval between the emperor's 
 abdication and his death, in 1557, died 
 John of Portugal, a king of so gloomy 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 and superstitious a temper, that his 
 
 end has been ascribed by 
 
 Portugal some Portuguese writers to 
 
 15^4557. S^ef at the insult offered to 
 his religion by an English 
 fanatic, who, during the celebration of 
 a private mass, overturned the sacred 
 chalice, and trampled the consecrated 
 wafer under foot. But as he survived 
 this gross outrage five years, his ill 
 health and death may, with more pro- 
 bability, be attributed to the natural 
 feelings of a parent doomed to see every 
 one of his children sink to the grave 
 before him. 
 
 Brazil first acquired importance un- 
 der John III. In 1531 he 
 
 A B Z i557. be an the colonization of 
 that immense empire, then 
 little more than a long line of sea-coast. 
 This he divided into several captaincies, 
 which he granted, with large powers 
 of jurisdiction, civil and criminal, to 
 such persons as, upon those conditions, 
 were willing to settle there, and to people 
 and cultivate their respective grants. 
 The French made various attempts to 
 form rival settlements in Brazil, espe- 
 cially about Rio Janeiro. They never 
 obtained more than temporary posses- 
 sion of any part of the country ; but 
 during their transient success, the incon- 
 venience of so many detached, and al- 
 most independent lordships, was strongly 
 felt; and in 1549 John sent out Don 
 Thome de Sousa as governor, subject- 
 ing all the captaincies to his authority. 
 The French attempts were continued 
 some years longer. King John likewise 
 established the Jesuits in the colony to 
 convert the savage natives. The insti- 
 tution of the order of Jesuits, as con- 
 ceived by Loyola, was sanctioned by 
 Pope Paul III. in 1540, and John was 
 devotedly attached to the new confra- 
 ternity. During his reign Portugal 
 attained the summit of her prosperity, 
 and began to decline. This declension, 
 originating, perhaps, in the deterioration 
 already mentioned in the character 
 of her inhabitants, was 
 Portugal marked by the gradual aban- 
 
 l!3-i563. donment of almost all her 
 possessions in Northern 
 
 Africa. The long minority that ensued 
 
 upon his death did not promise to arrest 
 
 the decline of the country. 
 John had committed the government of 
 
 his kingdom, and the care of his grandson, 
 
 then only three years old, to his widow, 
 
 Queen Catherine. She governed ably ; 
 
 and by her active exertions sent such 
 
 effective succours to Mazagan, almost 
 the only remaining Portugueze fortress 
 in Northern Africa, and which was then 
 reduced to extremity by a Moorish army 
 of eighty thousand men, that the Ma- 
 hometans were compelled to raise the 
 siege. But the Portugueze detested 
 queen-dowagers, especially when Spa- 
 nish ; and Queen Catherine ere long 
 found it expedient to resign the regency 
 to her brother-in-law, Cardinal Henry, 
 for whom John had unsuccessfully en- 
 deavoured to obtain the papal tiara. 
 The cardinal was a good man, but 
 unfitted, by the habits of his past life, 
 for government. Under his feeble ad- 
 ministration, the authority of Portugal 
 over her distant colonies was weakened, 
 and the inferior governors struggled 
 against the control of the viceroys ; 
 whilst, by committing the education of 
 the infant king wholly to Jesuits, he 
 prepared the way for the heavier cala 
 mities that followed. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Accession of Philip II. Victory of St. 
 Quentin Loss of Calais by England 
 Peace of Cercamp Persecution of 
 Protestants in the Netherlands Dis- 
 satisfactionRemonstrances of the 
 duchess of Parma Rebellion of the 
 Protestants The governess subdues 
 them Duke of Alva sent to the Ne- 
 therlands Duchess of Parma resigns 
 Alva's severity and success His 
 arbitrary imposition of a tax pro- 
 vokes a general rebellion. Myste- 
 rious death of Don Carlos Severity 
 against the Moors Moors revolt 
 Proclaim Mohammed aben Humeya 
 king of Granada and Cordova Fluc- 
 tuations of success Aben Humeya 
 murdered His successor, Abdallah, 
 murdered Don John of Austria puts 
 down the rebellion Philip disperses 
 the Moors throughout Spain War 
 with the Barbary powers Recovery 
 of Penan de Velez Siege of Malta 
 Battle of Lepanto *. 
 
 PHILIP II. of Spain, if less powerful 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Da Costa, La Clede, 
 Maries, Voltaire. Coxe. Universal Modern History. 
 Vita del Re Filippo 2, monarca delle Spagne, di 
 Gregorio Leti, 2 tom.,4to. 1679. History of the 
 reign of Philip II., king of Spain, by Robert Wat- 
 son, 3 vols. 8vo. London. 1779. Both these works, 
 especially the ***mr, possess considerable merit, 
 but both are written in a spirit of decided hostility 
 to Philip. Geschichte ties Abfalls tier Vereinigten 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 llf 
 
 than his father, was still by far the 
 greatest monarch in Eu- 
 spain rope. But though equally 
 ambitious with Charles V., 
 he had no natural inclination 
 or talents for war ; and accordingly, his 
 first step upon his accession was to ne- 
 gotiate a peace with France, through the 
 mediation of Mary of England. He 
 found it for the moment, however, im- 
 possible to conclude more than a five 
 years' truce, and that was speedily 
 broken by the intrigues of Paul IV. 
 That ambitious pope easily induced the 
 fickle Henry II. to attempt the conquest 
 of Naples ; for which purpose the king 
 dispatched the duke of Guise to Italy. 
 Philip entertained serious religious 
 scruples touching the lawfulness of a 
 war, even of self-defence, against the 
 Holy See, and consulted his lawyers and 
 theologians upon the subject. They 
 pronounced such a war lawful, provided 
 due means had been first used for pre- 
 vailing upon the Holy Father to forbear 
 aggression ; and as all supplications of 
 the kind proved quite unavailing, Philip 
 ordered the duke of Alva, who was then 
 viceroy of Naples with extraordinary 
 powers, to defend the kingdom by force 
 of arms. Alva (a grandson of the duke 
 of Alva who conquered Navarre for 
 Ferdinand) not only expelled Guise from 
 the Neapolitan territories, but nearly 
 overran the whole estates of the church, 
 saying that he held all the places he took 
 in trust for the next pope. 
 
 Philip meanwhile had persuaded his 
 wife to declare war against France, de- 
 cidedly contrary to the will of the Eng- 
 lish nation ; and the united forces of 
 England and Spain, commanded by the 
 duke of Savoy, gained the celebrated 
 battle of St. Quentin, over Henry's fa- 
 vourite, the Constable de Montmorency, 
 who rashly exposed his army, whilst 
 throwing succours into the town of St. 
 Quentin, besieged by the Spaniards. 
 The loss of the French was very great ; 
 the constable and most of the principal 
 officers were taken prisoners ; St. Quen- 
 
 Niaderlandevon der Spanischen Regiervng,von Frie- 
 derk-hvon Schiller; Schiller's Siimmtliche Werke. 
 12 bande, 8vo. Stuttgart und Tubingen, 1813. 
 The name of Schiller is a sufficient warrant for the 
 value of this history. Historia Critica de la Inqui- 
 sicion de EspaJ.a. Obra originate conforme & fo que 
 resulta de los Archivos del Consejo de la Suprema, 
 y de los tribunates de provincias, por Llorente, 10 
 torn., 12mo. Madrid, 1S22. A book written with 
 a thorough detestation of the Inquisition, and 
 valuable inasmuch as the facts justifying that de- 
 testation are taken from the archives of the tribu- 
 nal itself. 
 
 tin fell, and the alarm extended to Paris. 
 But Philip, who had visited his army, to 
 congratulate and thank his generals, 
 checked their spirit of enterprise, thus 
 giving Henry time to prepare for resist- 
 ance. The French king made great 
 exertions, and recalled the duke of Guise 
 from Italy, to defend France. The Pope 
 in consequence saw himself at Alva's 
 mercy, and was glad to accept the peace 
 his reluctantly rebellious vassal of Naples 
 offered him, and to dismiss his conqueror 
 with his pardon and blessing. 
 
 In France, the fortune of war was 
 various. The duke of Guise surprised 
 and took Calais, which had remained 
 in the hands of the English ever since 
 its capture by Edward III. ; and some 
 twenty miles thence the count of Egmont 
 defeated the French near Gravelines, 
 with a body of Spanish troops, aided by 
 an English fleet, that, accidentally hear- 
 ing the sounds of battle, entered the 
 river, and cannonaded the enemy. 
 
 All parties were now tired of the war, 
 and negotiations were set on foot at 
 Cercamp. Calais was the great obstacle 
 to peace, as Philip felt himself bound in 
 honour to recover it for England, and 
 Henry refused to give up a place so im- 
 portant to the safety and pride of France. 
 The death of Queen Mary facilitated the 
 negotiation. Philip still demanded the 
 restitution of Calais, and no doubt 
 wished it, as its possession by England 
 weakened France, without strengthening 
 the former country ; but he no longer 
 made it an indispensable condition ; and 
 Elizabeth, who hardly felt herself secure 
 upon her throne, and saw that she should 
 be left to carry on the war unsupported, 
 was compelled to rest content with a 
 conditional promise that it should be 
 given up at the end of eight years. Ex- 
 cept Calais, and some German acquisi- 
 tions, Henry restored all his conquests, 
 including the duke of Savoy's dominions, 
 in exchange for little more than St. 
 Quentin, and in consideration of the 
 marriage of his sister Margaret to the 
 reinstated duke of Savoy. His daugh- 
 ter Elizabeth, who had been affianced to 
 Philip's son, Don Carlos, was now given 
 to Philip himself, and is known in 
 Spanish history as Queen Isabel, Isabel 
 being the Spanish form of Elizabeth. 
 Henry II. was accidentally killed in a 
 tournament, held in honour of the two 
 weddings, and was succeeded by his son, 
 Francis II., the husband of Mary, Queen 
 of Scots. 
 
 Philip now endeavoured to conciliate 
 
118 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his free and wealthy Netherland sub- 
 jects, ere quitting them for Spain. For 
 this purpose'he appointed 
 The Netherlands his illegitimate sister, 
 
 from A.n. - j u c 
 
 15591564. Margaret, duchess of 
 Parma, supreme gover- 
 ness, named native governors of the dif- 
 ferent provinces, and promised to with- 
 draw his Spanish troops, as well as all 
 foreign officers. But unfortunately he 
 selected Granvelle, bishop of Arras, for 
 his sister's chief counsellor, commanding 
 her to regulate her administration by his 
 advice ; and he charged him, as well as 
 all the other bishops and archbishops of 
 the Low Countries, strictly to put down 
 heresy. He then set sail for Spain, 
 taking with him Margaret's son, Alex- 
 ander Farnese, under colour of educat- 
 ing him with his own son, Don Carlos, 
 but in reality as an hostage for the 
 mother's faith and obedience. 
 
 Great delay occurred in the promised 
 withdrawing of the Spanish troops, and 
 the Netherlanders, a commercial, active, 
 and opulent race, enjoying in their seve- 
 ral provinces the blessing of very free 
 constitutions, secured to them by the 
 old charters of Philip's ancestors, and 
 accustomed to watch as jealously as 
 they turbulently resisted and resented 
 every violation of their privileges, were 
 greatly offended. Protestant opinions 
 had lately spread amongst them, and the 
 seventy with which Margaret was en- 
 joined to put down heresy caused much 
 exasperation, not only amongst the con- 
 verts to those opinions, but amongst the 
 most orthodox Catholics, such measures 
 being considered both as infringing upon 
 their legal privileges, and as preparatory 
 to the introduction of the detested Inqui- 
 sition. Granvelle was looked upon as the 
 instigator of every offensive step, and 
 thence becoming an object of general 
 hatred, earnest remonstrances and peti- 
 tions for his recall were sent to Philip, 
 by all the principal nobles. They were 
 supported by the representations of the 
 governess, who clearly saw the evils 
 which the system she was compelled to 
 pursue must bring upon the country. 
 But Philip was inflexible. Heresy must 
 be extirpated at all risks, and everything 
 foreboded an approaching insurrection 
 in the Netherlands. 
 
 In Spain he followed a similar course. 
 He celebrated his return to 
 
 Spain his na tiv e j an( i by Autos de 
 
 from A.D. j-, / T-t -ii 
 
 15591564. *e, or processes of iaith, as 
 the gaol-deliveries of the In- 
 quisition are called in Spanish. At these 
 
 solemnities, numbers of persons of both 
 sexes, many belonging to religious 
 orders, and some of high rank, \vere 
 burnt for heretical opinions, Philip being 
 present at the executions, and sending 
 spies through the crowds of spectators, 
 to detect any symptoms of compassion 
 for the sufferers : such symptoms marked 
 the individuals betraying them as objects 
 of suspicion. The converted Moors 
 next engaged his attention. He ordered 
 them to be deprived of their arms ; an 
 order which, to a great extent, was suc- 
 cessfully executed before they were pre- 
 pared for resistance. Severe decrees were 
 then rigidly enforced against various 
 Mahometan "superstitions and customs, 
 in which they'were accused of indulging ; 
 amongst others, the use of the Moorish 
 language, and the veil worn by their 
 women when they appeared in public. 
 The temper of the Moors, who, whatever 
 might be their attachment to the habits 
 and the faith of their ancestors, had 
 proved loyal subjects to Charles, was 
 thus exasperated, and seeds of rebellion 
 were evidently germinating in Granada 
 as well as in the Netherlands. 
 
 These violent measures may be con- 
 sidered as proving the truth of Philip's 
 declaration, that ' he had rather not be 
 a king, than rule over heretics or infi- 
 dels ;' and, in fact, although he was 
 clearly to the full as ambitious as his 
 more enterprising father, and, from the 
 sternness of his temper, far more into- 
 lerant of popular rights and privileges, 
 yet bigotry was assuredly the predomi- 
 nant passion, to which he was prepared 
 to sacrifice every other consideration. 
 Some historians have represented his 
 devoted attachment to Catholicism as a 
 mask, assumed to conceal his ambitious 
 designs; and his Spanish admirers 
 ascribe to him a degree of political 
 prudence equalling that of his great- 
 grandfather, Ferdinand ; but such views 
 are manifestly repugnant to much of his 
 history. In most of his enterprises he 
 failed ; and his failures were usually the 
 result of a want of political prudence, 
 only explicable in a prince of his acknow- 
 ledged capacity, by the overwhelming 
 force of his bigotry. 
 
 In the Netherlands, although Philip 
 at length so far yielded 
 to the remonstrances of 
 his sister and the nobles, 15641569. 
 as to remove Granvelle, 
 for whom he had obtained a cardinal's 
 hat from Rome, and who became one of 
 his favourite counsellors in Spain, he 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 119 
 
 still insisted upon the most rigorous 
 measures against heretics. These mea- 
 sures the duchess of Parma appears to 
 have tempered as far as she durst ; but 
 they nevertheless quickly provoked, in 
 those places where the doctrines of the 
 Reformation chiefly prevailed, a rebel- 
 lion, in which many of the Catholics 
 joined, dreading, nearly as much as their 
 Protestant countrymen, the introduction 
 of the Inquisition. The revolt was, 
 however, at this time confined to the 
 middle and lower ranks of society. The 
 nobles were still retained in their allegi- 
 ance, by the address and the acknow- 
 ledged good intentions of the governess. 
 They were still negotiating with the 
 king, and trusted to obtain, through her 
 mediation, the suppression of the ob- 
 noxious laws, as they had obtained the 
 recall of the obnoxious minister. In this 
 belief they assisted her to quell the insur- 
 rection, which was principally effected 
 by the prince of Orange, and the counts 
 of Egmont and Horn. These pacifi- 
 catory conquerors were, however, obliged 
 to concede a degree of toleration to the 
 Protestants, at variance with the go- 
 verness's instructions. 
 
 Philip ascribed this rebellion wholly 
 to the boldness with which Margaret's 
 leniency had inspired the turbulent 
 citizens ; and notwithstanding her most 
 urgent remonstrances, and representa- 
 tions that the rebellion was completely 
 subdued, and the country more perfectly 
 tranquil than it had yet been during her 
 regency, he sent a Spanish army thither, 
 under the duke of Alva. The king as- 
 sured his sister that Alva's command 
 was purely military, and that all political 
 authority would remain with her unre- 
 stricted. But the duke's first step was, 
 without consulting or even informing 
 her, to arrest the counts of Horn and 
 Egmont, whose recent services against 
 the insurgents could not, in Philip's eyes, 
 efface the guilt of their earnest remon- 
 strances against the illegal measures 
 which had provoked the insurrection. 
 The prince of Orange would have shared 
 his friends' prison, had he not, upon the 
 first intelligence of Alva's mission to the 
 Netherlands, left his native country, and 
 sought security in Germany, vainly 
 urging Egmont to follow his example. 
 The Duchess of Parma, conscious that 
 her faithful and successful discharge of 
 her painful duties deserved a different 
 return than to be thus virtually super- 
 seded, resigned her office in the year 
 1568, and rejoined her husband in Italy, 
 
 leaving the Duke of Alva sole governor 
 of the Netherlands. 
 
 Alva was as relentless and as bigoted 
 as his master ; and in his hands the per- 
 secution of heretics did not languish. 
 The most frightful tortures were em- 
 ployed to extort confession. Egmont 
 and Horn were beheaded as traitors. 
 Eighteen hundred persons are said to 
 have been put to death within the first 
 few months for their religious opinions ; 
 and the zeal of the persecutor rather 
 increased than slackened. Petitions for 
 mercy were incessantly transmitted to 
 Philip, but rejected with disdain. The 
 Emperor Maximilian II., who had now 
 succeeded to his father Ferdinand, inter- 
 fered, by recommending a more mode- 
 rate course to his cousin and brother- 
 in-law : but Philip replied, that the 
 Netherlands forming no part of the 
 Empire, the emperor had no concern 
 with them ; and he disregarded even 
 the Pope's remonstrances against Alva's 
 excessive cruelty. For a while, how- 
 ever, this cruelty seemed to answer. 
 The country was cowed. The Protest- 
 ants concealed themselves, or fled to 
 happier lands ; and when the prince of 
 Orange led a German army to their sup- 
 port or deliverance, few or none joined 
 him. Alva, with consummate ability, 
 watched his movements, constantly ha- 
 rassing him, without offering a single 
 opportunity of forcing a battle, until the 
 prince was at length obliged to disband 
 his troops, for want of means to pay 
 them, and again to seek safety in volun- 
 tary exile. Alva now boasted that he 
 had crushed both sedition and heresy. 
 He erected his own statue at Antwerp, 
 in honour of his success, and, in com- 
 pliance with Philip's desire, offered suc- 
 cours to Charles IX. of France against 
 his heretical subjects, which were thank- 
 fully accepted. 
 
 Alva's triumph, however, was not of 
 long duration. The sufferings of the 
 unfortunate Netherlanders, it has been 
 said, had excited the sympathy of other 
 nations, and even of Catholic sovereigns. 
 To Elizabeth of England, who regarded 
 the bigoted Philip as her own especial 
 enemy, and believed him to be the insti- 
 gator, or at least the promoter, of every 
 plot against her life, the cause of his 
 oppressed subjects was matter of the 
 deepest interest ; and it was by her 
 act that Alva's apparent success was; 
 disturbed. Immense as were Philip's 
 revenues, his various wars, and other 
 enterprises, wholly consumed them, and 
 
120 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his treasury was habitually drained. 
 Alva was now without money to pay 
 either his troops, or the deht he had in- 
 curred in building citadels ; and Philip 
 had borrowed from a number of Genoese 
 merchants a large sum for his use. The 
 vessels in which the important supply 
 was embarked were accidentally driven 
 into an English port ; and Elizabeth, 
 affecting to consider the cash as the 
 property of the Genoese, detained it as 
 a sort of forced loan, which she would 
 repay at her own convenience. Alva 
 was thus involved in great pecuniary 
 difficulties, and obliged to seek relief 
 from the Flemings themselves. It had 
 always been the privilege of the Flemings 
 to tax themselves ; but Alva, naturally 
 imperious, disdainful of chartered rights, 
 and conceiving the people too thoroughly 
 subdued for resistance, imposed several 
 oppressive taxes by his own sole autho- 
 rity. This last injury was of a kind 
 more generally felt than the persecution 
 of the heretics, and the discontent was 
 universal. The northern provinces rose 
 in rebellion ; the flame spread to those 
 in the south ; the prince of Orange re- 
 turned to put himself at the head of the 
 insurgents ; and from this moment, and 
 for a long series of years, civil war 
 raged throughout the Netherlands. 
 
 At an early period of these disorders, 
 a domestic calamity had be- 
 
 Spain fallen the Spanish royal 
 
 from A.D. f ., ' ,. , 
 
 156415/4. family, the immediate cause 
 and manner of which are 
 still involved in mystery, and have ex- 
 cited much historical investigation, be- 
 sides affording a subject for tragedy in 
 almost all modern languages. 
 
 Don Carlos, prince of Asturias, was 
 deformed in person ; and although he is 
 said by some historians to have pos- 
 sessed great and noble qualities, he is 
 generally allowed to have been ungo- 
 vernable in his passions, intemperate in 
 his ambition, and dissolute in his habits. 
 It is alleged that he never forgave his 
 father for robbing him of his beautiful 
 promised bride, Queen Isabel, and that 
 the king entertained a deep and savage 
 jealousy of his son's attachment to that 
 princess. A marriage had, however, 
 since been negotiated for Carlos with 
 his cousin, the Archduchess Anne, 
 daughter of the Emperor Maximilian ; 
 and a further cause of the son's animo- 
 sity against his father is found in the 
 procrastination of that marriage, for the 
 conclusion of which the former is repre- 
 sented as impatient. That Philip never 
 
 discovered any warm affection for his 
 son is certain, as also that they were 
 now openly at variance. Carlos was 
 suspected of a disposition to heresy, and 
 was known to have been long engaged 
 in secret correspondence with the Ne- 
 therland malcontent nobles, whilst the 
 government of these provinces was the 
 chief object of his desire. In all this the 
 prince's motives may have been praise- 
 worthy, though his conduct was indis- 
 creet, and could not but be offensive to 
 a sovereign of Philip's gloomy and sus- 
 picious disposition. The extravagant 
 violence of his behaviour to Alva, upon 
 whom he drew his dagger when the 
 duke took leave of him, prior to setting 
 out for the Netherlands, seems to have 
 passed off as one of his ordinary bursts 
 of passion. But when Carlos afterwards 
 made preparations for a secret expedi- 
 tion to the Low Countries, actually be- 
 speaking post-horses for his journey, 
 Philip in person, followed by his prin- 
 cipal ministers and courtiers, entered his 
 son's bed-chamber in the middle of the 
 night, seized his arms and his papers, 
 and exhorting him to submit quietly to 
 restrictions imposed wholly for his own 
 ultimate advantage, deprived him of his 
 accustomed attendants, and left him to 
 the care of the royal favourite and confi- 
 dant, Ruy Gomez, of the Duke of Feria, 
 and of six gentlemen of inferior rank, 
 who were charged never to lose sight of 
 him, and especially to guard against his 
 committing suicide. 
 
 Thus far all historians, how much 
 soever they may differ as to the motives 
 of Philip's conduct, agree as to facts; 
 but concerning the unhappy prince's end, 
 the most contrary accounts are given. 
 Protestant writers accuse the king of 
 poisoning his son during his captivity, 
 and his young queen a few months 
 afterwards, when she died in premature 
 childbed. Spanish writers generally 
 state that Don Carlos died of a fever ; 
 and of the authors who may be esteemed 
 impartial, some allege that Carlos 
 intentionally brought on such fever by 
 intemperance ; whilst others assert that 
 he was solemnly delivered by his father 
 into the hands of the Inquisition ; was 
 convicted by that fearful tribunal of 
 heresy, and sentenced to death ; when, 
 as an especial indulgence, he was al- 
 lowed to choose the mode of his execu- 
 tion, and chose poison. The better 
 opinion seems to be that his death 
 was a natural one. As such it was 
 announced ; when the king received 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 121 
 
 the intelligence with expressions of deep 
 sorrow, retiring to a monastery for a 
 short time, the court went into mourn- 
 ing, and all the usual forms of grief were 
 observed. Philip gave, however, an air 
 of credibility to the horrible and impro- 
 bable accusations of his enemies, by 
 wooing his son's second betrothed bride, 
 although his own niece, shortly after 
 Isabel's death. A dispensation being, 
 with some difficulty, obtained from the 
 Pope, the Archduchess Anne became 
 her uncle's fourth wife, and the mother 
 of his heir, inasmuch as Isabel had left 
 only daughters. 
 
 Meanwhile the decrees against the 
 suspected Moors were enforced as 
 rigidly as those against the Protestants ; 
 and the fiery tempers of the sons of the 
 south were far more quickly irritated to 
 open rebellion than the wealthy and 
 cautious, although boldly independent, 
 burghers of the north. The Granadans, 
 indeed, began, like their fellow- sufferers, 
 with petitions and remonstrances, assert- 
 ing their innocence of the crimes laid to 
 their charge, urging their long-proved 
 fidelity, and the total want of connexion 
 between the language and customs they 
 were commanded to lay aside, and any 
 form of faith or religion. Their peti- 
 tions and remonstrances were strenu- 
 ously supported by the Marquess of 
 Mondejar, captain-general of Granada, 
 who vindicated the past conduct of the 
 Moors, and represented the risk of driv- 
 ing men of such inflammable natures 
 to desperation. Philip rejected both 
 petitions and representations, ordering 
 Mondejar to hasten to his post, and see 
 that his edicts were obeyed. The Moors 
 now determined on revolt, and conducted 
 their preparations with equal skill and 
 secrecy. A young man, descended from 
 the ancient kings of Granada, and bear- 
 ing, as a Christian, the name of Ferdi- 
 nand de Valor, was chosen their leader. 
 Kneeling down, he solemnly swore to 
 live and die in the faith of Islam, and 
 was immediately raised upon a shield, 
 and proclaimed king of Granada and 
 Cordova, by the Moorish appellation of 
 Mohammed aben Humeya. A some- 
 what distant day was fixed for a simul- 
 taneous rising of all the Moors through- 
 out the south of Spain. Anns were col- 
 lected in various ways, and messengers 
 were sent to Constantinople and the Bar- 
 bary powers to ask assistance. Selim, 
 the then reigning sultan, rejected their 
 application, from the fear of arming all 
 Christendom against himself by such 
 
 interference between a king ,md his sub- 
 jects ; but the princes of Northern Africa 
 promised support ; and on Christmas- 
 eve the projected rebellion burst forth. 
 
 Aben Humeya had intended to bei;in 
 by seizing the city of Granada, but a 
 fall of snow, that delayed the march of 
 his troops, and the vigilance and energy 
 of Mondejar defeating that design, 
 he was compelled to be content with 
 establishing himself in the Alpujarra 
 mountains as his strong hold, from 
 whence to make incursions on the sur- 
 rounding country. But if that more 
 splendid scheme failed, the Moors suc- 
 ceeded in surprising their Christian 
 neighbours in almost every other place, 
 and, by disarming them, supplied them- 
 selves with arms. In so doing, they are 
 accused of having committed most atro- 
 cious and perfidious acts of cruelty. 
 This charge rests wholly upon hostile 
 testimony ; but it is not improbable, and 
 if true, such a change from the gene- 
 rous, and chivalrously courteous habits 
 of the former wars between the Moors 
 and Spaniards, can be explained only 
 by the moral degradation, which is 
 every where found the unfailing result 
 of political abasement. 
 
 Mondejar appears to have conducted 
 the war against the insurgents with 
 vigour. He drove them into their moun- 
 tain fastness ; seized more than one of 
 their fortresses in the Alpuj arras ; made 
 great numbers of prisoners, whom he 
 was ordered by Philip to sell for slaves, 
 and carried on a negotiation with some 
 dissatisfied leaders, for their own sub- 
 mission, and the surrender of Aben 
 Humeya. This insurgent king had, it 
 seems, incurred considerable suspicion, 
 on account of a correspondence which 
 he maintained with Mondejar, touching 
 the ransom or exchange of his father and 
 his brother, who were amongst the mar- 
 quess's captives. Mondejar's success 
 and the treachery of his own people had 
 by this time rendered Aben Humeya a 
 wretched wanderer from one place of 
 concealment to another ; during which 
 period of distress, he had many hair- 
 breadth escapes. Upon one occasion, 
 the house in which he was to pass the 
 night having* been perfidiously made 
 known to the marquess, a body of Spa- 
 nish soldiers had nearly reached it, whilst 
 the Moorish king and two companions 
 were buried in sleep. A soldier incon- 
 siderately firing his piece, the sound 
 aroused the slumberers. The attendant 
 Moors leaped from their chamber win- 
 
1-22 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 dow, and fled to the mountains. When 
 Aben Humeya himself, more tardily 
 awakened, would have followed their 
 example, it was too late ! His pursuers 
 were seen below the window, and he 
 heard them battering at the house 
 door. Without a moment's hesitation 
 he placed himself behind that door, so 
 that when burst open, it should fall 
 back upon, and conceal him. The Spa- 
 niards rushed in, and whilst they were 
 searching the house, their expected vic- 
 tim slipped out unobserved, and escaped. 
 
 But though for the moment reduced 
 to such extremities, Aben Humeya was 
 not beaten. The Spanish officers used 
 the Moors who had deserted him, and 
 submitted, with such cruelty, wholly dis- 
 regarding the safe conducts granted 
 them by Mondejar, that those unhappy 
 people were again driven to despair. 
 Seeing no chance of safety, they resolved 
 at least to sell their lives dearly, and 
 flocked back to their king's standard. 
 Reinforcements arrived from Algiers, 
 and Aben Humeya was now stronger 
 than even in his mountain kingdom; 
 whilst Mondejar, because he did not 
 consider depopulating his government 
 the best way of pacifying or strengthen- 
 ing it, was accused of prolonging the 
 war in order to enrich himself, Don John 
 of Austria, a natural son of Charles V., 
 whom Philip treated, and at that time 
 seemed to love, as a brother, was sent 
 to supersede him. 
 
 For a while the fortune of war favoured 
 Aben Humeya; but Don John received 
 reinforcements, and vigorously assumed 
 the offensive. Aben Humeya was 
 obliged to raise a siege he had under- 
 taken, and again he retreated to the 
 mountains, when, encouraged by his 
 failure,, the suspicions and ill-will he 
 had provoked burst forth anew. The 
 correspondence touching his father and 
 brother still continued, and still excited 
 mistrust ; he had offended his wife's 
 kindred by putting his father-in-law to 
 death for treasonable practices, and he 
 had irritated another noble family, by 
 taking a lady belonging to it for his 
 mistress. These personal enemies de- 
 ceived his friends by forging orders in 
 his name for 1heir death, and by the 
 connivance of these dupes, Aben Hu- 
 meya was assassinated. One of the 
 deluded friends was elected king in his 
 stead, by the name of Muley Abdallah. 
 But these internal dissensions had offer- 
 ed advantages to their enemies, of which 
 Don John was too able a general not to 
 
 profit. The Moors were repeatedly de- 
 feated. Abdallah was murdered like his 
 predecessor, and resistance was at an 
 end. Philip pardoned the repentant 
 rebels, upon condition of their stricter 
 conformity with the church, and obe- 
 dience to his laws. But removing them 
 from their former homes, where they 
 associated together, and had means of 
 intercourse with their African brethren, 
 he dispersed them throughout the in- 
 terior, in old Christian provinces. The 
 prisoners were sold for slaves ; and great 
 care was taken that no Spanish Moors 
 should accompany their Algerine allies 
 to Africa. 
 
 During nearly the whole of his reign, 
 Philip was engaged in hostilities with 
 the Ottoman Porte and the Barbary 
 Corsairs. The Mahometans ravaged 
 his coasts, and annoyed the commerce 
 of his subjects ; and in the commence- 
 ment of his reign, his troops failed in 
 an attempt to recover the island of 
 Gelves from the Corsair Dragut. But 
 the Turks were similarly repulsed with 
 extraordinary gallantry, by the Spanish 
 garrisons of the African fortresses of 
 Oran and Mazarquivir, and the Penon 
 de Velez, which had been conquered 
 under Ferdinand, lost under Charles V., 
 and had since become the favorite shelter 
 of the pirates who infested the coast of 
 Spain, was recovered. It is said to have 
 been for the purpose of re venging this loss, 
 that Sultan Selim attacked Malta with 
 overpowering numbers ; but in truth, no 
 particular motive seems necessary to 
 account for the Turks assailing the 
 strong hold of the knights of St. John, 
 whose whole existence was, in those 
 days, still dedicated to war with the In- 
 fidels. The siege is memorable for the 
 unparalleled courage and fortitude with 
 which the knights, under their grand 
 master de la "Valette, defended their 
 citadel, until, when it appeared impos- 
 sible to hold out longer, Philip sent an 
 armament under Don Garcia de Toledo, 
 Viceroy of Sicily, to their relief; and 
 the Turks, after suffering a very incon- 
 siderable defeat from Toledo, raised the 
 siege and set sail for Constantinople. 
 
 Why Philip delayed his assistance to 
 the last moment, does not appear. As 
 little why, when the Turks were attack- 
 ing the island of Cyprus, belonging to 
 the Venetians, he deferred instructing 
 his admiral Doria to co-operate with 
 the Venetian and papal squadrons, 
 against the fleet of the besiegers, until 
 it was too late to save the island. But 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 123 
 
 in the year 1571, he acted more vigour- 
 ously against the common enemy of 
 Christendom. A fleet of two hundred 
 sail, large and small, carrying fifty 
 thousand men, was equipped, half by 
 Spain, one-third by Venice, and one- 
 sixth by the pope ; and the chief com- 
 mand intrusted to Don John. He 
 sought the naval forces of the Ottomans 
 in their own seas, and after an obsti- 
 nate battle, gained the celebrated vic- 
 tory of Lepanto, over nearly double his 
 numbers. In,, this engagement, the 
 Turks lost two hundred vessels, sunk or 
 taken, and their admiral Aly Pacha, 
 with thirty-five thousand men slain or 
 prisoners ; and Don John had the gra- 
 tification of releasing about fifteen thou- 
 sand Christian slaves, employed by the 
 Turks to row their galleys. This splen- 
 did victory produced scarcely any other 
 result than the establishing Don John's 
 reputation as one of the greatest gene- 
 rals of that age, when little or no dis- 
 tinction seems to have existed between 
 the land and sea service. The different 
 interests of the allies, and the different 
 tempers of their several commanders, 
 prevented the success from being fol- 
 lowed up. 
 
 Two years later, Don John was or- 
 dered to lead his fleet to Tunis, to expel 
 the Turks, and destroy the fortifications. 
 The first part of his commission he 
 happily executed, but instead of destroy- 
 ing, he strengthened the fortifications, 
 and induced the pope to suggest that he 
 should himself be made king of Tunis. 
 Philip is said to have been affected, even 
 by the victory of Lepanto, with emo- 
 tions rather of jealousy than of fraternal 
 triumph ; and this proposal confirmed 
 every unpleasing sentiment. He posi- 
 tively refused his holiness's request on 
 Don John's behalf, upon the plea that 
 the Turks were making such formidable 
 preparations for the recovery of all the 
 places held by Spain in Africa, that 
 such a kingdom must be unsafe, and, 
 therefore, not honourable for his bro- 
 ther. The plea was well founded ; for, 
 in 1574, the Turks, aided by the Bar- 
 bary powers, possessed themselves of 
 Tunis, and of most of the other Spanish 
 dependencies ; but Don John remained 
 thenceforward an object of suspicion to 
 his royal brother, however he might be 
 caressed and employed. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Alva subdues the southern provinces of 
 the Netherlands Advances against 
 the northern Violates his capitula- 
 tions Desperation of the northern 
 provinces Alva recalled /// success 
 of Requesens His death Council 
 of State assumes the government-- 
 Don John, governor Council invites 
 the Prince of Orange And the Arch- 
 duke Ernest Foreign succours 
 Murder of Escovedo Death of Don 
 John Prince of Parma, governor 
 Southern provinces submit North- 
 ern provinces proclaim the Duke of 
 Anjou He forfeits their confidence 
 Dies Disorders in Portuguese 
 India Passion of Sebastian for 
 African conquest Muley Mahomet 
 seeks aid against Muley Moloch t 
 emperor of Morocco Sebastian in- 
 vades Morocco Battle of Alcagar- 
 quivir Defeat and death of Sebas- 
 tian Accession of Cardinal Henry- 
 Contests for his succession Death of 
 Henry Factions of Duchess of Bra- 
 ganza and Prior of Crato Philip 
 gains possession of the kingdom *. 
 
 WHILST the Moorish insurrection was 
 distracting Spain, civil 
 war was equally raging The Netherlands 
 in the Low Countries, iw-ml 
 where the duke of Alva 
 and the prince of Orange were opposed 
 to each other with fluctuating success. 
 The strength of the latter lay chiefly 
 in the northern maritime provinces ; 
 that of the former, as far as he could be 
 said to have any beyond his Spanish 
 and Italian troops, in the southern, 
 where the insurrection was partially 
 smothered. The prince derived some 
 support, and expected much more from 
 France, where Charles IX. was endea- 
 vouring to delude his Hugonot or Pro- 
 testant subjects into a state of cre- 
 dulous tranquillity, that might enable 
 him to almost exterminate them at one 
 blow. The most efficient artifice he 
 practised for this purpose was an ap- 
 pearance of enmity towards his brother- 
 in-law Philip, so well acted, it is said, 
 as to have deeply offended that monarch 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ferreras, Croiuca de Dom Se- 
 bastido, Da Costa, La Clede, Leti, Watson, Vol- 
 taire, Sempere, Universal Modern History. Histo- 
 ria de Portugal Restaurndo, por Dom Luis de 
 Menezes, Conde de Ericeyra. Tomos 2, fol. Lis- 
 boa, 16/9 a history written with patriotic zeal in 
 behalf of Portugal. 
 
124 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 and his deputy in the Netherlands. 
 This opinion seems irreconcilable with 
 the idea generally entertained, that the 
 massacre of the St. Bartholomew, and 
 the deep dissimulation necessary to pre- 
 pare the way for so nefarious a scene of 
 wholesale butchery, were first suggested 
 to Charles and his mother Catherine of 
 Medicis, by Philip himself. It is pos- 
 sible, however, that the original author 
 of the horrible tragedy may have 
 thought his pupil performed the part 
 assigned him too well, when he afforded 
 Lewis of Nassau, brother to the prince 
 of Orange, the means of surprising the 
 strong town of Mons in Hainault. 
 
 When the massacre took place, which 
 is said to have been first made known 
 to William of Orange, by the rejoicings 
 in the Spanish camp, the prince was 
 endeavouring to relieve Mons, where 
 his brother, Count Lewis, was besieged 
 by Alva. It was now evident that no 
 assistance could be hoped from France. 
 William retreated towards Holland ; 
 Xewis capitulated in Mons ; and Alva 
 proceeded again to subdue all those 
 places in the southern provinces, that 
 had been induced to rise anew, by the 
 recent advance of their northern confe- 
 derates. The atrocious cruelties he 
 perpetrated or permitted at Mechlin, 
 partly to gratify his own fanatic and 
 savage disposition, and partly to pacify 
 the murmurs of his troops, ever ready 
 to mutiny for pay which he had not to 
 give them, spread terror around. The 
 southern provinces resumed the yoke, 
 and Alva prosecuted his march north- 
 wards. Here terror at first produced 
 similar effects ; but the treachery with 
 which the terms of capitulation granted 
 to Naarden were violated, occasioned a 
 sudden revulsion of feeling. The forti- 
 tude of hopelessness took the place of 
 fear, and the desperate defence of Haar- 
 lem, which was next besieged, is among 
 the most memorable events of the war. 
 At length, however, when the last hopes 
 of relief were lost by the defeat of the 
 prince of Orange, and the last resources 
 of famine were exhausted by consuming 
 the coarsest herbs, as well as the flesh 
 of dogs, cats, and reptiles, at which the 
 appetite naturally sickens, the garrison 
 and citizens of Haarlem surrendered 
 upon terms. Those terms also were per- 
 fidiously and cruelly broken, and the 
 recklessness of despair now took pos- 
 session of all men's minds Surrender 
 henceforward was unthought of. 
 
 Even Philip seems now to have sus- 
 
 pected either that Alva was too sangui- 
 nary, (he is said to have boasted that 
 eighteen thousand heretics had fallen by 
 the public executioner during his admi- 
 nistration,) or that cruelty had been 
 proved unavailing. He recalled the 
 duke of Alva, and sent more lenient 
 governors in his stead. But clemency 
 came too late. The moderation, which 
 at an earlier period might have soothed,, 
 now, when men's minds were enfrenzied 
 by barbarity, was considered simply as 
 weakness. The insurgents exulted in 
 their triumph over their tyrant, and felt 
 encouraged to persevere in a struggle, 
 that seemed at length to promise a 
 happy issue. 
 
 Requesens, the new governor, after 
 three years of contest, failure, and vexa- 
 tion, died in 1576; and no successor 
 being provided, the council of state of 
 those provinces which still professed 
 allegiance to Spain, assumed the admi- 
 nistration. Philip, as a further measure 
 of conciliation, left it to them ; but con- 
 ciliation was contrary to his nature, and 
 again seemed only a mark of weakness. 
 The government of the council was with- 
 out energy, the Spanish troops mutinied, 
 and desolated the provinces they should 
 have defended, whilst the prince of 
 Orange and the insurgents hourly gained 
 strength. The lapse of a few months 
 showed Philip the necessity of sending 
 a man of high talent and character to 
 rule that distracted country, and he 
 named Don John of Austria governor 
 of the Netherlands. 
 
 But the council was unwilling to resign 
 its authority'; and if compelled to do so, 
 desired at least, both to choose the go- 
 vernor to whom it must submit, and to 
 avoid Don John, who early discovered 
 his intention of subjugating the country 
 by force. That body, accordingly, in- 
 vited the prince of Orange to Brussels, 
 whilst Don John fortified himself at 
 Namur. The prince repaired to Brussels, 
 and for a moment all seemed to prosper 
 under his wise and vigorous administra- 
 tion. But thepowerful nobles of Brabant, 
 and of the other southern provinces, 
 soon became jealous of a master, who 
 had so recently been their equal ; and 
 their jealousy was inflamed by difference 
 of religion, for in these provinces, Alva's 
 executions really had put down the re- 
 formed doctrines, and the great nobles 
 had almost all remained Catholics. 
 Still they would not submit to Don John, 
 whom they had previously rejected, and 
 the consequence of such conflicting jea- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 125 
 
 lousies was, that they dispatched an in- 
 vitation to the Archduke Ernest, Philip's 
 nephew and brother-in-law, to invite 
 him to undertake the government. The 
 archduke readily accepted the invitation ; 
 but found upon his arrival that those 
 who had summoned him, had not power 
 to effect their purpose, and that only by 
 a coalition with the prince of Orange, 
 could he hope to enjoy the high office 
 tendered to him. The coalition was 
 formed, and Ernest was governor, with 
 William for his lieutenant. 
 
 The Netherlander had hoped, by 
 their choice of his own near kinsman, 
 to propitiate their tyrant. But Philip, 
 as might have been anticipated, was 
 indignant at the opposition offered to 
 his brother, and dispatched another 
 nephew, the celebrated Alexander Far- 
 nese, prince of Parma, with powerful 
 Spanish and Italian reinforcements, to 
 establish Don John's authority; and 
 the Netherlanders, alarmed at such for- 
 midable preparations, applied to the 
 neighbouring states for support. Eliza- 
 beth promised and gave assistance, but 
 wished to avoid an open rupture with 
 Philip. She therefore affected to con- 
 sider them as struggling against the 
 misgovernment of the king's vicegerents, 
 not as throwing off their allegiance to 
 himself. Under this colour, whilst she 
 sent British troops to their aid, and sup- 
 plied large sums to enable the Prince 
 Palatine Casimir to raise Protestant 
 troops in Germany, that might co-ope- 
 rate with the prince of Orange, she jus- 
 tified her conduct to Philip, upon the 
 ground of Don John's detected intrigues 
 with her Catholic subjects, for her own 
 dethronement, and the queen of Scots' 
 exaltation in her stead ; pretending to 
 believe Philip unacquainted with such 
 intrigues, and urging him to recall his 
 brother. Henry III., who had now 
 succeeded to Charles IX. upon the 
 French throne, would not risk a quarrel 
 with Spain, by openly espousing the 
 cause of the Netherlanders ; but he 
 was glad to relieve himself from the 
 danger and annoyance, which his bro- 
 ther the duke of Anjou's restless and 
 ambitious temper occasioned him, by 
 conniving at that prince's assuming the 
 title of their protector, and leading all 
 the idle and turbulent spirits who dis- 
 tracted his kingdom to their assistance. 
 
 The Netherlanders were now strong, 
 and notwithstanding the forces of Don 
 John and the prince of Parma, the whole 
 of the seventeen provinces might, per- 
 
 haps, have shaken off the Spanish yoke, 
 and formed one moderately powerful 
 state, had they been united amongst 
 themselves. But faction and distrust 
 soon began to prevail. The archduke, 
 the duke of Anjou, and Prince Casimir, 
 were reciprocally suspicious of each 
 other's designs. "The Protestants, feel- 
 ing themselves strong in the support of 
 Elizabeth and Casimir, were no longer 
 content with the toleration, which was 
 all they had previously asked. They 
 now demanded rights and privileges for 
 their religion, that exasperated the bi- 
 gotry of their Catholic countrymen ; 
 who began to doubt whether submis- 
 sion to Spain were not, after all, prefer- 
 able to admitting, what they deemed, 
 the insolent pretensions of fanatical he- 
 retics. The most warlike of the Nether- 
 landers, the Walloons, or natives of 
 Hainault, Artois, (the last province then 
 formed part of the Low Countries,) and 
 the more southern provinces, decidedly 
 embraced this latter opinion. Internal 
 discord would now have laid the whole 
 country at Philip's feet, had he enabled 
 Don John to take advantage of it. But 
 the over- cautious king would not, since 
 the affair of Tunis, trust his brother with 
 means that might be used to establish his 
 own independence ; and Don John lay 
 perforce idle at Namur, whilst his foes 
 were quarrelling amongst themselves. ~ 
 Impatient to put an end to an inac- 
 tion so mortifying, Don John sent his 
 secretary Escovedo to Spain, with in- 
 structions to justify his conduct, clear 
 him of all criminal intentions, and 
 explain the actual state of affairs, in 
 which the most favourable possible op- 
 portunity of completely re-establishing 
 Philip's authority seemed likely to be 
 lost, for want of means to improve it. 
 The mission proved most unfortunate. 
 Some private cause of enmity existed 
 between Escovedo and Antonio Perez, 
 secretary of state, and the confidant 
 and agent of Philip's amours. Esco- 
 vedo, making no progress in his negoti- 
 ations, suspected Perez of thwarting his 
 exertions in Don John's behalf, and is 
 said to have sought revenge by inform- 
 ing the king, that his minister had pre- 
 sumed to rival him in the good graces 
 of his mistress, the princess of Eboli, 
 wife to his favourite Ruy Gomez. Esco- 
 vedo was shortly afterwards assassi- 
 nated ; and as the murderers were allowed 
 to join the Spanish army in Italy, whi- 
 ther they immediately fled, Perez was 
 universally believed to have employed 
 
126 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 them. It was suspected at the time 
 that the king had sanctioned his minis- 
 ter's act; and the death of Don John, 
 which speedily followed at the early age 
 of twenty-eight, being ascribed to poison, 
 strongly corroborated the suspicion. 
 
 In 1578, the prince of Parma suc- 
 ceeded Don John in the government of 
 the Netherlands ; he received the sup- 
 plies his predecessor had vainly solicited, 
 and carried on the war vigorously. 
 His successes soon enabled him to pre- 
 vail upon the Walloon provinces again 
 to resume their allegiance, and renounce 
 their confederation, which from that 
 time consisted only of Flanders and 
 Brabant, in addition to the northern, 
 afterwards termed the Seven United 
 Provinces. These last as solemnly re- 
 nounced their allegiance to Spain, and 
 chose the duke of Anjou for their sove- 
 reign, in spite of the exertions of the 
 archduke to obtain the sovereignty for 
 himself. He thereupon quitted them in 
 disgust. The duke of Anjou, however, 
 did not long retain the good will of his 
 new subjects. By an absurd attempt to 
 get Antwerp into the sole hands of his 
 French followers, he provoked mistrust 
 of his ulterior views ; and though a no- 
 minal reconciliation was effected by the 
 prince of Orange, the duke seems to 
 have felt his situation uncomfortable. 
 He retired to France, professedly to ob- 
 tain succours from his brother, and 
 there died. 
 
 During these transactions great 
 
 changes had occurred in 
 frSSTL Portugal. Sebastian had 
 15631580. attained to man's estate, and 
 
 taken the government into 
 his own hands. He is represented as 
 naturally endowed with many great and 
 good qualities, especially an eager de- 
 sire for knowledge. But his governor 
 Don Alexis de Menezes, early repre- 
 sented to the queen dowager and the car- 
 dinal, that the management of the young 
 king's education was most important, 
 because he w T as of a disposition to be 
 whatever he was in excess ; and the 
 Jesuits, to whom they committed the 
 forming of his mind, seem not to have 
 understood how to correct this disposi- 
 tion, studying only to guard their royal 
 pupil from a tendency to vice. But, 
 scarcely any vice, however injurious to 
 his own individual character and hap- 
 piness, could have brought such wide 
 spreading misery, such utter destruction 
 upon his kingdom, as did the extrava- 
 gance, into which Sebastian was hur- 
 
 ried by mistaken virtues. He grew 
 up with the idea that hatred of the infi- 
 dels was Christianity, and courage the 
 first virtue of a king. These notions were, 
 indeed, pretty much those of his age ; and 
 they were more regulated by justice in 
 Sebastian, than in many of his contem- 
 poraries, for he aimed only at recover- 
 ing what his predecessors had lost. But 
 they proved the ruin of Portugal. 
 
 Yet in the beginning of his reign, the 
 mind of Sebastian seems to have been 
 open to advice. He was very desirous of 
 going out to India, to remedy, by his 
 personal intervention, the disorders 
 which had greatly increased during his 
 minority, and to relieve Goa and Chaul, 
 besieged, in consequence of the weak- 
 ness those disorders had produced, by 
 the whole force of the Mahometans, in 
 that part of the world. His ministers 
 remonstrated, that sending out able go- 
 vernors with the requisite authority and 
 forces, would suffice to restore order in 
 his Indian affairs, and that the main 
 seat of government claimed the sove- 
 reign's presence and attention, in pre- 
 ference to the extremities. Sebastian 
 listened to their representations, and 
 resigned his purpose. It might have 
 been happier for Portugal had he been 
 suffered to execute it. Be that as it 
 may, effective measures were taken. 
 The enemy was repulsed from Chaul 
 and Goa, and the Indian empire of Por- 
 tugal was tranquillized. 
 
 In the year 1571, Philip invited his 
 nephew to take a part in the great ar- 
 mament against the Turks under Don 
 John ; which Sebastian declined doing, 
 upon the plea of his dominions being 
 desolated by the plague. But it does 
 not appear whether this was the true 
 reason, or an excuse to avoid weaken- 
 ing himself by concurrence in an enter- 
 prise, of which he was not to be himself 
 the leader. 
 
 Sebastian's first visit to Africa more 
 resembles some of the expeditions of the 
 knights errant of romance, than any- 
 thing in real sober history. He is said 
 to have left Lisbon on a hunting excur- 
 sion, in the course of which he crossed 
 the sea, to pursue his sport in another 
 quarter of the globe. Upon landing in 
 Africa, he sent home for a small body 
 of troops, and when they joined him, 
 gave over hunting for the still more ex- 
 citing amusement of making hostile 
 inroads upon the neighbouring Moors. 
 In these, he of course could do no more 
 than take some booty and prisoners; 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 127 
 
 and when he had roused the Mahomet- 
 ans to assemble their forces, he was 
 compelled, by the consciousness of in- 
 ferior strength, to reimbark for Portugal. 
 From this moment he thought of nothing 
 but recovering the African possessions 
 which his grandfather had lost or aban- 
 doned, and his court became a scene of 
 contest and cabal. His grandmother, 
 Cardinal Henry, and all his sagest 
 counsellors, remonstrating vehemently 
 against what they justly deemed the 
 visionary projects of extravagant ambi- 
 tion : whilst flattering courtiers, heed- 
 less young men, and fanatical ecclesi- 
 astics, eagerly encouraged his views. 
 
 In the midst of these^ contests, a revo- 
 lution in Africa seemed to offer an op- 
 portunity, too favourable to be neglected. 
 Jn the empire of Morocco, the law of 
 succession appears then to have been, 
 that the next brother of a deceased mo- 
 narch ascended his throne to the ex- 
 clusion of the sons. But in violation of 
 this law, upon the death of the Emperor 
 Abdallah, his son Muley Mahomet 
 usurped the government. He ruled 
 tyrannically, and his uncle Muley Mo- 
 loch, the legitimate sovereign, easily 
 formed a strong party against him, with 
 which, after a severe struggle, he suc- 
 ceeded in overthrowing the usurper, and 
 establishing himself in his place. Muley 
 Mahomet sought foreign assistance, and 
 applied in the first instance to Philip, 
 offering, if he would aid him to recover 
 his empire, to hold it in vassalage of 
 Spain. Philip declined interfering ; 
 when Muley Mahomet addressed him- 
 self to Sebastian, adding to his offer of 
 tribute, that of the restitution of Arzilla. 
 
 The exertions of the party at Lisbon 
 opposed to African expeditions were 
 now redoubled, but naturally proved 
 fruitless. Even Philip is said to have 
 laboured to deter his nephew from em- 
 barking in an enterprise altogether be- 
 yond his means ; and invited him to a 
 conference, for the purpose of enforcing 
 his advice in person. This interview 
 produced no other result than the con- 
 clusion of a future marriage between 
 Sebastian and a daughter of Philip's, to 
 be celebrated upon the return of the 
 bridegroom from Africa ; and most his- 
 torians, with the exception of the Spa- 
 nish, accuse Philip of having employed 
 underhand methods of instigating the 
 young king to persevere in the determi- 
 nation he affected to dissuade. Espe- 
 cially he is charged with inducing the 
 pope to applaud and encourage Sebas- 
 
 tian in his purpose. Certain it is, that 
 the king of Portugal's resolution to ac- 
 cept Muley Mahomet's offers was not 
 to be shaken. The old queen died of 
 the anxiety occasioned by her grand- 
 son's rashness and obstinacy ; Cardinal 
 Henry marked his disapprobation, by 
 refusing to act as regent during the 
 king's absence; and Sebastian appointed 
 in his stead the archbishop of Lisbon 
 and two noblemen ; one of whom, (J. 
 de Mascarenhas, an ex-viceroy of India, 
 and as distinguished a warrior as any 
 of those who had conquered and secured 
 the Portugueze empire in the east,) he 
 had previously insulted ; having, in 
 order to invalidate the remonstrances 
 of Mascarenhas against his African en- 
 terprise, obtained a medical opinion, 
 that old age had impaired the veteran's 
 courage. 
 
 The army with which, in June, 1578, 
 Sebastian sailed for Africa, to over- 
 throw the powerful sovereign of Mo- 
 rocco, consisted of less than sixteen 
 thousand men. But he was accompa- 
 panied by almost all the young nobility 
 of Portugal, and he relied upon the as- 
 surances of Muley Mahomet, that great 
 numbers of his former subjects would 
 immediately declare in his favour. 
 Philip, far from assisting his nephew, 
 concluded an alliance with Muley Mo- 
 loch ; but a few volunteer adventurers, 
 from different countries, joined the 
 standard of the chivalrous young king. 
 
 Muley Moloch was a prince of extra- 
 ordinary talent, virtue, and energy, and 
 enjoyed, in a high degree, the well- 
 merited affections of his subjects. All 
 remained faithful to him. He assembled 
 an army of one hundred thousand men, 
 and at their head, although so reduced 
 by illness that he was obliged to be car- 
 ried in a litter, he advanced to meet the 
 invader. Some of these troops having 
 been formerly partisans of his nephew, 
 Muley Moloch, distrustful of their at- 
 tachment, issued a proclamation, that 
 whosoever pleased was at liberty to pass 
 over to his competitor. This magn ini- 
 mity secured his triumph over any who 
 might have previously hesitated between 
 their old and new sovereigns, and very 
 few indeed of the dispossessed usurper's 
 former adherents took advantage of the 
 liberty offered them. 
 
 Sebastian's camp was distracted by 
 contending opinions. Muley Mahomet, 
 who was disappointed in his expectation 
 of deserters from his uncle's army, and 
 now lelied upon the impending fatal 
 
128 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 issue of that uncle's malady, for making 
 him master, without a blow, of empire 
 and army, and perhaps of his Christian 
 allies, urged Sebastian to fortify himself 
 in a strong position upon the sea-coast ; 
 and his advice, though from other mo- 
 tives, was supported by the most expe- 
 rienced officers. But Sebastian had 
 come to fight ; he was eager to give 
 battle, and his impatience was seconded 
 by all the impetuous youths who had 
 accompanied him upon this wild expe- 
 dition, as upon a party of pleasure. 
 Rejecting all rational counsel, he led his 
 small army forward, into the open coun- 
 try, to encounter the overwhelming 
 superiority of numbers there awaiting 
 him. 
 
 On the 4th of August, the armies met 
 near Alca^arquivir. Muley Moloch's 
 disorder had made rapid progress : he 
 was conscious that his death could not 
 be long deferred, and fearful that, upon 
 its occurrence, his nephew might gain 
 some advantage over his brother and 
 lawful successor, Muley Hamet, he 
 sought an opportunity of engaging the 
 invaders, and by their defeat insuring 
 the peaceful succession of Muley Ha- 
 met. This opportunity being afforded 
 him by the imprudence of Sebastian, he 
 drew up his army so as to render its 
 numbers most available, gave all neces- 
 sary orders for the battle, and then 
 caused himself to be carried through 
 the ranks in his litter, that he might 
 personally exhort his troops to combat 
 manfully against the implacable foes of 
 their religion. 
 
 Sebastian likewise displayed a degree 
 of military skill, not to have been anti- 
 cipated from the rashness of his previous 
 movements ; and at first victory seemed 
 to incline towards him. One division 
 of the Moorish army was routed, when 
 Muley Moloch, forgetting his malady in 
 indignation, insisted upon being placed 
 on horseback, and in person rallying the 
 fugitives, attempted to lead them back 
 to the attack. The effort was too much 
 for his strength ; he fainted, and was 
 replaced in his litter; where he only 
 recovered sufficiently to charge his at- 
 tendants to conceal his death, lest it 
 should discourage his troops, and ex- 
 pired, with his finger on his lips, to 
 enforce these last commands. They 
 were obeyed. His attendants affected to 
 open and reclose the curtains of the 
 litter, as if making reports, and receiv- 
 ing orders; and the troops, encouraged 
 by his last exertion, and believing them- 
 
 selves still under his eye. fought with ir- 
 resistible valour. The Porfugueze, not- 
 withstanding their dauntless intrepidity 
 and discipline, notwithstanding the in- 
 vincible heroism of their king, who flying 
 from place to place, was seen wherever 
 the danger was most imminent, were 
 completely defeated. Upwards of half 
 the army fell, and the rest were made 
 prisoners, with the exception of about 
 two hundred, who escaped by flight. The 
 young nobility, fighting desperately, were 
 almost all slain ; many a noble family was 
 there extinct, and all were plunged in 
 mourning. Muley Mahomet was drown- 
 ed in endeavouring to fly ; and Muley 
 Hamet obtained uncontested possession 
 of his inheritance. 
 
 Some portion of obscurity hangs over 
 the fate of the adventurous Sebastian 
 himself, which long encouraged a hope 
 amongst the Portugueze that he had 
 escaped, and would one day return, 
 to resume the government of their 
 country, and continue the direct and 
 undisputed line of their kings. This 
 wild hope was not wholly extinguished 
 in the early years of even this present 
 nineteenth century. But little real 
 doubt can exist of his having fallen 
 upon the fatal field of Alcaparquivir. 
 He had several horses killed under him, 
 and was seen fighting, long after the 
 general rout, with only three compa- 
 nions, against a host of enemies. The 
 sole survivor of this devoted little band, 
 Nuno de Mascarenhas, stated, that after 
 the fate of two of their company, the 
 king was disarmed and taken prisoner ; 
 when, his captors quarrelling about 
 their prize, one of the Moors terminated 
 the dispute, by cutting Sebastian do'.vn, 
 and he was forthwith dispatched. Muley 
 Hamet upon hearing this statement, 
 sent one of Sebastian's servants to the 
 spot indicated, who pointed out and 
 brought away a corse, which was recog- 
 nized as the king's by the other attend- 
 ants upon the royal person. The empe- 
 ror of Morocco afterwards delivered it 
 up to his ally the king of Spain, toge- 
 ther with some noble prisoners, includ" 
 ing two sons of the duke of Braganz~ 
 Philip generously sent home the released 
 captives, as well as the remains of Se- 
 bastian, which were interred in the royal 
 sepulchre of Belem. 
 
 Upon the first tidings of this disaster, 
 Cardinal Henry, youngest son of King 
 Manuel, great uncle to Sebastian, and 
 the only legitimate male survivor of the 
 royal line,^was declared protector ; and, 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 129 
 
 tyhen his nephew's death had been ascer- 
 tained, was proclaimed king. He was 
 a good and pious man, but proved an 
 imbecile ruler, and the whole of his short 
 reign was one scene of contention and 
 cabal touching the nomination of his 
 successor. The candidates were seven. 
 Ranuccio Farnese, son to Alexander, 
 prince of Parma, by Maria, eldest daugh- 
 ter of Edward, King Manuel's second 
 son ; Catherine, duchess of Braganza, the 
 same Edward's second daughter; Philip 
 of Spain, the son of Isabella, Manuel's 
 eldest daughter ; the duke of Savoy, 
 the son of Beatrice, Manuel's second 
 daughter; Antonio, prior of Crato, an 
 illegitimate son of Lewis, Manuel's 
 third son, who asserted that his pa- 
 rents had been married, and he him- 
 self was consequently legitimate ; the 
 pope, who laid claim to the kingdom 
 as the property of a cardinal, to whom 
 by ecclesiastical law he was heir ; and 
 Catherine of Medicis, who alleged her 
 descent from Alfonso III. The ques- 
 tion appeared so intricate, that the old 
 cardinal was advised to obtain a papal 
 dispensation, and marry, in order to cut 
 it short ; and notwithstanding his high 
 ecclesiastical rank and his advanced age 
 of sixty-seven, a negotiation was set on 
 foot for this purpose. But it was dis- 
 countenanced at Rome as indecorous, 
 and Philip exerted all his power and 
 influence to prevent its success ; the 
 necessity of investigating the claims of 
 the several candidates became therefore 
 imperative. 
 
 The pretensions of the Pope and of 
 Catherine of Medicis were at once re- 
 jected as frivolous; and the prior of 
 Crato wholly failed in his endeavours to 
 establish his legitimacy. Amongst the 
 other four, there can be no doubt that, 
 according to the laws of succession now 
 generally admitted, Ranuccio Farnese 
 was the natural and lawful heir; and if, 
 by the constitution of Portugal, as de- 
 termined at Lamego, his mother had 
 forfeited her birthright by marrying a 
 foreign prince, her sister Catherine, the 
 wife of a Portugueze nobleman, was as 
 clearly the person who succeeded to her 
 claim. But the pretensions ot the prince 
 of Parma seem to have attracted no 
 more notice than those of the duke of 
 Savoy; and the real legal dispute was 
 between the duchess of Braganza and 
 the king of Spain. 
 
 The idea of falling under the Spanish 
 yoke was odious to the whole nation. 
 The king himself was convinced of his 
 
 niece Catherine's right, and, it is said, 
 had one evening resolved to declare her 
 his heiress upon the coming day. But 
 de Moura, Philip's agent, learning his 
 determination overnight, sat up in the 
 palace-garden to catch him early in the 
 morning; when, by threatening with 
 Philip's anger and power, he fright- 
 ened him into deferring his sentence. 
 The nobility of the kingdom were very 
 generally favourable to the duchess ; but 
 Don Antonio, who, after being taken, 
 prisoner at Alcasarquivir, had broken 
 his Moorish fetters by the help of a Jew, 
 was the favourite of the populace. He 
 still asserted his legitimacy, imputed cor- 
 ruption to the judges who had decided 
 against his mother's marriage, and re- 
 minded his friends that John I., the 
 founder of the reigning house, was an 
 illegitimate son, raised to the throne by 
 popular election. The feeble-minded 
 Henry, whose chief ministers, as well ass 
 his Jesuit confessor, were gained over 
 by Philip's money, hesitated to pro- 
 nounce, lest he should involve the coun- 
 try in civil war. The Cortes, whom he 
 convoked, were divided, and timid as 
 himself. The seventeen months of his 
 reign passed in deliberation ; and at his 
 death, on the 31st of January, 1580, he 
 left the question to be decided by five 
 regents, whom he named. Had he 
 boldly declared Catherine his heiress, 
 the greater part of Don Antonio's adhe- 
 rents would most likely have deserted an 
 illegitimate pretender for their recognized 
 lawful queen. As it was, the kingdom, 
 divided between two strong factions, lay 
 at the mercy of a powerful invader. 
 
 Philip had hitherto committed the 
 management of his pretensions to am- 
 bassadors and secret agents ; and he 
 now supplied these persons more 
 abundantly than ever with pecuniary 
 means to continue their operations. A 
 majority of the regents were bribed by 
 those agents, and consequently sought 
 to dispose the nation in Philip's favour, by 
 publishing the terms he offered to grant. 
 The chief of these were, in addition to 
 the general maintenance of the consti- 
 tution, that he would reside as much as 
 possible in Portugal ; that the viceroy ap- 
 pointed to govern in his absence should 
 always be either a prince of the blood, 
 or a Portugueze; that a Portugueze 
 council should always attend him for the 
 management of Portugueze affairs ; that 
 natives of Portugal should be admitted 
 into offices uf the household, and others 
 of minor importance, in Spain, whilst 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 130 
 
 Spaniards, and all strangers, should be 
 excluded from all offices in Portugal, 
 civil and military, as well as from all 
 church preferment ; and that crown 
 lands, as the existing grants fell in, 
 should be re- granted to the nearest re- 
 lations of the former grantees. Condi- 
 tions so favourable seem to have had 
 great influence in lessening the abhor- 
 rence with which the nobles had hitherto 
 shrunk from a connexion with Spain; 
 and Philip now prepared to enforce and 
 support his claim with the potent argu- 
 ment of thirty Ihousand men. 
 
 A fitting commander for this army 
 was, however, not so easily 
 Spain found. The duke of Alva 
 1574-1580. was the only general esteem- 
 ed by Philip competent to 
 the task ; and he had for some time been 
 in disgrace, and living in a kind of exile 
 upon one of his estates. His disfavour 
 is ascribed by many writers to Philip's 
 dissatisfaction with the result of Alva's 
 administration in the Netherlands, and 
 \vith his arrogance in setting up his own 
 statue at Antwerp. And this is by no 
 means unlikely, how much soever his 
 measures had been in unison with 
 Philip's own sentiments. They had 
 failed ; and the king would of course 
 impute such failure rather to some fault 
 in his deputy, than to the measures 
 themselves. A proof of his displeasure 
 touching the statue was its immediate 
 destruction by Requesens. Alva had ne- 
 vertheless been received with all possible 
 favours and honours upon his return 
 from the Netherlands; and the osten- 
 sible cause of his exile was his concur- 
 rence with his son in a point, deemed by 
 Philip a gross and personal insult, to his 
 queen. The son, Don Garcia de Toledo, 
 having seduced one of the noble damsels 
 attendant upon the Queen, had, in her 
 majesty's presence, promised her the 
 atonement of marriage. He had after- 
 wards objected to fulfil his engagement, 
 and been thrown into prison by the 
 offended king, there to remain till he 
 should redeem his plighted word ; where- 
 upon Alva had assisted him to escape 
 from his captivity, taken him home, and 
 rendered the promised reparation im- 
 possible, by marrying him to his cousin 
 Maria de Toledo. The king immediately 
 exiled the duke to his castle of Uzeda, 
 where he had remained in impatience 
 and resentment for two years, vainly 
 resorting to the mediation of the Pope, 
 and of other foreign princes, to effect 
 his reconciliation with his unforgiving 
 
 master. It was now Philip's turn fo 
 want Alva, and he despatched two 
 secretaries to visit the duke, and inquire 
 whether his health would admit of his 
 leading the army destined to invade Por- 
 tugal. Alva replied, that he always had 
 health for his majesty's service, and 
 forthwith repaired to his post. 
 
 The corrupted regents took all mea- 
 sures for betraying the coun- 
 try to the usurping invader. Portugal 
 They dissolved the Cortes, llm-im. 
 and placed creatures of their 
 own in the command of the frontier 
 towns. In June, Alva entered Portugal 
 at the head of his army. Every fortified 
 place threw open its gates at his sum- 
 mons, and he marched onwards unop- 
 posed. The duke of Braganza had 
 taken no steps for maintaining his wife's 
 rights, otherwise than by argument. 
 The prior of Crato got possession of 
 Lisbon, where he was proclaimed king 
 by the populace. The nobility, dis- 
 gusted by his elevation, and the inaction 
 of the regents, withdrew sullenly to their 
 houses ; and the regents, freed from 
 their control, boldly declared Philip the 
 lawful heir of the crown. 
 
 Don Antonio seized the crown jewels, 
 church plate, and other funds. He re- 
 leased all prisoners, armed them and the 
 rabble, and offered liberty to all negro 
 slaves who would embrace his cause. 
 With an army thus constituted, he at- 
 tempted to defend the passage of the 
 Tagus against the veteran Alva, who 
 was master of the whole province of 
 Alemtejo, and had reached the south 
 bank of the river, without more fighting 
 than a short siege of one fortress, that 
 had declared for Don Antonio, and the 
 commandant of which, when taken, he 
 had executed. Don Antonio was, of 
 course, defeated, almost at, the first onset. 
 He fled through Lisbon, northwards; 
 collected another army, with which he 
 was again defeated ; and thenceforward 
 thought only of escape. Philip set a high 
 price upon his head, but could not tempt 
 any one of his adherents to betray him. 
 For nine months Don Antonio lurked 
 in the kingdom, concealed now in one 
 place, now in another, sheltered by rich 
 and by poor, in castle, monastery, and 
 cottage, and everywhere diligently sought 
 by his enemies, ere he could find an 
 opportunity of getting on ship-board. 
 
 After Don Antonio's second defeat 
 no further resistance was attempted. 
 Portugal submitted, and swore fealty. 
 Her American, Indian, African, and in- 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 '131 
 
 sulfir possessions followed her example, 
 with the single exception of the Azores, 
 \vliii;h proclaimed Antonio. The duke 
 of Braganza and his sons acknowledged 
 Philip. The duchess would not thus 
 surrender her rights ; and even when 
 Philip, upon the death of Queen Anne 
 and the duke of Braganza, offered her 
 his hand, she refused a crown as the 
 price of disinheriting her sons ; but she 
 too desisted from further contest. When 
 all was quiet, Philip visited his new 
 kingdom, convoked the Cortes, and 
 swore to the conditions he had pre- 
 viously offered. 
 
 Thus was effected, however illegally, 
 the union of Spain and Portugal; an 
 union apparently as important to the 
 true interests of the peninsula, as is that 
 of England and Scotland to the well- 
 being of Great Britain ; and not more 
 repugnant to the inclinations of the two 
 nations in the one case, probably, than 
 in the other. Had Philip and his suc- 
 cessors strictly observed the terms of 
 the union, and endeavoured otherwise to 
 conciliate the Portugueze, these last 
 might, ere long, have considered the 
 Spanish monarchs as their lawful kings, 
 and have reconciled their pride to their 
 incorporation with a larger state. It 
 has even been further conjectured, that 
 had Lisbon, in consideration of its ad- 
 mirable situation for the purpose, been 
 made the capital, Portugal would have 
 exulted, commerce might have flourished 
 in Spain, notwithstanding the wound it 
 received from religious intolerance ; and 
 the universal monarchy at which the 
 house of Austria is believed to have 
 aimed, might have been at least not an 
 impossibility. But this was not the 
 policy of Philip. Although rather an 
 usurper than a conqueror, he chose to 
 treat Portugal as a conquered country. 
 He rejected the proposals for beneficial 
 laws, and, indeed, all the demands of 
 the Cortes, except a few of the most in- 
 significant, and speedily dissolved that 
 assembly. He refused the favours so- 
 licited by the nobles, withheld the 
 honours and pecuniary compensations 
 promised to the Braganza family ; and 
 although he did publish an amnesty, 
 the exceptions were so large (including 
 all who had favoured Don Antonio), 
 that, it was said, Philip had pardoned 
 only those who were free from offence. 
 He then proceeded to punish the per- 
 sons thus excepted ; and the extent of 
 the executions which followed may be 
 judged by two circumstances. One 
 
 that, from the number of dead bodies 
 thrown into the sea, the people would 
 not eat fish again, until the archbishop, 
 in a solemn procession, had purified by 
 his blessing the polluted ocean ; and the 
 other, that Philip himself thought it 
 requisite to obtain absolution from the 
 Pope, for having put such numbers of 
 ecclesiastics to death. He then ap- 
 pointed his nephew and brother-in-law, 
 the Archduke Albert, viceroy of Portu- 
 gal ; and committing to him the govern- 
 ment of the country, where discontent 
 was already very general, he returned to 
 Spain. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Attempts of Don Antonio upon the 
 Azores and Portugal Pretended Se- 
 bastians Assassination of the Prince 
 of Orange Prince of Parma subdues 
 Brabant and Flanders The Seven 
 United Provinces offer themselves to 
 France And England Refused by 
 both Elizabeth sends an army to 
 their support War between Spain 
 and England Invincible Armada 
 Foiled by the English fleet De- 
 stroyed by storms The English 
 ravage Philip's coasts, and intercept 
 his commerce Philip seeks the French 
 crown for his daughter Baffled by 
 Henry IV.'s conversion Dutch fleets 
 harass Spanish and Portugueze trade 
 Philip confers the Netherlands upon 
 the Infanta Isabella, in dependence 
 upon Spain Tyrannical proceedings 
 against Perez Violation of Ara~ 
 gonese constitution Aragonese resist 
 Are subdued, and deprived of their 
 privileges Peace of Vervins Death 
 of Philip Condition of Spain 
 Commencement of decline*. 
 
 CONSIDERABLE doubts have been ex- 
 pressed whether the unjust acquisition 
 of Portugal really increased Philip's 
 strength. It certainly rendered him an 
 object of greater detestation to the Pro- 
 testant portion of Europe, and of very 
 decided fear and jealousy to his Catholic 
 allies and subjects. It filled the Nea- 
 politans and Milanese with dread of 
 fresh endeavours to introduce the In- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Ken-eras, J)a Costa, La Clede, 
 Lett, Watson, Sempere, Voltaire, Universal Mo- 
 dern History, History of England, by David Hume, 
 8 vols. Svo, London, 1HO?. 1st oria del Gran JJttaitn 
 di Toscana sotto il, goterno dclla Casa Medici, di 
 R. Galluzzo. 8 toin. bvo. Livorno, i/Sl. 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL* 
 
 quisition into their respective countries, 
 (an evil which they had hitherto pre- 
 vented by rising in open rebellion 
 against every attempt of the kind,) and 
 violent disorders followed this renewal of 
 apprehension. Elizabeth avowed more 
 frankly than before, her determination 
 to protect the insurgent provinces of the 
 Netherlands; and Henry III. 
 Portugal allowed Don Antonio, who 
 
 from A.D. , , , . e . .-, 
 
 15811602. had taken refuge m France, 
 to raise men, and fit out 
 vessels, for an expedition to the Azores. 
 The expedition was unsuccessful 
 Philip had sent his best naval officer, 
 the marquess of Santa Cruz, to reduce 
 those islands. He routed the French 
 fleet ; defeated the land forces ; and by 
 the savage cruelty of his executions 
 (which extended to the French, whom 
 he treated as mere pirates and adven- 
 turers aiding a rebel), he terrified the 
 Azores into submission. Don Antonio 
 next obtained from Elizabeth an arma- 
 ment for the invasion of Portugal, which 
 he represented as ready to rise in his 
 favour the moment he should appear 
 there with a force able to support his 
 friends. But his party seems to have 
 died away in his absence ; for no insur- 
 rection took place, and the English com- 
 manders, disappointed in their expecta- 
 tions, re-embarked their troops, and 
 returned home. 
 
 This was the last effort of Don An- 
 tonio, who could never again raise a 
 party, and died, indigent and neglected, 
 in France. But now arose various Se- 
 bastians, to disturb Philip's quiet pos- 
 session of his usurped realm. Three of 
 these Sebastians, although so well 
 trained to play the part assigned them, 
 as enabled them, working upon the 
 strong belief entertained by the lower 
 Portugueze of their king's escape, to 
 gain many partisans, and occasion the 
 government much trouble, were mani- 
 festly impostors ; but the fourth greatly 
 perplexed his contemporaries, and over 
 his story considerable mystery still 
 hangs. This pretender appeared first 
 in Venice, nearly twenty years later ; 
 he resembled Sebastian in person, and 
 gave a plausible account of his escape 
 after the battle of Alca9arquivir ; fur- 
 ther stating that he had reached Portu- 
 gal during Henry's reign, and been 
 treated by the old king as an impostor ; 
 but he did not satisfactorily account for 
 himself from that period to the time of his 
 announcing himself. He was examined 
 by the Venetian senate, and discovered a 
 
 knowledge of their most secret negoti" 
 ations with Sebastian that amazed them- 
 They refused to deliver him up to the 
 Spanish ambassador, but so far com- 
 plied with his wishes, as to] banish him 
 from the Venetian territory. This true 
 or false Sebastian, who was counte- 
 nanced by all the enemies of Spam, 
 sought shelter in Tuscany, then one of 
 the number. But the Grand Duke 
 Ferdinand wished to conciliate his po- 
 tent foe, and for that purpose delivered 
 up the would-be Sebastian to the count 
 of Lemos, viceroy of Naples, when he 
 was publicly flogged through the city, 
 calmly and positively asserting the 
 whole time, that he was Sebastian king 
 of Portugal. After the degrading pu- 
 nishment he was thrown into prison, 
 where he either died, or was sent to the 
 galleys, and hanged for attempting to 
 escape. The tidings of his appearance 
 produced an insurrection in Portugal, 
 which was of course followed by many 
 executions. 
 
 The reward Philip had set upon Don 
 Antonio's head had failed 
 
 to Corrupt the fidelity of The Netherlands 
 AU T i~ L from A.D. 
 
 the Portugueze ; but a 15301588. 
 similar measure proved 
 more successful against the prince of 
 Orange. The temptation offered to 
 men's natural desire of gain was, in 
 this case, unfortunately aided by reli- 
 gious bigotry, and under the double im- 
 pulse many assassins were found. One 
 of these miscreants inflicted an insuffi- 
 cient wound : three were detected and 
 punished, before they could put their 
 flagitious purpose into execution. But 
 on the 10th of July, 1584, a Franc- 
 Comtois, named Balthasar Gerard, 
 obtained admittance, upon pretence of 
 wanting a passport, and shot Wil- 
 liam as he left his dining-room in the 
 company of his wife and sister. The 
 wound proved mortal ; and this atrocious 
 crime robbed the oppressed Netherland- 
 ers of their greatest man and truest 
 patriot : the energetic and apparently 
 disinterested advocate of their rights, 
 so long as it seemed possible to compel 
 respect for those rights ; the bold and 
 able leader of their insurrection against 
 Spain, when that always fearful mode 
 of seeking redress became inevitable. 
 The murderer was tortured, and then 
 put to a cruel death. His heirs were, 
 according to promise, enriched and en- 
 nobled. 
 
 William's eldest son, Philip, now 
 prince of Orange, had been for nearly 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 133 
 
 thirty years, a kindly-treated prisoner 
 in Spain ; his second, Maurice, was 
 a youth of eighteen. To him, how- 
 ever, the states of the insurgent pro- 
 vinces transferred so much of the autho- 
 rity enjoyed by his father, as did not 
 depend upon the murdered prince's per- 
 sonal character. That, which must be 
 earned, could not be given to an almost 
 untried youth ; and Maurice, though he 
 possessed great abilities, even excelling 
 his father as a warrior, never equalled 
 him as a statesman. For the present, 
 the prince of Parma profited by the re- 
 moval of his chief antagonist. He 
 rapidly compelled Ghent, Brussels, and 
 the other great towns to submit. He 
 brought Brabant and Flanders, with 
 the exception of Antwerp, back to their 
 allegiance. He then invested Antwerp ; 
 and in the conduct of that prolonged 
 siege, which lasted twelve months, he 
 displayed a degree of military genius, a 
 boldness of conception and a fertility in 
 resource, that have never perhaps been 
 surpassed. Antwerp was at length 
 obliged to capitulate, and the whole of 
 the southern provinces were now again 
 Spanish. Such of the inhabitants as 
 would not submit to the yoke, includ- 
 ing most of the remaining Protestants, 
 emigrated into the Seven United Pro- 
 vinces. 
 
 These provinces did not yet aspire to 
 republican independence. Their assem- 
 bled states offered the sovereignty of 
 their country, first to Henry III. of 
 France, who, harassed by civil wars, could 
 not accept it, and then to Elizabeth. 
 The ambition of that wise princess was 
 directed rather to the strengthening and 
 improving, than to the enlarging, of her 
 dominions; and she declined the prof- 
 fered accession of territory. But she 
 saw that the season for temporizing was 
 past that war with Philip was inevita- 
 ble, and she undertook the protection 
 of the seven provinces. She immediately 
 sent her favourite, the earl of Leicester, 
 with a small army to their support. The 
 states thought to lure the queen to 
 greater exertions on their behalf, by 
 naming Leicester governor-general. She 
 was offended by the attempt ; and it 
 required all the earl's influence to ob- 
 tain her consent to his holding the office, 
 with a distinct understanding that she 
 would do no more than she had origin- 
 ally promised. 
 
 During the two years of Leicester's 
 sway, his incapacity materially lessened 
 the advantages derived from the suc- 
 
 cours afforded by England; and though 
 nothing very important was effected 
 on either side, the balance of success 
 was with the prince of Parma. At 
 the end of that time Leicester, weary 
 of his situation, resigned the govern- 
 ment, and returned home. The power 
 was now in the hands of the able 
 and enterprising Prince Maurice ; and 
 the prince, now duke, of Parma's ener- 
 gies were cramped, by Philip's divert- 
 ing his attention and his forces to 
 other objects. He had already been 
 compelled to employ a portion of his 
 troops in assisting the chapter of Co- 
 logne against their heretical archbishop, 
 who having quitted the Catholic for the 
 Protestant religion, and married, endea- 
 voured to retain his see. In 1588, the 
 duke was required to co-operate, with 
 nearly all his forces, in the projected 
 invasion of England. 
 
 Since she had concluded an alliance 
 with the insurgent provinces, 
 Elizabeth had considered fT f^ n 
 herself as at war with Spain, issi 1592. 
 and had carried on hostili- 
 ties at sea. Sir Francis Drake, the best 
 seaman of the age, had ravaged the 
 coasts of Spain and Portugal, had burned 
 rich merchantmen in the very harbour 
 of Cadiz, and committed yet greater de- 
 vastation upon Philip's transatlantic 
 possessions ; where, besides doing other 
 damage, he had taken and sacked the 
 towns of St. Domingo and Cartha- 
 gena, further levying heavy contribu- 
 tions, by threats of burning them. In 
 1588, Philip determined to end the war 
 by the conquest of England. With this 
 view he ordered the duke of Parma to 
 unite his troops upon the sea-coast, and 
 prepare the vessels requisite for trans- 
 porting them to England, under Ihe pro- 
 tection of the powerful armament, arro- 
 gantly termed the Invincible Armada, 
 which he was sending out both to guard 
 his passage and to destroy the English 
 fleets. 
 
 The duke of Parma vainly represented 
 the necessity of first securing some 
 Dutch or Flemish port whence the 
 troops could sail, and where the vessels 
 might find shelter if needful. Philip, 
 confident in the strength of his armada 
 and in the expected aid of the English 
 Catholics, would not hear of delay : he 
 repeated his orders, and despatched his 
 fleet. 'Well might it, as far as appear- 
 ance went, be called the Invincible Ar- 
 mada. It consisted of one hundred and 
 thirty men-of-war and gallies, mostly of a 
 
134 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 size so enormous as to resemble floating 
 castles, manned with eight thousand 
 sailors, besides galley slaves, carrying 
 twenty thousand soldiers, and com- 
 manded by the successful marquess of 
 Santa Cruz. The first disaster that 
 befel the armada was the death of its 
 able and experienced commander, whose 
 place was supplied by the inexperienced 
 and reluctant duke of Medina-Sidonia. 
 The second was a tempest that dispersed 
 it, and drove the greater part into Co- 
 runa to refit. After a month consumed 
 in repairing damage and re-assembling, 
 the armada finally set sail in July, and 
 on the 30th of that month came in sight 
 of England. 
 
 Meanwhile, Elizabeth and her whole 
 people, the Catholics on whose support 
 Philip relied, as well as the Protestants, 
 were preparing, with resolute energy, 
 for defence. A fleet was hastily equip- 
 ped, upon the spur of the occasion, to 
 encounter the enemy at sea, and three 
 armies, in all eighty thousand men, 
 were assembled to resist invasion on 
 shore. The fleet was commanded by 
 Lord Howard of Effingham, assisted by 
 Drake, Hawkins and Frobisher, the three 
 best naval officers then living. The 
 Dutch fleets prepared to assist the 
 English, and blockaded the ports in 
 which the duke of Parma meant to em- 
 bark. 
 
 The English fleet, inferior in size and 
 number of ships, would not engage, nor 
 could the unwieldy armada force a bat- 
 tle. But Lord Howard pursued and 
 harassed his formidable enemies in their 
 progress up the Channel, cutting off, 
 and capturing or destroying, every ves- 
 sel that chanced to separate from the 
 main body, deriving almost equal ad- 
 vantage from the nautical skill of his 
 coadjutors, and from the lightness and 
 agility of his ships. At length the ar- 
 mada reached the narrow seas, where it 
 was to protect the passage of the duke 
 of Parma and his army. But its bulky 
 vessels were unable to approach the 
 Flemish coast, and consequently could 
 not drive away the Dutch blockading 
 squadrons. 
 
 Medina-Sidonia now anchored to de- 
 liberate upon his future proceedings : 
 when, on the night of the 7th of August, 
 Howard interrupted his councils, by 
 taking advantage of a sudden breeze to 
 send eight vessels, filled with combusti- 
 bles and already burning, into the midst 
 of the Spanish fleet. He could scarcely 
 have devised a more effectual mode of 
 
 terrifying his enemies. A bridge of 
 boats thrown across the Scheldt by the 
 duke of Parma, whilst besieging Ant- 
 werp, had been frightfully damaged by 
 fire-ships ; and the recollection of their 
 destructive agency was vivid amongst 
 the Spaniards. Upon the present oc- 
 casion, the awful appearance of the 
 blazing barks driving towards them, was 
 heightened by the darkness of the night, 
 and its influence upon their minds 
 became irresistible. A sudden panic 
 spread through the armada, some ships 
 weighed anchor, others cut their cables, 
 and in none was anything thought of 
 beyond the means of escaping from the 
 dreaded fire-ships. The gigantic vessels 
 dashed against each other; the con- 
 fusion, and the damage which ensued 
 were prodigious. 
 
 When day-light showed Howard the 
 success of his stratagem, he attacked 
 the bewildered enemy in his disorder, 
 and though the Spaniards fought 
 bravely, his victory was complete. Me- 
 dina-Sidonia considered the object of 
 his expedition as defeated by this dis- 
 aster, and resolved upon returning to 
 Spain; but the elements were again 
 adverse to the armada. A succession 
 of storms dispersed and destroyed his 
 fleet ; and Spain is supposed to have 
 lost in this unfortunate and misnamed 
 armada, the flower of her land and sea 
 forces. The kingdom was covered with 
 mourning, and Philip alone retained his 
 usual equanimity. He received the un- 
 successful and mortified duke of Medina- 
 Sidonia, who trembled to accost him 
 after such disasters, kindly, but with 
 words that betrayed the innate arrogance 
 of a Spaniard, although veiled under the 
 show of resignation to the act of Hea- 
 ven. He said, ' I sent you to fight 
 against the English, not against the 
 tempests of Heaven.' 
 
 The losses, sustained upon this occa- 
 sion, seem to have so exhausted the 
 resources of Philip as to prevent a 
 repetition of the attempt ; and from this 
 moment it was Spain, not England, 
 that was menaced with invasion. Eliza- 
 beth's fleets ravaged the hostile coasts 
 in both hemispheres, and intercepted the 
 vessels bringing home the wealth of 
 America. Nay, Cadiz itself was taken 
 and sacked by Essex and Howard, and 
 the fleet destroyed in the harbour. If 
 no permanent establishment was made 
 in any of Philip's dominions, great evils 
 were inflicted upon most of them, and irn- 
 niense booty was acquired t>y the victors. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 The duke of Parma now returned to 
 ^is proper occupation, the war against 
 Philip's former subjects. But Philip's 
 treasury was empty ; the English ships 
 cut off his supplies, and Farnese was 
 cramped by want of money. His pro- 
 gress was soon afterwards yet further 
 impeded, by his being called upon to 
 extend his sphere of action to France. 
 Although Philip had always supported 
 the Catholic party, during the religious 
 civil wars in that kingdom, he had hi- 
 therto, in so doing, only assisted an ally 
 and brother-in-law against rebels. But 
 now the death of the duke of Anjou had 
 produced a change in the condition and 
 prospects of France, which, whilst it 
 alarmed Philip's bigotry and excited his 
 ambition, gave a very different character 
 to his interference. 
 
 Henry III. having no children, the 
 death of his last surviving brother called 
 the Bourbon branch of the royal family 
 to the succession, and the head of this 
 branch was a Protestant, Henry de 
 Bourbon, duke of Vendome, in right of 
 his paternal ancestors, and king of Na- 
 varre, in right of his deceased mother 
 Joanna, the only daughter and heiress 
 of Henry II. of Navarre. The immi- 
 nent danger of a heretic's becoming 
 l>ing of France had thrown the French 
 Catholics into a state of almost frantic 
 consternation ; and the more bigoted 
 part of them, who had long confede- 
 rated under the title of the Catholic 
 ^jC'igue, were ready to do and to ven- 
 ture everything, in order to avert what 
 they regarded as an impending cala- 
 mity. Philip, in whom they trusted as 
 their tried patron and protector, now 
 endeavoured to persuade the chiefs of 
 the League, that the only means of 
 avoiding a heretic king was to abrogate 
 1he law, known by the name of the 
 Salic law, which excluded females from 
 the throne. It was in virtue of this 
 exclusive law, that a distant kinsman, 
 like the king of Navarre, was the heir: 
 its repeal would make Philip's favourite 
 child, Isabella Clara Eugenia, the legal 
 heiress, as the eldest daughter of Henry 
 Ill.'s eldest sister. 
 
 Upon the assassination of Henry III., 
 Philip urged the infantas pretensions 
 more openly ; and to secure the co-ope- 
 ratlon of the powerful house of Lor- 
 raine, the heads and instigators of the 
 League, he proposed marrying her to 
 the young duke of Guise. Philip now 
 no longer confined his assistance to 
 small baud:; oi' auxiliary troops ; but, 
 
 135 
 
 becoming a sort, of principal in the civil 
 war raging throughout France, ordered 
 the duke of Parma with his whole army 
 to the support, of the League, whenever 
 it was threatened with defeat. The 
 skilful march by which, upon one of 
 these occasions, Farnese deceived a com- 
 mander of the high reputation enjoyed 
 by Henry of Navarre, now Henry IV. 
 of France, and relieved Paris, the chief 
 seat of the Leaguers' power, when re- 
 duced to the last extremity of famine, is 
 esteemed the most brilliant of his mili- 
 tary exploits. The civil war lasted four 
 years, from Henry III.'s murder until 
 Henry IV.'s conversion to Catholicism ; 
 which, by reconciling the more mo- 
 derate portion of the League to their 
 lawful king, put a final end to Philip's 
 hopes of making his daughter queen of 
 France. Upon Henry's accession, the 
 remaining French portion of the king- 
 dom of Navarre was finally united to 
 France. 
 
 These baffled schemes upon the 
 French crown had cost 
 
 Philip enormous sums The Netherlands 
 i_ j i_ i j from A.D. 
 
 ot money, had checked 15881598. 
 his exertions in the Ne- 
 therlands at the moment when success 
 seemed possible, and, in the end, robbed 
 him of the general, upon whom all 
 chance of such success depended. Alex- 
 ander Farnese died of a dropsy, said to 
 have very much originated in vexation at 
 the unnecessary obstacles, always frus- 
 trating his most hopeful projects for the 
 reduction of the insurgents. The com- 
 plete independence of the republic of 
 the Seven United Provinces, although 
 not acknowledged by Spain, was now 
 established, alike beyond dispute, and 
 beyond any rational idea of subju- 
 gation. Their fleets, in emulation of 
 the English, harassed the Spaniards in 
 every quarter of the globe, but directed 
 their efforts principally against the Por- 
 tugueze colonies. These were neglected 
 by Philip, whose dominions were far too 
 extensive for his means of defence. The 
 Portugueze colonists had grown corrupt 
 and effeminate amidst their Indian 
 wealth and slaves. The governors and 
 troops sent out for their protection 
 were disheartened by their humiliating 
 subjection to Spain ; and in India little 
 resistance was offered to foreign aggres- 
 sion. As yet, however, the United Pro- 
 vinces attempted not distant conquest, 
 contenting themselves with trying to 
 supersede the colonists in their trade 
 with the yet free native powers, and 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 136 
 
 capturing the Spanish and Portugueze 
 merchantmen. 
 
 The southern provinces of the Nether- 
 lands, to which the name must hence- 
 forward be limited, remained subject to 
 Philip ; but they were dissatisfied and 
 insecure. He thought to gratify them, 
 and perhaps to win back the others, by 
 erecting the whole into a separate prin- 
 cipality, to be conferred upon the In- 
 fanta Isabella, for whom he now de- 
 spaired of obtaining the French crown, 
 or even the duchy of Brittany, which, 
 having been united to France by the 
 marriage of its heiress, he had claimed 
 for her, as a female fief. With the Ne- 
 therlands for her portion, the infanta 
 was to marry, by papal dispensation, her 
 cousin, the Cardinal- Archduke Albert, 
 who had already shown his fitness for 
 government, by his judicious conduct 
 as viceroy of Portugal. Whilst the 
 negotiations with the Pope were still 
 pending, Albert was sent to succeed the 
 deceased prince of Parma, as governor 
 of the Low Countries. 
 
 During these various transactions 
 abroad, a rebellion occurred 
 from^D * n Spain, provoked by the 
 1592^1598. most flagrant act of cruelty 
 and tyranny that, upon un- 
 doubted testimony, has been really 
 established against Philip. The sons 
 of the murdered Escovedo had, soon 
 after their father's death, instituted a 
 prosecution against the secretary, An- 
 tonio Perez, as the author of the foul 
 deed. Through the king's intervention, 
 and under his sanction, a compromise 
 was effected between the parties. Perez 
 paid a large sum of money to Escovedo's 
 family, whereupon he was set at liberty, 
 and, though forbidden to appear at 
 court, continued to conduct the business 
 of his office. But either the alleged in- 
 timacy with the princess of Eboli still 
 rankled in Philip's mind, or he dreaded 
 the disgraced secretary's revealing his 
 own share in Escovedo's assassination. 
 In 1591 Perez was accused of boasting 
 of the murder, of betraying state secrets 
 to the princess of Eboli, of falsifying the 
 letters he deciphered, and of taking 
 bribes. Upon these charges he was 
 thrown into prison, where, whilst he was 
 offered his liberty as the price of giving 
 up the king's letters touching Escovedo's 
 death, he was treated with extraordinary 
 severity. Perez accepted the terms, 
 and was released ; but he managed to 
 keep back one note, which Philip, it 
 seems, had forgotten. The liberty thus 
 
 purchased, Perez was not, however, 
 long permitted to enjoy. The prosecu- 
 tion for the murder was revived ; the 
 accused was again thrown into prison, 
 where he was tortured to extort a con- 
 fession, which he had no desire to with- 
 hold. He is said to have revealed all, 
 giving the reserved royal letter as evi- 
 dence of his truth; and thus Philip, 
 whose only object in this strange tissue 
 of artifice appears to have been the 
 clearing himself, by a judicial sentence, 
 from any participation in the murder, 
 was caught in his own toils. 
 
 But the situation and prospects of 
 the prisoner were not improved by the 
 exposure of his royal accomplice ; and 
 he saw that in flight lay his only chance 
 of life. His escape was happily managed 
 by the address of his wife, Donna Joanna 
 Coello, who appears to have smuggled 
 him out of prison in woman's clothes, 
 amidst a party of female visitors, the 
 watchfulness of his gaolers having been 
 previously lulled to sleep by his affecta- 
 tion of extreme debility and helpless- 
 ness, in consequence of the torture. 
 Perez fled to his native Aragon; and 
 there, though he was again seized by 
 the king's orders, his condition was far 
 different. He appealed to the yet in- 
 violate laws and privileges of Aragon. 
 The justicia mayor, John de Lanuza, 
 evoked the cause before his own tribu- 
 nal at Saragossa, where the proceedings 
 were public ; and he lodged the accused 
 in the prison called the Manifestation, 
 under his own sole and especial juris- 
 diction. 
 
 This was not the tribunal before 
 which it suited Philip that Perez should 
 be tried. The Inquisition, therefore, ac- 
 cused the ex- secretary of heretical opi- 
 nions ; and as the justicia mayor would 
 not surrender hi$ prisoner, the inquisitors, 
 with the assistance of the marquess of 
 Almenara, a minister of the king's, broke 
 open the prison, and removed him to 
 their own dungeons. Such an infraction 
 of the Aragonese constitution roused 
 the spirit of the people, and a regular 
 contest ensued between them and the 
 king's officers, in the course of which 
 the marquess of Almenara was so ill- 
 used as to occasion his death. Perez 
 was recovered from the inquisitors, and 
 replaced in the justicia 's custody, again 
 seized by the inquisitors, and again torn 
 from them by the populace, who, upon 
 this second occasion, favoured his flight, 
 when Perez, by the aid of his friends, 
 escaped into France, where _ he was 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 137 
 
 kindly received and; protected by Henry 
 
 Philip sent an army into Aragon, to 
 quell and chastise these disorders. Pru- 
 dence, and submission upon negotiation, 
 might still, perhaps, have effected a 
 compromise; but the justicia had died 
 during the tumults, and his son, who 
 had succeeded to his office, rashly at- 
 tempted to resist by force this second 
 act of unconstitutional violence; for no 
 foreign troops might enter Aragon with- 
 out the consent of the Cortes or the 
 Justicia ; and each of the several king- 
 doms united under the name of Spain 
 still considered the natives of the others 
 as foreigners. The attempt was unsuc- 
 cessful, and again the fatal consequences 
 of unsuccessful rebellion followed. The 
 justicia, together with the duke of Villa 
 Hermosa, and some other leaders of the 
 insurgents, were put to death ; and the 
 liberties of Aragon were very greatly 
 diminished, though not so completely 
 crushed as those of Castile had long 
 been. 
 
 Philip now felt his latter end approach- 
 ing; and, from a natural desire to leave 
 his wide-spreading dominions in a tran- 
 quil state to his son, he gladly accepted 
 Pope Clement VIII.'s proposal to me- 
 diate a peace between France and Spain. 
 The negotiation was procrastinated by 
 the archduke's surprise and capture of 
 Amiens, which Henry thought it indis- 
 pensable to recover, before he would 
 even listen to terms. The Spanish gar- 
 rison in that town capitulated in the 
 autumn of 1597; and in the following 
 summer, notwithstanding the opposition 
 of Queen Elizabeth and Prince Maurice, 
 the peace of Vervins was concluded upon 
 equitable conditions, all conquests 
 being mutually restored, and all preten- 
 sions to any part of each others' domi- 
 nions mutually relinquished. 
 
 This peace, and the investing" the 
 infanta with the sovereignty of the 
 Netherlands, were the last acts of 
 Philip. He did not live to see the 
 celebration of her marriage, or of his 
 son's with Margaret, daughter of the 
 Archduke Charles of Austria, which 
 he had concluded. He had for years 
 been, like his father, a martyr to the 
 gout, but had never permitted his suf- 
 ferings to interfere with his regal duties. 
 During the severest paroxysms, he re- 
 gulated everything, and frequently, 
 when urged to spare himself, said, that 
 the pains in his joints did not lame his 
 brain. His last illness was dreadful, 
 
 his limbs being covered with ulcers that 
 generated swarms of the most loathsome 
 vermin. In that condition he lay for fifty 
 days, and is said to have exhibited during 
 the whole time a wonderful example of 
 Christian patience and resignation. He 
 died on the 13th of September, 1598. 
 Of his numerous children, two only sur- 
 vived him ; his son Philip, and the 
 Infanta Isabella. A second daughter, 
 Catherine, had married the duke of 
 Savoy, but died before her father, leav- 
 ing a large family. 
 
 In America the limits of the Spanish 
 empire were extended 
 
 during this reign, but Spanish America 
 ^., , from A.D. 
 
 not so as sensibly to 15501598. 
 affect the power or the 
 greatness of the mother-country. One 
 fact, however, deserves notice. "Whilst 
 all surrounding Indians bowed beneath 
 the yoke, and were rapidly swept away 
 by the unaccustomed toils their new 
 masters required, one bold and warlike 
 tribe in the province of Chile, named 
 the Araucans, after submitting like the 
 rest, rose against their oppressors, and 
 for years defied all the troops the Chi- 
 lian and the Peruvian Spaniards could 
 send against them. The war was ended 
 only by a treaty recognizing their inde- 
 pendence. In the East Indian seas the 
 Philippines were named and colonized. 
 
 Philip 1 1. had received Spain from his 
 father in a state of brilliant prosperity. 
 Her agriculture and manufactures were 
 flourishing, and were competent to sup- 
 ply her large exports to her American 
 colonies. That from this happy con- 
 dition Spain began, during his long 
 reign, to decline, is admitted by those 
 Spanish writers who most warmly eulo- 
 gize Philip ; nor is the great pecuniary 
 distress denied to which the lord tt of 
 America and her mines was latterly re- 
 duced. The two facts form a curious 
 comment upon the extraordinary pru- 
 dence, considered by them as his pecu- 
 liar characteristic. For this decline 
 various causes have been assigned by 
 philosophical historians ; as the nume- 
 rous colonies that drained the popu- 
 lation of the mother-country ; the 
 disgust which men, who saw immense 
 fortunes easily and rapidly accumu- 
 lated, in the plunder or the mines of 
 the New World, conceived for the toils 
 and the slow profits of trade and hus- 
 bandry ; the enormous waste of men 
 and money occasioned by the various and 
 simultaneous wars into which Philip 
 was hurried, by either an extravagant 
 
138 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ambition, or an uncalculating bigotry. 
 Experience, and a maturer philosophy, 
 teach us, that whatever ills may be 
 thus occasioned, they are in their nature 
 temporary, requiring only time to cor- 
 rect themselves ; and direct us to seek 
 the true cause of the gradual downfall 
 of Spain in her loss of liberty. 
 
 The union of Spain into one mo- 
 narchy, under Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 had lessened the long-existing intimate 
 connexion between king and people, and 
 the dependence of the former upon the 
 latter : the natural consequence was a 
 diminished respect on the part of the 
 crown for popular rights. The splen- 
 dour of Charles's reign, his clemency, 
 conciliating manners, and good govern- 
 ment, perhaps, blinded the nation to his 
 gradual invasion of their privileges, and 
 neglect of the forms of a free constitu- 
 tion. Under the sterner sway of Philip, 
 a complete despotism was established, 
 and it seemed to give him a boundless 
 power, alarming Europe, at the moment 
 his authority began to decline. Since 
 the Cortes had fallen into contempt, the 
 cities had lost their importance, and an 
 arbitrary system of taxation had shaken 
 the security of property. 
 
 Under such circumstances, commerce 
 languished, and had no energy to resist 
 the blow, when the English and Dutch 
 fleets intercepted the vessels bearing 
 Spanish merchandise to America, or 
 bringing back an ample return. Agri- 
 culture, like manufactures, must always 
 suffer from the impoverishment of any 
 portion of the community ; but in Spain 
 it now laboured under peculiar additional 
 evils. When the nobles were lured 
 from their rural homes to court, for the 
 purpose of weakening their feudal power, 
 the peasantry, divided from their natural 
 protectors, robbed of the encouragement 
 and support of almost princely esta- 
 blishments in every part of the country, 
 sank into a degraded class ; whilst the 
 mighty lords themselves became mere 
 intriguing courtiers, rapacious for 
 money, in order to rival each other in 
 splendour, and tyrants of those depen- 
 dent peasants, to whom their ancestors 
 were as fathers. In this state, the vital 
 spirit that should have re- acted against 
 every disaster was no more ; and cala- 
 mities, in their nature temporary, be- 
 came permanent. 
 
 Philip II. adorned Spain with many 
 useful and some ornamental works. 
 .He erected the Escurial, which has 
 ever since been a favourite royai rcsi-. 
 
 dence. The Escurial is an immense 
 pile of building, uniting a monastery, a 
 cemetery, and a palace, dedicated to St. 
 Lawrence, . in gratitude for the great 
 victory of St. Quentin, gained upon the 
 day on which his festival is celebrated ; 
 and to stamp it yet more manifestly his, 
 is built in the form of a gridiron, the 
 instrument of that saint's martyrdom. 
 The expense of the Escurial is reckoned 
 as one cause of the exhaustion of Philip's 
 exchequer. Philip was, or, in emulation 
 of his father and of his great-grand- 
 mother Isabella, desired to be esteemed, 
 a patron of literature, and of learning in 
 general : in token of which, he sent 
 his eldest son Don Carlos, his brother 
 Don John, and his nephew, the prince 
 of Parma, to be educated at the Univer- 
 sity of Alcala ; and during his reign 
 flourished most of the great Spanish 
 authors. But the privilege of proscrib- 
 ing whatever books they should judge 
 dangerous to Catholicism, which he 
 committed to the Inquisition, more than 
 counterbalanced his patronizing exer- 
 tions. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Accession of Philip III. He abandons 
 the government to his favourite, the 
 duke of Lerma Hostilities between 
 the Archdukes and the United Pro- 
 vinces Peace with James 1. Dutch 
 fleets continue to annoy the Spanish 
 and Portuguese trade They at- 
 tack the colonies Negotiations with 
 United Provinces Difficulties 
 Twelve years' truce in Europe Ex- 
 pulsion of Moors from Spain Oppo- 
 sition and generous conduct of their 
 Valencian landlords Sufferings of 
 the Moors Evil consequences to 
 Spain of their expulsion Dangers 
 threatening Spain averted by the 
 death of Henry IV. Spain involved 
 by Lerma in Italian affairs In- 
 trigues of Bedmar at Venice, and 
 Ossuna at Naples Failure of both 
 Fall of Lerma He is succeeded by 
 Uzeda Commencement of Thirty 
 Years' war Death of Philip *. 
 
 PHILIP III., who, at the period of his 
 
 accession, had not completed 
 
 his twenty-first year, re- s P a [ n 
 
 i i / i .1 from A.D. 
 
 sembled his fat her m no! rung isys-ieoo. 
 
 but bigotry. The deceased 
 
 king had for some time endeavoured to 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are, Yriarie, Da Costa, La Clede, Maries, 
 Sempere, Giunnone, Voltaire, Uoxe, Hum Uiii- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 139 
 
 train him to the duties of government by 
 admitting him to a seat in his privy coun- 
 cil, and frequently, when himself too ill 
 to attend in person, requiring from the 
 young prince a report of its deliberations. 
 He had latterly given him a more active 
 share in the administration. But indo- 
 lence, and entire docility to those he 
 loved, were qualities inherent in Philip 
 III.'s nature; and the aged monarch, 
 who had ever been his own prime 
 minister, foresaw with pain that his son 
 would always abandon the reins of go- 
 vernment to some favourite. Against 
 such a weakness his last advice was 
 chiefly directed, and especially against 
 placing such confidence in the prince's 
 equerry, and actual favourite, Don 
 Francisco de Rajos y Sandoval, mar- 
 quess of Denia. 
 
 The wills and the advice of dead 
 kings are usually neglected. Philip III. 
 had paid such implicit deference to his 
 father, that when the old monarch, 
 showing him the portraits of all the 
 daughters of the Archduke Charles, de- 
 ired him to select his future wife from 
 amongst them, he referred the choice 
 to his father, alleging that the princess 
 who should meet with Philip II.'s appro- 
 bation, would be the most beautiful in 
 his eyes. Yet this same prince began his 
 reign by a direct contravention of that 
 father's dying injunctions. He dismissed 
 Philip II.'s oldest and most trusted 
 counsellors, and committed the whole 
 power of the state to the marquess of 
 Denia. He soon afterwards created 
 him duke of Lerma, and confirmed and 
 strengthened his authority by conferring 
 the archbishopric of Toledo upon his 
 brother Don Bernardo. But this act of 
 disobedience was the fruit of the same 
 yielding and indolent temper that had 
 previously given birth to his filial obe- 
 dience, the only difference being that 
 he now submitted to a favourite's em- 
 pire instead of a parent's. 
 
 In other points the young king fol- 
 lowed up his father's measures. The 
 dispensations for the two marriages had 
 been received, and Albert was on his 
 
 yersal Modern History, History of Philip III., by 
 R. Watson, 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1/86. A work 
 of equal merit, if not equal interest with his his- 
 tory of Philip II. Hititoria de Felipe IV., Rey de 
 lisp/ma, pur U-oncalo de Cespedes. Fol. Barcelona. 
 1634. Cespedes is much esteemed as an histo- 
 rian ; and as he takes up Philip IV. long before his 
 accession, his history includes part of Philip III.'s 
 reign. Justa expulsion de los Moriscos de Espaita, 
 $c., del M. F. Dumian Fonseca, 8vo. Rom. 1612. 
 An account of the expulsion of the Moors by a 
 monk, who approves of the measure. 
 
 The Netherlands 
 from A.D. 
 1598-1604. 
 
 way to Spain, escorting his cousin Mar- 
 garet, when Philip II. died. Philip III. 
 immediately confirmed the previous ar- 
 rangements, and sent his own and his 
 sister's proxies, that the marriages 
 might be celebrated by the Pope in per- 
 son, as the archduke and archduchess 
 passed through Italy. The archduke 
 and the new queen then pursued their 
 journey to Spain, whence Albert con- 
 ducted Isabella to the Low Countries. - 
 
 Had the transference of the sove- 
 reignty of the Nether- 
 lands been complete, it 
 might, perhaps, have 
 answered its end, and 
 even the emancipated provinces have 
 been content to re-unite themselves with 
 their former countrymen, under inde- 
 pendent and constitutional princes. But 
 Albert and Isabella were held in too 
 strict a dependence upon Spain to be 
 permitted to deviate from the principles 
 of the court of Madrid in their adminis- 
 tration, either civil or religious ; a de- 
 .pendence indicated even by the title they 
 assumed. They were not called duke 
 and duchess of Burgundy, but simply 
 the archdukes. They were served by 
 Spanish ministers, and Spanish or Ita- 
 lian generals ; their children, if they had 
 any, were not to marry without the king 
 of Spain's consent ; should their union 
 prove childless, their dominions were to 
 revert to the Spanish crown ; and the 
 chief mark of separation was, that their 
 subjects, like other foreigners, were ex- 
 cluded from the trade with the East and 
 West Indies. The enslaved Nether- 
 lands gladly hailed even this show of in- 
 dependence ; but the United Provinces 
 at once rejected what they regarded as 
 a mere artifice to lure them back under 
 the Spanish sceptre. 
 
 The history of the Netherlands still, 
 therefore, under the archdukes, forms 
 part of the history of Spain ; but the 
 transactions that occurred there are no 
 longer of the importance of those that 
 took place during the last reign. The 
 war with the United Provinces continued 
 for some years. Albert was not desti- 
 tute of military skill, although no match 
 for Prince Maurice, who easily baffled 
 his utmost exertions. The archdukes, 
 however, governed well, gained the 
 affections of their subjects, and kept 
 their troops in as good discipline as was 
 compatible with I heir deficient nmans 
 of paying them ; and the fortune of the 
 \var changed when, in 1603, a body of 
 
 veteran Italians 
 
 was brought 
 
 to tlieir 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 140 
 
 aid by the Marquess of Spinola, a 
 Genoese nobleman. (Genoa was still 
 under the nominal protection of, and in 
 consequent entire dependence upon, the 
 Spanish crown.) He had never before 
 been engaged in warfare ; but he im- 
 mediately displayed the greatest mili- 
 tary talents. 
 
 About the same time that Spinola 
 was placed in direct opposi- 
 
 Spain |j on f p r j nce Maurice, the 
 
 from A.D. TT * j T> 
 
 16981604. United Provinces lost the 
 powerful assistance they had 
 for so many years derived from England. 
 That assistance had already become less 
 effective upon the death of Queen 
 Elizabeth, in the spring of the year 
 1603. James did not, indeed, immedi- 
 ately break the alliance she had con- 
 cluded ; but it was repugnant to all the 
 principles of, what he called, his king- 
 craft, to support revolted subjects against 
 their sovereign, under any circumstances. 
 His prejudices were embattled against 
 the interest of his people ; he dealt out 
 with a niggard hand the succours his 
 wiser predecessor had liberally furnished, 
 and readily gave ear to propositions 
 for a peace with Spain, which would, 
 he hoped, deprive the turbulent Irish 
 Catholics of the supplies of men and 
 money they had always received from 
 Philip II., and were still receiving from 
 Philip III., who, shortly before Eliza- 
 beth's death, had actually sent a small 
 army to invade Ireland, or rather to aid 
 the Irish rebels. Half of this army fell 
 into the hands of the viceroy, Lord 
 Mount] oy, and the other half was glad 
 to evacuate the country with his con- 
 currence. 
 
 The chief difficulties that impeded the 
 negotiations related to the trade with 
 the Indies, which England demanded, 
 and Spain refused to grant; and to the 
 connexion between England and the 
 United Provinces, now acknowledged 
 as an independent state by all countries 
 except Spain. These difficulties were 
 rather evaded than settled. The question 
 of trade was not mentioned in the treaty, 
 and the English merchants continued 
 the commerce they had carried on wilh 
 those countries during the war, Spain 
 retaining a right of excluding them when- 
 ever she should deem it expedient to in- 
 force that right. To the United Pro- 
 vinces the king was to furnish no more 
 troops nor loans ; but his subjects were 
 left at liberty to enlist on either side at 
 their pleasure ; and, conformably to this 
 stipulation, British Catholics and Protes- 
 
 tants were thenceforward opposed to each 
 other in the ranks of the hostile armies. 
 A revolting spectacle ! not, however, 
 now first seen ; the duke of Alva having 
 received into his ranks the refugee 
 followers of the earl of Westmoreland, 
 after the disastrous insurrection in the 
 northern counties in 1569. 
 
 The prohibition of pecuniary supplies 
 from England occasioned little inconve- 
 nience to the United Provinces ; James 
 having no money to advance, whilst 
 their thriving commerce brought them 
 in abundant riches. In 1602 they had 
 established their East India Company, 
 the first of the kind; 
 the resources and ener- The fr ^^ ei i ands 
 gies of which com- 1604^-1621. 
 pletely deprived the 
 Spaniards and Portugueze of the trade 
 with all oriental states not subject to 
 Spain. Dutch expeditions began suc- 
 cessfully to attack the Portugueze colo- 
 nies ; and after the peace between Spain 
 and England, the Dutch fleets monopo- 
 lised the profitable capture of the Spa- 
 nish treasure- ships, which they had 
 previously shared with British sailors. 
 
 Thus Maurice was furnished with 
 means for prosecuting the war; whilst 
 Spinola, constantly embarrassed by want 
 of funds, was checked in his enterprises, 
 and frequently altogether stopped, by 
 the mutinies of his unpaid, and thence 
 ungovernable soldiers. The winter inter- 
 ruptions to hostilities were usually em- 
 ployed by him in journeys to Madrid, 
 to urge the necessity of further pecu- 
 niary supplies. But although he 
 gained an influence over the king that 
 excited the minister's jealousy, Philip's 
 profusion and bad government kept his 
 exchequer so bare, that the anxious 
 general never effectively succeeded in 
 his object. 
 
 The Spanish court had hoped that, 
 when no foreign enemy should remain, 
 the insurgents would easily be reduced. 
 When this hope was disappointed, when 
 it appeared that all the power of Spain 
 and the Netherlands, wielded by the 
 talents of Spinola, could make no im- 
 pression upon the revolted provinces, a 
 growing distaste of the war ensued. The 
 archdukes, weary of the harassing life 
 they had .led from the moment of their 
 instalment in their nominal sovereignty, 
 wished to rule the Netherlands in peace ; 
 and Spinola strongly recommended 
 putting a term to hostilities, from which 
 it was evident no advantage could be 
 expected. Under these circumstances, 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Ml 
 
 were opened in 1607; but 
 an immediate difficulty arose, the United 
 Provinces requiring a preliminary recog- 
 nition of their absolute independence, 
 against which the pride of Spain revolted. 
 
 This difficulty was obviated by the 
 intervention of Henry IV. and James I., 
 so far as related to the opening of the 
 treaty, by a recognition of Dutch inde- 
 pendence on the part of the then actual 
 pretenders to the sovereignty, the arch- 
 dukes ; and the negotiations began 
 under the mediation of the kings of 
 France and England. The difficulty 
 was, however, presently revived with 
 regard to Philip, and two others, of 
 nearly equal magnitude, combined with 
 it to retard pacific proceedings. These 
 were, on the part of the United Pro- 
 vinces, the trade with India, upon which 
 they resolutely insisted, and on Philip's, 
 the toleration at least of the free exer- 
 cise of the Catholic religion throughout 
 the provinces, upon which he as vehe- 
 mently insisted, as the price of his 
 resigning his right of sovereignty. 
 
 The obstinacy of the Dutch was en- 
 couraged to the uttermost by Prince 
 Maurice, who apprehended the loss of 
 his own power as a necessary conse- 
 quence of peace ; but Philip's was 
 counteracted from a quarter whence it 
 might hardly have been anticipated. Ig- 
 nacio Brizuela, the archduke's confessor, 
 was the person who prevailed upon the 
 king of Spain rather to abandon his 
 demand as to religion than break off the 
 treaty, lest the Netherlands should be 
 asrain seduced to join the confederacy, 
 and thus become once more infected 
 with heresy. Philip now gave way ; but 
 the question of the trade with India was 
 still, as in the treaty with England, in- 
 capable of adjustment. The only re- 
 source which either the mediators or the 
 impatient archdukes could devise, was 
 to convert the intended peace into a 
 twelve years' truce in Europe, and em- 
 ploy with respect to India and America 
 terms so vague, that they might be 
 understood as either party pleased. 
 
 The treaty thus drawn up was signed 
 at Antwerp, in April, 1609. The United 
 Provinces thenceforward took their sta- 
 tion in the European commonwealth, as 
 an universally acknowledged indepen- 
 dent state ; and the rebellion, provoked 
 by the intolerant bigotry of Philip II., 
 ended in the complete severing of seven 
 populous, industrious, and wealthy pro- 
 vinces from the empire of his son. The 
 remaining provinces of the Netherlands 
 
 rapidly recovered their almost forgotten 
 prosperity under t he wise administ ration 
 of the archdukes. 
 
 Philip III., it has been said, wa s at 
 least as bigoted as his fa- 
 ther, and his piety was yet fr o a l n D 
 more wounded than his pride 1004^1 6ib. 
 by the concessions that had 
 been wrung from his weakness. He 
 sought consolation in giving the tide of 
 persecution another direction, in which 
 its ravages proved far more injurious to 
 Spain. The objects of this new persecu- 
 tion were the unfortunate Moors, who, 
 it might be thought, had, since their 
 subjugation, been already sufficiently 
 tormented. 
 
 When Philip II. dispersed the Moors 
 of Granada through the interior of 
 Spain, none remained congregated toge- 
 ther, or inhabiting their original seats, 
 except those of Valencia, in whom the 
 nobles of that country found such valu- 
 able vassals, that they protected them 
 with all their power, and determinately 
 opposed their removal. The Valencian 
 Moors were, like all their countrymen, 
 nominal Christians; but from the be- 
 ginning of the present reign, J. de Ri- 
 bera, archbishop of Valencia, had been 
 presenting memorials to Philip against 
 them, in which he pretty nearly repeated 
 the charges brought in the preceding 
 reign against their Granadan brethren ; 
 complaining further, that the skill, in- 
 dustry, and frugality of the Moors 
 enabled them everywhere to monopolize 
 all useful and profitable occupations, to 
 live, thrive, and pay their rents, in the 
 most barren districts of Spain, whilst 
 the most fertile were unproductive in the 
 hands of the Spanish peasantry; and 
 that they would thus, ere long, infallibly 
 get the whole v/ealth of the country into 
 their hands. The remedy proposed by 
 the archbishop for these evils, was the 
 complete extirpation of the Moors from 
 Spain. Though they had forfeited their 
 lives by their apostacy, he would not, 
 he said, urge the putting them all to 
 death, which might excite horror and 
 compassion, but he recommended sell- 
 ing into foreign slavery all above seven 
 years of age, and trying to educate the 
 children under that age as real Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 Philip, who was gentle and humane 
 in his disposition, deeply as he was 
 affected by the archbishop's remon- 
 strance, shrank from the wholesale cru- 
 elty of the proposed measure. The 
 duke of Lerma was, probably, at least 
 
142 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 as much restrained by the vehement 
 remonstrances of the Valencian nobles, 
 who alleged the very same qualities of 
 skill, industry, and frugality, urged by 
 the archbishop as reasons for getting 
 rid of the Moors, in proof of their im- 
 portance to the prosperity of Spain ; 
 stating that they, the nobles of Valen- 
 cia, must be inevitably and entirely 
 ruined by the loss of their best vassals, 
 from whom, as cultivators, manufac- 
 turers, and miners, they derived nearly 
 their whole revenues. 
 
 This powerful opposition and the 
 kindliness of the king's temper, occa- 
 sioned a delay of some years, and re- 
 newed attempts at the conversion, or 
 rather instruction of the Moors. But 
 the archbishop of Valencia never ceased 
 his importunity for the extirpation of a 
 race, pronounced by him incapable 
 of becoming Christians ; and he was 
 latterly supported by the archbishop of 
 Toledo, who, through his brother's inte- 
 rest, was now a cardinal, inquisitor- 
 general, and chancellor of Spain. The 
 primate, far more intemperate in his 
 zeal than his reverend colleague, urged 
 a yet more comprehensive expulsion, 
 alleging it were better that all Moors, 
 including the youngest children, be at 
 once put to death, than that any should 
 be left to pollute Christian blood by 
 intermarriage. 
 
 Lerma had especially studied through- 
 out his administration to conciliate the 
 favour of the papal see ; and now, being 
 further influenced by his brother, he no 
 longer opposed the measures recom- 
 mended with respect to the unfortunate 
 Moors. He judged it expedient, how- 
 ever, that so violent a step should be 
 decidedly sanctioned by the pope, and 
 despatched the cardinal- archbishop to 
 Rome, to negotiate the affair with his 
 holiness, and obtain the desired bull. 
 The pontiff, Paul V., appears to have 
 been of a more truly Christian disposi- 
 tion, and to have considered the con- 
 version of the infidels, rather than their 
 extermination, as the duty enjoined 
 by religion ; for the only bull the arch- 
 bishop could obtain was addressed to 
 the Valencian prelates, whom it com- 
 manded to assemble, and deliberate 
 upon the best means of converting the 
 Moors. The bishops of Valencia so 
 far obeyed, that they assembled, and 
 deliberated for some months ; but the 
 result of their consultations was little in 
 harmony with the papal bull. It was, 
 that the Moors were all apostates ; and 
 
 so obstinate as to render their conversion 
 impossible. This sentence they trans- 
 mitted to Madrid, and the expulsion of 
 the Moors was thenceforward irrevo- 
 cably determined. But it was deferred 
 to a more convenient season, and mean- 
 while the secret was so inviolably kept, 
 that neither the intended victims, nor 
 their noble landlords, entertained a sus- 
 picion of what was impending. 
 
 After the signature of "the truce 
 with the United Provinces, preparations 
 were made for transporting the Moors to 
 Africa. These preparations excited the 
 apprehensions of their protectors, and 
 again the Valencian nobles drew a vigo- 
 rous remonstrance against a measure 
 so fraught with injustice and ruin, which 
 they sent, by deputies chosen from their 
 own bod}', to Court. It was unavailing. 
 In September, the edict was published, 
 enjoining all men, women, and children 
 of the Moorish race, under pain of death, 
 to hold themselves in readiness within 
 three days, for being conducted to the sea- 
 coast, and there put on board the ships 
 provided for their transportation to 
 foreign parts. Their property, beyond 
 what they could carry with them, was 
 adjudged to the lords whose vassals they 
 were; but six families in every hundred 
 were allowed to be temporarily detained 
 by such lords, for the purpose of in- 
 structing the Christian inhabitants in 
 the management of the drains, aque- 
 ducts, rice plantations, sugar works, 
 manufactures, and such other kinds of 
 business as had been carried on solely 
 by the Moors. Children under four 
 years old might also remain behind ; 
 and where one parent was a Christian, 
 children up to the age of seven might 
 remain with that Christian parent. 
 
 The Moors in Valencia were the only 
 portion of this devoted race who could 
 assemble to discuss their prospects. 
 They did so, and made large pecuniary 
 offers for permission to remain in their 
 native land. Their offers were rejected ; 
 and they then thought of resistance, but 
 that was evidently hopeless. Every 
 precaution had been taken, troops were 
 posted through the country, and all 
 were convinced of the impossibility of 
 self-defence, except a small number, 
 inhabiting an almost inaccessible moun- 
 tain district, who actually did refuse to 
 submit. The others yielded to their 
 fate, indignantly refusing, however, to 
 leave behind them either their children, 
 or the families selected to instruct the 
 Christians in their arts. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 143 
 
 This last determination of the Moors 
 was matter of deep regret to the barons 
 of Valencia, whose only chance of pre- 
 serving their fine estates from complete 
 ruin, lay in retaining the few families 
 allowed them. So far were they, how- 
 ever, from testifying any resentment 
 upon this account against the unhappy 
 exiles, that not only did they refuse to 
 profit by the confiscation of property 
 which the edict gave them, but they 
 assisted the Moors in disposing of their 
 effects, and in carrying away with them 
 whatever could be conveniently trans- 
 ported ; and many of them actually em- 
 barked with their vassals, to insure 
 their good treatment on shipboard, and 
 afford what aid they could in negotia- 
 ting their establishment in Africa. The 
 duke of Gandia thus accompanied twenty 
 thousand of his vassals, the loss of whom 
 reduced him, from immense wealth, to 
 comparative poverty. They reached 
 Tremecen in safety ; and were there 
 kindly received, and comfortably settled. 
 
 The intelligence of the prosperous voy- 
 age of this first band of exiles, if it did 
 not reconcile the Moors to their fate, re- 
 lieved many of their fears. They em- 
 barked without resistance ; and becoming 
 impatient to get through the impending 
 evils, many freighted ships for their own 
 conveyance, rather than wait their turn 
 in the vessels provided by government. 
 But now every species of calamity 
 seemed to conspire against these perse- 
 cuted people. As the season advanced 
 many were shipwrecked, and never 
 reached their destination. Of those who 
 hired vessels for themselves, many were 
 robbed and murdered, and their women 
 barbarously outraged by the crews; and 
 even of those who landed upon the Bar- 
 1 ary coast, numbers were almost as 
 cruelly treated by the wild and wander- 
 ing Arabs. One hundred thousand 
 persons are computed to have perished 
 in one way or another, within a few 
 months of their expulsion from Valencia. 
 
 No Moors now remained in Valencia 
 except a few young children, whom 
 certain pious ecclesiastics and their 
 female devotees had caused to be stolen 
 from their parents, at the moment of 
 embarkation, in order to educate them 
 in the Christian faith, and the already 
 mentioned mountaineers. The numbers 
 of these last did not exceed thirty thou- 
 sand ; and of course, notwithstanding 
 their reliance upon the strength of their 
 country, they were quickly subdued by 
 the regular troops. Three thousand were 
 
 put to death ; and the remainder trans- 
 ported to Africa, with the exception of 
 the children under seven years of age, 
 who were given to the soldiers as their 
 booty, to be by them sold into slavery 
 for a certain number of years. 
 
 The transportation of such numbers 
 of useful subjects had been found 
 expensive ; and it was accordingly 
 resolved to make the remaining Moors, 
 dispersed throughout the kingdom, de- 
 fray their own charges, by confiscating 
 their gold, silver, and jewels, to the 
 public treasury. They were strictly for- 
 bidden to take any valuables of this 
 description with them, and such as were 
 detected in attempts to evade the prohi- 
 bition, were punished with death. With 
 this additional hardship, they were ex- 
 ported like the Valencians. Some few 
 were believed to have remained behind, 
 lurking in concealment, and upon their 
 heads a price was set. And thus did 
 Philip, in the course of a few months, 
 banish at least one million of his most, 
 if not his only, industrious and ingeni- 
 ous subjects. 
 
 The Moors are said to have revenged 
 themselves by managing the betrayal of 
 Larach, one of the very few fortresses 
 remaining to the Spaniards of their once 
 large African possessions, into the 
 hands of the Corsairs. But a more 
 effective revenge awaited them in the 
 natural consequences to Spain of their 
 expulsion. Lerma was, like his master, 
 a good and amiable man, but totally 
 unfit for, and unacquainted with, the 
 arts of government. He had increased 
 the pecuniary embarrassments of the 
 royal exchequer, by tampering with the 
 coin ; he had precipitated the decline of 
 the trade and agriculture of the king- 
 dom, by enormously augmenting the 
 tax called the alcavala the duty paid 
 upon every sale, even of the necessaries 
 of life and by the expulsion of tha 
 active and industrious Moors, struck 
 the final blow at the internal pro- 
 sperity of Spain. Manufactures were 
 thenceforward almost abandoned ; the 
 cultivation of the soil was neglected; 
 Spain no longer had any produce to 
 export to her colonies, and her monopoly 
 of their commerce inflicted serious evils 
 upon them, without yielding any benefit 
 to herself. 
 
 All these evils were attributed, and 
 not unjustly, to the mal-administration 
 of Lerma; and the Spaniards were yet 
 more deeply exasperated by the humi- 
 liation of acknowledging the indepen- 
 
144 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 dence of their insurgent fellow-subjects 
 of the United Provinces. Bat perhaps 
 the errors of his government, and their 
 painful consequences, were not the chief 
 cause of the outcry raised against him. 
 A favourite, or prime minister, was an 
 innovation upon established custom; 
 as such it was disapproved by all 
 classes, whilst the haughty nobility re- 
 volted at the sight of an equal raised to 
 be a master, upon whose good pleasure 
 they depended for their advancement, 
 in whose anti-chamber they must wait 
 an audience at his leisure, to present 
 their requests. The anger thus excited 
 was greatly enhanced when Lerma 
 raised Rodrigo de Calderon, a man of 
 real ability, but the son of a private sol- 
 dier, and originally a menial in his house- 
 hold, to the highest offices in the state ; 
 and when it was to the favourite's fa- 
 vourite that they were compelled to pay 
 their court. Clamours were loud, and 
 intrigue was active against Lerma ; but 
 he was strong in the king's affection, 
 and both were alike ineffectual. 
 
 But rapidly as the power and resources 
 of Spain had for some years been de- 
 clining, the alarm with which she had 
 filled Europe during the period of her 
 prosperity, had by no means passed 
 away with its cause. The extent of her 
 dominions was more apparent than her 
 internal debility, and her close connexion 
 with the German house of Austria gave 
 her still an air of gigantic might. Henry 
 IV., under whose wise government France 
 had recovered from the desolating effects 
 of the civil wars, is believed to have 
 been organizing, against both branches 
 of the Austrian family, a confederation 
 that could hardly have been resisted, 
 when, in 1610, the stroke of an assassin 
 robbed France of the best of her kings, 
 and rescued Spain and Austria from 
 impending danger. 
 
 The threatened monarchs had beheld 
 their rival's preparations with an indif- 
 ference that gave birth to suspicions of 
 their having instigated the murder. But 
 the known dispositions of Philip III. 
 and the Emperor Rudolph II., who had 
 now succeeded to his father Maximilian, 
 were totally adverse to such atrocious 
 crimes ; and their indifference may be 
 better explained by an absence of poli- 
 tical observation, which left them quite 
 unconscious of the perils threatening 
 them. 
 
 With Henry perished his mighty pro- 
 jects. His son, Louis XIII., was a 
 minor, and his widow, Mary of Medicis, 
 
 was declared resent. She was a woman 
 of narrow intellect, her regency was 
 distracted with civil broils, and with 
 factious attempts to deprive her of her 
 authority; and she sought support in 
 the friendship of Spain. To obtain this, 
 she concluded the double marriage of 
 the young king with Philip's eldest 
 daughter, Anne, and of her eldest 
 daughter, Elizabeth, with Philip, prince 
 of Asturias. 
 
 If Philip III. had thus escaped a war 
 that menaced him with de- 
 struction, it was not his for- ltal y 
 tune long to enjoy the peace SiHtSb. 
 he loved. In 1613 he be- 
 came involved in the disputes and hosti- 
 lities of the Italian princes, which, from 
 this time forward, will long continue to 
 form a material part of Spanish history. 
 The dukes of Savoy and Mantua had 
 clashing pretensions to the duchy of 
 Montferrat, which they had endeavoured 
 to conciliate by a marriage between the 
 duke of Mantua, and Margaret, daugh- 
 ter to the duke of Savoy, who assigned 
 her his claims as a wedding-portion. 
 The arrangement answered its end until 
 the duke of Mantua died, leaving only a 
 daughter, when his brother, who suc- 
 ceeded to the duchy of Mantua, took 
 possession of Montferrat, as guardian 
 to his niece. The duke of Savoy de- 
 manded her person, as her grandfather ; 
 and, when he could not obtain the prin- 
 cess, invaded Montferrat. 
 
 The court of Spain resented this con- 
 duct. The contending dukes agreed to 
 refer their dispute to Philip's arbitra- 
 tion ; and he ordered that both should 
 disband their troops, and the young 
 princess Mary, as his relation, be deli- 
 vered to the care of the governor of 
 Milan. This award offended both par- 
 ties. The duke of Mantua, however, 
 was appeased by the abandonment of 
 the demand of the young princess's per- 
 son. Charles Emanuel of Savoy went 
 to war with his brother-in-law of Spain, 
 and, by a mixture of artifices and hos- 
 tilities, endeavoured to gain some ad- 
 vantage over the marquess of Inojosa, 
 governor of Milan. He succeeded, to a 
 small degree, both in the war and in 
 the peace that concluded it. But Spain 
 was indignant ; and Inojosa was super- 
 seded by Don Pedro de Toledo, mar- 
 quess of Villa Franca, a man of great 
 talent and high courage, with all the na- 
 tional arrogance of a Spaniard. Villa 
 Franca renewed the war, and carried it 
 on prosperously ; but France and Venice 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 145 
 
 interfered on behalf of Savoy, and in 
 1618, peace was restored on the same 
 terms as before. 
 
 The Italian interests of Spain were at 
 this time in the hands of three men of 
 very uncommon abilities, and totally 
 unrestrained in their schemes for the 
 restoration of Spanish supremacy, or for 
 their own aggrandisement, by any con- 
 scientious scruples. One of these has 
 been already named, the marquess of 
 Villa Franca, governor of Milan; the 
 second was Don Alfonso de la Cueva, 
 marquess of Bedmar, ambassador to 
 Venice ; the third was Don Pedro Giron, 
 duke of Ossuna, viceroy of Naples. 
 
 The marquess of Bedmar was indig- 
 nant at the successful assistance that 
 Venice had afforded Savoy in the late 
 war. He considered the republic as 
 the most formidable antagonist of Spain 
 in Italy ; and, at once to punish her 
 enmity, and to render it futile, he or- 
 ganized the extraordinary conspiracy, 
 best known to the English reader by 
 Otway's tragedy of Venice Preserved. 
 Of that conspiracy Bedmar was the 
 soul. He arranged the plans, allotted 
 the conspirators their parts, and con- 
 certed with his Milanese and Neapoli- 
 tan colleagues that Villa Franca should 
 lead an army from Milan, whilst Ossuna 
 sent a fleet from Naples, to assist in, 
 and profit by, his operations^ The 
 scheme was far too complicated not to 
 be betrayed, and thus foiled. Venice 
 was rescued from destruction, the infe- 
 rior conspirators were executed, and 
 Bedmar was disavowed and recalled by 
 his court ; but an appointment as prime 
 minister of the archdukes in the Ne- 
 therlands rewarded his zeal. 
 
 The duke of Ossuna had been viceroy 
 of Naples under Philip II., when he so 
 extravagantly executed the king's orders 
 to send corn thence to Spain, which was 
 suffering trom a scarcity, that he pro- 
 duced plenty in Spain, and famine in 
 the kingdom of Naples, where the har- 
 vest had been abundant. Sanguinary 
 disorders ensued ; and he incurred so 
 much hatred, that it was judged expe- 
 dient to recall him. It was probably re- 
 sentment for this recall that impelled 
 him, in his second viceroyalty, to aim 
 at converting Naples into an independ- 
 ent principality for himself. With such 
 views he intrigued with the Turks and 
 French, courted the populace, and, 
 under pretence of quelling disturbances, 
 introduced foreign troops, who knew no 
 master but himself, into the capital. 
 
 When his designs became suspected 
 at Madrid, he had made himself .so 
 strong, that to remove him seemed a 
 matter of insuperable difficulty. But all 
 obstacles were overcome by the address 
 of Cardinal Borja, who was appointed 
 his successor. The cardinal opened a 
 private communication with the gover- 
 nor of Castel Nuovo, one of the two 
 fortresses that command the town of 
 Naples. He was introduced into that 
 castle by night ; and the next morning 
 the thunder of cannon saluting the new 
 viceroy's arrival first told Ossuna, both 
 that he was superseded, and that his 
 successor was already his master. His 
 attempt to excite an insurrection com- 
 pletely failed, and he returned to Spain, 
 where, during the remainder of Philip 
 III.'s reign, he lived unmolested, though 
 in disgrace. 
 
 But the fall of Ossuna had been pre- 
 ceded by that of a more important per- 
 sonage. The habit of beholding his 
 minister only in the duke of Lerma, 
 seems gradually to have chilled Philip's 
 affection for his favourite, 
 when he lent a more willing Spain 
 ear to the adverse faction, 
 who ascribed the internal 
 distress of Spain, the interruption of her 
 colonial trade, the loss of sorne of the 
 Portugueze colonies, and the disgraceful 
 termination of the European wars, to 
 the incapacity of Lerma. The duke 
 sought to prop his failing: credit by ob- 
 taining a cardinal's hat for himself, and 
 placing his son, the duke of Uzeda, 
 about the king's person, to gain the 
 favour he was losing. Neither measure 
 answered to his expectations. The 
 ecclesiastical dignity of cardinal im- 
 pressed the weak and bigoted Philip 
 with a reverential awe, that made his 
 intercourse with Lerma irksome to him. 
 And though Uzeda gained the royal 
 favour, he used it to supplant, not sup- 
 port, his father. 
 
 The cardinal-duke, as he was now 
 called, struggled hard and long to retain 
 his high office; but in October, 1G18, 
 he gave up the contest, and retired to 
 one of his country-seats. His son suc- 
 ceeded to all his posts, except that of 
 governor to the prince of Asturias, 
 which was given to Don Balthazar de 
 Zuniga, a man well fitted in mind and 
 character for its important duties. Soon 
 after Lerma's fall, his arrogant and 
 more detested favourite, Calderon, was 
 arrested, thrown into prison, and, after 
 being acquitted of all political offences, 
 
146 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 was prosecuted for a murder, respecting 
 which there seems to have been actually 
 no proof. The trial continued through 
 the last years of Philip III.'s reign. 
 
 The remaining transactions of Philip 
 III.'s reign relate wholly to the affairs 
 of Germany, where the war, known by 
 the name of the Thirty Years' War, 
 broke out. Matthias had succeeded 
 his brother Rudolph as emperor ; and 
 as he, and all his yet living brothers, 
 were childless, his succession became 
 an important question. Philip was the 
 legitimate heir, as the son of Anne, the 
 emperor's eldest sister. But Philip 
 was not ambitious of re-uniting the im- 
 mense dominions of Charles V., and 
 willingly resigned his right in favour of 
 Ferdinand, the brother of his deceased 
 queen Margaret, and grandson to Fer- 
 dinand I., by his younger son Charles. 
 
 The selection of Ferdinand, a most 
 bigoted Catholic, as the heir, alarmed 
 all the Protestants in the hereditary 
 states of the house of Austria; and the 
 Bohemians, whose kingdom had origi- 
 nally been elective, attempted to recover 
 their old privilege, chiefly in order 
 thus to escape the impending evil. They 
 offered their crown to Frederic, elector 
 palatine, and son-in-law to James I. of 
 Great Britain. The ambitious prince 
 and his more ambitious princess accepted 
 the offer, without duly weighing their 
 chance of success ; and war immediately 
 followed. 
 
 It is indeed not improbable that, had 
 Frederic been cordially supported by all 
 German Protestants and by England, 
 he mi^ht have established himself upon 
 the throne of Bohemia; a majority of 
 the electors would thus have been Pro- 
 testants, and misjht perhaps have given 
 Germany a Protestant emperor at the 
 next election. But a more inveterate 
 enmity prevailed between the two rival 
 sects of Lutherans and Calvinists, than 
 between either of them and the Catho- 
 lics. Frederic was a Calvinist, and the 
 Lutherans took no part in the war, or 
 joined against him with Matthias and 
 Ferdinand, who succeeded to the empire 
 in March 1619. James I. would not 
 countenance what he deemed rebellion 
 in the Bohemians, who with their new 
 king thus stood alone against all the 
 Catholics of Germany, aided by Spain. 
 Frederic was at once defeated, and driven 
 from Bohemia, whilst an army of Spa- 
 niards, under Spinola, invaded, overran, 
 and kept possession of the palatinate. 
 
 James now interfered to recover, for 
 
 his daughter's husband and family, Fre- 
 deric's hereditary dominions. But James 
 detested war as much as he loved diplo- 
 macy, in which he believed himself an 
 adept; and the Spanish Court taking 
 advantage of this well-known disposition, 
 offered the hand of Philip's second 
 daughter, the Infanta Maria, for the 
 prince of Wales ; and, implicating the 
 restoration of the palatinate in the tedious 
 negotiation respecting the marriage of a 
 Catholic princess to a Protestant prince, 
 effectually secured the neutrality of 
 England. 
 
 Such was the state of the war when, 
 in February 1621, Philip sank under an 
 illness that had lon^ been growing upon 
 him. He is said never to have reco- 
 vered from the pain he endured when 
 convinced of the unfortunate condition 
 into which Spain had fallen, and which 
 he felt himself quite incapable of reme- 
 dying. From that moment a deep me- 
 lancholy seized upon his spirits, and his 
 health gradually declined. He died at 
 the age of forty-two, leaving three sons, 
 Philip, prince of Asturias, Ferdinand, 
 already a cardinal and archbishop of 
 Toledo, and Charles, still a child ; and 
 two daughters, Anne queen of France, 
 and Maria. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Accession of Philip IV. Olivarez, his 
 minister and favourite Severity to- 
 wards Lerma, Calderon, and Ossuna 
 < Close alliance with Austria Re- 
 newed war with the Dutch Loss of 
 most of the Portuguese colonies 
 Southern Netherlands revert to Spain 
 The Infanta'* marriage with the 
 prince of Wales broken off- War in 
 Italy for the recovery of the Valteline 
 And the succession to the duchy of 
 Mantua Declaration of war by 
 France against Spam and Austria 
 Hostilities in the Milanese, the Ne- 
 therlands, and on the Pyrenean fron- 
 tier Violation of Catalonian consti- 
 tution Insurrection in Catalonia 
 Insurgents seek French alliance 
 Discontent in Portugal Insurrection 
 of Portugal, and proclamation of 
 John IF.* 
 
 PHILIP IV. was only sixteen when he 
 ascended the throne. During 
 his long reign of forty-four fJfff^ 
 years, the downfall of Spain 162W622. 
 was yet more fearfully acce- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Yriarte, Cespedes,Giaunone, Menezes, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 147 
 
 lerated ; and it is difficult to guess what 
 could tempt even Spanish arrogance 
 to bestow upon him the name of the 
 Great. He was almost uninterruptedly 
 engaged in war, and always unsuccess- 
 fully. Upon his accession, he banished 
 his father's favourite Uzeda, transferring 
 that worthless minister's power and 
 favour to Gaspar de Guzman, count of 
 Olivarez, nephew to his governor Zu- 
 fiiga. At first, indeed, the power and 
 favour thus transferred promised to 
 be less absolute; the new king show- 
 ing a wish to take a personal share in 
 the administration, and a great desire 
 to govern well. But the condition of 
 Spain could not afford such easily pros- 
 perous results as might have encouraged 
 him to exertion ; and abandoning him- 
 self to voluptuous pleasures, he presently 
 left the duties of sovereignty entirely to 
 Olivarez, whom he raised to the rank of 
 a duke, and who is generally known in 
 history by the whimsical title of the 
 Count-Duke. Olivarez was considered 
 by his contemporaries as far superior in 
 talent to Lerma, but he was certainly 
 inferior to him in judgement. Lerma 
 was pacific in his policy, though fre- 
 quently involved in war, but Olivarez, 
 throughout the whole period of his 
 ruling Spain, (unconvinced by expe- 
 rience of her actual weakness,) seems to 
 have aimed at recovering all her past 
 losses, and re-establishing her ascen- 
 dency in Europe by war. 
 
 At home, Olivarez began his adminis- 
 tration by the punishment of Lerma, 
 Calderon, and Ossuna. The former was 
 heavily fined for pecuniary malversation ; 
 Calderon was executed for a murder, of 
 which he was universally believed to be 
 innocent, and by the meek fortitude of 
 his conduct after his condemnation, ex- 
 cited the compassion even of those who, 
 during his prosperity, had been most 
 inveterate against him. Ossuna was 
 thrown into prison, where he died of 
 disease. Abroad the count- duke con- 
 cluded a strict alliance with the empe- 
 ror, and continued to prevent England 
 from vigorously interfering in behalf of 
 the unfortunate Palatine, by the zeal 
 
 Da Costa, La Clede, Voltaire, Coxe, Southey, Uni- 
 versal Modern History, Historia delos monimientos, 
 Si?/nmdi(w y yucrrn dt; CutiluTta, en tiempo de 
 Ft-li'in IT. /Kir Don Francisco Manuel de Melo, 
 8vo. Madrid, 18lo, a book of considerable inte- 
 rest as to the details of the Cataionian insurrec- 
 tion. Melo was a Portugucie, employed by the 
 Court of Madrid, and commissioned to write the 
 history of the Cataionian troubles, but imprisoned 
 pn suspicion after the Portugueze revolution, 
 When liberated, he left Spain for Portugal, 
 
 with which he urged on the negotiation 
 for the marriage of the prince of Wales 
 with the Infanta. But he lamed his 
 power of affording other assistance to 
 Ferdinand, by renewing the war with 
 the United Provinces upon the expiring 
 of the truce, in opposition to the earnest 
 remonstrances of the Archduke Albert, 
 and by involving Spain in all the con- 
 fusion of Italian politics. 
 
 The Dutch war summoned Spinola 
 with the largest part of 
 his army from the Pala- Th * Netherlands 
 tin ate, (where he left a iSffJ-rtJo. 
 small body of troops, 
 under Gonsalvo de Cordova,) to defend 
 the Netherlands against Maurice of 
 Nassau. But so insufficient were the 
 supplies of men and money he could 
 obtain, either in the Netherlands or 
 from Spain, that probably the utmost 
 exertion of his extraordinary abilities 
 must have failed to preserve them from 
 subjugation, had he not been assisted by 
 internal divisions in the councils of his 
 enemies. Prince Maurice and the Pen- 
 sionary Barneveldt stood opposed to 
 each other as the heads of adverse fac- 
 tions in politics and sects in religion ; 
 Barneveldt being further supported by 
 all those who suspected Maurice of 
 aiming at a sovereignty incompatible 
 with republican institutions. These 
 dissensions ended only with the death of 
 the Pensionary; who, by the influence 
 of Maurice and his party, was thrown 
 into prison upon an accusation of trea- 
 son to his country, tried, condemned, 
 and executed. Until thus freed from 
 his powerful domestic opponent, Maurice 
 could do little against his foreign enemies, 
 and there cannot be a stronger proof of 
 the decrepitude of the Spanish monarchy, 
 than Spinola's inability to profit by such 
 an opportunity of reducing a part at 
 least of the United Provinces. Nor was 
 he better supported even when the war 
 again became entirely Spanish, by the 
 death of Albert; when the nominal in- 
 dependence of the Low Countries termi- 
 nated, and they reverted to the Spanish 
 crown. Philip left the administration 
 in the hands of his aunt, whom he ap- 
 pointed governess. 
 
 That republican jealousy of the ambi 
 tion of the house of Nassau which pre- 
 vented successful enterprise against the 
 Neiherlands, had no influence upon dis- 
 tant expeditions. The Dutch fleets rode 
 triumphant in the Indian and American 
 seas. They intercepted the return of 
 Spanish treasure, and of Portugueza 
 L2 
 
148 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 merchandise. They subdued the greater 
 
 fart of the large Portugueze empire in 
 ndia and in Brazil. They sacked Lima 
 in Peru, where they made an immense 
 booty, and they took several of the 
 smaller West Indian islands. The po- 
 liticians of the day, who had not yet 
 discovered that liberty is the invigorat- 
 ing principle as well of military enter- 
 prise, as of internal policy and commer- 
 cial indtfetry, beheld with amazement a 
 handful of fishermen actually acquiring 
 wealth, strength, and power, during the 
 continuance of a war, which was wholly 
 exhausting the apparently inexhaustible 
 resources of Spain, so lately the terror 
 of Europe. 
 
 Whilst this struggle was going on be- 
 tween Spain and her revolted 
 
 Spain provinces, the thirty years' 
 
 from A.D. r* 
 
 16221623. war was ra ln m Germany, 
 by the intervention of new 
 parties, whenever its flames appeared 
 likely to be extinguished for want of 
 fuel. In 1623, the fine-spun web of 
 policy, that had insured England's neu- 
 trality, whilst the cruelly punished Pa- 
 latine was stripped of his hereditary 
 dominions, was broken through by the 
 haughty tempers of two overbearing 
 favourites. 
 
 The prince of Wales, impatient of the 
 endless obstacles that delayed the nego- 
 tiation for his marriage, had been easily 
 persuaded by the romantic duke of 
 Buckingham to visit Spain, and by his 
 unexpected presence hasten the conclu- 
 sion. An act of gallantry so unusual in 
 a royal suitor was well calculated to 
 charm Spaniards, and the reserved de- 
 meanour of Charles suited their ideas 
 of royal decorum. Accordingly the 
 treaty seems to have proceeded more 
 rapidly and cordially than before, al- 
 though difficulties still occurred respect- 
 ing the papal dispensation, and Spanish 
 etiquette allowed the bridegroom few 
 opportunities of even seeing his pro- 
 mised bride. During these delays a 
 quarrel took place between Olivarez and 
 Buckingham, whose bold licentiousness 
 was most offensive to Castilian pride ; 
 and the impetuous English favourite 
 immediately exerted his unbounded in- 
 fluence over Charles, to induce him to 
 return home, break off the marriage, 
 and espouse Henrietta Maria of France, 
 a daughter of Henry IV., instead of the 
 Infanta. And what seems yet stranger, 
 he prevailed upon James I. to abandon 
 a match upon which he had so long set 
 his heart, and to effect which he had 
 
 made such sacrifices. The Infanta some 
 years later married the emperor s eldest 
 son, afterwards Ferdinand III. 
 
 Spain now openly concurred in the 
 transference of the electoral dignity to 
 the duke of Bavaria ; and exerted her- 
 self more vigorously to assist the em- 
 peror. England joined in the new Pro- 
 testant confederacy formed by Denmark 
 and the Protestant princes of Germany, 
 (alarmed at this substitution of a Ca- 
 tholic instead of a Calvinistic elector,) 
 against the still dreaded supremacy of 
 the house of Austria. But the efforts of 
 neither country were important: Charles, 
 who had now succeeded to his father, and 
 was more warlike and energetic, bein^r, 
 from an early period of his reign, too 
 much engrossed by his domestic trou- 
 bles to take a material part in foreign 
 affairs : whilst the inconsiderate ambi- 
 tion and enterprising temper of Olivarez 
 led him to fritter away the means Spain 
 still possessed, in so many schemes, that 
 he appeared inefficient in all. Instead of 
 concentrating his energies upon the con- 
 test with the United Provinces and the 
 German war, which would have assisted 
 each other, he embarked in Italian po- 
 litics. 
 
 The count-duke's first object in Italy 
 was the Valteline, a district 
 in the very north of that fro " al ^ D 
 peninsula, originally consti- IG^O IGSO. 
 tuting part of the Milanese, 
 but torn from it by the Swiss, and their 
 allies and confederates, the Grisons, 
 during Louis Xll/s wars for the con- 
 quest of that duchy. The Valteline had 
 remained Catholic when the Grisons, to 
 whose share it had fallen, adopted the 
 Reformation. In those days, real tole- 
 ration was unknown ; and the Grisons, 
 who, like the Swiss, have generally 
 proved hard masters, harassed and op- 
 pressed their unconforming subjects. 
 The Valteline had first revolted in Hi20, 
 when Philip III. had ordered the duke 
 of Feria, governor of Milan, to assist 
 his fellow- Catholics against their here- 
 tical tyrants. This Feria, who is accused 
 of having secretly excited the rebellion, 
 did so effectually, that he obtained com- 
 plete possession of the Valteline. Philip 
 III., upon his death-bed, had com- 
 manded its restitution to the Grisons, 
 upon condition of their sanctioning the 
 re-establishment of Catholicism; and 
 he had been obeyed. 
 
 But Feria kept up an intercourse with 
 the Valteline, of which Olivarez was 
 not slow to avail himself. A cause or 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 149 
 
 pretence lor quarrel could not long be 
 wanting ; nor, indeed, is the complaint 
 urired igainft the Grisons at all impro- 
 bable ; namely, that, at the instigation 
 of France and the German Protestants, 
 they broke their promises to their Ca- 
 tholic subjects. The Valteline again 
 revolted, was again assisted by Feria, 
 and the Spaniards again occupied the 
 country, which derived an importance 
 from its situation, totally disproportion- 
 ate to its size, wealth, or population. 
 It afforded a ready communication be- 
 tween the Spanish and Austrian domi- 
 nions, inasmuch as it joined the Milanese 
 at one end, and the Tyrol at the other. 
 
 The count-duke's next Italian war 
 originated in the disputed succession to 
 the duchy of Mantua. Vincent di 
 Gonzaga was the last male of his line ; 
 and Olivarez and the duke of Savoy 
 had agreed to divide his duchy upon his 
 death. The duke endeavoured to foil 
 their designs by sending for the heir of 
 a collateral branch of the Gonzaga 
 i'amily, that had long been settled in 
 France. This was the duke of Rhetel, 
 eldest son to the duke of Nevers, whom 
 the duke of Mantua, upon his death- 
 bed, married to his deceased brother's 
 daughter, Mary, and declared his heir. 
 The new duke professed the most sub- 
 missive attachment to Spain ; but Oli- 
 varez would not relinquish his intended 
 acquisition ; and the duke of Savoy, in 
 conjunction with Cordova, who had 
 succeeded Feria as governor of Milan, 
 invaded Monti'errat. 
 
 The invasion was as unsuccessful as 
 it was unjust. The French entered Italy 
 to support the pretensions of a prince 
 who was by birth a subject of France, 
 and overran the dominions of the duke 
 of Savoy. Austria sent an army to 
 assist Philip ; but though the Imperial- 
 ists took and sacked Mantua, the ba- 
 lance of success was against the Spa- 
 niards and their allies. This petty war 
 lasted three years, and in it fell the 
 celebrated Spinola, who had been called 
 from Germany and the Netherlands to 
 repair the errors or the disasters of his 
 predecessors in Lombardy. In 1630, 
 the emperor grew weary of employing in 
 Italy troops^ he now more than ever 
 needed at home, to oppose the progress 
 of Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, who 
 had joined the German confederates ; 
 and Spain was compelled to submit to 
 the conclusion of a peace which con- 
 firmed the duchy of Mantua to the line 
 of Nevers, upon conUition that France 
 
 should not assist the enemies of the 
 house of Austria. 
 
 Upon the cessation of Italian hosti- 
 lities, Olivarez devoted his 
 whole attention to the Dutch , s P ain 
 
 , ~. , _ from A.D. 
 
 and German wars, and af- 1628 16*0. 
 forded somewhat more as- 
 sistance to the emperor. But he could 
 gain no success against the Dutch; 
 and a deep feeling of rivalry and hatred 
 was hourly increasing between the 
 count-duke and Cardinal Richelieu, the 
 equally ambitious, and more able, prime 
 minister of France. So long as the 
 power of France was weakened by civil 
 wars with the Huguenots, Richelieu con- 
 fined his inimical measures against 
 Spain and Austria to intriguing with all 
 the states opposed to them, through 
 either political or religious motives, and 
 affording liberal pecuniary supplies to 
 the German Protestants. In 1635, 
 France was internally tranquil, the 
 Huguenots, and the members of the 
 royal family who detested the minister, 
 being alike subdued ; and Richelieu took 
 the opportunity of an attack made by a 
 Spanish army upon the archbishop of 
 Treves, an ally of France, whom they 
 despoiled of his dominions, and made 
 prisoner, to declare war. He immedi- 
 ately prepared to invade the Nether- 
 lands and the Milanese. 
 
 The war began more favourably for 
 Spain than could have been anticipated. 
 Although the French at first captured 
 many strong places, Philip's brother, 
 the cardinal-z'ra/arafe Ferdinand, who 
 had been sent with an army to the 
 Netherlands, successfully resisted, re- 
 pulsed, and at length expelled, the 
 united invading forces of France and 
 Holland, whilst a Spanish army invaded 
 France. In Italy, the governor of Milan 
 not only successfully defended the duchy 
 against the troops of France and Savoy, 
 but overran the territories of their ally, 
 the duke of Parma, and obliged or in- 
 duced the duke of Mantua to attach 
 himself to Spain. The only advantage 
 gained by the French on that side was 
 the temporary occupation of the Valte- 
 line. 
 
 Upon their Pyrenean frontier, Spain 
 and France mutually invaded each 
 other. The viceroy of Navarre ravaged 
 Gascony, and the viceroy of Catalonia 
 attacked Languedoc, before the French 
 armies were collected and prepared. 
 When they were, the Spaniards were 
 driven back into their own territories, and 
 the prince of Coadc besieged Fuentera? 
 
150 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 bia, in Biscay. This enterprise the Spa- 
 nish generals, in their turn, compelled 
 him to abandon. Nor were the French 
 more fortunate in retaining the foot- 
 ing they at first gained in Roussillon, 
 which, though naturally belonging to 
 France, had, till this time, remained a 
 part of Spain. Richelieu soon after- 
 wards obtained powerful allies within 
 the Peninsula itself, for whom he was 
 indebted to that long course of misgo- 
 vernment, which reached its consum- 
 mation under Olivarez. 
 
 It had been the policy of many suc- 
 cessive Spanish monarchs and their 
 ministers, to deprive the different king- 
 doms of which Spain consisted of their 
 several constitutions, and blend them 
 into one whole. Nor would such policy 
 have been objectionable had they framed 
 a constitution for that whole, combining 
 what was good in those they abrogated, 
 compensating extravagant privileges by 
 just rights, and preserving a due por- 
 tion of liberty to the united people of 
 Spain. But this was no part of the in- 
 tention. The sole object was to get rid of 
 the limitations imposed upon the regal 
 authority by popular rights, and thus 
 establish an uncontrolled despotism. 
 Catalonia and Biscay were now the only 
 provinces that fully retained their an- 
 cient liberty ; and the natives of these 
 still free and mountainous provinces, 
 who were high spirited, and, probably, 
 turbulent, in proportion as they felt 
 their superiority to the rest of Spain, 
 were peculiarly obnoxious to Olivarez. 
 
 The Catalans had frankly and bravely 
 contributed to the recovery of Roussil- 
 lon, and expected rewards and grateful 
 acknowledgments from the court ; in- 
 stead of which they were exasperated 
 by the infraction of one of their dear- 
 est privileges, namely, their exemp- 
 tion from the introduction of foreign 
 troops. Olivarez, not choosing to with- 
 draw the army farther from the frontier, 
 quartered it, though consisting of Por- 
 tugueze, Castilians, &c., in Catalonia; 
 and as he had not money to pay the 
 soldiers, it was found impossible to en- 
 force any sort of discipline. 
 
 The complaints of the Catalans were 
 disregarded at court. Their dissatis- 
 faction, murmurs and disorders, daily 
 increased. The licentiousness of the sol- 
 diery was unchecked. In some villages, 
 allotted as quarters, the inhabitants fled 
 from their homes to avoid the infliction. 
 The cottages of the fugitives were ordered 
 to be burnt ; and the constituted autho- 
 
 rities, who interposed to prevent illegal 
 proceedings on either side, became ob- 
 jects of popular detestation. One Al- 
 guazil was burnt alive, with the house 
 in which he had sought refuge. The 
 count of Santa Coloma, the viceroy, 
 vainly represented to the minister the 
 dangerous state of the province, and re- 
 quired either the removal of the troops, 
 which would at once allay the discon- 
 tents, or force sufficient to subdue the 
 discontented. He was ordered to punish 
 all offenders according to law, without 
 distinction of persons ; and, in obedi- 
 ence to this mandate, he threw into 
 prison the chief municipal magistrates 
 of Barcelona, who headed a deputation 
 to demand redress. By this act he for- 
 feited all the popularity he had once 
 enjoyed; the prisoners were forcibly 
 released, and a crisis evidently ap- 
 proached. 
 
 The explosion occurred upon the 7th 
 of June, 1640. This was the day ap- 
 pointed for the celebration of one of the 
 great festivals of the Catholic church ; 
 an occasion upon which Barcelona was 
 annually visited by the large bodies of 
 mountaineers, that regularly descend 
 into the plains every summer, to assist 
 in the labours of harvest. Their entrance 
 produced an immediate insurrection, in 
 which the houses of all connected with 
 government were plundered, their per- 
 sons ill-used, numbers slain, and atro- 
 cious cruelties committed. The prin- 
 cipal victim was Santa Coloma. 
 
 But however dreadful were the ex- 
 cesses of this day, they were the .fruit 
 of popular commotion, not of a precon- 
 certed rebellion. The next day the 
 citizens were shocked at their own 
 crimes. They mourned over the vice- 
 roy they had murdered, interred him 
 with the highest honours, and sent a de- 
 putation to court, commissioned to soli- 
 cit pardon, and palliate, as far as might 
 be, their guilt, by laying the chief blame 
 upon Santa Coloma's imprudence. 
 
 This apologetic mission seems merely 
 to have convinced the arrogant Olivarez 
 that the insurgent Catalans felt them- 
 selves weak, and that they might, there- 
 fore, be easily subdued. He treated 
 their deputation with contemptuous neg- 
 lect, and ordered the duke of Cardona, 
 whom he had appointed Santa Coloma's 
 successor, to inflict exemplary punish- 
 ment. Cardona, who had begun by 
 adopting conciliatory measures, reluc- 
 tantly and imperfectly obeyed ; and the 
 consequence of even this partial change 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 151 
 
 of his system was a regular and general 
 rebellion, in which Roussillon joined, and 
 the nobles united with the citizens and 
 peasants. 
 
 The two provinces hereupon declared 
 themselves a republic. A council of 
 government was formed, and Francisco 
 Vilaplana, a gentleman of Perpignan, 
 was dispatched to the French court, to 
 solicit the alliance, protection, and as- 
 Mstance of Louis XIII. So welcome a 
 request was readily granted, upon ap* 
 parently equitable terms. French troops 
 entered Roussillon and Catalonia, and 
 civil war raged. The duke of Cardona 
 died, pending the negotiation with 
 France, of an illness produced, it is said, 
 by his mortification at the vehement 
 disapprobation which the count-duke 
 expressed of his endeavours to allay, 
 rather than crush, the disorders of the 
 provinces intrusted to him. 
 
 The royalist troops were now nearly 
 driven out of Catalonia. Olivarez was 
 alarmed, and offered all the concessions, 
 all the respect for old rights, that had 
 originally been demanded. But fair 
 promises were unavailing to appease the 
 storm aroused by provocations as inju- 
 dicious as they were unjust. The mar- 
 quess de los Velez, a Catalonian crea- 
 ture of Olivarez, and therefore more 
 odious to his countrymen than even a 
 stranger, was named viceroy, and sent 
 at the head of an army to conquer his 
 viceroyalfy. His instructions were ex- 
 cessive dispatch, and implacable seve- 
 rity ; and he obeyed them well. He 
 subdued part of the province, and ad- 
 vanced upon Barcelona; but mercilessly 
 destroying the places he captured, whilst 
 he executed their inhabitants, he ren- 
 dered the Catalans desperate, and they 
 resisted the Castilian forces so vigor- 
 ously, as to convince Olivarez of the 
 necessity of greatly increasing their 
 numbers. The mode in which he 
 attempted to procure the needful rein- 
 forcements, cost Philip one of his 
 cro \vtis. 
 
 A spirit of dissatisfaction had long 
 
 been growing amongst the 
 
 Portugal Portugueze. Their colonies 
 
 from A.D. i j. i 
 
 icoa 1640. were neglected ; a great part 
 of Brazil, and p yet larger 
 portion of their Indian empire, had 
 fallen into the hands of the Dutch; 
 Ormus, and their other possessions in 
 the Persian Gulph, had been conquered 
 by the Persians ; their intercourse with 
 their remaining colonies was harassed 
 and intercepted ; their commerce with 
 
 the independent Indian states, with 
 China and with Japan, was here injured, 
 and there partially destroyed, by the en- 
 terprising merchants and mariners of 
 Holland; whilst at home the privi- 
 leges secured to them as the price of 
 their submission, were hourly, if not 
 flagrantly, violated by their Spanish 
 masters. 
 
 The illegal imposition of a new tax 
 by the king's sole authority, in 1637, 
 had provoked a partial revolt in the 
 southern provinces, where the duke of 
 Braganza, grandson of Catherine, was 
 proclaimed king. He refused the prof- 
 fered dignity, and assisted in quelling 
 the rebellion. He was thanked by 
 Philip, and at once recompensed, and, 
 as it was hoped, ensnared, by an ap- 
 pointment to be general-in-chief of Por- 
 tugal. But the flame was smothered, 
 not extinguished. The severe punish- 
 ments inflicted, the heavy taxes imposed, 
 heightened and spread the previous dis- 
 content. The duke of Braganza took 
 advantage of his appointment to see and 
 converse with all ranks of men, and 
 sound their inclinations towards the re- 
 covery of their national independence, 
 whilst he carefully avoided venturing his 
 person within the walls of any fortress 
 garrisoned by Spaniards, unless attended 
 by such an escort as abundantly secured 
 him from surprise. The nobles held 
 various meetings, in which they con- 
 sulted upon the possibility of emancipa- 
 tion from Spanish thraldom. 
 
 The vice-queen, Margaret, duchess- 
 dowager of Mantua, a daughter of 
 Philip II.'s youngest daughter, Cathe- 
 rine, saw the gathering tempest, and 
 forewarned the court of Madrid of the 
 impending danger. Her information 
 was treated, like herself, with contempt 
 by Olivarez. One measure, however, he 
 took, probably in consequence ; and that 
 one finally decided the hesitating conspi- 
 rators to delay no longer. He ordered 
 a large body of troops to be raised in 
 Portugal, the nobles to arm their vas- 
 sals, and all, under the conduct of the 
 duke of Braiianza, to hasten into Spain, 
 in order to attend the king, who was 
 about to march in person against the 
 rebellious Catalans. Olivarez hoped 
 thus at once to overwhelm Catalonia 
 and Roussillon, and to take from Por- 
 tugal the power of revolting, by secur- 
 ing the intended leader, and draining 
 the country of the warlike portion of its 
 population. 
 
 The nobles perceived the object of this 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 command, and resolved to avoid com- 
 pliance by precipitating their measures. 
 Upon the 12th of October, 1640, they 
 assembled to the number of forty, at the 
 house of Don Antonio d' Almeida. At 
 this meeting they determined to recover 
 their independence, and dispatched Don 
 Pedro de Mendoza as their deputy, to 
 offer the crown and their allegiance to 
 the duke of Braganza, who had remained 
 quietly upon his principal estate at Villa 
 Vi9osa. 
 
 The duke hesitated, alarmed, perhaps, 
 at the importance of the irrevocable 
 step he was called upon to take. But 
 his high-spirited duchess, a daughter of 
 the Spanish duke of Medina- Sidonia, 
 observing to him, that a wretched and 
 dishonourable death certainly awaited 
 him at Madrid ; at Lisbon, as certainly 
 glory, whether in life or death, de- 
 cided his acceptance. Partisans were 
 gained on all sides, especially in the 
 municipality of Lisbon ; and the secret 
 was faithfully kept, for several weeks, 
 by at least five hundred persons, of both 
 sexes, and all ranks. During this in- 
 terval, the duke of Braganza remained 
 at Villa Vi9osa, lest his appearance at 
 Lisbon should excite suspicion ; and it 
 seems that, however clearly the vice- 
 queen had perceived the threatening 
 aspect of affairs, neither she nor her 
 ministers entertained any apprehension 
 of the plot actually organized. 
 
 The 1st of December was the day ap- 
 pointed for the insurrection. Early 
 in the morning the conspirators ap- 
 proached the palace in four well-armed 
 bands. At eight, o'clock, Ribeiro, the 
 duke of Braganza's law-agent, fired a 
 pistol, the preconcerted signal, and each 
 band instantly attacked its allotted post. 
 Don Miguel d'Almeida fell upon the 
 German guard, and surprising them 
 unarmed, soon mastered them. Don 
 Francisco Mello, grand huntsman, ac- 
 companied by a priest bearing a crucifix 
 in one hand and a sword in the other, 
 led a body of citizens against a fort ad- 
 joining the palace. They bore down all 
 before them, and quickly made the Cas- 
 tilian garrison prisoners. Another 
 party released all prisoners incarcerated 
 for political offences. 
 
 They were now masters of the palace, 
 from the windows of which the success- 
 ful conspirators proclaimed liberty and 
 John IV.; an immense concourse of 
 people who had assembled without, joy- 
 lully re-echoing the national cry. Mean- 
 \vhile, Ribeiro with his party were seek* 
 
 ing for Vasconcellos, the vice-queen's 
 secretary, who was regarded as the real 
 governor of the country, and to whom 
 every odious measure was ascribed. At 
 the first alarm Vasconcellos had con- 
 cealed himself in a closet behind a heap 
 of papers, and some time elapsed ere his 
 enemies could find him. At length a 
 maid servant pointed out his retreat. 
 He was instantly dragged forth, pierced 
 with innumerable wounds, and flung 
 out of the window, amongst the popu- 
 lace, who vented their hatred by cruelly 
 mangling his corse ; and shouts of The 
 tyrant is dead ! ' arose intermixed with 
 those of ' God save John IV., king of 
 Portugal ! ' 
 
 The vice-queen was still to be secured, 
 and the principal conspirators assem- 
 bled at the door of her apartments, 
 whilst the mob without clamorously 
 threatened to fire the palace. Margaret, 
 deeming what had occurred a mere burst 
 of general indignation against Vascon- 
 cellos, still hoped to preserve her autho- 
 rity. Her door was thrown open, and 
 presenting herself, attended by the pri- 
 mate and her ladies, she said, * Senhors, 
 I confess that the secretary deserved the 
 people's hatred, and your resentment, 
 by his insolence and misconduct. But 
 be satisfied with what you have done. 
 Thus far the tumult may be ascribed 
 wholly to popular rancour against Vas- 
 concellos ; but consider that, if you per- 
 sist in such disorders, you will incur the 
 guilt of rebellion, and make it impos- 
 sible for me to plead in your behalf to the 
 king.' Don Antonio de Menezes an- 
 swered, that they acknowledged no king 
 but the duke of Braganza ; and her fur- 
 ther remonstrances were cut short, by 
 shouts of ' God save John IV., king of 
 Portugal !' 
 
 The duchess now felt her thorough 
 helplessness. She was treated with all 
 respect, but confined to her apartments, 
 and compelled, by threats of revenge 
 upon the Spanish prisoners, to sign an 
 order to the Spanish governor of a castle 
 that commanded the city, for its surren- 
 der into the hands of the Portugueze. 
 He obeyed the enforced mandate, and 
 Lisbon was completely emancipated. 
 But little blood was shed in this memo- 
 rable revolution, and the greater number 
 of Spaniards in the city were arrested 
 as easily and quietly as though it had 
 been done by the authority of Philip. 
 In the evening of the same day all was 
 so perfectly tranquil, that in every street 
 the shops were opened as usual. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 153 
 
 The archbishop of Lisbon was next 
 appointed royal-lieutenant. He imme- 
 diately dispatched intelligence of the 
 event to the new king, and sent messen- 
 gers to every part of Portugal with 
 orders for the proclamation of John IV., 
 and the seizure of all Spaniards. To 
 these orders were annexed mandates, 
 bearing the vice-queen's signature, for 
 the surrender of all fortresses garrisoned 
 by Spanish troops. Obedience was 
 prompt and general, Mendoza was 
 again the envoy to Villa Vi9osa, and 
 found the newly proclaimed monarch 
 hunting, with every appearance of an 
 unconcern, which may assuredly be pro- 
 nounced assumed to prevent suspicion. 
 The duke joyfully welcomed Mendoza, 
 and forthwith accompanied him to Lis- 
 bon. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 John IV. acknowledged throughout Por- 
 tugueze dependencies By European 
 States inimical to Spain and Austria 
 Conspiracies against John Cata- 
 lofiians transfer their allegiance to 
 France Affairs of Germany Con- 
 gresses of Munster and Osnaburg 
 Condes victory at Rocroi His con- 
 
 S tests in the Netherlands Fall of 
 livarez Succeeded by Don Lewis 
 de Haro de Guzman Portugueze re- 
 cover all Brazil Lose nearly all their 
 possessions in India Massaniello's 
 rebellion at Naples Neapolitans in- 
 vite the duke of Guise Don John of 
 Austria subdues them Peace with 
 Holland Peace of Westphalia War 
 continues with France and Portugal 
 Don John drives the French out of 
 Catalonia Catalonia subdued 
 Constitution abrogated War with 
 England Loss of French Flanders 
 and Jamaica Death of John IV. 
 Able regency of queen-dowager 
 Peace of the Pyrenees Artois and 
 Roussillon ceded to France Lewis 
 XIV. marries the Infanta, who re- 
 nounces her birthright Peace with 
 England Cession of Jamaica and 
 Dunkirk^ Alfonso VI. assumes the 
 government of Portugal Death of 
 Philip IV* 
 
 THE revolution thus wisely planned, 
 secretly matured, and hap- 
 from 1 ?*! P^- v execu ted, was now com- 
 Iti-io 1043. piete. Portugal had reco- 
 vered her independence, and 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Yriurte, Melo, Menezes, Da Costa, 
 
 replaced the legitimate descendant and 
 representative of her ancient sovereigns 
 upon the throne. John was crowned 
 on the 15th of December, and immedi- 
 ately abolished the heavy taxes imposed 
 by the king of Spain, declaring that, for 
 his own private expenses, he required 
 nothing beyond his patrimonial estates. 
 He summoned the Cortes to assemble 
 in January, when the three estates of 
 the kingdom solemnly confirmed his 
 proclamation as king, or acclamation, 
 as the Portugueze term it, probably to 
 express the spontaneous unanimity with 
 which he was chosen. The Cortes fur- 
 ther acknowledged his eldest son Theo- 
 dosio as heir apparent ; and voted 
 ample supplies of men and money, to 
 resist the expected Spanish invasion. 
 
 In the islands, in the African settle- 
 ments, with the single exception of 
 Ceuta, which adhered to Spain, and 
 in what remained of Brazil and India, 
 King John was proclaimed, the mo- 
 ment intelligence of the revolution ar- 
 rived, the Spaniards scarcely any where 
 attempting to resist. In Brazil the 
 marquess of Montalvan, the viceroy, 
 communicated the tidings to Count 
 Maurice of Nassau, the governor of 
 the Dutch conquests, who ordered 
 public rejoicings for the emancipation of 
 Portugal ; but the viceroy reaped none 
 of the advantages he had anticipated 
 from this conversion of enemies into 
 virtual allies. Nassau refused either 
 to restore his conquests to their legiti- 
 mate possessor, or even to desist from 
 further aggression. The Dutch gover- 
 nors and admirals in India proved 
 equally unaccommodating. 
 
 In Europe, the new king was readily 
 acknowledged by all the states at war 
 with the house of Austria. He con- 
 cluded treaties of alliance with France, 
 England, Sweden, and even with Hol- 
 land, colonial affairs being, in the last 
 instance, reserved for future negotiation 
 and adjustment. The pope refused to 
 receive John's ambassador ; and the 
 Spanish ambassador at Rome, with 
 
 La Clede, Giannone, Sempere, Voltaire, Coxe, 
 Southey, Universal Modern History. An account 
 of the Court of Portugal under his present ma- 
 jesty Don redro, with some discourses on the in- 
 terests of Portugal with regard to other sovereigns. 
 8vo. London, 1/00. History of the Revolutions 
 of Portugal, from the foundation of the kingdom 
 to the year 1667, with Letters of Sir Robert South- 
 well, during his embassy there to the duke of Or- 
 mond. 8vo. London, 174M. The former of these 
 works is ascribed to Sir R. Southwell, whose acute 
 observation and opportunities of acquiring know- 
 ledge give the utmost value to his statements. 
 Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 8. London, 188U. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 154 
 
 the aid of a band of assassins, attempted 
 his life. Several persons were slain on 
 both sides, though the intended victim 
 escaped ; and his Holiness so severely 
 reprobated the flagitious deed, that the 
 friends of Portugal hoped he might in 
 consequence have changed his resolu- 
 tion. But both branches of the house 
 of Austria were even then fighting the 
 battles of Catholicism in Germany, and 
 the pope would not risk offending 
 them. 
 
 It is possible, that had Olivarez im- 
 mediately applied himself with vigour to 
 reduce Portugal, unarmed as she then 
 was, with an empty exchequer and an 
 unorganized government, she might 
 have been again subjugated. Fortu- 
 nately for her the count-duke looked 
 upon the insurrection with a contempt 
 that averted the danger. He announced 
 the event to Philip, by wishing him joy 
 of the forfeiture of the duke of Bragan- 
 za's large estates ; and, influenced partly 
 by disdain for the Portugueze, partly by 
 excessive exasperation against the Ca- 
 talans, he positively rejected all advice 
 to send against Portugal the army pre- 
 paring for Catalonia. He thus gave 
 Portugal all she needed, time ; and a 
 very few months saw her in a condition 
 to maintain and defend the independence 
 she had recovered. 
 
 Olivarez was not, indeed, altogether 
 inactive with regard to Portugal and 
 her king, but his measures were rather 
 those of a petty intriguer than of a great 
 statesman. He prevailed upon the em- 
 peror, Ferdinand III., to seize and im- 
 prison John's brother Don Duarte, who 
 was then serving as a general in the 
 Imperial armies. He appears likewise 
 to have instigated the plots and conspi- 
 racies, by which the new Portugueze 
 government was, for a while, consider- 
 ably disturbed. The first of these was 
 perhaps the most formidable, being con- 
 ducted by the primate, the inquisitor- 
 general, and many of the chief nobility, 
 including some connected, by blood or 
 marriage, with John. Not less than 
 six hundred persons, of different ranks, 
 are said to have been concerned in the 
 plot, the object of which was to kill the 
 kin<r and submit Portugal again to 
 Spain. 
 
 Various stories are told as to the 
 way in which this formidable con- 
 spiracy was detected; the following 
 seems the most probable. The arch- 
 bishop, it is said, endeavoured to seduce 
 the count of Yimioso to join, in the 
 
 scheme, relying upon that nobleman's 
 supposed anger at his ill treatment by 
 the king ; who, listening to calumnious 
 charges against him, had deprived him 
 of the government of the province of 
 Alemtejo, and of the command of the 
 troops there stationed. The prelate 
 had mistaken his man ; the count's 
 loyalty was superior to his resentment ; 
 and the aggrieved noble immediately 
 revealed the plot to the king. But 
 however detected, certain it is, that the 
 whole project was known to the govern- 
 ment, and that preparations were quietly 
 made for defeating it. No steps were 
 taken that could alarm the conspirators; 
 but a grand review was ordered for the 
 day upon which their nefarious inten- 
 tions were to be carried into effect. 
 Under colour of this review additional 
 troops were brought into Lisbon ; and 
 the principal ringleaders were invited 
 to the palace for the occasion. They 
 went fearlessly, were there made prison- 
 ers without difficulty, and the number 
 of troops present prevented any rising 
 in the city. The prisoners were tried 
 and convicted ; about ten persons were 
 executed ; the primate and inquisitor- 
 general were imprisoned for life ; and 
 the remainder were pardoned. The 
 duchess of Mantua was sent back to 
 Spain, under the idea that she had fo- 
 mented the conspiracy; and the only 
 person for whom Don Duarte might 
 have been exchanged, being thus dis- 
 missed, the unhappy prince languished 
 out the remainder of his days in prison. 
 
 The next plot was entirely hatched at 
 Madrid, where Olivarez engaged a Por- 
 tugueze fugitive to murder John. The 
 man made every arrangement, but his 
 courage failed him at sisjht of his in- 
 tended victim, and he fled, without per- 
 petrating his meditated crime. By in- 
 creased bribes, Olivarez induced the 
 villain to renew the attempt, when he 
 was betrayed by an accomplice, seized, 
 and executed. 
 
 A base fraud, contrived to deprive the 
 king of the ablest of his ministers, Lu- 
 cena, secretary of state, answered better. 
 A son of Lucena's had been seized at 
 Madrid at the time of the acclamation; 
 and amongst his papers were found 
 several blank sheets with the minister's 
 signature attached to them. These marks 
 of a father's confidence in his son, falling 
 into his enemies' hands, were used for 
 his ruin. The sheets were filled with 
 treasonable offers to the Spanish court, 
 and then played into the hands of the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 155 
 
 Portuguese government. The amazed 
 secretary denied any knowledge of the 
 treasonable letters, but could not explain 
 how his own signature should be at- 
 tached to them ; and this signature 
 seemingincontrovertible evidence against 
 him, the unfortunate man was convicted 
 and suffered death. The fraud was 
 only discovered by the count-duke's 
 triumph at its success. 
 
 The two countries were now decidedly 
 at war, but their languid and 
 
 Spain desultory hostilities produced 
 
 from A.n. Ti.i iV i. u iv. 
 
 16401642. little effect beyond harass- 
 ing the frontiers. Portugal 
 was weak, and thought only of self- 
 defence ; Spain was chiefly intent upon 
 chastizing the Catalans. Against these 
 rebels, the viceroy, now powerfully rein- 
 forced, made considerable progress. 
 Their French allies deserted or negli- 
 gently supported them ; and in 1641, 
 within a year of their original alliance 
 with Lewis XIII., they found it requisite, 
 in order to extort more useful assistance, 
 to propose the transfer of their alle- 
 giance from their hereditary and natural 
 sovereign to the actual foe of their na- 
 tive land, the dissevering of all national 
 ties that render Catalonia a constituent 
 part of Spain, and their incorporation 
 with France. The proposition was 
 eagerly embraced : indeed, it is far from 
 unlikely, that the able and artful Riche- 
 lieu had, from the very commencement 
 of the rebellion, aimed at bringing the 
 Catalans to this point. At all events 
 Lewis XIII. was proclaimed count of 
 Barcelona, and French troops were 
 poured into Catalonia, which, hencefor- 
 ward, became one of the chief theatres 
 of the war between France and Spain. 
 It was here carried on with vigour, and 
 produced obstinate sieges, gallant de- 
 fences, marked by patient endurance of 
 great privations, and innumerable ac- 
 tions of brilliant courage, but no decisive 
 battle, or very important resuits. 
 
 While these things were transacting 
 
 at home, Spain was 
 
 The Netherlands scarcely less unfortu- 
 
 SmiS nate in the Netherlands. 
 
 1640-1643. The French overran the 
 country, obtained com- 
 plete possession of Artois, and occupied 
 many fortified towns in Hainault, &c., 
 and Prince Maurice took Breda. Some- 
 what to counterbalance these numerous 
 disasters, the French attempts upon 
 Italy entirely failed, and their troops 
 were driven out of the Valteline, which 
 renewed its connexion with the house of 
 
 tO A.D. 
 
 1643. 
 
 Austria, and again offered a ready pas- 
 sage for the Spanish armies from Italy 
 into Germany. 
 
 In Germany, also, the affairs of the 
 Austrian princes looked 
 better. After Ferdinand Foreign states 
 II. had been driven to 
 the very brink of ruin by 
 the splendid military genius of Gustavus 
 Adolphus, he was redeemed from de- 
 struction by his own indomitable con- 
 stancy, and the abilities of an extraor- 
 dinary individual, Wallenstein. This 
 man, of noble birth but small fortune, 
 by great talents for war and the energy 
 of an ambitious character, had advanced 
 himself to such a height of wealth, rank, 
 and power, that he excited the jealousy 
 of the emperor and of some of the 
 princes of the empire, and was dis- 
 missed from the imperial service. But 
 when Gustavus Adolphus was nearly 
 master of the empire and threatened 
 Austria, Ferdinand threw himself into 
 Wallenstein's arms. This strangely and 
 formidably potent subject raised an 
 army at his own expense and in his own 
 name. Then, bargaining for uncontrolled 
 and uncontrollable authority over all 
 Spanish and Imperial troops in the em- 
 pire, as well as over his own, he took 
 the field, and stemmed the progress of 
 the king of Sweden, who fell at the 
 battle of Lutzen. Wallenstein subse- 
 quently again incurred the emperor's 
 suspicions, fomented by the Spaniards 
 who had always disliked him, and was 
 murdered, by some of his favourite offi- 
 cers, at the instigation of Ferdinand. 
 But the Austrians were never again re- 
 duced to the extremity of distress, from 
 which he had delivered them. The 
 Swedes, indeed, assisted by the French, 
 once more advanced ; but the Imperial- 
 ists, led by the emperor's eldest son 
 Ferdinand, made head against them. 
 
 In 1637, the death of Ferdinand II. 
 left the Imperial crown to Ferdinand 
 III., who continued to balance the suc- 
 cesses of his enemies. The new empe- 
 ror was far less bigoted than his father, 
 and thus, the main obstacle being re- 
 moved, some hope of the restoration of 
 peace dawned upon Europe. The pro- 
 spect was, however, still a distant one. 
 So many difficulties arose, so many in- 
 terests were to be consulted, that not 
 before March, 1642, could the two con- 
 current congresses even meet, the Pro- 
 testants at Osnaburg, and the Catho- 
 lics at Munster. The negotiations 
 lasted upwards of six years, during all 
 
156 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 of which hostilities continued; and by 
 their fluctuations, produced of course 
 correspondent pretensions and conces- 
 sions in the respective members of the 
 divided congress. 
 
 Political changes likewise occurred, 
 that might have promised a reconcilia- 
 tion between France and Spain. Car- 
 dinal Richelieu closed his ambitious and 
 turbulent career in November, 1642, 
 and was followed to the grave within 
 six months by his feeble master, Lewis 
 XIII. Lewis XIV. was an infant, and 
 the regency devolved to the queen-dow- 
 ager Anne of Austria, who was fondly 
 attached to her brother Philip. But ihe 
 influence of her minister and favourite, 
 Cardinal Mazarin, overpowered her sis- 
 terly aff e ction. The war was prosecuted ; 
 and neither the usual weakness of a 
 minority, nor the civil broils that dis- 
 tracted Anne's regency, impaired its 
 vigour. The prince, who is distinguished 
 in history as the great Conde, was placed 
 at the head of one French army, and his 
 rival the viscount of Turenne at that 
 of another. And whilst the latter de- 
 feated the Imperialists, Conde gained 
 the splendid victory of Rocroi over the 
 Spaniards and Walloons, commanded 
 by the old count, of Fuentes ; a victory 
 which fearfully shook the Spanish sove- 
 reignty in the Netherlands, and clouded 
 the reputation of the Spanish troops, till 
 then esteemed, as infantry, the best in 
 Europe, but thenceforward held deci- 
 dedly inferior to the French. Conde fol- 
 lowed up his victory by rapid conquests 
 in the Netherlands. 
 
 About this time Philip's regard for 
 Olivarez, which the minister 
 
 Spain h a( j so j on o- retained chiefly 
 
 from A. D. , . v , . ir . . J 
 
 16431646. by associating himself in the 
 king's vicious pleasures, be- 
 gan to give way under the many disas- 
 ters that had marked his administration. 
 The queen, a French princess, eagerly 
 caught at the opportunity of urging the 
 count-duke's political errors ; the Im- 
 perial ambassador presented letters from 
 the emperor to the same effect; the 
 duchess of Mantua, who, since her re- 
 turn to Spain, had been in disgrace, was 
 brought to court, to explain the minis- 
 terial blunders that had caused the Por- 
 tugueze revolution ; and the king's 
 nurse represented to him the miseries 
 under which his subjects were groaning. 
 The combination proved irresistible : 
 Olivarez was dismissed, and Philip un- 
 dertook to govern in person. But mis- 
 fortunes continued to press upon Spain; 
 
 the queen, who had just acquired her 
 husband's confidence, died ; and Philip, 
 weary and disheartened, surrendered 
 his irksome authority to Don Lewis de 
 Haro de Guzman, nephew to Olivarez ; 
 a less able, but also less ambitious and 
 less arrogant minister than his uncle. 
 
 The war between Spain and Portugal 
 likewise continued. Each 
 party made occasional de- Portugal 
 vast at ing inroads upon the leu ~ie>48. 
 other, and a few frontier 
 towns were taken on either side. Such 
 indecisive hostilities were, however, to 
 the Portugueze, tantamount to victory, 
 their sole object being the maintenance 
 of their independence. In the war 
 which, notwithstanding their alliance 
 in Europe, the Portugueze prosecuted 
 against the Dutch in their colonies, they 
 displayed much of their original valour 
 and energy. In Brazil they gradually 
 recovered their lost possessions, but in 
 India yearly lost ground. Ferdinand 
 and Philip positively refused to endure 
 the presence of King John's ambassador 
 in the congress at Munster,and Portugal 
 could only take part in the negotiations 
 through France and Sweden. 
 
 In 1646, Spain was threatened with 
 the loss of her Neapolitan 
 dominions. The imposition trva^Ia. 
 of a new tax by an unpo- 16431650. 
 pular viceroy, the Duke de 
 Arcos, provoked a general ferment, of 
 which a common fisherman (known by 
 the name of Massaniello, and who was 
 exasperated by an insult to his wife) 
 took advantage to excite a rebellion. 
 He overpowered the viceroy, and tem- 
 porarily made himself master of the 
 city of Naples. But his astonishing 
 success and uncontrolled power seem 
 to have almost instantly turned his 
 head; and, within less than ten days, 
 his extravagance offered de Arcos ad- 
 vantages, of which he ably profited, 
 to recover his lost authority. But 
 the Neapolitans, though content to 
 abandon their now despised leader, 
 Massaniello, who was immediately put 
 to death, were not disposed to submit. 
 They offered the sovereignty to the duke 
 of Guise, as a descendant of the house 
 of Anjou, and he readily accepted if. 
 He repaired, with such a troop as he 
 could himself raise, to Naples, joined 
 the insurgents, expelled de Arcos, and, 
 for a time, was duke of the republic of 
 Naples. But the French neglected to 
 support him, whilst Philip had sent his 
 natural son, Don John, the ablest of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 157 
 
 his generals, to put down the insurrec- 
 tion. This he accomplished, and took 
 the duke of Guise prisoner. But the 
 rebellious temper of the Neapolitans 
 was unsubdued ; and they offered their 
 crown to their conqueror. Don John 
 refused it, and successfully exerted him- 
 self to re-establish his father's authority, 
 notwithstanding that father, jealous of 
 his popularity, dispatched the Count 
 de Onate to supersede him. A revolt 
 in Sicily, as low in its origin as the 
 Neapolitan, proved of less importance 
 or durability. 
 
 The pride of Spain was, however, by 
 this time sufficiently humbled 
 
 Spain to confess the difficulty of 
 1646^.1652'. making head against so 
 many enemies at once. The 
 pacific policy of Haro, combining with 
 this conscious weakness, produced, in 
 January, 1648, a final peace with the 
 United Provinces, in which Spain ac- 
 knowledged their independence, agreed 
 to their retaining their conquests both 
 in the Netherlands and the West In- 
 dies, and renounced for her Netherland 
 subjects the right of trading to the East 
 Indies, and the navigation of the river 
 Scheldt. 
 
 The peace between Spain and Hol- 
 land was shortly followed by the 
 peace of Westphalia, which arranged 
 and settled such a mass of conflicting 
 interests, that it was considered as the 
 fundamental law of Europe, until the 
 French revolution overthrew all estab- 
 lished political relations. In this peace, 
 however, Spain took part only as the 
 ally of the emperor, remaining individu- 
 ally at war with France, in the hope of 
 recovering her losses, whilst her rival 
 was weakened by the civil feuds then 
 raging. 
 
 The hopes of Philip and Haro were 
 not altogether disappointed. Conde 
 had been deeply offended by the con- 
 duct of Cardinal Mazarin ; he rebelled, 
 joined the Spaniards, and brought victory 
 to their arms. Many places were reco- 
 vered in the Netherlands; and Don 
 John drove the French out of the greater 
 part of Catalonia, laying siege to Bar- 
 celona, the focus of the insurrection ; 
 vhich, after holding out for fifteen 
 months, surrendered in 1652. The pro- 
 vince was now subjugated. The ring- 
 leaders of the rebellion were executed, 
 the rest pardoned ; and Catalonia was 
 pacified. But the privileges of the old 
 county were treated like those of Ara- 
 gon ; and thus a third unsuccessful re- 
 
 bellion destroyed almost the last remains 
 of Spanish liberty, leavinsr a country, 
 once the freest in Europe, virtually more 
 inthralled (with the single exception of 
 Biscay) to the arbitrary will of an abso- 
 lute king, than any other, except perhaps 
 Russia and Turkey. This bitter depriva- 
 tion, aided by French intrigue, produced 
 another rebellion, and the French re- 
 covered their footing in Catalonia ; but 
 Don John again arrested their progress, 
 and checked the insurgents. 
 
 But in Catalonia only was Philip 
 really successful. In 
 
 the Netherlands, dlS- The Netherlands, 
 
 putes arose between ^"J /?' 
 Conde and the Spanish A.D. 1652. 
 generals, and the abili- 
 ties of Turenne balanced those of the 
 rebel prince. England too, under the 
 vigorous administration of Oliver Crom- 
 well, joined in the war against Spain. 
 By her assistance Dunkirk was taken, 
 and the greater part of what is now 
 called French Flanders overrun. Dun- 
 kirk was ceded by France to England. 
 An English expedition sailed for the 
 West Indies, which conquered the island 
 of Jamaica, and took some richly laden 
 galleons. Even in Italy, Spanish influ- 
 ence had now sunk so low, that all the 
 petty princes declared for France. 
 
 In the year 1656, died John IV. of 
 Portugal, after having seen 
 the whole of Brazil re-united Portugal 
 
 , , ,, ,. from A.D. 
 
 to his crown, and the far 1649 IGJS. 
 greater part of the Indian 
 possessions lost. His death produced 
 no immediate change in the course of 
 affairs. His eldest son, Theodosio, 
 who was the idol of the nation, had 
 preceded him to the grave. His two 
 surviving sons, Alfonso and Pedro, 
 were under age, and he left the regency 
 to his queen, Louisa, a woman of con- 
 siderable ability, who had always been 
 his own chief counsellor. She con- 
 tinued the frontier war quite as vigor- 
 ously and as happily as her husband, 
 although a succession of court intrigues 
 led to various changes in the command 
 of the province where the main efforts 
 were made, Alemtejo. 
 
 Failures and exhaustion on both sides 
 had now produced a mutual 
 desire for peace between {r f^ ] ^ n 
 France and Spain, much iSL'iGtfb. 
 aided by Anne's affection 
 for her brother. But an obstacle, seem- 
 ingly insurmountable, opposed its con- 
 clusion. The chief condition proposed 
 by France was the marriage of Lewis 
 
158 
 
 'HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 XIV. with Philip's daughter Maria 
 Theresa, since her brother's death the 
 
 acknowledged heiress of the Spanish 
 crown ; and Philip would not listen to 
 a proposal that might expose his domi- 
 nions to the possible risk of falling to 
 the crown of France. His objection 
 was, however, removed, when, in 1657, 
 his second wife, Marianne of Austria, 
 his own niece, bore him a son. Nego- 
 tiations were set on foot; and, in No- 
 vember, 1659, Don Lewis de Haro, and 
 Cardinal Mazarin, meeting in the Isle of 
 Pheasants, in the middle of the boundary 
 river, the Bidassoa, concluded and 
 signed the treaty, known by the name of 
 the Pyrenees. By this treaty Spain 
 ceded the counties of Roussillon in the 
 south, and Artois in the north, to 
 France ; the French evacuated all their 
 other conquests in Catalonia and else- 
 where ; and Lewis XIV. married the 
 Infanta Maria Theresa, who, as an in- 
 dispensable preliminary, renounced her 
 possible future pretensions to any and 
 every part of her father's dominions, 
 in the most formal and solemn manner 
 that could be devised ; her renunciation 
 being ratified by the Spanish Cortes, 
 and by Lewis for himself and his heirs. 
 The war with England ceased the fol- 
 lowing year, upon the restoration of 
 Charles' II. ; it should seem without 
 any treaty. 
 
 Spain had now no enemy s but Portu- 
 gal, and exerted herself to reduce this 
 last remaining rebellion. The command 
 of the army was given to Don John ; 
 and the prospect of success was im- 
 proved by the changes that were then 
 taking place in the Portugueze govern- 
 ment. The young king, Alfonso VI., 
 had suffered a paralytic attack in his 
 infancy, from which it is alleged that he 
 never completely recovered, either in 
 body or mind. Considerable mystery 
 hangs, nevertheless, over his 
 
 P om U A D character and history, some 
 less" "i6G5. of the vices and extravagan- 
 cies of which he is accused 
 appearing to be inconsistent with the ex- 
 treme debility attributed to him. What 
 appears certain is, that he indulged in 
 many vicious and silly propensities, 
 gave way to unbridled violence, offended 
 the nobility, by selecting for his favourites 
 two Genoese of inferior birth, named 
 Conti ; and whilst he refused to attend 
 the councils of state with his mother, 
 impatiently demanded the surrender of 
 her authority. 
 The queen is accused of ambitiously 
 
 endeavouring to retain her power; 
 though, if Alfonso be -justly described, 
 she can hardly be blamed for reluctance 
 to deliver up the kingdom to his ma- 
 nagement, or for wishing to substitute 
 her younger son in his place another 
 of the charges brought against her. In 
 June, 1662, however, the queen pro- 
 fessed her readiness to resign the re- 
 gency, provided the Contis.'to whom 
 she ascribed much of Alfonso's miscon- 
 duct, were first removed from about his 
 person. This was done with a strange 
 sort of violence. The queen held the 
 king in conversation in her own apart- 
 ments, whilst a party of noblemen seized 
 the two Genoese in the palace, put them 
 on board a ship, and dispatched them 
 to Brazil. The king showed little feel- 
 ing or resentment upon the occasion, 
 but at once transferred his affection to 
 the count of Castel Melhor, a gentleman 
 of his chamber, under whose conduct 
 he secretly left Lisbon for Alcantara, 
 and thence extorted from his mother an 
 authority which she had declared herself 
 willing to surrender. She lingered some 
 months at court, vainly striving to gain 
 influence over her son, if not to recover 
 her authority; but in March, 1663, was 
 driven away by the insults of the king 
 and his creatures, and retired to a con- 
 vent. The last act of her regency was 
 the conclusion of her daughter Cathe- 
 rine's marriage with Charles II. of Eng- 
 land. She gave her Bombay, in India, 
 and Tangiers, in Africa, for her portion ; 
 and of the once immense oriental empire 
 of Portugal scarcely anything now re- 
 mained except its capital, Goa. 
 
 Upon the queen's mother's departure, 
 the king, freed from all restraint, aban- 
 doned himself more and more to dis- 
 orders of all kinds ; which Castel Mel- 
 hor, finding it impossible to check, 
 exerted himself to conceal. To him 
 Alfonso wholly abandoned the govern- 
 ment of the kingdom, and the count's 
 talents prevented any material evil from 
 arising from the retreat of the able 
 queen. The general peace, by causing 
 the disbanding of many armies, supplied 
 Portugal with good and experienced 
 officers. One of these, Count Schom- 
 berg, with an army valuably increased 
 by English auxiliaries, was successfully 
 opposed to Don John, who, upon this 
 occasion, scarcely answered to the ex- 
 pectations raised by his former victories. 
 He, indeed, took Evora, and some other 
 places, but was defeated in a pitched 
 battle, and threw up his command in 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 159 
 
 disgust, complaining of ministerial neg- 
 ligence and inactivity in supporting 
 him. His successor, the marquess of 
 Caracena, lost the more decisive battle 
 of Villa Vi^-osa, and from that moment 
 the question of the permanence of Portu- 
 gueze independence, if it had ever been 
 doubtful, was settled. On receiving the 
 tidings of this defeat, Philip said, ' It is 
 the will of God ! ' and fainted away. 
 Still Spanish pride would not yield, and 
 the war lingered on some years longer. 
 
 In Africa and America, only, did 
 Philip suffer neither defeat nor diminu- 
 tion of territory, except what was con- 
 sequent upon the loss of Portugal. In 
 Africa, his garrisons were engaged in 
 almost constant warfare with the Moors, 
 but uniformly repulsed their assaults. 
 In America, various rebellions occurred. 
 In Mexico, one was excited 
 Spanish by the endeavours of a vice- 
 tmuS. r y' the marquess of Gelves, 
 16611663. to remedy various corrup- 
 tions, and relieve the poor 
 natives from oppression. It ended in 
 his expulsion, when all went on as be- 
 fore. A war with the fierce Araucans, 
 called a rebellion on their part, gave 
 more trouble, and required reinforce- 
 ments from Europe ere peace was re- 
 stored. The others were insignificant 
 disorders. 
 
 Philip IV. did not long survive the 
 defeat of Villa Vi9osa. He 
 
 Spain died the 17th of September, 
 iJeJLJbe'j. of the same year 1665, leav- 
 ing, by his second wife, one 
 only surviving son, Charles II., a sickly 
 child of three years old, (three elder sons 
 had died,) and a daughter Margaret, 
 affianced to her cousin the Emperor 
 Leopold, who had succeeded, in 1657, to 
 Ferdinand III. Margaret was consi- 
 dered as the next heir to her brother, in 
 virtue of Maria Theresa's renunciations. 
 Philip, in his last will, named succes- 
 sively as his heirs, Charles and his 
 issue, Margaret and her issue, her hus- 
 band Leopold and his heirs, the duke of 
 Savoy, descended from Philip II.'s 
 daughter Catherine, and only in failure 
 of his line, finally, his eldest daughter, 
 Maria Theresa, if a widow, and her off- 
 spring by a second marriage, in no 
 possible case, it should seem, admitting 
 of a French prince's succession. His 
 sister Anne, it is to be observed, had 
 equally renounced her birthright on 
 marrying Lewis XIII. Philip named 
 his queen, regent, assisted by a Junta. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Incapacity of queen regent of Spain- 
 Follies and vices of Alfonso VL 
 Dissensions at the court of Lisbon 
 Alfonso forced to abdicate His bro- 
 ther Don Pedro declared prince re- 
 gent Peace with Spain Alfonso's 
 queen obtains a divorce and marries 
 Don Pedro Reconciliation with 
 Rome Lewis XIV. claims part of 
 the Netherlands as his queen's inhe- 
 ritance Overruns the Netherlands 
 Checked by the Triple Alliance- 
 Peace of A ix- la - Chapel le Cession of 
 French Flanders Dissensions at the 
 court of Madrid Lewis invades and 
 overruns Holland Prince of Orange 
 obtains the Stadtholdership Spain 
 and Austria support Holland The 
 French overrun the Netherlands 
 Charles II. assumes the government 
 Names Don John, minister Peace 
 of Nimeguen Cession of Franche 
 Comte Death of Don, John Factions 
 at court Disputes with Portugal 
 touching the north bank of the river 
 Plate Rapid decline of Spain Fur- 
 ther encroachments of Lewis Peace 
 of Rysivick Further cessions Con- 
 tests for the succession First parti- 
 tion treaty Death of electoral prince 
 of Bavaria Second partition treaty 
 French intrigue Will in favour 
 of Philip of Anjou Death of 
 Charles*. 
 
 THE queen-dowager of Spain was totally 
 
 unfit for the office assigned 
 
 her by the deceased king's A D P IJj65 
 
 will. Weak, but jealous of 
 
 power, she was wholly governed by her 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter arc, Yriarte, Da Costa, La Clede, Sempere, 
 Southwell, Bigland, Universal Modern History, 
 Memoirs of the Kings of Spain, of the House of 
 Bourbon, from the Accession of Philip V., to the 
 Death of Charles III. By Archdeacon Coxe, 3 vo s. 
 4to. London. 1813. This author consulted all ac- 
 cessible sources of information, with a diligence 
 and seeming fairness, that render him a very 
 satisfactory authority. History of the War of the 
 Succession in Spain, by Lord Mahon. 8vo. Lon- 
 don. 13'J. A work of talent and research, to 
 which additional interest and value are given by 
 the author's descent from one of the chief act >rs 
 in the scenes he describes, and his consequent 
 access to family sources of information. Ail ac- 
 counts of this period begin with the reign of 
 Charles II. Stecle de Louis XIV. par M. de Vol- 
 taire, (Euvres completes de M. de Voltaire, 100 torn., 
 8vo. Lyon, 1791 a work, like that already quoted 
 of this author, of brilliant talent and philosophical 
 observation, but no great authority. Mem 'ires 
 Politiques et Milituires pour servir <i I'histoire de 
 Lws XIV. et de Louis XV. Composes sur Ins 
 vieces originates, recueillies par Adrien Maurice, 
 
160 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 confessor, a low-born German Jesuit, 
 named John Everard Nitard, whom she 
 appointed inquisitor-general, intruded 
 into the Junta of regency, and trusted 
 in every thing, to the exclusion of the 
 other members. The nobility were 
 deeply offended; so was Don John, 
 who deemed himself entitled by his 
 birth, talents, and services, to exercise 
 the powers, if he did not enjoy the 
 dignity of regent ; and the disorders that 
 harassed the whole of Charles II.'s reign 
 began with his accession. 
 
 In Portugal, meanwhile, the queen 
 
 mother was dead; the king's 
 frnmTD follies and vices are repre- 
 1665 Io70. sented as hourly increasing, 
 
 and his marriage, which was 
 expected to operate some sort of reform 
 in his conduct, only precipitated a catas- 
 trophe that could not, in all likelihood, 
 have been long delayed. The wife se- 
 lected for him was a princess of a branch 
 of the house of Savoy, settled in France, 
 the second daughter of the duke of Ne- 
 mours. She arrived in the Tagus on 
 the morning of the 2d of August, 1666; 
 and the king immediately adopted to- 
 wards her the line of conduct, in which he 
 afterwards persevered. It was not till 
 late in the evening that Castel Melhor's 
 entreaties and remonstrances could in- 
 duce him to go on board the vessel, in 
 order to receive and conduct her on 
 shore. He did at length comply, and 
 went through the marriage ceremony ; 
 but it proved utterly impossible to pre- 
 vail upon him even to visit her apart- 
 ment that night. The court now be- 
 came a scene of faction and disorder. 
 His brother, the Infante Pedro, a very 
 popular prince, lived constantly at va- 
 riance with the king, but in close friend- 
 ship and intimacy, at least, with the 
 queen. She, being uniformly neglected 
 by the king, was almost insulted by 
 his favourites and ministers ; and the 
 count of Castel Melhor, a personal enemy 
 01 the Infante's, resigned his office and 
 left court, upon some temporary recon- 
 ciliation taking place between the royal 
 brothers. 
 
 This state of affairs lasted till the 21st 
 of November, 1667; when the queen, 
 suddenly withdrawing: to the nunnery of 
 la Esperanza, wrote thence to the king, 
 
 line de Aoailles, Marechul de France et ministre 
 d'etat. Par M. 1'Abbe JMillot.des Academies de Lyon 
 et de N'anci, lorn. 12mo. Paris. 1777. A work 
 by no menus impartial, but, in the portion rela- 
 tive to Spain, usetiil, by giving the French view of 
 transactions we are accustomed to regard with op- 
 posite feelings. 
 
 that she was weary of ill usage, and 
 that, as he knew she was not his wife, 
 she . desired their nominal marriage 
 might be annulled, her portion restored, 
 and she herself sent home to France. 
 This step seems to have been the pre- 
 concerted opening of the hitherto mask- 
 ed batteries against the king. The 
 next day passed in negotiations, pro- 
 fessedly tending to prevail upon the 
 queen to return to the king, and upon 
 the king to accept the Infante as his 
 colleague. Both pertinaciously refused ; 
 and early in the morning of the 23d, the 
 council of state in a body waited upon 
 his majesty, and required him to ac- 
 knowledge his own incapacity, and to 
 abdicate in favour of his brother. This 
 proposal he of course rejected, yet more 
 decidedly than the other ; but the coun- 
 cil was now joined by the Infante, the 
 municipality of Lisbon, and the Juez di 
 Povo, or judge of the people, a sort of 
 tribune of the people. These collective 
 authorities locked the king into his 
 chamber, until at last, in the evening of 
 the same day, he signed a form of abdi- 
 cation prepared by them. The deposed 
 monarch, either in folly or satire, chose 
 a boy employed in his kennel for his 
 companion, and was kept in easy con- 
 finement for some years at one of the 
 Azores. 
 
 The Infante either would not accept 
 the royal title which he professed to 
 regard as his brother's right, or those 
 who had so promptly despoiled their 
 sovereign of his power, hesitated to rob 
 him of a name. It was as prince reyjent 
 that Don Pedro forthwith convoked the 
 Cortes. The three estates of Portugal 
 met in January, 1668, and confirmed 
 the whole transaction. One of the first 
 acts of Pedro's government was to con- 
 clude a peace with Spain, under the 
 previously unsuccessful mediation of 
 England, by which Spain recognized the 
 independence of Portugal, and her right 
 to all her foreign possessions, with the 
 exception of Ceuta, ceded to Spain. 
 This treaty was signed in February, by 
 the queen-regent of Spam and Don 
 Pedro, in the names of Charles II. and 
 Alfonso VI. 
 
 Meanwhile, Alfonso's queen was pur- 
 suing her divorce, or rather the annul- 
 ment of her marriage. Some difficulty 
 seemed to attend this step, inasmuch as 
 no pope had received a Portugueze am- 
 bassador since the revolution, and in. 
 consequence of so long a cessation of 
 intercourse with the holy see, there were 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 161 
 
 no bishops left in Portugal; bishops 
 being the legal judges on such points. 
 The question was referred to the dean 
 and chapter of Lisbon, who, on the 24th 
 of March, pronounced her marriage 
 with Alfonso null. She then demanded 
 from the Cortes, her portion, and a ship 
 to take her home ; but upon that assem- 
 bly's entreating her to continue to be 
 the consort of their sovereign, she ac- 
 quiesced so promptly in their desire, that 
 upon the 2d of April she and the prince- 
 regent were married. 
 
 All this had been done without papal 
 concurrence, the Roman see never hav- 
 ing acknowledged the Braganza family 
 as lawful sovereigns. But the peace 
 with Spain having removed the difficul- 
 ties that had debarred Portugal from 
 commerce with Rome, Clement IX. 
 willingly received a Portugueze ambas- 
 sador, and sanctioned the proceedings 
 relative to the two marriages. In 1670, 
 his successor, Clement X., put an end 
 to the only remaining inconvenience a- 
 rising from his predecessor's hostility to 
 the House of Braganza, by confirming 
 the bishops whom the king named; 
 the long-established practice of the Por- 
 tugueze church. 
 
 Peace with Portugal had become the 
 more important to Spain, 
 Spain and the inasmuch as the evils of a 
 Tornt"^ weak and detested regency 
 1665 iocs, were enhanced by war with 
 the all - powerful Lewis 
 XIV., who had already begun the series 
 of unjust aggressions upon that unhappy 
 country, which ended in his seizing it 
 altogether for one of his grandsons, in 
 direct violation of the faith of treaties, 
 and of his own most solemn engage- 
 ments. Upon the death of Philip IV., 
 Lewis had unreservedly acknowledged 
 his infant brother-in-law as king of all 
 the Spanish dominions ; but early in the 
 spring of 1667, having completed his 
 preparations, and by proposals of par- 
 tition allured the Dutch, who still per- 
 haps retained a lingering ill-will towards 
 Spain, the French king unblushingly 
 claimed part of the Netherlands as the 
 birthright of his queen, upon the absurd 
 pleas, that in some districts of those 
 variously constituted provinces, a cus- 
 tom prevailed of preferring the daughter 
 of a first marriage to the son of a se- 
 cond, in the succession to private pro- 
 perty, and that Maria Theresa, being a 
 minor at the time of her marriage, could 
 not renounce the rights of her children. 
 Adding insult to injury, he gave the 
 queen-regent notice that he had no in- 
 
 tention of breaking the peace existing 
 between the two countries, and only 
 meant to take possession of his wife's 
 wrongfully-withheld inheritance. 
 
 Lewis then poured his troops into the 
 Netherlands, and as the governor, in the 
 security of peace, was unprepared for 
 war, took town after town, almost with- 
 out opposition. In fact, no preparation 
 could now have enabled Spain to with- 
 stand the power of France, wielded by 
 an ambitious sovereign, who really does 
 appear to have cherished those schemes 
 of universal monarchy, so long imputed 
 to the Austrian princes. But this first in- 
 dication of Lewis's passion for conquest, 
 and of his total disregard of justice 
 in pursuing his own aggrandizement, 
 aroused Europe to the necessity of re- 
 sistance, and especially opened the eyes 
 of the Dutch to their own danger. The 
 memorable triple alliance between Eng- 
 land, the United Provinces, and Sweden, 
 was signed, and, for the moment, Lewis 
 was checked in his conquering career. 
 In May, 1668, he concluded with Spain 
 the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by which 
 he restored most of his acquisitions, re- 
 taining, however, a large portion of, 
 what was thenceforward called, French 
 Flanders. In this treaty he avoided all 
 recognition of Maria Theresa's having 
 renounced her birthright. 
 
 This disastrous war, and little less 
 disastrous peace, did not tend 
 to strengthen the queen-re- 
 gent's power. Don John, 
 supported by a large body 
 of nobles, was enabled to compel the 
 dismissal of the detested Jesuit ; but this 
 was all he could effect. Nitard was sent 
 away with high honours, being appointed 
 ambassador to Rome, (where the queen 
 obtained for him a cardinal's hat,) and 
 Don John himself was still excluded 
 from the administration. He was made 
 viceroy of Aragon, for the express pur- 
 pose of removing him from court, and 
 from the young king's person ; and ano- 
 ther favourite succeeded to the confessor, 
 who brought reproach of a different 
 kind upon the queen. 
 
 This favourite was Don Ferdinand de 
 Valenzuela, a gentleman of Granada, 
 who had been a creature of Nitard's, and 
 upon his departure acquired such un- 
 bounded influence over the queen, that 
 she was generally suspected of living 
 with him in a dishonourable connexion. 
 As a minister, Valenzuela was a mere 
 nullity; but he courted the favour of 
 the populace, by amusing them with 
 bull-fights, and studying to keep the 
 
 M 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 1668-1680. 
 
162 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 markets well supplied; and he might 
 have avoided the general odium that he 
 incurred, had he not made agratuitously- 
 offensive display of his suspicious inti- 
 macy with his royal mistress. 
 
 During Valenzuelas administration, 
 the war with France broke out anew. 
 French intrigue having detached Sweden 
 and England from the Triple Alliance, 
 Lewis invaded the United Provinces, 
 under the idle pretence of resenting a 
 treaty, concluded between them and 
 Spain, for mutual protection in the Low 
 Countries. The United Provinces had 
 no other ally; they had lost during 
 peace the high courage that marked 
 their revolt from Spain: they were 
 rapidly overrun, and, in 1672, reduced 
 almost to despair; whilst Spain was 
 compelled to disavow an endeavour of 
 the count of Monterey, governor of the 
 Netherlands, to assist them. 
 
 It was from the very depth of their 
 danger and despair that the means of 
 preservation arose. The house of Nas- 
 sau had been driven from the govern- 
 ment by the republican party, and its 
 head, the young prince of Orange, after- 
 wards William III. of England, was then 
 living in obscurity and inaction. He 
 took advantage of the terror excited by 
 the French victories, to gain the ascen- 
 dency over the adverse faction which was 
 suspected of partial it v to Lewis. He was 
 named Stadtholder, the title of the Dutch 
 chief magistrate; and under his able guid- 
 ance the energies of the Seven Provinces 
 revived, whilst the emperor united with 
 Spain for their protection. The war, 
 however, lasted for years j the Nether- 
 lands were again devastated, and in great 
 part conquered, by France ; and Lewis 
 further harassed Spain by inroads into 
 Catalonia, and by exciting a rebellion 
 in Sicily, whither he sent a French ar- 
 mament, which held Messina long after 
 the removal of an obnoxious viceroy 
 had soothed the rest of the island. 
 
 In 1675 Charles completed his four- 
 teenth year, and assumed the govern- 
 ment. His mother's influence over him 
 prevented for a while any change of men 
 or measures ; but this could not last. 
 Don John's able government of Aragon 
 had rendered him popular throughout 
 Spain, and had even subdued the disdain 
 of the haughty nobles for his illegitimate 
 birth. An association was "formed, 
 headed by Alva and Monterey, for the 
 purpose of placing Don John at the head 
 of affairs; and, m January 1676, pre- 
 vailed upon the young king to name his 
 uncle prime minister. The queen- 
 
 mother was confined in a convent at 
 Toledo ; Valenzuela was banished to 
 the Philippines, and the administration 
 committed to Don John, who was hailed 
 as the protector and preserver of the 
 country. 
 
 But the new minister did not find it 
 easy to fulfil the hopes his reputation 
 had excited, or to infuse into the ex- 
 hausted and debilitated Spanish monar- 
 chy the vigour requisite for contending 
 against Lewis XIV., in the plenitude of 
 his power. In 1678, the other Euro- 
 pean powers concluded with France the 
 treaty of Nimeguen, by which she was 
 allowed to retain Franche Comte, (for- 
 merly called the County of Burgundy, 
 a fief of the empire, and till then one of 
 the Netherland provinces,) upon resto- 
 ring her other conquests. Don John, 
 seeing no alternative when deserted by 
 every ally, reluctantly acceded to the 
 treaty. 
 
 He now seems to have meditated en- 
 deavouring to gain for Charles the 
 friendship of his formidable adversary 
 and brother-in-law, for which purpose he 
 effected a marriage between Charles and 
 Lewis's niece, Maria Louisa, a daughter 
 of the duke of Orleans, by Henrietta of 
 England. All French connexion was 
 at this moment distasteful to Spain. 
 Don John's popularity had already suf- 
 fered from the necessity of signing a 
 disadvantageous treaty. He had given 
 offence by his harsh treatment of the 
 queen-mother. By his declared inten- 
 tion of punishing all malversation during 
 her regency, he had provoked the enmity 
 of those who had anything to fear on 
 that account ; and, finally, the French 
 marriage gave full scope to the malice 
 of his rivals. Don John found the 
 young king's affections alienated from 
 him, and saw little hope of accomplish- 
 ing the reforms and improvements he 
 meditated in the commerce, agriculture, 
 finances, and general condition of the 
 kingdom. Disappointment and morti- 
 fication preyed upon his health, and are 
 said to have rendered a casual ague 
 fatal. He died in September, 1679. 
 
 With this second Don John seems to 
 have expired the last spark of talent in 
 the Spanish branch of the Austrian dy- 
 nasty, the last chance of re-invigorating 
 the sinking monarchy. The queen- 
 mother was instantly recalled, and the 
 court was divided between her party and 
 that of the queen-consort. The govern- 
 ment presented a scene of hopeless 
 anarchy. A low-born man named 
 Eguya, who, introduced as an ordinary 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 clerk, had found means of captivating 
 the king's favour, persuaded Charles to 
 govern in person, or, in other words, to 
 allow him to exercise the authority, 
 without the name, of prime minister. 
 But Eguya had not understanding pro- 
 portionate to his ambition, and his 
 knowledge was confined to the routine 
 of public business. Every department 
 fell into disorder, and the whole action 
 of government seemed to be suspended. 
 The external tranquillity which Charles 
 might have hoped to pur- 
 America chase by the heavy sacrifices 
 1665-1680. he had submitted to at the 
 peace of Nimeguen, was first 
 disturbed by disputes and transatlantic 
 hostilities with Portugal. Spain claimed 
 possession of both banks of the river 
 de la Plata, as forming part of her 
 province of Buenos- Ayres. Portugal 
 maintained that the northern bank be- 
 longed to Brazil; and, in assertion of 
 this right, in 1680, built a town upon 
 the bank she claimed, to which was 
 given the name of Colony of the Sacra- 
 ment. This town the governor of Buenos- 
 Ayres seized and destroyed, and a war 
 had nearly ensued. But neither court 
 wished to recur to arms ; and it was at 
 length agreed that Spain should make 
 reparation to Portugal, by rebuilding 
 the town, the question of right being re- 
 served for discussion by commissioners. 
 Neither the commissioners, nor even 
 the pope, could, however, satisfactorily 
 decide so difficult a point ; and for up- 
 wards of a century the Colony of the 
 Sacrament remained a constant subject 
 of irritation and contention between 
 Spain and Portugal. 
 The latter kingdom took little share 
 in the general politics of Eu- 
 fYomTL 1 r P e ' The Prince-regent 
 1670-1700. was engrossed by the inter- 
 nal concerns of his domi- 
 nions, and by negotiations touching the 
 marriage of his only daughter, the In- 
 fanta Isabella Louisa. She was his 
 presumptive heir ; and notwithstanding 
 that the right of the house of Braganza 
 to the throne rested entirely upon the 
 law which excluded every princess mar- 
 ried to a foreign prince, all the matches 
 proposed for the Infanta were with 
 foreign princes ; the suspension of the 
 fundamental law of Lamego in her fa- 
 vour being always a presupposed con- 
 dition. For various reasons all these 
 nuptial treaties were broken off. The 
 death of the deposed King Alfonso, A.D. 
 1683, produced no other perceptible 
 effect upon the affairs of Portugal than 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 16301700. 
 
 163 
 
 the assumption of the title of king by 
 the prince-regent, now Pedro II. But 
 when it was followed by that of Alfonso's 
 divorced wife and actual sister-in-law, 
 who bore the title of queen, this second 
 time but for a few months, the hand of 
 Isabella became a prize of less value ; 
 and upon Pedro II.'s remarrying four 
 years afterwards with a German prin- 
 cess, Maria Sophia of Neuburg, she 
 sank into the ordinary condition of the 
 daughters of second or third-rate sove- 
 reigns. 
 
 The anarchy of the Spanish govern- 
 ment at length induced 
 Charles to appoint the duke 
 of Medina Celi prime mi- 
 nister. This nobleman was 
 well-intentioned, and sought to bring 
 forward men of talent and experience ; 
 but he was thwarted by the jealousy of 
 Eguya, and, in fact, only added another 
 faction to those already distracting the 
 court. Ere long the queen-mother's 
 cabal drove him out of office, and he was 
 succeeded by the count of Oropesa, a 
 young man of far superior abilities, who 
 long retained the king's confidence. 
 
 But the king himself, who anxiously 
 desired to promote and enforce all salu- 
 tary measures, harassed by these con- 
 flicting parties and interests, distracted 
 between his love for his beautiful young 
 queen, and his detestation of everything 
 French, was fast sinking into a state of 
 hypochpndriacal disease. The finances 
 of Spain were altogether ruined ; the 
 government was disorganized ; the army 
 had lost its reputation for courage and 
 discipline ; commerce was annihilated, 
 and agriculture so nearly so, that famine 
 was a constantly-threatening evil. What 
 could the talents of one man do against 
 such an accumulation of ills ? And to 
 interfere with Oropesa' s attention to the 
 remedies necessary for healing these in- 
 ternal disorders, Lewis XIV. continued, 
 even in peace, an uninterrupted course 
 of petty aggression and encroachment 
 In 1684, a twenty years' truce, concluded 
 at Ratisbon, confirmed to France seve- 
 ral places pilfered from Spain and 
 Austria since the peace of Nimeguen. 
 
 It was not until Lewis's persecution 
 of his own Protestant subjects had stirred 
 up against him the vehement resentment 
 and indignation of every Protestant na- 
 tion, especially of the Dutch, and until 
 the revolution of 1688, by placing Wil- 
 liam III. upon the English throne, threw 
 the whole weight of the British empire 
 into the Grand Alliance, that any effec- 
 tual resistance was opposed to French 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ambition. Then, although Lewis was 
 still upon the whole successful, especially 
 in the Netherlands and the ever-turbu- 
 lent Catalonia, his triumphs were min- 
 gled with defeats, and the united Eng- 
 lish and Dutch fleets deprived him 
 permanently of the naval superiority he 
 had till then enjoyed. The peace of 
 Ryswick, concluded in 1697, confirmed 
 to him Strasburg, and some additional 
 conquests in the Netherlands, but much 
 fewer than any treaty that had pre- 
 ceded it, his chief acquisition on this 
 occasion being the greater part of the 
 island of Hispaniola or St. Domingo. 
 
 The remainder of Charles's reign was 
 entirely occupied by intrigues concern- 
 ing the succession to his crown. He 
 had no children, either by Maria Louisa, 
 who died in 1690, or by his second wife, 
 a Palatine princess, Marianne of Neu- 
 burg, a sister of the queen of Portugal 
 and of the Emperor Leopold's third 
 empress. There were three rival candi- 
 dates for the immense inheritance, which 
 his increasing infirmities promised to 
 leave open at an early period ; and 
 whose respective and conflicting preten- 
 sions divided his court and council. 
 
 The dauphin of France claimed 
 through his deceased mother, who, as 
 Charles's eldest sister, would have been 
 his heir but for her renunciation. The 
 Empress Margaret, Charles's second 
 sister, was, like the eldest, dead; and 
 had left only one daughter, Maria Anto- 
 nietta, electress of Bavaria. This Prin- 
 cess also had since died, leaving one 
 son, the sole representative of Margaret. 
 The emperor, unwilling to see the Spa- 
 nish succession pass from the direct Aus- 
 trian line, had obliged his daughter to re- 
 nounce her right to her maternal heritage 
 at her marriage ; but her renunciation, 
 not having been confirmed by the king 
 or Cortes of Spain, was generally es- 
 teemed invalid ; and her son, who under 
 all circumstances was assuredly the 
 right heir, was the favourite candidate 
 both with Charles and his people. The 
 third pretender was the E mperor Leopold, 
 who considering his grandson's rights to 
 be set aside by MariaAntonietta's renun- 
 ciation, claimed both through his mother 
 Maria, daughter to Philip III., and as 
 the sole remaining male descendant, in 
 the direct line, from Joanna, the daugh- 
 ter of Ferdinand and Isabella. At 
 the same time, to avert any objection 
 to the re-union of the Spanish domi- 
 nions with the empire, Leopold offered 
 to renounce his right, for himself and 
 
 his eldest son, in favour of his second 
 son Charles. 
 
 The queen warmly supported her 
 nephew the archduke, and, influenced 
 by her, a strong party adopted his in- 
 terests. The queen-mother, at the head 
 of another party, as warmly supported 
 her great grandson, the electoral prince 
 of Bavaria. Her death gave a great 
 advantage to the archduke's advocates, 
 but the king still inclined to the electoral 
 prince, though hesitating, and unwilling 
 to take any decisive step. The count 
 of Monterey was, at this early period, 
 the only person of consideration 
 who inclined to the Bourbons. The 
 aspect of affairs was quickly changed 
 by French intrigue, combining with the 
 difficulties arising from the divided inte- 
 rests of those who should have united 
 against French aggrandizement. 
 
 Lewis found means to persuade Wil- 
 liam III. that the best security against 
 such an increase of power, to either 
 France or Austria, as might endanger 
 the rest of Europe, would be the divi- 
 sion of the Spanish dominions amongst 
 the claimants. In conformity with this 
 view he induced him to concur in, what 
 is called, the first partition-treaty, by 
 which Spain, the Netherlands, and 
 America, were given to the electoral 
 prince, the two Sicilies, as Naples and 
 Sicily are termed, to the dauphin, and 
 the Milanese to the archduke. This 
 treaty was to be kept a profound secret 
 from every one except the emperor, 
 whose assent to it William undertook 
 to obtain. 
 
 Whilst this negotiation was proceed- 
 ing, Lewis had sent the Marquis d'Har- 
 court to Madrid as his ambassador. 
 D'Harcourt was an artful diplomatist, 
 with a clever and fascinating wife. This 
 adroit couple quickly routed the stiff 
 and straight-forward Count Harrach,the 
 Austrian ambassador ; won over many 
 courtiers, including the influential Cardi- 
 nal Portocarrero, to their side ; lured the 
 queen with the prospect of marrying the 
 dauphin, then a widower ; excited an in- 
 terest in favour of the dauphin's sons, by 
 exhibiting their pictures, and pointing out 
 their likeness to Maria Theresa, who was 
 still tenderly thought of, as the natural 
 heiress ; and finally, they strove to alle- 
 viate all fears of annexation to France, 
 by suggesting the choice of the second 
 of these princes, Philip, duke of Anjou. 
 The partition-treaty was no sooner con- 
 cluded, than the secret was betrayed to 
 the court of Madrid; and, as Lewis had 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 165 
 
 anticipated, exasperated both king and 
 people against the planners of such an 
 attempt at dismembering the Spanish 
 monarchy, which was represented as 
 originating with King William. 
 
 But if Charles was thus alienated 
 from his best friend, and instigated to 
 make a will, no other immediate benefit 
 resulted to Lewis. The king of Spain 
 consulted the Spanish lawyers upon the 
 justice and law of the case, and with 
 their advice made a will declaring the 
 electoral prince his legitimate heir. Had 
 this disposition taken effect, many of 
 the wars that ravaged Europe during 
 the last century might have been avoid- 
 ed ; but an unexpected calamity overcast 
 these happy prospects. In February, 
 1699, the electoral prince died unmar- 
 ried, and his death was attributed by his 
 father to poison. Be that as it may, 
 the event rendered all previous arrange- 
 ments whatever useless, and Lewis per- 
 suaded William and Leopold to concur 
 in a second partition-treaty. It was 
 signed in March, 1700; the share of 
 the electoral prince was transferred to 
 the archduke, Navarre only excepted, 
 which with the Milanese, or Lorraine, 
 as an equivalent, was added to the 
 dauphin's ; but the archduke was pro- 
 hibited from visiting Spain during 
 Charles's life. 
 
 This treaty, like the first, was imme- 
 diately betrayed to Charles, and pro- 
 duced yet greater irritation. Cabals 
 and intrigues were renewed with in- 
 creased vigour and virulence. The 
 queen had Returned with heart and soul 
 to the Austrian party, and won the 
 king to it, by revealing to him the pro- 
 posal for her marrying the dauphin after 
 his decease. A courier was despatched 
 to Vienna with the promise of a will in 
 favour of the archduke, upon condition 
 of his immediately coming to Spain, 
 with fifteen thousand men, to defend 
 his future kingdom against France. 
 Leopold thankfully accepted the pro- 
 mise, but did not comply with the con- 
 dition, either from want of means, or 
 through fear of offending Lewis and 
 alienating William ; and the Count of 
 Maceira warned Harrach, ' By your 
 blunders we shall swear to a Bourbon, 
 whom, once acknowledged, we shall 
 never desert.' 
 
 Charles was deeply hurt at the ap- 
 pearance of neglect, and the Bourbon 
 faction profited by his resentment. As 
 his maladies increased, the influence 
 of the wife gradually yielded to that 
 
 of the confessor, who was bribed by 
 Lewis ; and aided by him, Cardinal 
 Portocarrero at length persuaded the 
 king to consult the pope. Innocent 
 XII. was the enemy of Austria, and 
 had besides been gained by Lewis. He 
 decided that the children of the eldest 
 sister were the lawful heirs ; and in order 
 to insure the permanent separation of 
 the crowns of France and Spain, recom- 
 mended the selection of the duke of 
 Anjou, upon condition of his solemnly 
 renouncing his French birthright. His 
 very nomination proved the futility of 
 such renunciations ! 
 
 Even the pope's sentence, though 
 powerful, was not final. Charles still 
 hesitated: his sick chamber was still 
 the scene of cabal and angry contention. 
 But with the approach of death the in- 
 fluence of the cardinal and the confessor 
 rapidly increased, the papal verdict be- 
 came more sacred, and at last carried 
 the day. On the 2d of October, 1700, 
 Charles signed a will in favour of Philip 
 of Anjou; and on the 3d of November 
 this unfortunate monarch expired. 
 
 His reign had been generally disas- 
 trous. He left Spain, sunk 
 to the very extremity of im- ffjjjf^ * 
 becile weakness. His losses i6sc-i7o6. 
 to France have been already 
 stated ; and in Africa the Puerto de Ma- 
 mora was conquered from him by the 
 Turks. In America only his dominions 
 remained unimpaired ; but the tributary 
 wealth annually furnished by the New 
 World to Spain, had to Charles proved 
 wholly unavailing, and had moreover been 
 frequently intercepted by French cruisers. 
 In the year 1699, Portugal first 
 began to derive similar supplies of the 
 precious metals from Brazil, the chief 
 wealth of which had till then been sugar 
 and dye-woods. The rich gold mines of 
 that region were casually discovered by 
 some wandering, outlawed criminals. 
 They immediately communicated the 
 important discovery to government, and 
 easily obtained their pardon, together 
 with permission to work the mines, pay- 
 ing the customary fifth to the king. 
 This obligation they regularly dis- 
 charged ; but by their turbulent character 
 they excluded any interference of the go- 
 vernment with their concerns, beyond the 
 receipt of the royal share, and lived in a 
 sort of lawless anarchy, the terror of all 
 peaceable colonists within their reach. 
 They were called the Paulistas, and long 
 continued a source of much anxiety and 
 trouble to the viceroys of Brazil. 
 
166 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Philip V. acknowledged throughout the 
 Spanish monarchy Spain governed 
 in fact by Lewis XIV. Philip ac- 
 knowledged by all the powers of 
 Europe, except the emperor Em- 
 peror invades the Spanish dominions 
 in Italy Grand Alliance Philip 
 visits Italy Disaffection of Neapo- 
 litans Victories in Lombardy The 
 interference of the French ambas- 
 sador disgusts the Spanish nobles 
 Discontents Changes Disorder of 
 the administration Archduke Charles 
 invades Spain Spanish pride roused 
 to favour Philip Rooke surprises 
 Gibraltar Battle of Blenheim Pe- 
 dro of Portugal paralytic Catherine, 
 dowager of England, regent Portu- 
 gueze and British again invade 
 Spain Charles and Peterborough 
 sail for the eastern coast Land in 
 Valencia Charles proclaimed king 
 at Denia Siege of Barcelona Pe- 
 terborough's daring stratagem Bar- 
 celona taken Charles III. acknow- 
 ledged throughout the eastern coast 
 Death of the Emperor Leopold*. 
 
 HAD the electoral prince of Bavaria 
 lived, there can be no doubt 
 Spain k u t that the Spanish nation 
 would gladly have received 
 and acknowledged, as their 
 king, the grandson of an infanta, who 
 had neither renounced, nor been for- 
 mally deprived of, her birthright, and 
 whose descendant could bring no such 
 accession of strength to the monarchy, 
 as ought in reason to alarm the other 
 powers of Europe. After the unfortu- 
 nate death of this prince, had the em 
 peror complied with the king of Spain's 
 wish by sending the Archduke Charles 
 to Spain, even though he had been un- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Yriarte, Da Costa, La Clede, Coxe, 
 Lord Mahon, Voltaire, Memoires de Noailles, Uni- 
 versal Modern History, Memoirs of Captain George 
 Carleton, an English officer, including Anecdotes 
 of the War in Spain, under the Earl of Peter- 
 borough, written by himself, 8vo. Edinburgh, 
 1808 ; an interesting and entertaining account of 
 Lord Peterborough's share in the succession war, 
 by a gallant officer, an eye-witness of, and partici- 
 pator in, his exploits. Memoires du Marechal de 
 Berwick, ecrits par lui Meme- 2 Tom. 8vo. Suisse, 
 1778. One of oar best authorities for all affairs in 
 which Berwick was coucerned. 
 
 accompanied by an army, it seems al- 
 most equally probable that the influence 
 of the queen, his aunt, and Charles's 
 personal inclination to favour his own 
 family, must still have prevailed over 
 the intrigues of the French faction, and 
 have secured a will in his favour, with 
 which the nation would have been well 
 satisfied; both because the power of 
 the king to dispose of his subjects by 
 will seems to have been admitted as 
 incontestable, and the will of the last 
 monarch, moreover, as altogether super- 
 seding those of his predecessors; and 
 from the natural disposition of mankind 
 to bestow all feelings of loyalty upon 
 the prince in actual possession, and 
 thence to regard even the lawful claim- 
 ant, if compelled to seek his right by 
 arms, as a foreign invader. 
 
 Leopold, by an unaccountable over- 
 sight, forfeited this advantage. The 
 will of Charles II. was, immediately 
 upon his decease, announced to be in 
 favour of the duke of Anjou ; and the 
 regents despatched a copy of it to the 
 French court. Lewis affected to hesi- 
 tate, not whether he should keep his 
 engagements with his allies, but whe- 
 ther the bequest to a grandson, or the 
 Sartition treaty, were most beneficial to 
 imself. He ass-embled his council, and 
 a mock deliberation ensued, which of 
 course ended in a resolution to accept 
 the will obtained by so much artifice 
 and intrigue. 
 
 Lewis then presented his grandson to 
 the court as king of Spain and the Indies ; 
 made him renounce his right of succes- 
 sion to the French throne, as his grand- 
 mother Maria Theresa had renounced 
 hers to the Spanish, but far less so- 
 lemnly ; and, after observing that the Py- 
 renees were now annihilated, despatched 
 Philip V., then seventeen years old, sur- 
 rounded by French counsellors, to his new 
 kingdom. There great numbers of the 
 higher ranks were his partizans ; and the 
 bulk of the nation appears to have been 
 content with any descendant of their royal 
 blood, who offered them the prospect of an. 
 independent and unmutilated monarchy. 
 Philip was accordingly well received in 
 Spain, where he was acknowledged as 
 the choice of the people, and was freely 
 proclaimed in the Netherlands, the Si- 
 cilies, the Milanese, where the Viceroys 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 167 
 
 had been gained by Lewis, and in America. 
 He at once banished the queen-dowager 
 from Madrid, disgraced all the leaders 
 of the Austrian party, and placed Car- 
 dinal Portocarrero at the head of the 
 administration. 
 
 But whatever were the apparent 
 powers of the cardinal, Spain was now 
 in fact governed by Lewis XIV. ; whose 
 ambassador assumed a right of advising, 
 if not dictating, in all affairs, and de- 
 manded admission to the councils held 
 by the young king and his Spanish mi- 
 nisters. A Frenchman, named Orri, 
 who had shewn some talent, if not 
 much honesty, in inferior financial 
 departments in his own country, was 
 employed to regenerate the finances 
 of Spain. And the authority of the 
 grandfather was yet further esta- 
 blished upon Philip's marriage with 
 Maria Louisa Gabriella, daughter to 
 the duke of Savoy, and younger sister 
 to the wife of Philip's elder brother, the 
 duke of Burgundy. The Princess Or- 
 sini, called by the French des Ursins, 
 a Frenchwoman, and the intimate 
 friend of Mad. de Maintenon, whom 
 Lewis XIV. had secretly married, was 
 named Camarcra Mayor, or chief lady 
 of the bedchamber to the young queen, 
 and the appointment was less offensive 
 to the Spanish nation than those of her 
 countrymen and women in general, 
 from the circumstance of the princess 
 being the widow of a Spanish Grandee. 
 The new Camarcra Mayor, who pos- 
 sessed considerable talents, and pecu- 
 liarly brilliant conversational powers, 
 soon acquired over her inexperienced 
 mistress an influence nearly as absolute 
 as that which Maria Louisa herself 
 acquired over her husband. 
 The different powers of Europe ac- 
 knowledged Philip V. as 
 king of Spain ; even those 
 that had been most anxi- 
 ously opposed to the ac- 
 cession of a Bourbon prince. The 
 Dutch were, indeed, alive to the dan- 
 gers threatening them from an increase 
 of French power. But Lewis sent his 
 troops into the Netherlands by an un- 
 derstanding with the elector of Bavaria, 
 whom he brad persuaded Charles II. to 
 appoint governor, and surprised a con- 
 siderable body of Dutch troops, garri- 
 soning some of the fortified towns under 
 an arrangement with Spain; whereupon 
 the states of the United Provinces pur- 
 chased the liberation of their troops by 
 the recognition of Philip. The emperor 
 
 Foreign States 
 from A. n. 
 17001702. 
 
 alone refused to acknowledge a Bourbon 
 sovereign of Spain, protested against the 
 will of Charles II. as surreptitious and 
 as invalid ; and called upon Europe for 
 assistance to enforce his son's claims, 
 and repress the inordinate ambition of 
 Lewis XIV. 
 
 Leopold began the war in Italy, whi- 
 ther he dispatched an army under the 
 celebrated Prince Eugene, who then 
 and there took the first steps in his 
 brilliant military career. Eugene was 
 a member of the ducal house of Savoy, 
 sprung from a branch which had long 
 been domiciliated in France. He had 
 been originally destined for the church; 
 and when he wished to change his pro- 
 fession, his solicitations for a regiment 
 were contemptuously repulsed by Lewis 
 XIV. He in consequence entered the 
 service of the emperor, and his victories 
 in this first Italian campaign, over some 
 of the best French generals, early taught 
 the arrogant monarch to repent his rash 
 judgment of a young man, whose abili- 
 ties he had not known how to appre- 
 ciate. 
 
 Prince Eugene's success had the more 
 important effect of encouraging the anti- 
 Gallican party throughout Europe. The 
 Grand Alliance, as it was called, between 
 England, Holland and Austria, for se- 
 curing to the emperor his just rights, 
 and preventing the union of Spain with 
 France, was concluded in August, 1701 ; 
 and immediately afterwards" Lewis, by 
 treating the Pretender as king of Eng- 
 land upon the death of James If., so ex- 
 asperated the English nation, that the 
 war which ensued, known by the name 
 of the Succession War, became as 
 popular as William himself could de- 
 sire. 
 
 That able and persevering antagonist 
 of Lewis XIV. did not live to conduct 
 the confederation he had organized. 
 William died in March, 1702, and his 
 successor, Queen Anne, was one of the 
 weakest sovereigns that ever sat upon a 
 throne. But the spirit of the country 
 was now roused, and the queen was 
 compelled to follow up her predecessor's 
 plans. Fortunately for the success of 
 those plans, and fur the independence of 
 Europe, her private attachment to the 
 duchess of Marlborpugh, induced her 
 to place the administration of public 
 affairs and the command of the army 
 in the hands of two truly great men, 
 Marlborough and Godolphin, who raised 
 England once more to the proud emi- 
 nence she had occupied in the days of 
 
168 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 from A.D. 
 
 17001702. 
 
 her Henries and her Edwards ; the 
 laurels she gathered upon the present 
 occasion being, however, purer and 
 brighter than of yore, inasmuch as 
 they were unsullied by ambition or in- 
 justice. 
 
 Whilst the Grand Alliance was pre- 
 paring its means for severing France 
 and Spain, Philip was in quiet posses- 
 sion of his new dominions, and, notwith- 
 standing the constant irritation excited 
 by French interference, had, in the eyes 
 of his subjects, become, as Maceira 
 had predicted, a national king. In 
 Naples only symptoms of dissatisfac- 
 tion appeared ; and thither, 
 
 Italy by L ew i s ' s directions, he 
 
 , J , . , . m, 
 
 determined to go. The only 
 point of difficulty was Philip's 
 reluctance to part from his young and 
 beloved wife. He pleaded hard for 
 leave to take her with him ; but Lewis, 
 who appears to have been jealous of 
 Maria Louisa's influence over her con- 
 sort, insisted upon his leaving her be- 
 hind ; and perhaps no stronger instance 
 can be adduced of the despotic authority 
 exercised by the French king over the 
 grandson whom he affected to treat as 
 an independent sovereign, than the obe- 
 dience paid by Philip to this mandate. 
 He sailed alone ; and to pacify the young 
 queen, who was not yet fifteen years of 
 age, the government of Spain was com- 
 mitted to her, with the assistance how- 
 ever of a council of regency. 
 
 At Naples an extensive conspiracy 
 in favour of the Archduke Charles had 
 been discovered, and suppressed, by the 
 viceroy. But the disposition of the 
 Neapolitans was still unfavourable to 
 the Bourbon prince. Philip was coldly 
 received, and his endeavours to ingra- 
 tiate himself failed with both the nobles 
 and the people. Every day brought 
 fresh rumours of plots, and even his 
 Neapolitan suzerain, the pope, overawed 
 by the presence of the Austrian troops 
 in Lombardy, dared not, however fa- 
 vourably inclined to Lewis's grandson, to 
 grant him the formal investiture of the 
 kingdom. Disgusted with Naples, the 
 young king eagerly quitted it in June, 
 and hastened to Lombardy, where he 
 assumed the nominal command of the 
 French, Spanish, and Italian troops, 
 against the Austrian s. 
 
 The duke of Vendome, who had re- 
 cently been placed at the head of that 
 army, had, by his skill and judgment, 
 checked the victorious career of Prince 
 Eugene. Under his guidance, and aided 
 
 by superiority of numbers, Philip gained 
 the advantage over the Imperialists at 
 Vittoria and Luzzara. In these engage- 
 ments the young king displayed great 
 personal courage ; when, satisfied with 
 having established his character in this 
 important point, and impatient to rejoin 
 his queen, he left the army in order to 
 return to Spain. 
 
 During this visit to Italy, Philip first 
 showed symptoms of the hypochondriac 
 malady, to which he was ever afterwards 
 subject. Upon the present occasion the 
 attack was short and slight, yielding to 
 the excitement of active hostilities. 
 
 Meanwhile, Maria Louisa's regency 
 had been anything but tran- 
 quil. Her court was dis- s P ain 
 turbed by the hourly in- SSLnJi 
 creasing jealousy of French 
 interference, which at length provoked 
 Don Juan Tomas Henriquez de Ca- 
 brera, admiral of Castile and one of the 
 principal grandees, to withdraw to Lis- 
 bon. He availed himself of his appoint- 
 ment as Embassador to France to quit 
 Madrid ; but from Lisbon he returned the 
 sums advanced him for his embassy, not- 
 withstanding the confiscation of his own 
 property. He was kindly received by Pe- 
 dro, who, influenced partly by the old con- 
 nexion between Portugal and England, 
 and partly by a proposal for his daugh- 
 ter' s marriage with the archduke, had 
 joined the Grand Alliance. And, to in- 
 crease the young queen's embarrass- 
 ments, an English armament had first 
 alarmed and plundered Cadiz, and then 
 captured and destroyed the greater part 
 of the plate fleet, as the fleet that 
 brought American treasure was usually 
 named, in Vigo bay. But the resolute 
 temper and high spirit of Maria Louisa 
 successfully struggled with her difficul- 
 ties. She checked the growth of alarm 
 and discontent, conciliated the affections 
 of the ^nation, and prevailed upon the 
 nobles to give effective assistance against 
 the invaders. 
 
 The return of Philip by no means 
 lessened the evils arising from 'Lewis's 
 desire to be as thoroughly king of Spain 
 as of France, and to make his grandson 
 nothing more than his viceroy. This 
 he did, to a degree that might have 
 satisfied the most unbridled lust of 
 universal dominion, by means of the 
 Princess Orsini ; as may be judged from 
 the single fact of his obtaining, through 
 her instrumentality, a written promise 
 from Philip to cede the Netherlands to 
 him, in compensation for the expense of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 169 
 
 a war, undertaken, as Lewis alleged, 
 solely to maintain Philip on the Spanish 
 throne. But for Lewis such influence 
 was not enough. He seems to have 
 thought Princess Orsini not sufficiently 
 devoted to the interests of France, or 
 rather to his own, in contradistinction 
 to those of Spain ; and therefore com- 
 missioned his ambassadors to interfere 
 \vith and thwart her proceedings. He 
 now insisted that these representatives 
 of his own person should be admitted to 
 the king's most confidential and private 
 conferences with his different ministers: 
 a privilege peculiarly offensive to 
 Spanish dignity, and upon the mali- 
 cious misrepresentations of one ambas- 
 sador, the Cardinal d'Estrees, he ordered 
 the Princess Orsini back to France. 
 This recall was only suspended upon the 
 urgent remonstrances of the young 
 queen, who seems to have been almost 
 driven to despair at the idea of being 
 robbed of her friend and adviser. Even 
 Portocarrero, to whom Philip mainly 
 owed his crown, was disgusted and 
 driven from the ministry by French in- 
 fluence. He retired to Toledo, whither 
 lie had contributed to banish the queen- 
 dowager. 
 
 In the year 1704, the contest for the 
 crown of Spain really and vigorously 
 began. The Archduke Charles, accom- 
 panied by eight thousand English, and 
 six thousand Dutch troops, was con- 
 veyed to the Peninsula in an English 
 fleet, under the command of Sir George 
 Rooke. He landed at Lisbon ; and al- 
 though the infanta, his be- 
 
 trothed bride > had recently 
 died, he was received with 
 cordial good will by Pedro, 
 and acknowledged as Charles III. of 
 Spain. As such the admiral of Castile 
 did homage to him ; and Charles pre- 
 pared to invade the kingdom he claimed 
 at the head of an army composed of 
 English, Dutch, and Portugueze. He 
 thus presented himself to the Spaniards, 
 not as a rival candidate of their own 
 royal family, but as a foreigner, whom a 
 confederation of their natural enemies, 
 mostly heretics, were striving to force 
 upon them. Nor was the ill effect of 
 this appearance at all compensated by 
 the efficiency of the allied troops he led. 
 Of English and Dutch he had few. The 
 Portugueze were enervated by a long 
 peace ; their fortresses were dilapidated, 
 their soldiers undisciplined, their officers 
 ignorant; and their generals, as self-suf- 
 ficient as they were incapable, quarrelled 
 
 with the generals of the allies. To crown 
 all, the kin of Portugal had fallen into 
 a state of hypochondria, which para- 
 lyzed every department of government. 
 
 On the other hand, Louis XIV. sent 
 to his grandson's assistance 
 a body of French troops, 
 under the command of Mar- 
 shal Berwick, a natural son of James 
 II., by a sister of Marlborough's, and a 
 general of distinguished ability. The 
 Spaniards were roused by the menace of 
 Portugueze invasion. Troops were 
 assembled upon different points of the 
 frontier. Berwick and his French corps 
 joined the principal army near Alcan- 
 tara, and Philip placed himself at their 
 head, under the marshal's guidance. 
 This display of intrepidity yet further 
 gained the hearts of the Spaniards to 
 their Bourbon king. The bulk of the 
 nation remained faithful to him, and 
 Charles's hopes were disappointed. 
 
 After landing the archduke, Rooke 
 proceeded to the eastern coast of Spain, 
 encouraged by the representations of the 
 prince of Hesse Darmstadt (who had 
 been viceroy of Catalonia under Charles 
 II.) that the Catalans were all hostile 
 to Philip, and that Barcelona waited 
 only the arrival of the allies to declare 
 for Charles. But Barcelona had ex- 
 pected more powerful support than her 
 former viceroy with two or three thou- 
 sand men ; and the energetic measures 
 of the then viceroy, Don Francisco Ve- 
 lasco, completely prevented any ebulli- 
 tion of popular feeling, The prince and 
 the English admiral quitted the coast of 
 Catalonia in mortification. 
 
 Upon their return, however, their dis- 
 appointment was materially compen- 
 sated. Amongst other consequences 
 and proofs of the complete debility and 
 imbecility into which Spain had sunk, 
 her fortresses were neglected ; and even 
 Gibraltar, trusting, perhaps, to its natu- 
 ral strength, was left almost destitute of 
 artillery, ammunition, and even of a gar- 
 rison. Sir George Rooke and the prince 
 of Hesse Darmstadt resolved to attempt 
 its capture. The troops were landed, 
 lines were opened, and batteries raised ; 
 whilst a body of sailors, scaling a part 
 of the rock supposed to be inaccessible, 
 struck terror to the hearts of the little 
 garrison. After a two days' siege, the 
 governor, Don Diego de Salmas, capi- 
 tulated. Possession was taken in Queen 
 Anne's name ; the prince of Hesse 
 Darmstadt was stationed there with a 
 garrison of two thousand men; and 
 
170 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Gibraltar has remained ever since in the 
 hands of the English. 
 
 But the most memorable military 
 
 transactions of the year 
 
 The Netherlands passed in Germany ; 
 
 a 'from e A m D a . ny and, indeed, although 
 
 17021704. the succession war was 
 essentially a Spanish 
 war, the great battles to which it owes 
 its principal celebrity, and by which the 
 issue was, or ought to have been, de- 
 cided, were fought in Germany and the 
 Netherlands. At the very breaking out 
 of hostilities in 1702, the duke of Marl- 
 borough was sent to the Low Countries, 
 where, at the head of sixty thousand 
 men of British and allied troops, he 
 checked the enterprising genius of the 
 French commanders, and wrested from 
 them several towns. The campaign of 
 1703 was equally favourable, but not 
 very important. 
 
 In the year 1704 the operations in 
 the Netherlands were again indecisive ; 
 the main design of the French being, in 
 conjunction with the elector of Bavaria, 
 to surprise and overpower the emperor 
 in his hereditary dominions. One French 
 army had joined the elector; another 
 was on its march ; and Leopold, who 
 was at the same time harassed by rebel- 
 lion in Hungary, seemed upon the brink 
 of inevitable destruction. But the duke 
 of Marlborough hastened with thirty- 
 six thousand men, drawn from the 
 Netherlands and the banks of the 
 Rhine, to the relief of Austria. He de- 
 ceived the enemy by his masterly ma- 
 noeuvres, and effected his junction upon 
 the banks of the Danube with the mar- 
 grave of Baden, who commanded the 
 troops of those states of the empire that 
 adhered to their emperor. Prince Eugene, 
 who, with fifteen thousand men, was 
 observing the movements of a French 
 army of thirty thousand, succeeded in 
 joining Marlborough and the margrave, 
 at the very time that the troops he had 
 been watching joined the elector. 
 
 Marlborough and Eugene now deter- 
 mined to engage; and on the 13th of 
 August they attacked the Gallo-Bava- 
 rian army, which was strongly posted 
 near Blenheim. They overcame all the 
 difficulties of the ground, and, after a 
 hard- fought battle, gained the glorious 
 and decisive victory of Blenheim. The 
 French lost forty thousand men, inclu- 
 ding prisoners ; the remainder fled to- 
 wards the Rhine, and the emperor was 
 completely relieved from the ruin so 
 lately impending over him. 
 
 In the year 1705, Fortune began to 
 smile upon Charles in Spain 
 also. The first military event ^.^705 
 of the campaign was an un- 
 successful siege of Gibraltar by the 
 French and Spanish troops under Mar- 
 shal Tesse, which was raised before the 
 end of April. The marshal then has- 
 tened to take the command upon the 
 Portugueze frontier, whence Berwick 
 had been recalled, ar; one fruit of the in- 
 trigues carried on by the French ambas- 
 sadors against Princess Orsini. Despite 
 the young queen's entreaties, that extra- 
 ordinary woman had been banished 
 from Spain by Lewis's orders in 1704. 
 But upon reaching Versailles, she was, 
 as an especial favour to Maria Louisa, 
 admitted to the King's presence, when 
 she thoroughly justified her conduct, even 
 according to his views. Her triumphant 
 re-installation in her post of Camarera 
 Mayor, is said to have been materially 
 hastened by Mad. de Maintenon's jea- 
 lousy of the pleasure Lewis evidently 
 took in her society and conversation. 
 
 The exchange of Berwick for Tesse 
 was unfortunate for the Bourbon cause ; 
 whilst, on the other side, the substitu- 
 tion of Lord Galway and the Marquess 
 das Minas to the discordant commanders 
 of the preceding year, infused vigour into 
 the allied troops, to which the 
 political alterations that oc- ^ifoL 
 curred at Lisbon contributed. 
 The king now laboured under a para- 
 lytic seizure, which rendered him totally 
 incompetent to the duties of royalty. 
 His queen was dead, and his eldest son 
 still under age. The regency was, there- 
 fore, committed to his sister Catherine, 
 queen-dowager of England, who had 
 returned to Portugal upon Charles II.'s 
 death. Catherine displayed in her high 
 office a vigour of intellect for which she 
 had not had credit at the English court, 
 and exerted herself zealously to support 
 her former subjects, and to forward the 
 object of- the Grand Alliance. Galway 
 and das Minas invaded Spain ; and 
 Tesse, who here, as before Gibraltar, 
 complained bitterly of the inefficient and 
 destitute condition in which his army 
 was left by the court of Madrid, could 
 not prevent the fall of several fortified 
 towns. He thought himself fortunate 
 in preserving the most important, Bada- 
 joz and Alcantara. 
 
 Charles was no longer with this army, 
 or on the Portugueze side of s 
 the Peninsula. A small army, A.^JJOS. 
 destined to act on the eastern 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 171 
 
 coast of Spain, had been despatched from 
 England. The fleet conveying it touched 
 at Lisbon in June ; and Charles gladly 
 embarked, to accompany the troops and 
 their commander, the bold, able, but 
 eccentric earl of Peterborough, and 
 renew in person the attempt that had 
 failed the year before. As they passed 
 Gibraltar, the prince of Hesse Darmstadt 
 joined the expedition. 
 
 The first place they made was Altea 
 Bay, in the kingdom of Valencia. In 
 this district the people were favourably 
 disposed to the archduke. The small 
 town of Denia surrendered without re- 
 sistance; and here, first in Spain, the 
 archduke was proclaimed as Charles 
 III. It appears to have been Peter- 
 borough's plan to gain possession of the 
 ill-defended capital, Valencia itself, and 
 then march direct upon Madrid, by a road 
 on which, no attack being anticipated, 
 no preparations were made for resist- 
 ance. But the earnest representations 
 of the prince of Hesse Darmstadt as to 
 the superior strength and importance of 
 Catalonia, and the good disposition of 
 1he Catalans, prevailed with Charles. 
 Peterborough's promising plan was 
 abandoned, and leaving a small garri- 
 son in Denia, they sailed for Barcelona. 
 Barcelona is a well-fortified town; 
 but its principal defence is the adjoining 
 fort of Montjuich, situated upon a lofty 
 hill, and esteemed nearly impregnable. 
 The garrison outnumbered the besieg- 
 ing army ; and although the citizens 
 were inclined to favour Charles, 
 the vigour of the viceroy, together 
 with the recollection of his triumph 
 of the preceding year, prevented any 
 movement on their part. The Catalans 
 were now generally hostile to the French 
 and the Bourbon king ; but they waited 
 for some signal success of the allies, or 
 their possession of some strong place, 
 ere they would declare openly for Charles. 
 They joined the army only in small 
 bands; and being unused to the re- 
 straints of discipline, these were disposed 
 to act only as somatenes or miquelets 
 names for irregular troops, derived from 
 the somaten, or alarm bell, that sum- 
 moned the inhabitants to arms, and 
 from the name of a favourite leader. 
 Their accession afforded, therefore, but 
 trifling encouragement to the allied 
 commanders. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the camp 
 was a scene of disorder. The prince 
 of Hesse still urged the immense im- 
 portance of the siege, and by him Charles 
 
 was much influenced. The admiral 
 and officers of the fleet adopted the same 
 opinion. The Dutch general, on the 
 other hand, positively refused to expose 
 his troops to the useless and certain de- 
 struction attending an attempt so mani- 
 festly hopeless. The council of war 
 judged it impossible to take Barcelona, 
 without more forces, and the little army 
 was discouraged. A daring stratagem 
 of Peterborough's, the success of which 
 depended upon his deceiving his friends 
 as well as his enemies, solved all these 
 difficulties. He called a new council of 
 war, and agreed, that should the siege 
 still be deemed impracticable, upon an 
 appointed day it should be abandoned, 
 and the armament should sail for Naples. 
 Upon the day he had named, notwith- 
 standing the dissatisfaction of Charles, 
 the violent complaints of the prince of 
 Hesse Darmstadt, and the disapproba- 
 tion of the naval officers, he sent his 
 artillery on board, and made every pre- 
 paration for re-embarking the troops. 
 
 The garrison of Barcelona beheld 
 these operations from their walls, and, 
 lulled into perfect security, celebrated 
 with public rejoicings the supposed re- 
 treat of their enemies. But at the very 
 moment of their imaginary triumph, 
 Lord Peterborough, who had made his 
 dispositions according to both his pro- 
 fessed and his real design, put himself at 
 the head of twelve hundred foot and two 
 hundred horse, and calling at the quar- 
 ters of the prince of Hesse Darmstadt, 
 whose bitter censures had intimated 
 some doubts of the valour of a general 
 so ready to retreat, invited his high- 
 ness to bear him company upon an en- 
 terprise which might induce him to form 
 a better opinion of British courage. The 
 prince readily joined the small band, 
 and Peterborough led them up the hill 
 upon which Montjuich is situated. They 
 surprised the garrison, drove them from 
 their outer works, and entered the inner 
 works pell-mell with them ; when the 
 earl, bringing up other bodies of troops 
 whom he had stationed conveniently for 
 that purpose, was quickly master of the 
 fortress. The prince of Hesse Darm- 
 stadt fell in the assault. 
 
 This brilliant achievement decided the 
 fate of Barcelona. The town was com- 
 manded by Montjuich. The spirits of 
 the besiegers were prodigiously elated, 
 and inconceivable exertions were made. 
 The Catalans were filled with confi- 
 dence, and fourteen thousand imme- 
 diately joined Charles's standard. The 
 
172 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 garrison of Barcelona was proportion- 
 ably depressed. The disaffected inha- 
 bitants clamoured for a surrender ; and 
 Velasco, upon a practicable breach being 
 made, capitulated. But his government 
 had been somewhat arbitrary : the people 
 rose against him ; the miquelets, mak- 
 ing their way into the town, began to 
 plunder the adherents of Philip ; and 
 Lord Peterborough was obliged to force 
 an entrance into the place before the 
 time specified, in order to rescue the 
 viceroy from the revenge of those who 
 had been subject to his rule, and to 
 repress the disorders of his own friends, 
 the miquelets. In this he presently suc- 
 ceeded, and had besides the high satisfac- 
 tion of snatching the young and beautiful 
 duchess of Popoli, whose husband had 
 been next in command to Velasco, from 
 the hands of a licentious soldiery. 
 
 On the 23d of October Charles en- 
 tered Barcelona, was received with the 
 greatest demonstrations of joy, and pro- 
 claimed king of Spain. He restored the 
 old Catalan constitution, and Catalonia 
 almost unanimously declared in his fa- 
 vour. Philip's Spanish troops deserted 
 to him in great numbers. The garrisons 
 that remained faithful to Philip were re- 
 duced, and Rosas alone, in the whole pro- 
 vince, resisted the authority of Charles. 
 
 Catalonia thus secured, Lord Peter- 
 borough returned to Valencia. There 
 too the country rose in favour of King 
 Charles. Most of the towns did the 
 same; and the capital enthusiastically 
 welcomed the English leader. Those 
 places, that professed adherence to 
 Philip, Peterborough terrified into sub- 
 mission by threats, which, had they made 
 the slightest attempt at resistance, he 
 had no means of executing. He defeated 
 bodies of men three or four-fold his own 
 numbers, summoned and took well-for- 
 tified cities with a handful of horse, de- 
 ceived his foes in a thousand ways, 
 sometimes of questionable honour, and 
 relieved his deficiencies of artillery and 
 ammunition by intercepting supplies de- 
 stined for the enemy. Murcia was as 
 easily overrun as Valencia, and the 
 whole east of Spain acknowledged the 
 authority of King Charles, Philip re- 
 taining only Rosas, Alicant, and Peni- 
 sola. The same Caiiist spirit spread 
 into Aragon ; and it was with great dif- 
 ficulty that the archbishop of Saragossa 
 could preserve the tranquillity of that 
 capital, or prevent the inhabitants from 
 rising against the French troops sent to 
 form their garrison. 
 
 In the Netherlands nothing of mo- 
 ment occurred this year, 
 
 the duke Of Marlbo- The Netherlands, 
 
 , , , Italy, and Ger- 
 
 rOUghs plans being many, A.D. 1/05. 
 
 thwarted by the cold- 
 ness, if not the jealousy, of the mar- 
 grave of Baden and the Dutch generals. 
 In Italy Vendome decidedly gained the 
 advantage over Prince Eugene ; and the 
 duke of Savoy, who had deserted the 
 cause of his sons-in-law to join the 
 Grand Alliance, was stripped of far the 
 larger part of his dominions. Great 
 apprehensions were entertained that the 
 death of the Emperor Leopold, which 
 took place in May, would materially 
 weaken the allies ; but it produced no 
 change in the politics of Austria. His 
 eldest son, Joseph I., succeeded him ; 
 and if fraternal affection was a less 
 powerful incentive to exertion than Leo- 
 pold's attachment to his favourite son 
 had been, the new emperor was too 
 sensible of the importance to himself, 
 and indeed to every state in Europe, of 
 repressing the all-grasping ambition of 
 Lewis, not to concur strenuously in the 
 schemes of the allies. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Barcelona besieged by Philip Relieved 
 at the last extremity by an English 
 fleet Philip and his Queen quit Ma- 
 drid, which the British and Portu- 
 gueze occupy Charles gains posses- 
 sion of Aragon Peterborough re- 
 called Berwick reinstates Philip in 
 Madrid Battle of Ramillies Marl- 
 borough's conquests in the Nether- 
 lands Prince Eugene's success in 
 Italy Death of Pedro ILJohn V. 
 marries an Archduchess Imperial- 
 ists occupy Naples Berwick gains 
 the battle of Almanza Catalonia 
 alone faithful to Charles Philip 
 abrogates the constitutions of Ara- 
 gon and Valencia Dissensions with 
 the Duke of Orleans Battle of 
 Oudenarde English occupy Sar- 
 dinia Negotiations for peace Al- 
 lies dissatisfied with Lewis's offers 
 Negotiations broken off- Philip dis- 
 misses his French ministers Battle 
 of Malplaquet The Netherlands 
 wholly occupied by the Allies Con- 
 gress at Gertruydenberg Duplidty 
 of Lewis Negotiations broken off 
 Marlborough and Eugene invade 
 France Charles twice defeats Phi- 
 lipEnters Madrid in triumph 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 173 
 
 French invade Catalonia Vendome 
 and Philip surprise Stanhope at Bri- 
 fniega Defeat him and Stahrenberg 
 separately Charles again confined 
 to Catalonia Whig ministry over- 
 thrown in England. * 
 
 THE spring of 1706 opened with Philip's 
 endeavour to recover Catalo- 
 A S D P . a i706. nia. He summoned Tesse, 
 with 20,000 men from the 
 western frontier, to form the siege of 
 Barcelona. Lewis sent Marshal Noailles 
 with considerable reinforcements to as- 
 sist in it; a French squadron, under 
 one of his natural sons, the Count of 
 Toulouse, blockaded the harbour by 
 sea, and Philip placed himself at the 
 head of the army. Charles, elated by 
 his recent success, had not anticipated 
 the attack. His troops were dispersed 
 to occupy the various fortified towns in 
 his possession, only 3,000 remaining to 
 garrison a place which, from the extent 
 of its works, required 15,000 ; the forti- 
 fications of Montjuich had not been 
 repaired since its capture, and Peter- 
 borough was in Valencia. Hoping to 
 profit by these circumstances, Philip 
 prevailed upon the cautious and unwil- 
 ling Tesse to advance at once upon Bar- 
 celona, leaving behind them all other 
 Carlist towns and fortresses; and the 
 immediate reduction of this seat of his 
 competitor's power, with the seizure of 
 that competitor himself, were confi- 
 dently expected. 
 
 But the spirit and determination of 
 their chosen king inspired the inhabi- 
 tants as well as the garrison of Barce- 
 lona with correspondent energy. All 
 the citizens, including the clergy, took 
 arms to assist the troops, and the women 
 and children laboured at repairing the 
 fortifications. Lord Peterborough, upon 
 the first tidings of the siege, collected 
 what troops he could, hurried back to 
 Catalonia, and stationed himself, with a 
 little band of 2000 foot and 6 00 horse, in 
 the mountains near Barcelona, whence 
 he incessantly harassed the besiegers, 
 whilst, by daily shifting his position, he 
 baffled all their endeavours to repay him 
 in kind. Count Cifuentes, with the 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Yriarte, Da Costa, La Clede, Coxe, 
 Lord Mahon, Carleton, Voltaire, Berwick, Me- 
 nioires de Noailles, Universal Modern History, 
 History of Great Britain, from the Revolution 
 1688, to the Conclusion of the Treaty of Amiens, 
 1802, by W. Belsham, 12 vols. 8vo. London, lt?U5 ; 
 a work the authority of which is, however, some- 
 what impaired by its colouring of strong party 
 feelings. 
 
 miquelets, similarly annoyed the be- 
 sieging army on the opposite side of the 
 town. General Donegal resolutely de- 
 fended Montjuich, and, notwithstanding 
 its dilapidated state, held out for twenty- 
 three days. At the end of that time, he 
 himself being killed, the garrison eva- 
 cuated the fortress and retired into the 
 town. 
 
 The whole force of the besiegers was 
 now turned upon the place itself. A 
 practicable breach was made by the 
 batteries, and Barcelona and Charles 
 had no hopes left, when an English fleet 
 appeared in sight with supplies and rein- 
 forcements. The Count of Toulouse 
 immediately withdrew, Admiral Leake 
 entered the harbour of Barcelona, and 
 Philip, in despair, raised the siege, aban- 
 doning his artillery and hospitals. 
 
 The French and Spanish army were 
 dreadfully harassed in their retreat by 
 Peterborough and Cifuentes, and fairly 
 driven across the Pyrenees. When 
 once upon French ground, Philip was 
 strongly urged to abandon Spain alto- 
 gether. But danger and difficulty 
 aroused that habitually indolent and 
 now hypochondriac prince to exertion. 
 He professed his resolution never to give 
 up the contest, and hastened back to 
 Madrid, where fresh disasters, the re- 
 sult of the former, awaited him. 
 
 The withdrawing of Tesse and his 
 20,000 men from the western frontier, 
 had so weakened the army on that side, 
 that Berwick, who had been replaced in 
 command there, was unable to resist 
 Galway and das sMinas. Those gene- 
 rals reduced Alcantara, Ciudad Rod- 
 rigo, and Salamanca, and in the month 
 of June advanced rapidly towards Ma- 
 drid. Charles meanwhile had entered 
 Aragon, where he was joyfully received. 
 On all sides persons who had till .then 
 been deemed adherents of Philip, de- 
 serted to the conqueror. The Balearic 
 Isles submitted upon the appearance of 
 the British fleet. 
 
 Upon this emergency, the personal 
 attachment felt for the Bourbon king, 
 and yet more for his queen, seems to have 
 prevailed at Madrid and indeed through- 
 out Castile, over the detestation of 
 French interference and dictation ; and 
 those grandees who had hitherto dis- 
 tracted the court with their factious 
 spirit, were now unanimous in their 
 devotion to Philip and Maria Louisa. 
 The queen, with the ministers, the tri- 
 bunals of justice, and other organs of 
 government, removed to Burgos; and 
 
176 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 heir, who was named Lewis, and 
 immediately created prince of Asturias. 
 When the duke of Orleans had com- 
 pleted the subjugation of Aragon and 
 Valencia, the revolt of those provinces 
 was punished by the final and entire 
 abrogation of their already impaired se- 
 parate constitutions, and of the few po- 
 pular or aristocratical privileges they had 
 preserved from the despotism of former 
 Philips. With the exception of the Bis- 
 cayan provinces, in Catalonia only now 
 lingered any remains of the once ex- 
 cessive Spanish liberty. 
 
 The duke of Orleans had flattered 
 himself with following up the successes 
 of 1707, by the conquest of Catalonia, 
 and the expulsion of Charles, in 1708. 
 The financial difficulties of Spain, aug- 
 mented by Sir Charles Wager's inter- 
 cepting the plate fleet, frustrated these 
 brilliant plans, and involved the duke in 
 dissensions with the court of Madrid, 
 which were increased by his character, 
 and in the end produced considerable in- 
 conveniences. The duke of Orleans was 
 a man of extraordinary capacity, but of 
 still greater profligacy, and of a disposi- 
 tion rather to boast of his immorality 
 than to conceal it. His vices were pe- 
 culiarly revolting to the pure and pious 
 Philip V. ; and Princess Orsini, whose 
 virtue is believed not to have been quite 
 as scrupulous as the king's, was oftended 
 by the levity of his manners and the 
 recklessness with which he rendered her 
 the butt of his wit. Cabals were set on 
 foot against the duke at the French 
 court ; Philip wrote to his grandfather, 
 and the princess to Madame de Mainte- 
 non, charging him with aspiring to the 
 crown of Spain. 
 
 In consequence of these intrigues, the 
 duke of Orleans was recalled to France, 
 where Lewis questioned him closely, 
 and is said to have been convinced that 
 his nephew aimed only at insuring means 
 to advance his own claim in case of 
 Philip's complete failure. It is further 
 said that the French king, depressed by 
 his reverses, and foreseeing a possible 
 necessity of abandoning his grandson, 
 who, if so abandoned, must needs fall, 
 gave the duke of Orleans leave secretly 
 to form such a party as might give a 
 chance of another Bourbon's succeeding 
 to the Bourbon who might be dethroned; 
 an underhand line of policy which pro- 
 duced increasing ill will between the 
 royal cousins, involved the old monarch 
 in some embarrassments, resulting from 
 the king of Spain's suspicions, and in 
 the end embroiled France and Spain. 
 
 ' 
 
 Of the generals who had lost the battle 
 of Almanza, das Minas was recalled, 
 and Galway was superseded by Stan- 
 hope, who bore the additional character 
 of envoy to King Charles; and the em- 
 peror sent Count Stahrenberg, esteemed 
 inferior only to Prince Eugene in the 
 Austrian service, to act as his brother's 
 general. But, from want of troops, 
 Stanhope and Stahrenberg were unable 
 to profit by the difficulties and squabbles 
 which led to the duke of Orleans quit- 
 ting his army. In Spain, the campaign 
 proved insignificant. 
 
 In the Netherlands, Marlborough and 
 Eugene engaged Ven- 
 dome at Oudenarde, and 
 the able French com- 
 mander's prudent plans being counter- 
 acted by the duke of Burgundy's pre- 
 sumption, they gained a complete vic- 
 tory. They followed up their advantage 
 by the siege and capture of Lille, the 
 capital of French Flanders. The other 
 military events of the year were, the con- 
 quest of Sardinia for Charles by an Eng- 
 lish expedition, and the fall of Oran, in 
 Africa, of which the Moors, after so 
 many unsuccessful attempts, now made 
 themselves masters. 
 
 The year 1709 opened with new and 
 more serious negotiations 
 for peace. Lewis, hum- Foreign states, 
 
 , i j , A.D. 1/09. 
 
 bled by reverses, consci- 
 ous of the exhaustion of his resources, 
 and satisfied, notwithstanding the at- 
 tachment of the Castilians to Philip, of 
 that prince's inability to preserve his 
 crown without French support, offered 
 great sacrifices, including, at last, the 
 acknowledgment of Charles III., and 
 the abandonment of Philip. But the 
 allies, exulting in their success, and, with 
 good reason, both resentful of the unin- 
 terrupted course of unjust aggrandize- 
 ment pursued by Lewis from the mo- 
 ment of his assuming the government of 
 France, and suspicious of his future in- 
 tentions, required yet more. They not 
 only sought to reduce France within the 
 limits assigned her by the treaty of West- 
 phalia, but they insisted upon the French 
 king's compelling his grandson to sur- 
 render the Spanish monarchy to Charles. 
 Whether the allies were or were not 
 justified in exacting sacrifices so humi- 
 liating as well as painful, is a question 
 that has excited much controversy. But 
 although Lewis's notorious ambition and 
 bad faith might be a sufficient ground 
 for considering his mere engagement to 
 withhold all assistance from Philip as 
 illusory, it is indisputable that the allies 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 177 
 
 were injudicious in attempting to im- 
 pose such terms, unless they had been 
 certain of their own power to enforce 
 submission. Lewis positively rejected 
 the demand of compelling his grandson 
 to abdicate, declared that if he must 
 make war, it should be against his ene- 
 mies, not his children, and appealing to 
 his people against the inhumanity of the 
 requisition, called forth their sympathy, 
 and roused the drooping and exhausted 
 nation to extraordinary exertions. 
 Philip, with similar effect, made a si- 
 milar appeal to his subjects, 
 Au pa iro9 announcm S his determination 
 ' rather to perish in the field 
 than resign his crown. Further to con- 
 firm and inflame Spanish loyalty, Prin- 
 cess Orsini, through the agency of the 
 queen, persuaded him, in appearance at 
 least, to emancipate himself from French 
 trammels. The French ambassador was 
 excluded from the king's confidential 
 interviews with his ministers ; Orri was 
 sent back to France ; an administration 
 was formed of Spaniards of high rank, 
 wholly unconnected with the French 
 faction, and Cardinal Portocarrero, re- 
 turning to his former allegiance, took a 
 prominent share in its deliberations. 
 Princess Orsini herself tendered her re- 
 signation, as part of the new system ; 
 but the queen could not part with her 
 friend and favourite, and she remained 
 Lewis's only influential agent at Madrid. 
 The nation was gratified, but its financial 
 resources suffered from Orri's dismissal. 
 The revived energies of France and 
 Spain were not productive of the suc- 
 cess that might have been expected. The 
 military operations of 
 
 The A N D et m>9 ands ' the y ear be an in the 
 Netherlands, with the 
 
 siege and capture of To urn ay by the 
 allies, after an obstinate defence. They 
 next laid siege to Mons ; and Marshal 
 Villars, one of the best French generals, 
 advancing with a powerful army to at- 
 tempt its relief, Marlborough and Eu- 
 gene resolved upon attacking him in his 
 camp. This produced the battle of 
 Malplaquet,the hardest fought and most 
 sanguinary that took place during the 
 war, thirty thousand having, according 
 to computation, fallen in it on either 
 side. Marshal Villars was wounded, 
 and compelled to quit the field, when 
 his place was ably supplied by Marshal 
 Boufflers. The victory was decidedly 
 gained by Marlborough and Eugene; 
 the French retreated, Mons fell, and in 
 all the Low Countries only four towns 
 
 now remained in the hands of the French. 
 His losses at Malplaquet obliged Lewis 
 to recall the greater part of his troops 
 from Spain for the protection of his own 
 territories. But Stanhope and Stah- 
 renberg were still too weak to profit by 
 the opportunity. The war languished 
 in the Peninsula, and the capture of a 
 town or two were the only events of the 
 campaign. 
 
 The year 1710 was more fruitful. It 
 began, like the former, 
 with a renewal of negoti- ^^"^{J 168 ' 
 ations. A congress of 
 plenipotentiaries from all the belligerents 
 assembled at Gertruydenberg, and con- 
 tinued their labours during many months. 
 The issue was the same as that of the 
 less formal preceding conferences. The 
 allies persisted in their former demands 
 of what they deemed the only security 
 against Lewis's underhand support of 
 Philip, offering, however, to detach 
 Sicily and Sardinia from the Spanish 
 monarchy, as an establishment for the 
 dethroned king. Lewis still positively 
 refused to turn his arms against his 
 grandson, but tendered every pledge, 
 every co-operation short of actual hos- 
 tilies, whilst he was at the same time 
 giving Philip the most positive secret 
 assurances of his determination never 
 to desert him. 
 
 Lewis, notwithstanding his apparently 
 desperate situation, was encouraged by 
 sundry political occurrences to resist 
 those certainly severe terms. In the 
 north of Europe a war was raging be- 
 tween Czar Peter of Russia and Charles 
 XII. of Sweden, which, involving one by 
 one the different German states in its 
 vortex, threatened to divide, at least, the 
 emperor's forces and attention. But the 
 change upon which the French monarch 
 chiefly relied had taken place in Eng- 
 land. The imperious temper of the 
 duchess of Marlborough had gradually 
 cooled the queen's affection for her favour- 
 ite ; and thus enabled the intrigues of a 
 bedchamber-woman to work the over- 
 throw of the influence so long held by the 
 powerful intellect of the duchess over the 
 feeble mind of Anne. Alienation from the 
 duchess was speedily followed by aliena- 
 tion from the men and measures she sup- 
 ported ; and the tory party of Harley and 
 St. John, whose instrument the triumph- 
 ant bedchamber-woman, Mrs.Masham, 
 was, gained the queen's ear. The entire 
 substitution of a tory for that whig mi- 
 nistry, which boasted some of the ablest 
 men England has ever known, was not 
 N 
 
178 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 indeed effected until the autumn of this 
 year. But symptoms of the approaching 
 change appeared in the spring, and it 
 was evidently in progress when Lewis, 
 assured that its consequences must be 
 favourable to him, recalled his plenipo- 
 tentiaries from Gertruydenberg in July, 
 and thus virtually dissolved the congress. 
 Whilst the deliberations were yet 
 proceeding,thesuccessesofMarlborough 
 and Eugene in the Netherlands might 
 almost have counteracted these political 
 hopes. They had early taken the field, 
 and notwithstanding the judicious de- 
 fensive measures of the able and cau- 
 tious Villars, had broken in upon the 
 French frontiers by the capture of four 
 strongly fortified towns, Douay, Be- 
 thune, Aire, and St. Venant. But it 
 was in Spain that this campaign proved 
 most eventful. It there opened as in- 
 auspiciously for the Bourbon cause as 
 in France, although it terminated more 
 prosperously. 
 
 Philip early took the field ; but he 
 had now no skilful general 
 to direct his inexperience, 
 and knew not how to derive 
 any benefit from his numerical superi- 
 ority. But in July, Lewis was obliged, 
 by the invasion of the allies, to recall 
 some of his troops for the defence of 
 France : Charles's generals obtained 
 reinforcements, and a battle ensued near 
 the little town of Almenara, in which 
 Stanhope and Stahrenberg defeated 
 Philip's army. His loss did not, indeed, 
 exceed fifteen hundred men, but the rout 
 was so complete that the troops fled 
 from Catalonia into Aragon ; and it was 
 not till both parties had reached the 
 neighbourhood of Saragossa that he 
 could again offer any resistance to the 
 conquering advance of his rival. Here, 
 Philip being joined by the marquess of 
 Bay with reinforcements, a second battle 
 was fought, and a second victory gained 
 by Charles (who was present at both 
 actions), which proved far more bloody 
 and decisive than the former. The 
 marquess, with about eight thousand 
 men, made good his retreat towards 
 Soria. Philip fled to Madrid; and, 
 dreading the close pursuit of the victors, 
 again deemed it requisite to forsake his 
 capital. He removed, with his queen 
 and court, to Valladolid. 
 
 Charles, after making a triumphant 
 entry into Saragossa, and confirming the 
 attachment of the Aragonese to his 
 cause, by restoring their abrogated 
 liberties, marched upon Madrid, of 
 
 which city he took possession on the 
 28th of September. But the Castilians, 
 and more especially the citizens of Ma- 
 drid, were now firmly attached to Philip ; 
 they hated Charles because supported 
 by the rival States of Aragon, Cata- 
 lonia, and Valencia ; and although the 
 conqueror was acknowledged as king, 
 and the administration he organized ob- 
 tained the entire direction of public 
 affairs, he was disgusted with the cold- 
 ness he everywhere found. In fact, he 
 was disappointed of all the advantages 
 which he had anticipated from the occu- 
 pation of the capital. The Castilians were 
 not to be conciliated ; and the Portu- 
 gueze, whom they had expected to meet 
 them there, in order jointly to consum- 
 mate Philip's ruin, refused to advance, 
 upon the plea that when they occupied 
 Madrid, Charles had disappointed their 
 hopes of a junction, and, by so doing, 
 sacrificed them. In fact they deemed 
 the war over, and wished to secure 
 some frontier towns for themselves. 
 
 It has been supposed, that if, instead 
 of hastening to Madrid (which he had 
 been blamed for not doing on a former 
 occasion), Charles, in compliance 
 with Stanhope's advice, had marched 
 northwards, and cut oif Philip's com- 
 munication with France, he would have 
 entirely crushed that prince's dispersed 
 troops and disheartened party. But 
 however idle such conjectural reasonings 
 upon what might have been, founded 
 upon the manifest evils resulting from 
 what was done, it is certain that Philip 
 never appeared so nearly reduced to 
 despair as at this moment. Judging 
 Valladolid too exposed a residence for 
 his family, he removed farther north- 
 wards, to Vittoria, and it is believed 
 that, if driven thence, he must have fled 
 to France. But the spirit of his young 
 queen never sank. To Philip himself, 
 extreme danger always acted as a power- 
 ful stimulus, that for the moment roused 
 him from the indolence incident to his 
 hypochondriac temperament ; and Lewis 
 sent him far more than an army in the 
 person of the Duke of Vendome ; not 
 only the most enterprisingly able com- 
 mander in the French service, but the 
 general upon whom the Spanish court 
 had most reliance, probably from his hav- 
 ing been Philip's first military adviser. 
 
 Philip now proclaimed the resolution 
 he had adopted, conjointly with his 
 queen, of never concurring in any com- 
 promise that should include renouncing 
 his rights, of struggling to the uttermost 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 175) 
 
 in Spain, and of retiring to his Trans- 
 nthmtic empire, if unable to maintain 
 himself in the mother-country. This 
 declaration roused the sympathies of 
 the Castilians. Prodigious efforts were 
 made, and Vendome soon found him- 
 self at the head of twenty-five thousand 
 men. With this army he took post 
 so as to prevent the junction of the 
 Portugueze with the army in Madrid ; 
 and Lewis, encouraged by these demon- 
 strations of firmness and vigour, ordered 
 Noailles to invade Catalonia with an 
 army of twenty thousand men, assembled 
 north of the Pyrenees. 
 
 Catalonia was the main seat of Charles's 
 power, and his queen was left at Barce- 
 lona. The tidings of this invasion, there- 
 fore, at once recalled the Austrian prince 
 and his forces from Madrid. Charles 
 himself hurried forwards with an escort 
 of cavalry; his troops took the same 
 road more leisurely, and, from the diffi- 
 culty of feeding them in a sterile and 
 exhausted district, in two divisions. 
 Stahrenberg led the way with his Ger- 
 mans ; Stanhope followed at some con- 
 siderable distance with the British. 
 Vendome now closely pursued his retreat- 
 ing foe ; and Philip, after a flying visit 
 paid in the beginning of December to his 
 freed capital, to compliment and confirm 
 its loyalty, hastened to rejoin Vendome. 
 
 On the 9th of December Philip and 
 Vendome overtook, surprised, and sur- 
 rounded Stanhope, who had not quite 
 six thousand men with him, at Bri- 
 huega, a small town, where he had 
 halted for the night. The place had 
 no defence beyond an old wall; but 
 Stanhope barricadoed the gates, threw 
 up intrenchments in the streets, and 
 disputed every inch of ground. De- 
 spite his immense numerical inferi- 
 ority, he might perhaps have succeeded 
 in maintaining his post until Stahren- 
 berg, who was encamped some miles in 
 advance, could have come back to his 
 relief, had not the inhabitants of Bri- 
 huega increased the difficulties of his 
 situation by co-operating with Vendome 
 from within. They barred their doors 
 against the British soldiers, and from 
 the roofs of their houses flung down 
 missiles of every description upon their 
 heads. After an obstinate resistance, 
 Stanhope was compelled to surrender 
 with his little band, now reduced to four 
 thousand five hundred men. 
 
 Stahrenberg, upon the first intelli- 
 gence of the attack, had hastened to col- 
 lect his troops, and march back to the 
 
 assistance of his colleague. But he was 
 still six miles distant from Brihuega 
 when Stanhope was overpowered. Al- 
 though alarmed by the cessation of the 
 firing, he continued to press onwards 
 till he met Philip and Vendome, with 
 their victorious army, still superior in 
 numbers, from the skill with which 
 Vendome had taken advantage of his 
 enemies' separation, and managed to 
 engage them singly. The Germans 
 fought bravely, and far less at disadvan- 
 tage than the English. Night put an 
 end to the battle, and both parties 
 claimed the victory. Stahrenberg re- 
 mained in possession of the field ; but 
 learning the disaster that had befallen 
 Stanhope, he abandoned it in the night, 
 leaving his artillery spiked, and his 
 baggage to the enemy, and prosecuted 
 his retreat to Catalonia. Philip and 
 Vendome thus enjoyed the fruits of vic- 
 tory, becoming masters of the spoils of 
 the field ; and, what was more import- 
 ant, the former recovered every part of 
 his kingdom except Catalonia. 
 
 In England the whig ministry was 
 by this time deprived of . 
 the appearance as well as F ?mo?" 
 the reality of power. 
 Harley and St. John, afterwards created 
 Lords Oxford and Bolingbroke, were at 
 the head of affairs ; and, although they 
 did not immediately venture to take the 
 command of the army from the great 
 general who had led it to such brilliant 
 victories, Marlborough felt that he was 
 no longer supported at home with energy 
 or cordiality ; he felt that the spirit of 
 English policy had changed, and that 
 his own power was thereby lamed. In 
 fact, intimation had already been con- 
 veyed to Versailles that Queen Anne's 
 inclinations were pacific. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Death of the Emperor Joseph Charles 
 succeeds him Marlborough deprived 
 of his command Congress of Utrecht 
 Deaths in the French royal family 
 Peace of Utrecht Spain and Ame- 
 rica confirmed to Philip ; the Nether- 
 lands, the Milanese, Naples, and 
 Sardinia, to Charles; Minorca and 
 Gibraltar to England; Sicily ceded 
 to Savoy, and Louisiana to France 
 Peace with Portugal, ceding the north 
 bank of the river Plate Philip abro- 
 gates the Catalonian constitution-^ 
 Recalls Orri Death of Maria Louisa 
 Origin and rise of Alberoni He 
 N 2 
 
178 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 indeed effected until the autumn of this 
 year. But symptoms of the approaching 
 change appeared in the spring, and it 
 was evidently in progress when Lewis, 
 assured that its consequences must be 
 favourable to him, recalled his plenipo- 
 tentiaries from Gertruydenberg in July, 
 and thus virtually dissolved the congress. 
 Whilst the deliberations were yet 
 proceeding, the successes of Marlborough 
 and ^Eugene in the Netherlands might 
 almost have counteracted these political 
 hopes. They had early taken the field, 
 and notwithstanding the judicious de- 
 fensive measures of the able and cau- 
 tious Villars, had broken in upon the 
 French frontiers by the capture of four 
 strongly fortified towns, Douay, Be- 
 thune, Aire, and St. Venant. But it 
 was in Spain that this campaign proved 
 most eventful. It there opened as in- 
 auspiciously for the Bourbon cause as 
 in France, although it terminated more 
 prosperously, 
 
 Philip early took the field ; but he 
 had now no skilful general 
 A.D^ITIO. to direct his inexperience, 
 and knew not how to derive 
 any benefit from his numerical superi- 
 ority. Bat in July, Lewis was obliged, 
 by the invasion of the allies, to recall 
 some of his troops for the defence of 
 France : Charles's generals obtained 
 reinforcements, and a battle ensued near 
 the little town of Almenara, in which 
 Stanhope and Stahrenberg defeated 
 Philip's army. His loss did not, indeed, 
 exceed fifteen hundred men, but the rout 
 was so complete that the troops fled 
 from Catalonia into Aragon ; and it was 
 not till both parties had reached the 
 neighbourhood of Saragossa that he 
 could again offer any resistance to the 
 conquering advance of his rival. Here, 
 Philip being joined by the marquess of 
 Bay with reinforcements, a second battle 
 was fought, and a second victory gained 
 by Charles (who was present at both 
 actions), which proved far more bloody 
 and decisive than the former. The 
 marquess, with about eight thousand 
 men, made good his retreat towards 
 Soria. Philip fled to Madrid; and, 
 dreading the close pursuit of the victors, 
 again deemed it requisite to forsake his 
 capital. He removed, with his queen 
 and court, to Valladolid. 
 
 Charles, after making a triumphant 
 entry into Saragossa, and confirming the 
 attachment of the Aragonese to' his 
 cause, by restoring their abrogated 
 liberties, marched upon Madrid, of 
 
 which city he took possession on the 
 28th of September. But the Castilians, 
 and more especially the citizens of Ma- 
 drid, were now firmly attached to Philip ; 
 they hated Charles because supported 
 by the rival States of Aragon, Cata- 
 lonia, and Valencia ; and although the 
 conqueror was acknowledged as king, 
 and the administration he organized ob- 
 tained the entire direction of public 
 affairs, he was disgusted with the cold- 
 ness he everywhere found. In fact, he 
 was disappointed of all the advantages 
 which he had anticipated from the occu- 
 pation of the capital. The Castilians were 
 not to be conciliated; and the Portu- 
 gueze, whom they had expected to meet 
 them there, in order jointly to consum- 
 mate Philip's ruin, refused to advance, 
 upon the plea that when they occupied 
 Madrid, Charles had disappointed their 
 hopes of a junction, and, by so doing, 
 sacrificed them. In fact they deemed 
 the war over, and wished to secure 
 some frontier towns for themselves. 
 
 It has been supposed, that if, instead 
 of hastening to Madrid (which he had 
 been blamed for not doing on a former 
 occasion), Charles, in compliance 
 with Stanhope's advice, had marched 
 northwards, and cut off Philip's com- 
 munication with France, he would have 
 entirely crushed that prince's dispersed 
 troops and disheartened party. But 
 however idle such conjectural reasonings 
 upon what might have been, founded 
 upon the manifest evils resulting from 
 what was done, it is certain that Philip 
 never appeared so nearly reduced to 
 despair as at this moment. Judging 
 Valladolid too exposed a residence for 
 his family, he removed farther north- 
 wards, to Vittoria, and it is believed 
 that, if driven thence, he must have fled 
 to France. But the spirit of his young 
 queen never sank. To Philip himself, 
 extreme danger always acted as a power- 
 ful stimulus, that for the moment roused 
 him from the indolence incident to his 
 hypochondriac temperament ; and Lewis 
 sent him far more than an army in the 
 person of the Duke of Vendome ; not 
 only the most enterprisingly able com- 
 mander in the French service, but the 
 general upon whom the Spanish court 
 had most reliance, probably from his hav- 
 ing been Philip's first military adviser. 
 
 Philip now proclaimed the resolution 
 he had adopted, conjointly with his 
 queen, of never concurring in any com- 
 promise that should include renouncing 
 his rights, of struggling to the uttermost 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 in Spain, and of retiring to his Trans- 
 atlantic empire, if unable to maintain 
 himself in the mother-country. This 
 declaration roused the sympathies of 
 the Castilians. Prodigious efforts were 
 made, and Vendome soon found him- 
 self at the head of twenty-five thousand 
 men. With this army he took post 
 so as to prevent the junction of the 
 Portus:tieze with the army in Madrid ; 
 and Lewis, encouraged by these demon- 
 strations of firmness and vigour, ordered 
 Noailles to invade Catalonia with an 
 army of twenty thousand men, assembled 
 north of the Pyrenees. 
 
 Catalonia was the main seat of Charles's 
 power, and his queen was left at Barce- 
 lona. The tidings of this invasion, there- 
 fore, at once recalled the Austrian prince 
 and his forces from Madrid. Charles 
 himself hurried forwards with an escort 
 of cavalry; his troops took the same 
 road more leisurely, and, from the diffi- 
 culty of feeding them in a sterile and 
 exhausted district, in two divisions. 
 Stahrenberg led the way with his Ger- 
 mans ; Stanhope followed at some con- 
 siderable distance with the British. 
 Vendome now closely pursued his retreat- 
 ing foe ; and Philip, after a flying visit 
 paid in the beginning of December to his 
 freed capital, to compliment and confirm 
 its loyalty, hastened to rejoin Vendome. 
 
 On the 9th of December Philip and 
 Vendome overtook, surprised, and sur- 
 rounded Stanhope, who had not quite 
 six thousand men with him, at Bri- 
 huega, a small town, where he had 
 halted for the night. The place had 
 no defence beyond an old wall; but 
 Stanhope barricadoed the gates, threw 
 up intrenchments in the streets, and 
 disputed every inch of ground. De- 
 spite his immense numerical inferi- 
 ority, he might perhaps have succeeded 
 in maintaining his post until Stahren- 
 berg, who was encamped some miles in 
 advance, could have come back to his 
 relief, had not the inhabitants of Bri- 
 huega increased the difficulties of his 
 situation by co-operating with Vendc A >me 
 from within. They barred their doors 
 against the British soldiers, and from 
 the roofs of their houses flung down 
 missiles of every description upon their 
 heads. After an obstinate resistance, 
 Stanhope was compelled to surrender 
 with his little band, now reduced to four 
 thousand five hundred men. 
 
 Stahrenberg, upon the first intelli- 
 gence of the attack, had hastened to col- 
 lect his troops, and march back to the 
 
 assistance of his colleague. But he was 
 still six miles distant from Brihueea 
 when Stanhope was overpowered. Al- 
 though alarmed by the cessation of the 
 firing, he continued to press onwards 
 till he met Philip and Vendome, with 
 their victorious army, still superior in 
 numbers, from the skill with which 
 Vend6me had taken advantage of his 
 enemies' separation, and managed to 
 engage them singly. The Germans 
 fought bravely, and far less at disadvan- 
 tage than the English. Night put an 
 end to the battle, and both parties 
 claimed the victory. Stahrenberg re- 
 mained in possession of the field ; but 
 learning the disaster that had befallen 
 Stanhope, he abandoned it in the night, 
 leaving his artillery spiked, and his 
 baggage to the enemy, and prosecuted 
 his retreat to Catalonia. Philip and 
 Vendome thus enjoyed the fruits of vic- 
 tory, becoming masters of the spoils of 
 the field ; and, what was more import- 
 ant, the former recovered every part of 
 his kingdom except Catalonia. 
 
 In England the whig ministry was 
 by this time deprived of 
 the appearance as well as r ITi7io a . 
 the reality of power. 
 Harley and St. John, afterwards created 
 Lords Oxford and Bolingbroke, were at 
 the head of affairs ; and, although they 
 did not immediately venture to fake the 
 command of the army from the great 
 general who had led it to such brilliant 
 victories, Marlborough felt that he was 
 no longer supported at home with energy 
 or cordiality ; he felt that the spirit of 
 English policy had changed, and that 
 his own power was thereby lamed. In 
 fact, intimation had already been con- 
 veyed to Versailles that Queen Anne's 
 inclinations were pacific. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Death of the Emperor Joseph Charles 
 succeeds him Marlborough deprived 
 of his command Congress of Utrecht 
 Deaths in the French royal family 
 Peace of Utrecht Spain and Ame- 
 rica confirmed to Philip ; the Nether- 
 lands, the Milanese, Naples, and 
 Sardinia, to Charles ; Minorca and 
 Gibraltar to England; Sicily ceded 
 to Savoy, and Louisiana to France 
 Peace with Portugal, ceding the north 
 bank of the river Plate Philip abro- 
 gates the Catalonian constitution 
 Hecalls Orri Death of Maria Louisa 
 Origin and rise of Alberoni He 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL* 
 
 induces Princess Orsini to select Eli- 
 zabeth Farnesefor Philip's second wife 
 The young queen dismisses the 
 princess Elizabeth's ascendency over 
 Philip Her ambitious schemes Al- 
 beroni prime minister *. 
 
 THE political, civil, and military occur- 
 rences of the year 1711 
 ^frlm 11 ^? 168 iende & to Militate the 
 17ll-47?3. negotiations for an object 
 now almost equally de- 
 sired in France and England. In the 
 month of April died the Emperor Jo- 
 seph I., leaving only two daughters. 
 This event very essentially altered the 
 complexion of the war. According to 
 the singular law of succession esta- 
 blished in Austria, although females are 
 allowed to inherit, the rights of daugh- 
 ters are postponed to those of collateral 
 male heirs. The whole of Joseph's 
 hereditary dominions fell, therefore, to 
 his brother Charles, his own daughters 
 being only called to the succession in 
 default of Charles's male heirs, but in 
 preference to Charles's daughters. The 
 empress-mother, whom Joseph had 
 named regent, immediately caused 
 Charles to be proclaimed in the several 
 hereditary states, and, conjointly with 
 Prince Eugene, took effectual measures 
 for insuring his election as emperor. 
 
 The necessity of securing this ample 
 heritage called Charles in haste to Ger- 
 many. But prior to his departure from 
 Spain he assured his faithful Catalans 
 that he would speedily revisit them, with 
 such an army as should enforce his right 
 to the Spanish crown ; and he left his 
 consort at Barcelona, both to conduct 
 his aifairs in that quarter, and as a 
 pledge for his return. He embarked in 
 September for Italy, on his way to 
 Vienna. At Milan he met the joyful 
 news of his election to the imperial dig- 
 nity, and was solemnly crowned emperor 
 before the end of the year. 
 
 The re-establishment of a sovereignty 
 similar to that of Charles V., by the re- 
 union of all the hereditary dominions 
 of the house of Austria, Spanish and 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Yriarte, Da Costa, La Clede, Sempere, 
 Coxe, Lord Mahon, Voltaire, Marshal Berwick, 
 Memoires de Noailles, Belsham, Universal Modern 
 History, Memoirs of the Affairs of Europe, from 
 the Peace of Utrecht, by Lord John Russell. 2 vols. 
 4to. London, 1824, 1829. It might appear like 
 flattery of a living author to say more of this work, 
 than that the title of Memoirs has happily enabled 
 the noble writer to relieve the dry narration of wars 
 and politics with those lively minor details which 
 the pride of history rejects. 
 
 German, had never been contemplated 
 by the Grand Alliance, the chief object 
 of which was the maintenance of the 
 balance of power in Europe. Some 
 new modification of the succession to 
 the Spanish realms became therefore 
 indispensable. The simple expedient of 
 substituting the really legitimate heiress, 
 Joseph's eldest daughter, to her uncle, 
 upon the throne of Spain, does not 
 appear to have been even proposed. 
 New partition schemes were talked of, 
 which alienated from the allies both the 
 new emperor, who claimed the whole, 
 and the Spaniards, who gloried in the 
 magnitude of their monarchy. These 
 last, even such as had hitherto been 
 Carlists, identifying Charles with the 
 strangers who presumed to suggest the 
 dismemberment of the Spanish domi- 
 nions, learned to consider Philip as the 
 sole champion of Spanish dignity ; and 
 the English ministers, instead of seeking 
 to devise remedies for the existing diffi- 
 culties, caught at the possible danger to 
 Europe from Charles's uniting the Spa- 
 nish and the imperial crowns, thereby 
 to justify the negotiation they were se- 
 cretly carrying on with France. 
 
 Under circumstances so favourable to 
 their views, these ministers grew bolder, 
 and judged the time to be arrived when 
 they might venture to cope even with 
 the high fame of the duke of Marlbo- 
 rough. That great general was again 
 pursuing his career of glory. By a series 
 of masterly manoeuvres he had pene- 
 trated the formidable lines which Mar- 
 shal Villars, with the assistance of the 
 most celebrated engineers of those days, 
 had formed for the protection of France, 
 and which were boldly pronounced im- 
 pregnable. The important fortress of 
 Bouchain had surrendered to the in- 
 vaders after a short resistance, and it 
 seemed as if another battle of Ramillies 
 or Malplaquet alone were wanting to 
 lay Paris itself at the conqueror's mercy. 
 It was at this moment that the mandate 
 of the weak sovereign, over whose reign 
 his exploits had cast such a blaze of 
 glory, took the command of the British 
 army from Marlborough. 
 
 After his recall no military event of 
 real importance occurred, although the 
 war was continued, nominally, by all the 
 original belligerents, and as actively 
 as the exhaustion of their resources 
 would permit, by Lewis, Philip, and 
 Charles. The French made a suc- 
 cessful plundering expedition against 
 Brazil, whilst an English one, sent 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 181 
 
 against Quebec, under Mrs. Masham's 
 brother, General Hill, altogether failed. 
 In September preliminaries of peace 
 were signed between France and Eng- 
 land, but of so vague a character as to 
 give general offence when made known ; 
 and in the beginning of the folio wing year, 
 plenipotentiaries from all the belligerents 
 assembled in congress at Utrecht. 
 
 Notwithstanding the eagerness of most 
 of these powers to put an end to the 
 war, the negotiations were considerably 
 protracted by a series of calamities in 
 the French royal family, which renewed 
 the alarm of Europe touching the pro- 
 bable union of the crowns of France and 
 Spain upon one head. The death of the 
 dauphin, Lewis's only son, in 1711, was 
 followed within a twelvemonth by those 
 of the duke and duchess of Burgundy, 
 who, upon his decease, had become dau- 
 phin and dauphiness, and of yet a third 
 dauphin, their eldest son ; leaving only 
 one weak and sickly infant before Philip 
 in the line of succession. To provide 
 against a seemingly imminent union of 
 realms that threatened the balance of 
 power with permanent subversion, Philip 
 was required to make his election be- 
 tween the two kingdoms. He gave the 
 preference to the kingdom of which he 
 was actually in possession, to the sub- 
 jects who had proved their attachment 
 for his person, and whose decorous and 
 stately solemnity accorded far better 
 with his reserved and melancholy dispo- 
 sition, than the restless vivacity of his 
 own countrymen. 
 
 Philip's decision was announced to 
 the allies ; and the continued separation 
 of the two crowns was deemed suffi- 
 ciently secured by the king of Spain's 
 solemnly renewing his renunciation of 
 his French birthright in favour of his 
 younger brother, the duke of Berri, and 
 of his cousin, the duke of Orleans ; and 
 by those princes, on their part, renounc- 
 ing all pretension to the crown of Spain. 
 With such empty precautions were the 
 British ministers, in their impatience to 
 conclude the pending negotiations, con- 
 tent, although the mere fact of Philip's 
 having the power of choice was abun- 
 dant proof of the inanity of all renun- 
 ciations of the kind; although Lewis 
 had refused to suffer these especial re- 
 nunciations to be ratified by the States 
 General of the kingdom, and had can- 
 didly replied to the^first proposal upon 
 the subject, that no renunciation, no act 
 of any individual, could alter the law of 
 succession to the French throne. 
 
 All difficulties being thus at length 
 smoothed, the peace of Utrecht was 
 signed upon the llth of April, 1713. 
 By this treaty Philip was formally recog- 
 nized as king of Spain and the Indies, 
 and the duke of Savoy as his heir in de- 
 fault of his own issue, the future succes- 
 sion to the crown being regulated by a 
 sort of compromise between the Spanish 
 and Salic laws, allowing females to in- 
 herit, but, as in Austria, excluding them 
 so long as the most remote collateral 
 male should exist. The Spanish mo- 
 narchy thus confirmed to Philip, was, 
 however, deprived of its European de- 
 pendencies, according to the very plan, 
 the suggestion of which had excited such 
 indignation against the allies. Naples, 
 Sardinia, the Milanese, and the Nether- 
 lands, were assigned to the emperor ; 
 some few towns being detached from 
 the latter country to strengthen the 
 frontiers of the United Provinces, as also 
 the duchy of Limburg, to form an inde- 
 pendent sovereignty for Princess Orsini. 
 Sicily was given to the duke of Savoy, 
 with the title of king. England re- 
 tained her conquests, Gibraltar, Minorca, 
 and the French colonies, St. Christo- 
 pher's, Newfoundland, Hudson's Bay, 
 and Acadie, now called Nova Scotia. 
 France likewise agreed to destroy the 
 harbour and raze the fortifications of 
 Dunkirk ; and, under the name of the 
 Asiento contract, England acquired the 
 odious right of supplying Spanish Ame- 
 rica with negro slaves. France had 
 previously obtained from Spain the large 
 tract upon the Mississippi river, lying 
 between Mexico and the Floridas, ceded 
 in compensation of the sacrifices made 
 by Lewis XIV. to secure the Spanish 
 crown to Philip. The name of Louisi- 
 ana was now given to this province, 
 which France immediately proceeded to 
 colonize. 
 
 The emperor, dissatisfied with the 
 small portion, of what he deemed his 
 birthright, allotted to him by this treaty, 
 refused to concur in it, and continued 
 the war one year longer. But unassisted 
 by his former allies he was unable to 
 cope with the united power of France 
 and Spain. He was obliged to re- 
 call his troops from Catalonia; and 
 even with these reinforcements Prince 
 Eugene still found himself too weak to 
 make head against the French generals 
 in the Netherlands. In 1714, therefore, 
 Charles, by a separate treaty with France 
 and Spain, concluded at Rastadt, agreed 
 to the terms he had rejected at Utrecht. 
 
182 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Portugal had, like the emperor, de- 
 clined to accept the peace of 
 
 Portugal Utrecht, and she alone now 
 iTOjrLt^s. remained at war with France 
 and Spain. Hostilities were 
 carried on by these powers yet another 
 year ; but they produced no result of any 
 consequence, and, in 1715, a peace was 
 concluded. King John acknowledged 
 Philip, who on his part renounced all 
 pretensions to the long disputed settle- 
 ment upon the river La Plata, as did 
 France to the territory north of the 
 river Amazon, to which she had laid 
 claim, thus restricting her South Ame- 
 rican possessions to the narrow limits of 
 Cayenne. 
 
 Meanwhile, various and important 
 changes had taken place in 
 f Spa l n D Spain. The empress and the 
 i/u^-iTis. Austrian troops had evacu- 
 ated Catalonia by a conven- 
 tion, one of the conditions of which was a 
 general amnesty for the Catalans ; and 
 Charles had further obtained from Lewis 
 and Anne the promise of their good 
 offices for the preservation of the old and 
 free Catalonian constitution. But the 
 Catalans would not take the benefit of 
 the amnesty ; persisting in their opposi- 
 tion to Philip, until, Barcelona having 
 fallen after such a resistance as seems 
 almost peculiar to Spanish towns, they 
 were finally subdued by his grandfather's 
 troops ; when neither France nor Eng- 
 land chose to hold themselves bound by 
 promises, which the subsequent conduct 
 of the Catalans had, as they averred, an- 
 nulled. The Catalonian constitution was 
 therefore abrograted, as the Aragonese 
 and Valencian had previously been ; and 
 Spain was more completely than ever 
 before united into one uniform and abso- 
 lute monarchy. 
 
 All alleged obstacles to the regenera- 
 tion of the country were now done away 
 with, and Philip really desired to admi- 
 nister the arbitrary power he had acquired 
 beneficially for his subjects. Such kindly 
 intentions of absolute kings are always 
 more difficult of execution than might be 
 supposed ; and, upon the occasion in 
 question, they were not directed by 
 sound judgment. The notions of Philip 
 himself, and of his chief adviser, the 
 Princess Orsini, were essentially French, 
 and the first step they took was to recall 
 Orri. 
 
 Orri was undoubtedly a man of talent, 
 and, in financial knowledge, far superior 
 to any of his Spanish competitors. But 
 he sought rather to assimilate the insti- 
 
 tutions of Spain to those of France 
 than to reform and ameliorate her own, 
 or to adapt his alterations to the national 
 character ; and although in the financial 
 department he did correct some abuses, 
 and introduce some improvements, in so 
 doing he offended an arrogant people, 
 then peculiarly jealous of French usages. 
 But the innovator was not allowed 
 time to prove whether his plans were 
 or were not calculated to restore Spain 
 from the state of decrepitude into which 
 she had declined. Events were in pro- 
 gress, which, by overthrowing the power 
 of his patroness, Princess Orsini, occa- 
 sioned Orri's second and final dismissal. 
 
 Maria Louisa had long suffered under 
 a scrofulous disorder, that gradually un- 
 dermined her constitution. In February 
 1714, it consigned her to the tomb, in 
 the twenty-sixth year of her age. She 
 left two sons, Lewis and Ferdinand. 
 Philip had been passionately attached to 
 his queen, and entirely governed by her. 
 Upon her death he abandoned himself 
 to despair ; committed the ad ministra- 
 tion to Cardinal del Giudice, a Neapoli- 
 tan prelate, recently appointed grand 
 inquisitor ; and flying from the home 
 where he had been happy with his lost 
 consort, shut himself up in the palace of 
 the duke of Medina Celi. There he re- 
 mained in strict seclusion, refusing to 
 attend to any kind of business, or to 
 admit any person to his presence, except 
 his children, and their governess, the 
 Princess Orsini. 
 
 But this seemingly devoted affection 
 was rather the result of habit, and the 
 subjection of a weak to a stronger mind, 
 than the exclusive sentiment properly 
 designated as love. The princess judged 
 another wife to be the suitable and cer- 
 tain remedy for his grief: and it is gene- 
 rally believed that, notwithstanding her 
 advanced age (she was then between 
 sixty and seventy), she aspired to suc- 
 ceed to her deceased mistress. If she 
 ever did conceive a hope so preposterous 
 (preposterous even with the yielding and 
 now irrecoverably hypochondriac Philip), 
 she speedily abandoned it ; for the fune- 
 ral procession of Maria Louisa is said to 
 have been the occasion of a conversation 
 between her and Alberoni, the Par- 
 mesan envoy, which determined her to 
 select Elizabeth Farnese as Philip's 
 second queen. 
 
 Alberoni, the author of a marriage for 
 many years so harassing in its conse- 
 quences to Spain, and indeed to the 
 greater part of Europe, was a man whose- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 183 
 
 rise and fortunes were too remarkable to 
 be passed over unnoticed. He was the 
 son of a mere working gardener in the 
 duchy of Parma, and his extraordinary 
 native talent having attracted the obser- 
 vation of the Jesuits, he obtained in their 
 seminary an education far superior to his 
 station. He took holy orders, and by a 
 combination of real abilities and great 
 knowledge, with shameless adulation and 
 buffoonery, he was gradually making his 
 way, when he obtained the situation of 
 interpreter to the bishop of St. Domino, 
 who was sent by the duke of Parma 
 upon a mission of some importance to 
 the duke of Vendome, then command- 
 ing the French forces in Italy. 
 
 The bishop, disgusted and offended by 
 the inconceivable grossness of Ven- 
 dome' s manners, soon refused to hold 
 any intercourse with a person so wholly 
 unobservant of the commonest decencies 
 of life ; when the conduct of the nego- 
 tiation was transferred to the interpreter. 
 He, unrestrained by any considerations 
 of personal delicacy or official dignity, 
 took everything in good part, and found 
 means to establish himself so firmly in 
 Vendome's good graces, that he not only 
 succeeded in the somewhat difficult 
 affair committed to his charge, but be- 
 coming a prime favourite with the 
 French general, quitted the duke of 
 Parma's service for his. When Ven- 
 dome was appointed to the command in 
 Spain, he employed Alberorii in all his 
 transactions and negotiations with the 
 court of Madrid ; during which this skil- 
 ful and tolerably unscrupulous diploma- 
 tist managed so completely to win the 
 good opinion of the Princess Orsini, 
 that when, upon Vendome's death, he 
 returned home, he was, in consequence 
 of his intimacy with, and presumed in- 
 fluence over her, named envoy from 
 Parma to Spain. 
 
 It was with this wily politician that 
 the princess, as the deceased queen's 
 funeral passed, discussed the urgent 
 necessity of providing the disconsolate 
 widower with another wife. Alberoni 
 rapidly ran over the different princesses 
 from amongst whom the future queen 
 must be selected ; found objections to 
 each, and adroitly recommended to her 
 preference Elizabeth Farnese, the niece 
 and step-daughter of the reigning duke 
 of Parma, by speaking carelessly of her, 
 as a good girl, fattened upon Parmesan 
 cheese and butter, and educated so 
 strictly and narrowly, that she had not 
 an idea beyond her embroidery ; but 
 whose prospect of succeeding to her 
 
 childless uncle, might afford a footing in 
 Italy, whence to attempt the recovery of 
 those provinces which the peace of 
 Utrecht had wrested from Philip in that 
 country. 
 
 The deluded Princess Orsini imagined 
 she had found in Elizabeth the very 
 queen through whom still to govern the 
 uxorious Philip. She easily obtained 
 his approbation of her choice ; the court 
 of Parma of course gladly accepted so 
 honourable a proposal, and the marriage 
 was hurried on with the utmost preci- 
 pitation. Princess Orsini is said how- 
 ever to have been seasonably apprised 
 of the deception practised upon her, re- 
 lative to the disposition of the bride, 
 and to have instantly sent off a courier 
 with orders to suspend all further matri- 
 monial proceedings. The messenger, 
 it is added, reached Parma upon the 
 morning of the day fixed for performing 
 the marriage ceremony by proxy ; but, 
 the tenor of his despatches being sus- 
 pected, he was detained, and prevented 
 from delivering them, until it was too 
 late to obey the orders they contained. 
 
 The young queen immediately set 
 out for Spain, travelling through France. 
 Upon crossing the frontiers she was re- 
 ceived by all her household, except her 
 Camarera Mayor, the Princess Orsini, 
 who was bearing the king company upon 
 his journey to meet and solemnly es- 
 pouse his bride. At Alcala, where the 
 king stopped for the night, the princess 
 left him, hastening forward to join the 
 queen, and resume her former functions. 
 She reached the small village of Xadra- 
 ca, appointed for the queen's last halt, 
 in time to receive her new mistress as 
 she alighted from the carriage. She 
 kissed her hand, was treated with ap- 
 parent graciousness, and in virtue of her 
 office conducted the royal stranger to 
 her apartment. 
 
 Upon reaching that apartment the lady 
 of the bedchamber addressed some com- 
 pliments to the queen in the name of 
 her expecting bridegroom ; when Eliza- 
 beth accused the Camarera Mayor of 
 insulting her by disrespectful behaviour, 
 and by appearing before her in improper 
 attire. She rejected her apologies, re- 
 fused to hear her remonstrances, and 
 turning her out of the room, ordered the 
 officer on guard to arrest, and convey 
 her beyond the frontier. The officer 
 hesitated to touch a favourite so long 
 supreme in Spain. The queen inquired 
 if his instructions were not to obey her 
 implicitly? Upon his replying in the 
 affirmative, she imperatively repeated 
 
184 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 her commands ; and as he still required a 
 further sanction, called for pen and ink, 
 and wrote, upon her knee, an order for 
 the princess's arrest. 
 
 The officer, though still confounded 
 and alarmed, no longer presumed to 
 disobey. The princess, in full dress, 
 was hurried at night-fall into a carriage, 
 with a single female attendant, and two 
 officers. She was not permitted to take 
 either a change of garment, or additional 
 protection against the cold; not even 
 money to procure upon the road any 
 of the ordinary conveniences of which 
 she was destitute. In this condition 
 was an elderly woman, whose will but 
 a few hours back had been absolute 
 throughout the kingdom, unfeelingly 
 compelled to travel in an inclement 
 night in the depth of winter, upon her 
 way from a country she had so long 
 ruled; and thus did the young queen, 
 whom she had hoped to find a docile 
 instrument, venture ere she had even 
 seen her consort, to dismiss that con- 
 sort's favourite. Early the next morn- 
 ing Elizabeth joined the king ; the mar- 
 riage ceremony was performed, and the 
 bride at once gained an ascendency over 
 the amorous but conscientious Philip, 
 similar to that enjoyed by her predeces- 
 sor. The name of the Princess Orsini was 
 not again heard at the Spanish court. 
 
 This extraordinary and, in truth, 
 savage transaction astonished the whole 
 contemporary world, and has since 
 perplexed and divided historians. It 
 has been ascribed to the bold tem- 
 per of the high-spirited Elizabeth, who, 
 well informed by Alberoni as to the 
 peculiar character of the king, and 
 the state of the court, resolved by 
 thus at once cutting the Gordian knot 
 she might have been unable to untie, to 
 avoid the difficulties, perils, and humili- 
 ations of a long struggle for influence 
 with a woman accustomed to govern 
 Philip, and to rely upon her own powers 
 of captivation, for obtaining from her 
 royal bridegroom, in the first transports 
 of their union, the pardon of her daring 
 step. The better opinion, however, 
 seems to be, that Elizabeth acted under 
 Philip's sanction ; and that the_ungrate- 
 ful and feeble-minded monarch, weary 
 of a control which he wanted resolution 
 to shake off, had commissioned his new 
 queen to deliver him from his old fa- 
 vourite. 
 
 Princess Orsini had not her promised 
 duchy of Limburg to retire to in all the 
 dignity of an independent, though petty 
 sovereign ; that arrangement of the 
 
 peace of Utrecht having been subse- 
 quently abandoned at Rastadt. She 
 was forbidden to appear at Versailles, 
 and ultimately fixed her residence at 
 Rome ; where she forfeited the pride of 
 her character, and degraded herself to 
 a mere intriguing courtier, by playing, 
 at the mock court of the Pretender, an 
 imitation of her former singular but 
 exalted part. 
 
 It has been said that Elizabeth at 
 once acquired over the king an influence 
 at least equal to that Maria Louisa had 
 enjoyed. The price she paid for it most 
 women would have deemed exorbitant, 
 being the complete sacrifice of every- 
 thing like amusement. To Maria Louisa, 
 the dull existence to which Spanish 
 etiquette, and Philip's melancholy con- 
 demned her, was relieved by the society 
 of her clever and vivacious favourite the 
 Princess Orsini ; but Elizabeth spent 
 her life in an almost unbroken tete-a-tete 
 with a reserved and hypochondriac hus- 
 band, who was excessively jealous of 
 his authority. Through the whole of the 
 four-and-twenty hours thejdng and queen, 
 were never separated, except during 
 about a quarter of an hour, whilst the 
 king was dressing in a closet adjoining 
 their bed-chamber. The instant his 
 toilet was completed he went to attend 
 the queen's, and did not lose sight of 
 her again, unless when either of the 
 royal pair was engaged in the indispen- 
 sable duty of confession. 
 
 The royal Ute-a-Ute was interrupted 
 only by the regular visits of the infantes 
 by conferences with ministers, or by au- 
 diences granted to foreign ambassadors; 
 and it was the inexhaustible flow of en- 
 tertaining conversation with which Eli- 
 zabeth enlivened this everlasting solitude, 
 it was her unwearied exertion of all arts 
 of captivation, of the most refined co- 
 quetry, extravagant flattery, and perfect 
 dissimulation, that obtained for her the 
 political influence which she affected to 
 disclaim ; always discreetly withdrawing 
 to a distant part of the room when a 
 minister presented himself, whence, if 
 she were not recalled by Philip, the mi- 
 nister, as discreetly, took care that she 
 should hear every word he addressed to 
 the king. 
 
 To Elizabeth all this seems to have 
 been easy, provided it answered her pur- 
 pose. She was a woman of restless am- 
 bition, of impetuous temper ; and she em- 
 ployed the vast influence thus arduously 
 earned, in rendering the whole reign of 
 the pious Philip a scene of aggression, 
 breach of faith, and cabal. The objects 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 185 
 
 which she thus unremittingly pursued 
 were two, and in both Philip's wishes 
 concurred with hers, although it is most 
 likely that, without her instigation, he 
 would have taken no step fof carrying 
 either of them into effect. The first of 
 these objects was securing the reversion 
 of the French crown in case of the duke 
 of Anjou's death, in utter contempt of 
 Philip's often-repeated oaths of renun- 
 ciation ; the second, obtaining indepen- 
 dent sovereignties in Italy for her chil- 
 dren. 
 
 Her Italian schemes Elizabeth sought 
 to accomplish by recovering the Italian 
 provinces, ceded to Austria and Savoy, 
 as a kingdom for her eldest son, and 
 insuring to her second, the succession 
 to her own patrimonial duchies of Parma 
 and Placentia, as also to the grand- 
 duchy of Tuscany ; to which last, be it 
 observed, she had not the shadow of a 
 pretension, the reigning grand-duke, 
 John Gaston, having a sister married to 
 the elector palatine, whilst Elizabeth 
 could claim only in right of his aunt, 
 her grandmother. To acquire these 
 establishments for her sons, she involved 
 Spain in unceasing wars. Cabals, in- 
 trigues, and conspiracies, were the means 
 by which she endeavoured to regain for 
 her husband his abandoned French 
 birthright. 
 
 Elizabeth possessed an able coadjutor 
 in the man to whom she was indebted 
 for her own exaltation, and whom con- 
 geniality of disposition, no less than 
 gratitude, established in her full con- 
 fidence. She first induced Philip to 
 consult and trust Alberoni as a family 
 ambassador. She next raised him to the 
 post of prime minister, although it will 
 readily be believed, that the aversion of 
 the Spaniards to such an office was not 
 lessened by seeing it in the hands of a 
 foreigner. And still not satisfied, she, 
 in the course of a very few years, pre- 
 vailed upon the pope to grant Alberoni 
 a cardinal's hat, and upon Philip to make 
 him a grandee of Spain. 
 
 If Alberoni possessed not quite the 
 master mind that might have reconciled 
 the haughty nation, committed to his 
 charge, to the obnoxious supremacy 
 he enjoyed, he nevertheless justified Eli- 
 zabeth's partiality by an administration 
 far superior to all that Spain had long 
 known. He was endowed with a pow- 
 erful and original genius, which he zea- 
 lously devoted to the devising of plans 
 for ameliorating the internal condition 
 of the country, and increasing the bene- 
 
 fits derived from the colonies ; and, 
 what is perhaps an equally valuable 
 quality in a premier, he knew how to 
 avail himself of the talents and know- 
 ledge of others in those departments of 
 government with which he himself was 
 unacquainted. Thus his economical 
 schemes were chiefly adopted from the 
 suggestions of his confidential friend, 
 Baron Ripperdu, the descendant of a 
 Spanish family settled in the Nether- 
 lands, who, having by marriage with a 
 wealthy Dutch heiress become a con- 
 siderable Dutch citizen, was then resi- 
 dent at Madrid, as envoy from the United 
 Provinces. 
 
 Alberoni appears to have been sin- 
 cerely desirous of maintaining peace ; 
 at least until the success of his regene- 
 rating system should have restored Spain 
 to her pristine power and energy. But 
 either his boldness of conception and 
 enterprising spirit gradually overpowered 
 his judgment, or his anxiety to preserve 
 his situation compelled him to submit 
 his better sense to the queen's impatient 
 ambition ; for ere long he adopted all her 
 views, and prosecuted them with a reck- 
 less daring, that seemed little suited to 
 the resources by which his attempts were 
 to be supported. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Death of Lewis XIV. Measures of 
 Elizabeth and Alberoni Their ca 
 bals against the Regent Duke of Or- 
 leans Sardinia surprised and taken 
 Sicily invaded Intrigues ivith the 
 English Jacobites Alberoni confede- 
 rates the Northern Powers in favour 
 of the Pretender Precipitates the 
 French conspiracy His schemes fail 
 War with France, England, Hol- 
 land, and the Empire Fall of Albe- 
 roni Spain accedes to the Quadruple 
 Alliance Restores Sicily and Sar- 
 dinia Reversion of Parma and Tus- 
 cany assured to Elizabeths sons 
 Double marriage between French and 
 Spanish Bourbons prospectively con- 
 cluded Philip abdicates Death of 
 King Lewis Philip resumes the go- 
 vernment Ripperdd gains the queen's 
 confidence Lewis XV. sends home the 
 Infanta, and marries Maria Leczinska 
 Indignation of Spain Double mar- 
 riage with Portugal Duke of Parma 
 dies Elizabeths eldest son succeeds 
 him War with the Emperor Duke 
 of Parma, conquers Naples and Sicily 
 
186 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Peace of Vienna War with Eng- 
 land DeatKof Charles VI. Philip 
 claims his inheritance Invades the 
 Milanese Death of Philip*. 
 
 THE death of Lewis XIV., in Sept. 1715, 
 
 first called the activity of 
 
 Foreign Politics, Elizabeth and her minis- 
 
 from A.D. Z i T -S7T7- 
 
 17151718. ter into play. Lewis XV. 
 was a sickly child, not yet 
 five years old, and Philip, but for his re- 
 nunciation of his French birthright as the 
 price of the Spanish monarchy, would 
 have been the natural heir of his nephew, 
 and the legitimate regent during that ne- 
 phew's minority. Philip considered him- 
 self as defrauded of his right by the ap- 
 pointment of the duke of Orleans to the 
 regency; his resentment of what he 
 deemed an usurpation, was heightened 
 when the duke emancipated himself from 
 all the limitations with which Lewis XIV, 
 had endeavoured to shackle his nephew's 
 authority; and the Spanish monarch's 
 hatred of a successful rival was further 
 embittered by horror of the regent's un- 
 bridled profligacy. Alberoni caballed 
 with all those in France who were per- 
 sonally opposed to the duke of Orleans ; 
 and the regent, on his part, anxious to 
 insure support to his own claim, as heir 
 to the French crown in case of Lewis 
 XV.'s early death, concluded an alli- 
 ance with the former enemies of France, 
 England and the emperor. 
 
 This triple alliance thwarted the 
 schemes of Alberoni, who vainly endea- 
 voured to excite suspicions and distrust 
 amongst the allies. And now the im- 
 patience of the queen, and the irritation 
 of the king, exasperated at seeing him- 
 self deserted by France, and insulted by 
 the emperor, (who caused the newly- 
 appointed Spanish grand inquisitor to 
 be arrested as he traversed the Milanese 
 with a papal safe-conduct on his way 
 home from Rome,) could no longer be 
 restrained by Alberoni's representations. 
 War was accordingly declared against 
 the emperor in 1717 ; and an armament, 
 which had been equipped at Barcelona, 
 professedly against the African Moors, 
 was despatched against Sardinia. The 
 Marquess of Ledi, the commander, made 
 himself master of the island within three 
 months. 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Yriarte, Da Costa, La Clede, Coxe, 
 Sempere, Lord John Russell, Belsham, Universal 
 Modern History, Precis du. Siecle de Louis XV. par 
 M.de Voltaire, (Euvres Completes de M. de Voltaire, 
 100 torn. 12o Basle, 1792 a work of the same cha- 
 racter with the others of this author already cited. 
 
 The emperor was at the period of this 
 aggression engaged in war with the 
 Turks, and his dominions were thence 
 held to be under the guardianship of the 
 Pope: his Holiness therefore consi- 
 dered the capture of Sardinia as an 
 offence to the holy see. He was be- 
 sides incensed at having been duped by 
 Alberoni, who had assured him that 
 Spain was arming only against the in- 
 fidels ; and Charles called upon his allies 
 to chastise this flagrant violation of the 
 treaty of Utrecht. France and England 
 did interpose their good offices, but Phi- 
 lip and his queen would listen to no 
 remonstrances, and Alberoni strained 
 every nerve to prepare for invading Sicily 
 in the ensuing spring; whilst he la- 
 boured to insure success, and prevent 
 foreign interference by stirring up intes- 
 tine troubles in most European states. 
 A new Spanish armament was de- 
 spatched, and a landing in Sicily effected. 
 But an English fleet under Admiral 
 Byng defeated the Spanish fleet that had 
 conveyed the troops thither, thus se- 
 riously embarrassing the ulterior move- 
 ments of the invaders ; the Dutch ac- 
 ceded to the Triple, thenceforward 
 termed the Quadruple, Alliance ; and a 
 peace being concluded, by the interven 
 tion of the allies between the Austrians 
 and the Turks, Charles found himself at 
 liberty to devote his whole force to the 
 defence of his Italian acquisitions. 
 
 The indignation of the court of Spain 
 was raised to the highest pitch by this 
 interference of the other parties to the 
 peace of Utrecht in favour of the em- 
 peror, although it was no more than he 
 was entitled to demand of them. Albe- 
 roni intrigued with the English Jaco- 
 bites for the restoration of the house of 
 Stuart: he negotiated a reconciliation 
 betwixt the great heroes and enemies 
 of the north, Charles XII. of Sweden, 
 and Czar Peter of Russia ; and as each 
 of those potentates had some private 
 quarrel with George I., who had now 
 succeeded Anne upon the English throne, 
 he prevailed upon them to lay aside their 
 mutual hatred, for the purpose of re- 
 storing the Catholk; house of Stuart to 
 the sovereignty of Great Britain. Fi- 
 nally, he precipitated the French con- 
 spiracy, conducted by the Spanish am- 
 bassador Cellamar, the immediate object 
 of which was the seizure of the regent's 
 person, the convocation of the States 
 General, and the transfer of the regency, 
 by their authoiity, to Philip. 
 
 The detection of this plot, the dismis- 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 137 
 
 sal of Cellamar, and the imprisonment 
 of the French conspirators, disappointed 
 Philip's hopes in France, at the same 
 time that the death of the king of Swe- 
 den, who was killed whilst besieging a 
 petty Norwegian fortress, overthrew 
 Alberoni's expectation of dethroning 
 George I. An open war followed. It 
 proved, as might have been anticipated, 
 most unfavourable to Philip; and Al- 
 beroni ottered to treat respecting the 
 terms upon which Spain would accede 
 to the Quadruple Alliance. But George I. 
 and the regent, resenting the plots es- 
 pecially directed against themselves, as 
 well as the disturbance of the peace of 
 Europe, all of which they ascribed to 
 the gigantic schemes and audacious tem- 
 per of Alberoni, considered the dismissal 
 of the cardinal as essential to the re- 
 storation of general tranquillity ; and the 
 regent undertook to effect the desired 
 change in the Spanish cabinet. 
 Alberoni's influence was already 
 shaken by the failure of his 
 Spain projects. The Jesuit d'Au- 
 1715-1729. benton, the king's confessor, 
 was employed to prejudice 
 his royal penitent against the obnoxious 
 minister ; and memorials reprobating his 
 measures were supplied by Ripperda, 
 who, having renounced the Protestant 
 religion and settled in Spain, relying 
 upon Alberoni's favour for advance- 
 ment, had incurred the jealousy of his 
 former friend, and was exasperated at 
 the consequent delay or obstruction of 
 his promotion. Still the queen's co- 
 operation was indispensable ; and to ob- 
 tain that, or rather, to make any secret 
 communication whatever to her majesty, 
 was the difficulty. Elizabeth, it has 
 been already said, except during her 
 religious interviews with her confessor, 
 thelength of which the king watchfully 
 noted, was alone only upon first rising 
 from her bed, whilst her azafata, or chief 
 woman of the bedchamber was putting 
 on her shoes and stockings. The post, 
 which afforded so invaluable an oppor- 
 tunity of private conference, was held 
 by her Parmesan nurse, Laura Pesca- 
 tori, a rapacious woman of low birth, 
 through whose purchased agency foreign 
 ambassadors and Spanish ministers were 
 alike accustomed to transmit letters or 
 messages to the queen. Upon this oc- 
 casion, the concurrence of the duke of 
 Parma having been obtained, his envoy 
 the marquess of Scotti was employed 
 to assure her majesty through Laura, 
 that the dismissal of Alberoni should be 
 
 repaid by establishments for her family 
 far superior to what she could hope from 
 his political schemes. 
 
 Elizabeth's assent thus secured, the 
 late all-powerful minister was discarded 
 with a cold dissimulation, which charity 
 would fain attribute rather to the king's 
 nervous shrinking from the pain of an 
 explanation, than to utter heartlessness, 
 and disregard of past services, in either 
 Philip or Elizabeth ; although Princess 
 Orsini's treatment would justify the 
 harsher view. No diminution of the 
 cardinal's authority or favour was suf- 
 fered to transpire. He spent the even- 
 ing of the 4th of December, 1719, in 
 transacting business with the king and 
 queen ; and the following morning their 
 majesties having quitted Madrid for the 
 Pardo, a country palace, a royal de- 
 cree was sent to him by one of the secre- 
 taries of state, depriving him of all his 
 offices, and enjoining him to quit Madrid 
 within eight days, and the Spanish do- 
 minions within three weeks. 
 
 A signal testimony was upon this 
 occasion borne to Alberoni's merits as a 
 statesman. He had been detested by all 
 Spain, and especially by the grandees ; 
 but the tidings of his disgrace entirely 
 changed this feeling. Nobles and clergy 
 now flocked to his house, in such num- 
 bers as had never visited it during his 
 prosperity, and as alarmed the king, who 
 thereupon ordered the cardinal to hasten 
 his departure. 
 
 Alberoni was pursued in his retire- 
 ment by the bitter enmity of France and 
 England ; and Philip transmitted to Rome 
 a series of accusations against him for 
 maladministration, for which he required 
 the pope and college of cardinals to try 
 him. They did so. He defended him- 
 self boldly and ably, and his judges, with- 
 out apparently convicting him, termi- 
 nated the investigation by ordering him 
 to retire into a monastery for three years ; 
 a period which Pope Innocent XIII. 
 shortened to one. After the death of his 
 chief enemy, the regent, he was allowed 
 to leave his monastic prison, and passed 
 the remainder of his life free from per- 
 secution. But he, like his predecessor, 
 Princess Orsini, forfeited some part of 
 the esteem he might have enjoyed, by 
 engaging in petty Italian intrigues ; es- 
 pecially in one, in which he failed, for 
 reducing the little republic of San Ma- 
 rino under the temporal authority of the 
 holy see. 
 
 The fall of Alberoni was followed, 
 after a short resistance, by Philip's acces- 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 siontothe Quadruple Alliance. Parma 
 and Tuscany were assured to the queen 
 and her heirs ; and, in return, Philip 
 agreed, however reluctantly, to evacuate 
 Sardinia and Sicily, and to sanction the 
 exchange of those two islands between 
 the duke of Savoy, now king of Sardinia, 
 and the emperor, as well as the con- 
 tinued occupation of Gibraltar and Mi- 
 norca by England. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of peace the 
 fleets and troops that were ready for 
 action were employed by Spain in one 
 of the usual expeditions 'to Africa; the 
 only fruit of which was a useless victory. 
 Soon afterwards the reconciliation be- 
 tween the two branches of the house of 
 Bourbon was cemented by the double 
 marriage of the prince of Asturias to 
 Louisa Isabella de Montpensier, third 
 daughter of the duke of Orleans, and of 
 Lewis XV. to Mary Anne, eldest daugh- 
 ter of Philip and Elizabeth. These mar- 
 riages were, however, only prospective, 
 Madiie. de Montpensier being only 
 eleven years old, and the infanta not 
 having as yet completed her fifth year. 
 The young brides were exchanged in 
 1721, to finish their educations in the 
 lands over which they were destined to 
 reign. 
 
 The next event that surprised Europe 
 in the singular reign of Philip V. was his 
 abdication, in 1724, in favour of his son 
 Lewis, who was not yet quite seventeen 
 years of age. Such an act on the king's 
 part, even at the usually vigorous age of 
 forty-one, might not have excited much 
 astonishment, considering the bigotry 
 and melancholy temperament of Philip, 
 who is said to have entertained scruples 
 touching his right to the Spanish crown, 
 and fancied that that right would ac- 
 quire validity when transmitted to the 
 next heir. But that Elizabeth Farnese 
 should voluntarily resign the sovereign 
 power, appeared altogether incompre- 
 hensible to her contemporaries. An 
 easy explanation of her conduct offers 
 itself, however, to the reflecting inquirer. 
 Lewis XV. was at that period in a state 
 of health, perhaps even more precarious 
 than at any time since his early infancy, 
 and the prospect of succeeding to his 
 kingdom seemed at hand. The queen 
 might, therefore, be induced to yield to 
 her husband's wishes, by such conside- 
 rations as the following: she might 
 think to facilitate the great object of her 
 wishes by laying down the crown of 
 Spain, which Europe had declared must 
 not be united with that of France ; an4 
 
 by surrendering one kingdom to the 
 prince of Asturias, she might further 
 think to secure the other, and far more 
 desirable, France, for her own son. It 
 is affirmed as certain, by some writers, 
 that during several weeks after Philip's 
 abdication, and retreat to his favourite 
 residence, the palace of San Ildefonso, 
 the king and queen remained with their 
 jewels packed up, ready to set out for 
 France upon the first tidings of the 
 young king's death. Philip was accom- 
 panied to San Ildefonso by the marquess 
 of Grimaldo, who, with very inferior 
 talent and energy had, upon Alberoni's 
 fall, acquired the chief authority, and 
 although the young king adopted hiss 
 father's cabinet and household, preferred 
 the service of the abdicated to that of the 
 reigning monarch. 
 
 Lewis XV. recovered ; and as Philip's 
 hopes of France faded away, both he and 
 his queen seem to have repented of their 
 abdication, and interfered with the ad- 
 ministration to a degree very distasteful 
 to the new court. Philip's mortification 
 must have been increased by the con- 
 duct of his son. The boyish king, neg- 
 lecting the cares of government, indulged 
 in the most frivolous follies and vices, 
 such as his youth only could palliate, 
 and could hardly excuse. His queen, 
 tainted, young as she was, by the profli- 
 gacy of her father the regent's court, 
 incurred more serious reproaches and 
 suspicions. To her husband she was an 
 object of rooted dislike, whilst Philip and 
 Elizabeth affected to believe her mad. 
 Against all this ill will, whether deserved 
 or not, Louisa Isabella had no protec- 
 tion. Her father was dead ; the duke of 
 Bourbon, who now governed France as 
 prime minister, detested the house of 
 Orleans ; and negotiations were set on 
 foot, with the concurrence of France, for 
 repudiating her. Upon this the courts 
 of Madrid and San Ildefonso were agreed. 
 In matters of government an angry 
 rivalry was growing up between them, 
 when an unexpected change occurred. 
 King Lewis caught the small- pox, and 
 on the 31st of August fell a victim to the 
 virulence of the disease, and the unskil- 
 fulness of his physicians. He had not 
 reigned quite eight months. The young 
 queen, by the assiduity with which, al- 
 though she had herself never had the 
 small-pox, she attended her husband, 
 regained the good opinion of the world. 
 She took the infection, but recovered, 
 and returned to France, where she after- 
 wards shut herself up in a convent. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 189 
 
 Philip, at his abdication, had made a 
 vow never to resume the crown ; and as 
 Lewis died without children, some diffi- 
 culty arose with regard to the succession. 
 Lewis, in the delirium that preceded his 
 death, had signed a will appointing his 
 father his heir ; but Philip hesitated to 
 act upon this instrument, in violation of 
 a solemn vow ; and the council of state, 
 instead of urging him to set that vow 
 aside, insisted strongly on its validity. 
 A junta of divines was then assembled 
 and consulted. They proposed declaring 
 Philip's second son, Ferdinand, king, the 
 father governing as regent. A proposal 
 that exasperated Philip, who had pro- 
 bably hoped the divines would remove, 
 not confirm, his scruples. He now lis- 
 tened more favourably to the arguments 
 of Grimaldo and Elizabeth ; and she, 
 prevailing upon the pope's nuncio to take 
 her side of the question, at length car- 
 ried her point, and replaced her husband 
 on the throne. 
 
 The resumption of power by Philip 
 and Elizabeth was speedily followed by 
 the rise of a second, but very inferior, 
 Alberoni. This was Baron Ripperda; 
 who, although disappointed by the in- 
 trigues of Grimaldo and d'Aubenton, in 
 his expectation of at once succeeding to 
 the office and influence of the friend and 
 patron whom he had assisted to over- 
 throw, had, ever since Alberoni' s fall, 
 been gradually insinuating himself into 
 the queen's favour. He now persuaded 
 her that, if sent ambassador to Vienna, 
 he could obtain for her eldest son, 
 Charles, the hand of Maria Theresa, the 
 eldest daughter of the emperor, who was 
 then earnestly labouring to secure her 
 succession to the hereditary states of 
 Austria, in direct contravention of his 
 deceased brother Joseph's testamentary 
 dispositions. Ripperda was accordingly 
 despatched, professedly to negotiate a 
 treaty of strict alliance and friendship 
 between the former rivals, Charles and 
 Philip, and to ask the youngest arch- 
 duchess,with the Netherlands and Italian 
 provinces as her portion, in marriage for 
 Ferdinand, now prince of Asturias. His 
 private instructions were, to solicit the 
 hand of the elder sister, with the Aus- 
 trian inheritance, for Prince Charles, and 
 his zeal was stimulated by the promise 
 that, if successful, he should, upon his 
 return, be declared prime minister. 
 
 Kipperdu. so far succeeded in his ne- 
 gotiation, that he certainly concluded 
 an intimate alliance between Philip and 
 the emperor, including a promise of the 
 
 zealous interposition of the latter to ob- 
 tain from England, by force if necessary, 
 the restitution of Gibraltar and Minorca : 
 and the ambassador further asserted that, 
 ia a secret article, he had received a 
 satisfactory assurance respecting the 
 desired marriages. This assertion ap- 
 pears however to have been a misrepre- 
 sentation of the ambitious plenipoten- 
 tiary's. The emperor, indeed, was not, 
 it should seem, disinclined to the con- 
 nexion ; but the empress was bent upon 
 uniting her daughter to the duke of Lor- 
 raine ; and Maria Theresa herself, who 
 was much attached to that prince, stre- 
 nuously resisted all other proposals. 
 
 Pending this secret negotiation, a 
 quarrel had occurred with France, which, 
 rendering the conclusion of the treaty 
 with the emperor a matter of serious 
 concern, had probably induced Ripperda 
 to relax in his urgency touching the 
 matrimonial alliance. The disputes 
 likely to arise, in case of Lewis XV.'s 
 death without children, respecting the 
 validity of Philip's renunciation, made 
 the young king's early marriage pecu- 
 liarly important ; and as several years 
 must still elapse ere any offspring could 
 be hoped from the infanta, a sudden 
 resolution was adopted by the duke of 
 Bourbon, to send the childish bride back 
 to Spain, and marry Lewis without loss 
 of time to a princess of suitable age. 
 His choice fell upon Maria Leczinska, 
 daughter to Stanislaus, who had been 
 made king of Poland by Charles XII. 
 of Sweden, and dethroned and expelled 
 by Czar Peter. The indignation of the 
 king and queen of Spain at this rejection 
 of their daughter was unbounded. Eli- 
 zabeth tore off a bracelet with her in- 
 tended son-in-law's picture, and trampled 
 it under foot ; Philip declared that all 
 the blood of France could not wash out 
 the insult ; and the Spanish nation, 
 keenly sensitive to the dignity of its 
 princes, sympathised in his resentment. 
 Even England, because she would not 
 break with France upon the occasion, 
 became almost as much an object of 
 hatred as the offending country. 
 
 But all this dissatisfaction did not pro- 
 duce immediate hostilities. Ripperdu, 
 notwithstanding his boasts of replacing 
 Spain upon the pinnacle of greatness on 
 which she had once stood, felt unable to 
 undertake a war single-handed. He 
 could not draw from the always ex- 
 hausted treasury the subsidies he had 
 promised the emperor, who would not 
 move without them; and he failed in all 
 
190 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 his projects for sowing dissension be- 
 tween the maritime powers and France. 
 In the course of a few months the king 
 began to perceive the vanity of his new 
 minister's extravagant professions ; the 
 queen grew impatient that nothing was 
 effected in her Italian schemes, and that 
 she could obtain no positive promise of 
 the archduchess's hand for her son. 
 
 Ripperda was disgraced as rapidly, and 
 at least as irrationally, as he had been 
 promoted. His schemes of commercial 
 policy were certainly so far faulty, that 
 they were formed upon the narrowest 
 system of monopoly and exclusion. But 
 that system was then universally ap- 
 proved ; and he not only introduced real 
 ameliorations into the financial depart- 
 ment, but his ideas were adopted and 
 followed up by most of the subsequent 
 Spanish ministers. Had his projects, 
 however, been as perfect as genius, phi- 
 losophy, and experience could have 
 made them, many years must have 
 elapsed ere Spain could have been re- 
 stored from imbecility to health and 
 vigour ; and Ripperda lost, first his fa- 
 vour, and then his places, after a minis- 
 try of a few months. His fate was very 
 different from Alberoni's. He was 
 thrown into prison, whence he escaped 
 by the help of a maid servant, and spent 
 the remainder of his life as a wandering 
 adventurer. He died in the service of the 
 bashaw of Tetuan, probably as arenegade. 
 Intrigues in France to secure the suc- 
 cession, unchecked by a formal recon- 
 ciliation between Philip and Lewis, dis- 
 putes and negotiations with Charles, 
 and an unsuccessful attempt to recover 
 Gibraltar, occupied some years. The 
 French intrigues were put an end to, in 
 1729, by the birth of a dauphin; and 
 England compelled the Spaniards to raise 
 the siege of the fortress. In the begin- 
 ning of 1729 the double marriage was 
 celebrated of the prince of Asturias with 
 Barbara, infanta of Portugal, and of the 
 Spanish infanta, Mary Anne, the re- 
 jected bride of Lewis XV., with Joseph, 
 prince of Brazil, as the heir apparent of 
 Portugal was now designated. 
 
 In 1731 the death of Antony, duke of 
 
 Parma, opened to Elizabeth 
 
 Ital y the succession to her patri- 
 
 I73f,'i732. mony; and the treaty of 
 
 Seville, concluded between 
 France, Spain, England, and Holland, 
 to which the emperor afterwards acceded, 
 gave her eldest son the duchies of Parma 
 and Placentia, and assured to him the 
 reversion of Tuscany. 
 
 Philip's hypochondriacal malady had 
 now increased upon him to 
 such a degree that he would Spain 
 frequently remain in bed for nso^ifsi. 
 months together, refusing to 
 attend to any kind of business. Upon 
 these occasions he would sometimes 
 commit the government to the queen ; 
 sometimes every department of the state 
 was suffered to fall into confusion ; and 
 Elizabeth's chief care was to prevent the 
 prince of Asturias from assuming the 
 regency, and the king from a second 
 time abdicating his throne. The only 
 thing that could rouse or excite Philip 
 was war; and the first amusement of 
 this dreadful kind provided for him by 
 Elizabeth, was an expedition sent to 
 Africa, under the duke of Montemar, to 
 recover Oran, in which it succeeded; 
 though all further attacks upon the 
 Moors failed. 
 
 Soon afterwards, Spain was involved 
 in the war that embroiled all Europe 
 upon the death of Augustus II., elector 
 of Saxony and king of Poland, in 1733. 
 The crown of Poland being elective, 
 various competitors for the prize pre- 
 sented themselves, of whom the princi- 
 pal were, the son of the deceased king, 
 Augustus, elector of Saxony, supported 
 by the emperor, by the empress of Russia, 
 and by the maritime powers, and Stanis- 
 laus Leczinsky, father to the queen of 
 Lewis XV., whose pretensions were of 
 course supported by his son-in-law. Philip 
 being now upon friendly terms with his 
 nephew, joined with him in the war ; but 
 rather as an opportunity of accomplish- 
 ing Elizabeth's Italian schemes whilst 
 the emperor's forces should be engaged 
 in the North, or at least divided, than 
 for the purpose of affording effective 
 assistance to Stanislaus. 
 
 A Spanish army was sent to Italy, 
 placed nominally under the 
 command of the young duke f Ital y 
 
 r T- u i 11 ~ J trom A.D. 
 
 of Parma, but really under 1733 1735. 
 that of the duke of Monte- 
 mar. The French expected that these 
 forces should co-operate with them and 
 the king of Sardinia against the Mila- 
 nese ; but to effect any common object 
 was not Elizabeth's design. The duke 
 of Parma, leaving his allies to make their 
 own part good, hastened to Naples ; and, 
 assisted by the restless temper of the 
 Neapolitans, now as weary of their Ger- 
 man, as they had formerly been of their 
 Spanish masters, speedily gained pos- 
 session of that kingdom, as he soon 
 afterwards did of Sicily. France like- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 wise obtained some advantages, though 
 less important; and, as the maritime 
 powers refused to take part in the war, 
 the emperor, in 1735, was glad to sign 
 preliminaries of peace with France, un- 
 der the mediation of England. By these 
 preliminaries he agreed to cede Naples 
 and Sicily to the duke of Parma, (who 
 was henceforward called king of the 
 Two Sicilies,) obtaining in exchange the 
 duchies of Parma and Placentia, and the 
 reversion of Tuscany ; and France was 
 to have the duchy of Lorraine, upon con- 
 dition of acknowledging Augustus III. 
 as kins: of Poland, and guaranteeing to 
 Maria Theresa her father's inheritance. 
 
 The king of Spain refused to concur 
 . in these arrangements ; and 
 
 Spain the queen especially was 
 i;34-i736. furious at the transfer of her 
 patrimony, upon which, since 
 the conquest of the Two Sicilies, she 
 had calculated as a principality for her 
 second son, Philip. They found, how- 
 ever, no allies to support them against 
 the almost unanimous desire of Europe 
 for peace, and in May, 1736, were ob- 
 liged to accede to the preliminaries. 
 
 About the same time the ill will always 
 subsisting between Spain and 
 Portugal Portugal, notwithstanding 
 17161738. their matrimonial connexion, 
 broke out into hostilities up- 
 on an idle dispute touching the privileges 
 of ambassadors. In Europe, indeed, no 
 actual war took place; the powerful in- 
 terposition of England on behalf of her 
 old ally, inducing the Spanish court to 
 refer the quarrel to the mediation, or ar- 
 bitration rather, of France and the mari- 
 time powers. In America more serious 
 hostilities took place, the governor of 
 Buenos Ayres seizing the opportunity to 
 attempt the recovery of the long-contested 
 colony of the Sacrament, now called 
 Nova Colonia. The Portugueze re- 
 pulsed him, and gained the advantage 
 in every engagement ; but suffered much 
 from the ravages of the Spaniards, for 
 which the arbitrators adjudged them no 
 compensation. 
 
 The final arrangements of the Treaty 
 
 of Vienna were not easily 
 
 F gnstates se ttled. The compensa- 
 
 i736!LJi739. tions respectively required 
 by Stanislaus and the 
 duke of Lorraine, and the reluctance of 
 the queen of Spain to cede, upon any 
 consideration, her own patrimony, occa- 
 sioned great difficulties and delays. At 
 length, in the winter of 1738-9, the 
 treaty was concluded, In addition to 
 
 191 
 
 the changes already mentioned, it was 
 settled that Stanislaus should have Lor- 
 raine, with the title of king, for life, 
 France contenting herself with the re- 
 version upon his death. The duke of 
 Lorraine, now the husband of Maria 
 Theresa, received Tuscany in exchange 
 (the grand duke had conveniently died 
 the preceding year); and the right of suc- 
 cession to the Austrian dominions, un- 
 der the name of the Pragmatic Sanction, 
 was guaranteed to the archduchess by 
 France, Spain., and Savoy the guarantee 
 of the latter power being purchased by 
 some small districts of the Milanese, In 
 fact, the securing his daughter's succes- 
 sion to his hereditary states was the 
 chief object of Charles VI.'s policy 
 throughout his reign. 
 
 The peace restored by the Treaty of 
 Vienna was of shorter dura- 
 tion than almost any pre- fr ^ ai ^ n D 
 viously known. Even whilst 17361739. 
 its negotiations were pend- 
 ing, the commercial disputes, which had 
 arisen between England and Spain since 
 the Treaty of Utrecht, had begun to as- 
 sume a hostile complexion. Philip had 
 constantly employed or countenanced 
 every species of artifice to defraud Eng- 
 land of the commercial advantages which 
 had been urged as the sole rational plea 
 for her conduct in concluding that peace ; 
 whilst the British merchants had as con- 
 stantly endeavoured to extend and pro- 
 tect their contraband trade with the Spa- 
 nish colonies, under colour of the limited 
 rights given them by the A&iento Con- 
 tract. Great irritation existed on both 
 sides ; and only the pacific disposition of 
 Sir Robert "Walpole, prime minister to 
 both George I. and George II., had 
 hitherto prevented its leading to war. In 
 the year 1739, however, the exasperation 
 of the English nation, inflamed by stories 
 of the ill- treatment which English sailors 
 endured from the Spanish custom-house 
 officers, overbore the minister. War was 
 declared, and the fleets of England were 
 as usual sent to harass the treasure-ships 
 and Transatlantic possessions of Spain. 
 Porto Bello was taken by Admiral Ver- 
 non in November. Commodore (after- 
 wards Lord) Anson assailed yet more 
 remote colonies : he reached the Pacific, 
 ravaged the coasts of Peru and Chile, 
 and took many rich prizes, especially 
 the well-known Acapulco galleon, the 
 cargo of which is always of immense 
 value, being the only vessel allowed to 
 trade between the Philippines and Ame- 
 rica. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 192 
 
 More general and serious hostilities 
 
 marked the following 
 
 For 1 i '- g m Sl f-n > y ear - The Emperor 
 
 A.D. 1740 1741. ^,. , rT ,. , r 
 
 Charles VI. died upon 
 the 20th of October, 1740 ; and imme- 
 diately the different powers of Europe 
 that had guaranteed the succession of 
 Maria Theresa, and in most instances 
 had acquired provinces in consideration 
 of such guarantee, endeavoured to take 
 advantage of the supposed helpless con- 
 dition of the young heiress, to dismem- 
 ber her inheritance. Almost every prince 
 brought forward pretensions to part of 
 it. 
 
 Frederic of Prussia produced some 
 obsolete right to Silesia, which he at 
 once invaded ; and the king of Savoy 
 laid claim to the Milanese. The king 
 of Poland demanded the whole for his 
 wife Maria, the daughter of the Emperor 
 Joseph. The elector of Bavaria, who 
 was a candidate for the vacant imperial 
 crown, advanced a similar demand, in 
 virtue of the will of Ferdinand I. from 
 whose eldest daughter he descended. 
 A more surprising claimant of the 
 whole Austrian inheritance was Philip 
 V., who insisted upon being considered 
 as the lineal representative, in right of 
 his grandmother, of the elder branch of 
 the Austrian line, to which it was to 
 revert in failure of Ferdinand I.'s male 
 heirs. These extravagant pretensions 
 he could never expect that any Euro- 
 pean country, even France, would sanc- 
 tion ; but he probably did hope that 
 their very extravagance would enable 
 him to obtain a large portion of the 
 spoils of a princess who, it was ima- 
 gined, must be presently dethroned. 
 Philip's real aim seems to have been 
 the Milanese, in addition to Tuscany, 
 Parma, and Placentia, with the title of 
 king of Lombardy for his third son 
 Philip, who, the preceding year, had 
 married Maria Louisa, daughter to Lewis 
 XV. France, Russia, and England ad- 
 vanced no claims : but the first of these 
 powers prepared to assist the elector of 
 Bavaria and Philip, betwixt whom she 
 probably meant to divide the booty ; 
 Russia refused to interfere ; and Eng- 
 land alone, faithfully observing her en- 
 gagements, supported the queen of Hun- 
 gary, as Maria Theresa was now in- 
 tituled. 
 
 A Spanish army was equipped, and 
 placed under the command of the in- 
 fante, assisted by the duke of Monte- 
 mar ; but the fleet destined to convey 
 the troops to Italy was kept in check by 
 
 ltal y 
 
 a British fleet, under Admiral Haddock, 
 until the close of 1741, when France 
 having declared war, sent her naval 
 forces to assist those of Spain. The 
 allied fleets then amounting to double 
 Haddock's numbers, he was compelled 
 to retreat to Port Mahon, in Minorca, 
 and Montemar with his army reached 
 the shores of Italy by sea, whilst the 
 infante proceeded through France to 
 join him. The success by no means 
 answered to the hopes of 
 the projectors of this enter- 
 prise. The king of Sardi- 
 nia, when he discovered 
 Philip's views upon the Milanese, de- 
 serted the Bourbons, and joined the 
 queen of Hungary, who, supported by 
 English subsidies and the generous zeal 
 of her Hungarian subjects, now found 
 herself able to send powerful reinforce- 
 ments into Italy ; whilst a division of the 
 British fleet, entering the Bay of Naples, 
 compelled Charles to declare himself 
 neutral, and recall his troops from Lom- 
 bardy, whence Montemar was at the 
 same time driven by the Austrians and 
 Sardinians. 
 
 This failure was at Madrid imputed 
 to Montemar. He was pronounced 
 superannuated, and Gages was sent to 
 supersede him in the command. Gages 
 fully justified his predecessor both by the 
 cautious line of conduct he judged it ne- 
 cessary to adopt, and by the defeat he 
 suffered when the orders of the impa- 
 tient Elizabeth forced him to change 
 his measures. The French army, with 
 which the infante was endeavouring to 
 make his way through the passes of the 
 Alps, failed likewise. It was not until 
 1744 that Don Philip, and the prince of 
 Conti, leading their troops by incredible 
 exertions over mountains previously 
 deemed impassable, nearly reached the 
 plains of Piedmont. But this was even 
 now the limit of their success. By the 
 ability of the king of Sardinia they were 
 foiled in the siege of Coni, which town 
 barred their farther progress ; and were 
 finally compelled to retread their steps, 
 ere the snows of winter should entirely 
 block up the way. 
 
 The campaign of 1745 proved more 
 fortunate. Genoa, impelled by jealousy 
 of the king of Sardinia, entered into 
 alliance with the Bourbons, and the 
 friendship of the republic facilitated the 
 passage of the maritime Alps. When 
 that was accomplished, sixty-two thou- 
 sand men, French and Spaniards, were 
 united, and the Milanese was overrun. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 193 
 
 The pride of the Spanish court was 
 heightened by the failure of the English 
 attempts upon Carthagena and Cuba, 
 as well as by a naval battle in the Me- 
 diterranean, which the dissensions of 
 the English commanders rendered inde- 
 cisive. The close alliance between the 
 two branches of the house of Bourbon 
 was confirmed by the marriage of the 
 dauphin to the Infanta Maria Theresa, a 
 younger sister of the Infanta, previously 
 jiffiancedto his father, Lewis XV. ; and 
 Elizabeth, elated by so many favourable 
 circumstances, in imagination already 
 saw her second son king of Lombardy. 
 
 But the following year overthrew her 
 brilliant hopes. Maria Theresa, now 
 the empress-queen, in consequence of 
 her husband's election as emperor, being 
 induced to purchase peace with Prussia 
 by the cession of Silesia, was enabled 
 to reinforce her Italian armies more 
 efficaciously. The French and Spa- 
 niards were again worsted ; the rebel- 
 lion in England in favour of the Pre- 
 tender was quelled ; and France opened 
 a separate negotiation with Austria, 
 proposing to divide the Milanese be- 
 tween the Infante and Charles Ema- 
 nuel of Savoy. Philip and Elizabeth 
 were incensed by this attempt to blight 
 the prospects of their son; and their 
 resentment was not lessened when it 
 appeared that the wily king of Sardi- 
 nia had listened to the French overtures 
 only to gain time for the arrival of more 
 Austrian troops, and to extort a further 
 territ orial bribe from the Empress Q ueen. 
 Community of interest, however, sub- 
 dued the dissatisfaction arising between 
 the two Bourbon courts ; and their exer- 
 tions were renewed in Italy. These 
 exertions were again baffled, and nego- 
 tiations, were again opened by Lewis 
 XV., to which he, with great difficulty, 
 obtained the concurrence of the king 
 and queen of Spain. 
 But in the midst of these discussions 
 the reign of Philip V. was 
 abruptly closed. Struck by 
 17401746. a sudden fit of apoplexy on 
 the 9th of July 1746, he ex- 
 pired in the arms of the queen, before 
 i.ither medical or spiritual assistance 
 could be procured for him. Notwith- 
 
 standing the various unjust and impru- 
 dent wars into which he was hurried by 
 the ambition of his queen, Philip left 
 Spain in a better condition certainly 
 than he found it. His desire to govern 
 well was undeniable, but neither had 
 that desire sufficient energy to conquer 
 
 his constitutional indolence, nor was it 
 guided by a comprehensive intellect or 
 sound judgment. His endeavours to 
 improve his kingdom were too French 
 in their nature to suit the disposition or 
 the wants of Spaniards, and his ablest 
 ministers attempted too much at once 
 to succeed. The gradual course by 
 which alone efficient and safe ame- 
 liorations are to be effected, requires 
 a knowledge of human nature and 
 a sacrifice of all private ambition, even 
 of the desire of fame, to the public 
 good, which can hardly be expected from 
 any foreigner, certainly not from such 
 foreigners as Ripperda or even Albe- 
 roni. Nevertheless those ministers did 
 much for Spain, and at his death Philip 
 left a restored army and navy, and less 
 dilapidated finances than Charles II.; 
 although he considerably augmented his 
 pecuniary difficulties by the immense 
 sums he expended in building San Ilde- 
 fonso. 
 
 Philip concluded a treaty called a 
 Concordat with Pope Clement XII., 
 putting some check upon that constant 
 acquisition of property by the church, 
 which is one of the greatest calamities 
 of Spain. He founded a royal library 
 for public use, an academy for the cul- 
 tivation of the Spanish language, and 
 another for that of sculpture and paint- 
 ing. But his patronage of literature 
 was not likely to succeed. The taste 
 Philip sought to introduce was French. 
 Nothing could be more repugnant to the 
 old Spanish genius ; and although it 
 has since, under the influence of suc- 
 cessive Bourbon kings, obtained a very 
 considerable ascendency, that could not 
 well happen immediately, or amidst the 
 wars and troubles of Philip's reign. 
 
 The restless Elizabeth Farnese, whose 
 ambition had so long disturbed Europe, 
 although permitted by her step-son to 
 enjoy from Philip's bequests a degree 
 of wealth far exceeding that usually 
 allotted to queens dowager in Spain, 
 was thenceforward condemned to obscu- 
 rity and repose. It appears strange 
 that she should have chosen to pass 
 the remainder of her life in Spain, where 
 she was generally detested, instead of 
 removing to the Italian dominions of her 
 own son ; the securing such a retreat for 
 herself having been represented as one 
 of her motives in seeking independent 
 principalities for her children. 
 
 O 
 
194 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Accession of Ferdinand VL Influence 
 of his queen Peace of Aix-la-Cha- 
 pelle Infante duke of Parma Fer- 
 dinand studies to maintain peace and 
 improve his dominions Factions and 
 diplomatic intrigues at Madrid 
 Ferdinands council and court En- 
 senada Farinelli Carvajal Com- 
 mercial differences with England set- 
 tled by compromise John V. para- 
 lytic and imbecile Renewed dissen- 
 
 ' sions concerning the north bank of 
 the Plata Agreement to exchange it 
 for part of Paraguay The Jesuits* 
 government of Paraguay Indians of 
 the Reductions refuse to evacuate the 
 ceded districtDeath of John V. 
 Accession of Joseph His able minis- 
 ter, Carvalho Joseph and Carvalho 
 reject the proposed exchange Their 
 exertions to promote internal prospe- 
 rityEarthquake of Lisbon Death 
 of Carvajal Watt Ensenada's in- 
 trigues to embroil Spain with Eng- 
 landDetected by English ambassa- 
 dorFall of Emenada Death of 
 Barbara Despair 'and death of Fer- 
 dinand*. 
 
 FERDINAND VI. was in his thirty-eighth 
 year at his accession to the 
 fro S m a l n D . cro n - He exhibited much 
 17461748. of his father's hypochondriac 
 temperament, and carried 
 some of the faults proceeding from it to 
 greater excess ; he was more irresolute, 
 more indolent, and perhaps inferior to 
 him in capacity. But he was more of a 
 genuine Spaniard, and though warmly 
 attached to his Bourbon kindred, and 
 tenacious of his right of succession to 
 France, he was determined against being 
 made, like his father, a French viceroy 
 of Spain. He was also more consistent 
 in his piety than Philip, entertaining a 
 truly religious horror of war undertaken 
 for purposes of aggrandizement, and 
 a great reluctance to engage in even 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 Chapter are, Yriarte, Da Costa, Coxe, Lord John 
 Jlussell, Southey, Sempere, Voltaire, Belsham, 
 Universal Modern History, Mi-moires de Sebastien 
 Joseph de Carvalho e Melo, Comte d'Qeyras, Mar. 
 quis de Pombal, Secretaire d'Etat et Premier Mi- 
 mstre du Roi de Portugal Joseph I. 4 torn. 12mo. 
 Paris, 1784. These memoirs are written in a spirit 
 ofbitter hostility to Pombal, who made himself 
 many virulent enemies by his implacable severity, 
 and still more by his successful attack upon the 
 Jesuits. Ihe General Biographical Dictionary, by 
 A. Chalmers. o2 vols. 8vo. London. 1S12-I4-17 
 
 just wars, without an overruling ne- 
 cessity. 
 
 Ferdinand is said to have been dis- 
 gusted by the first sight of the homely 
 features of his Portugueze bride ; and 
 the only personal charm she possessed, 
 an elegant shape, she soon lost, becom- 
 ing exceedingly corpulent at an early 
 period of life. But the excellent quali- 
 ties in heart and mind of that amiable 
 princess so abundantly compensated for 
 her want of beauty, that she speedily 
 gained her husband's affections, and ac- 
 quired an influence over him, fully equal 
 to that of Elizabeth Farnese over Philip. 
 This influence Barbara had no tempta- 
 tion to use contrary to the interests of 
 Spain; whilst her attachment to her 
 native Portugal, and to her cousin the 
 empress-queen, secured her opposition 
 to any participation in the warlike 
 schemes of Lewis XV. 
 
 Soon after Ferdinand's accession, 
 overtures of a pacific tendency were 
 made by England, through Portugal, to 
 Spain, to which the new king readily 
 gave ear. They were broken off by the 
 intrigues of the queen-dowager, a cir- 
 cumstance which induced Ferdinand to 
 make some changes in his cabinet he 
 had till then retained all his father's 
 ministers. He likewise sent the Mar- 
 quess de las Minas, a true Spaniard in 
 his hatred of France, to supersede Gages, 
 and he excluded his half-brother Don 
 Philip, who, as Lewis XV.'s son-in-law, 
 was wholly under the control of the 
 court of Versailles, from all authority 
 overthe Spanish army. But at the same 
 time' he professed his determination not 
 to make peace without procuring Don 
 Philip an Italian principality, and if he 
 did not carry on the war with all his 
 stepmother's energy, he certainly did as 
 much as the Infante was entitled to 
 expect. 
 
 All parties, except Maria Theresa, 
 were by this time equally weary of the 
 war. France had indeed, under the able 
 conduct of Marshal Saxe, 
 again overrun the Nether- 
 lands, and now menaced A . D . 1743, 
 Holland. But Lewis XV. 
 was impatient of the interruption of his 
 voluptuous pleasures, his finances were 
 exhausted, his marine ruined, and the 
 splendid talents and success of Marshal 
 Saxe could not shield that commander, 
 as a foreigner, from harassing opposition 
 and cabals. England was tired of bear- 
 ing the chief burthen of expense for a 
 cause in which she had only a relative 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 195 
 
 and general interest, and for a princess 
 whom she thought ungratefully indocile 
 to her counsels and wishes. The em- 
 press-queen alone was urgent to perse- 
 vere until she should have recovered all 
 the possessions wrested from her, and 
 refused to purchase the restoration of 
 the Netherlands by the cession of an 
 Italian establishment for Don Philip. 
 
 Negotiations were opened between 
 France and England, notwithstanding 
 Maria Theresa's opposition, and a con- 
 gress was invited to assemble at Aix-la- 
 Chapelle. All the belligerent powers 
 sent ministers thither, but the negotia- 
 tions were wholly managed by those of 
 France and England, upon the principle 
 of restitution of conquests, and the 
 Igrant of Parma, Placentia, and Guas- 
 talla, to Don Philip. Preliminaries 
 were signed on the 30th of April, 1748, 
 by all the plenipotentiaries except Count 
 Kaunitz, the representative of Maria 
 Theresa. The empress- queen could not, 
 however, but be conscious of her inabi- 
 lity singly to resist the will of Europe; 
 and finding her allies deaf to her vehe- 
 ment remonstrances, she at length 
 yielded. Kaunitz signed the prelimina- 
 ries, and in the month of October of the 
 same year, a definitive treaty, which fixed 
 the above mentioned arrangements, but 
 provided that, of Philip's duchies, two 
 should revert to Austria, and one to the 
 king of Sardinia, in case of his succeed- 
 ing to the crown of the Sicilies, by 
 Charles's accession to that of Spain 
 (Ferdinand having no children). To 
 this provision Charles positively refused 
 to submit, claiming the right of disposing 
 of the Two Sicilies to one of his own 
 younger sons, in the event of his be- 
 coming king of Spain ; and he persisted 
 in his refusal despite the representations 
 and entreaties of his brothers. The 
 commercial dissensions between Spain 
 and England were referred to a separate 
 negotiation between those powers. 
 
 From this period Ferdinand preserved 
 his realms exempt from war. 
 
 fro a l n D T1 ? e chief . business of hi s 
 1748 "1756. reign consisted of endea- 
 vours to improve the agri- 
 culture, trade, and manufactures of 
 Spain, and to obtain increased benefit to 
 the mother country from the colonies. 
 These patriotic labours were often dis- 
 turbed by diplomatic and court intrigues, 
 carried on for the purpose of drawing 
 Ferdinand into more intimate connexion 
 with either France or England, and of 
 displacing]for supporting his ministers, 
 
 according as they inclined to one line 
 of policy or another. His ministers and 
 his court, therefore, demand our prin- 
 cipal attention. 
 
 Of his father's ministers, Ferdinand 
 permanently retained only one, Don 
 Zeno Somo de Villa, Marquess de la 
 Ensenada, a peasant, who with natural 
 good parts having obtained an educa- 
 tion superior to his birth, had gradually 
 risen from the situation first of clerk in 
 a banking-house and then of clerk in a 
 government- office, to the post of minister 
 of marine, war, and finance. He was a 
 man of considerable talent, and appears 
 to have been laudably proud of the 
 humble origin from which he had ad- 
 vanced himself to this height. He is 
 said to have even intended an allusion 
 to it in his title of Marquess of Ense- 
 nada (the Bay), the words en se nada 
 meaning, in English, In himself nothing. 
 He was decidedly attached to the inte- 
 rests of France, and it was supposed 
 that he would lose his situation upon 
 Philip's death. He was maintained in 
 office, however, partly through the 
 queen's plan of endeavouring to main- 
 tain and increase her own influence 
 by playing and balancing against each 
 other all interests, domestic or foreign, 
 all parties, in or out of the state, all 
 ministers and all diplomatists ; but yet 
 more, perhaps, than to her policy, En- 
 senada owed the preservation of his 
 office to the friendship he had early con- 
 tracted with the celebrated singer Fari- 
 nelli, who played so important a part 
 at the court of Ferdinand and Barbara, 
 as to have become an historical per- 
 sonage. 
 
 Carlo Broschi, surnamed Farinelli, 
 was a Neapolitan, whose voice and skill 
 had obtained him great musical renown, 
 and enabled him to amass a handsome 
 fortune upon the boards of the London 
 opera-house. During one of Philip's 
 worst fits of hypochondria, Elizabeth 
 Farnese invited 'Farinelli to Madrid, in 
 order to try the effect of exquisite music 
 upon her husband's obstinate melan- 
 choly. The result answered to her ut- 
 most hopes. She arranged a concert in 
 a room adjoining that where Philip had 
 for months lain in bed, pertinaciously 
 resisting every entreaty to attend either 
 to the business of his kingdom or the 
 cleanliness of his person. Farinelli's 
 vocal powers aroused him. He sent for 
 the performer, and amidst a profusion of 
 encomiums, promised to grant him 
 whatever reward he should ask. Where- 
 O 2 
 
196 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 upon Farinelli, by the queen's instruc- 
 tions, requested the king to rise from 
 his bed, undergo the usual operations of 
 shaving and dressing, and attend the 
 council of state. Faithful to his word, 
 Philip complied, and returned for' a 
 while to his ordinary habits of life. 
 From that moment Farinelli was re- 
 tained, with a handsome pension, at 
 Philip's court, and daily soothed the 
 half insane monarch with his melodious 
 warblings, 
 
 Farinelii enjoyed equal if not greater 
 favour with the prince and princess of 
 Asturias, who were passionately fond of 
 music ; and upon Ferdinand's accession 
 this favour rose to the unexampled 
 height already alluded to. Farinelli, be- 
 sides being appointed director of the 
 opera, and, in fact, superintendent of 
 ail the royal pleasures, was honoured 
 with the cross of Calatrava. As Fer- 
 dinand's mind required almost as much 
 as his father's to be amused, his office 
 brought the singer into constant inter- 
 course with the queen, and he was im- 
 mediately beset by the solicitations, 
 flattery, and offers, of those who desired 
 tp secure her influence. 
 
 Farinelli seems never to have forgot- 
 ten himself in this singular exaltation. 
 He rejected all bribes, laughed at the 
 adulation of his superiors, and long an- 
 swered to those who besought his inter- 
 ference, ' I am a musician, not a poli- 
 tician.' In spite of his modesty, however, 
 he at length became a political agent, 
 having discovered that his interven- 
 tion was, upon many occasions, agree- 
 able and convenient to Barbara. The 
 influence he was thenceforward led to 
 exert, acted in two opposite directions 
 from the honest feelings of his heart, as 
 <lid Barbara's, from the dictates of her 
 policy : his warm attachment to the em- 
 press-queen, whose subject he was born, 
 and to England, where he had acquired 
 his wealth, rendering him a zealous ad- 
 vocate of their interests, whilst friend- 
 ship for Ensenada induced him, if not to 
 assist in forwarding all that minister's 
 plans, yet to make the utmost exertions 
 to support him in his place. 
 
 Don Joseph de Carvajal, a younger son 
 i of the duke of Linares, was the minister 
 whose power balanced that of Ensenada. 
 Carvajal was a genuine Spaniard of 
 the old school ; of sound judgment, but 
 not brilliant abilities, and of such in- 
 flexible integrity that even a common 
 compliment appeared to him a deviation 
 from truth. He openly professed his 
 
 opposition to the influence so long exer- 
 cised by the French over the Spanish 
 court, which he considered as equally 
 derogatory to the honour, and injurious 
 to the interests, of Spain ; and he con- 
 sequently laboured to promote a closer 
 connexion with England, boasting that 
 he himself descended from the house of 
 Lancaster. 
 
 The first subject upon which the mi- 
 nisterial factions tried their strength, 
 was the settlement of the commercial 
 differences with Great Britain, and upon 
 this the result was, in fact, a compro- 
 mise. The often mentioned Asiento con- 
 tract England gave up, but in return 
 she was replaced upon the footing of 
 the most favoured nation, recovering all 
 the privileges she had held during the 
 reign of Charles II.; and Ferdinand 
 himself acknowledged to the English 
 envoy, Mr. Keene, the truth of the old 
 Spanish saying, that the interests of 
 Spain required, ' Peace with England* 
 if at the price of ' War with all the 
 world ; ' an acknowledgment hardly to 
 have been expected from a Bourbon 
 king. Ensenada and the French party 
 are represented as much mortified at 
 having failed to prevent this concession. 
 They need scarcely have wished to do so. 
 It was vague, and gave birth to such 
 incessant disputes in America and the 
 West Indies, that the utmost exertions 
 of Carvajal were required to allay them, 
 and prevent the rekindling of the flames 
 of war. 
 
 The next power with which dissen- 
 sions occurred was Portugal. 
 That kingdom had taken no J^^ 
 
 , . s .... . from A.I). 
 
 part in European politics since 17391750. 
 the Succession War ; and 
 some insignificant disputes with Rome 
 touching ecclesiastical immunities and 
 the bestowing of a cardinal's hat, which 
 were easily settled, were the only events 
 recorded in her domestic history since 
 her diplomatic quarrel with Spain. The 
 state of paralytic imbecility into which 
 John V., like his father before him, had 
 sunk, seemed to promise a continuance 
 of Portugueze inaction, at least during 
 the remainder of his rei^n ; whilst the 
 queen of Spain's unlimited influence 
 over her husband, and warm attach- 
 ment to her own family and country, 
 offered additional security for the peace 
 and harmony of the Peninsula. The 
 old contests concerning Nova Colonia 
 were nevertheless revived ; but the ne- 
 gotiations that ensued, were conducted 
 in a frank spirit of conciliation j and it 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 was proposed finally to get rid of this 
 subject of ever renewed contention, by 
 exchanging the territory occupied by 
 tli- Portuguese upon the Plata, for a 
 district more conveniently situated rela- 
 tively to Brazil, namely for a part of 
 Paraguay, which adjoins the Portugueze 
 dominions on their western frontier. 
 
 No scheme could appear more rea- 
 sonable, or more mutually advantageous. 
 Nova Colonia, a distant settlement al- 
 ways exposed, upon the breaking out of 
 war, to surprise from the superior power 
 of Buenos Ayres, had no value to Portu- 
 gal except as a smuggling station, whilst 
 the portion of Paraguay to be given in 
 exchange was fertile, and well cultivated 
 by converted and civilized Indians. But, 
 with the best intentions, it is difficult 
 for distant statesmen, imperfectly in- 
 formed as to the peculiar condition of 
 colonial possessions, to judge upon such 
 subjects ; and the projected exchange 
 proved, if not absolutely impracticable, 
 yet fraught with obstacles and evils. 
 Paraguay had been entirely resigned 
 
 by the Spanish court to the 
 Spanish government of the Jesuits, 
 A D.Trso. and that able and active 
 
 fraternity had there la- 
 boured in the cause of religion, charity, 
 and virtue, with a zealous diligence that 
 might almost have expiated the crimes, 
 of which their order had, at an earlier 
 period, been the authors or the instiga- 
 tors in Europe. In Paraguay the mis- 
 sionary Jesuits had formed several esta- 
 blishments called Reductions, to which 
 they allured the savage natives ; and 
 those whom they could thus draw toge- 
 ther they reclaimed from their barbarous 
 habits, converted to the Christian reli- 
 gion, and instructed in the virtues and 
 duties of humanity, as well as in many 
 of the arts of civilization, whilst they 
 accustomed them to live under social 
 institutions. The system pursued by 
 the Jesuits towards their Indian converts 
 was not, indeed, calculated to advance 
 them rapidly in wealth or knowledge. 
 They ruled them with the despotism of 
 a schoolmaster, and sought only to make 
 them docile and happy children. But 
 this minutely strict discipline seems to 
 have been well adapted to the Indians, 
 such as they were. In the Reductions 
 their peaceful contentment was untrou- 
 bled by cares for the future, and their 
 attachment to the ruling fathers bor- 
 dered upon adoration. 
 
 Seven of these prosperous Reductions 
 the court of Spain proposed to cede to 
 
 Portugal in exchange for Nova Colonia, 
 the Jesuits and their flocks being ordered 
 to remove into some other portion of 
 the Spanish territories. The Jesuits 
 prepared to obey, but earnestly remon- 
 strated against the measure, represent- 
 ing the cruelty of expelling men from 
 the homes and fields that their toil had 
 reclaimed from the wilderness, the diffi- 
 culty of prevailing upon the indolent 
 Indians, thus discouraged, to undertake, 
 a second time, the severe labours re- 
 quired in forming new settlements, and 
 the danger of the half-civilized converts 
 not only returning to a savage life and 
 idolatry themselves, but, by the influence 
 of their example, tempting their country- 
 men in the other Reductions to do the 
 like. These remonstrances proved un- 
 availing, and the command for the emi- 
 gration of the converts was repeated. 
 The Indians of one Reduction began 
 their journey ; but quickly sickening of 
 its hardships, returned home ; when 
 even the authority of the Jesuits failed 
 to compel submission, and the Seven 
 Reductions revolted. The Spanish go- 
 vernor and the Portugueze viceroy united 
 against these unhappy men, who dared 
 resist the mandate to forsake what they 
 deemed doubly their own possessions. 
 The insurgents were of course defeated 
 with great loss ; but circumstances had 
 meanwhile occurred in Europe, which 
 occasioned the suspension of the con- 
 templated exchange. 
 
 The death of John V., in 1750, trans- 
 ferred his sceptre to his son 
 Joseph, who chose for his Portugal 
 
 t. *i_ u u j L from A.D- 
 
 minister the bold and enter- 17501756. 
 prising Don Sebastian Jose 
 de Carvalho e Mello. This nobleman 
 had been employed by John in diplo- 
 macy, especially upon a mission to Eng- 
 land, but had afterwards languished in 
 a sort of disgrace, on account of his 
 harsh temper and innovating spirit; 
 and the new reign began with an energy 
 corresponding to the minister's charac- 
 ter. Joseph positively refused to con- 
 firm the exchange of Nova Colonia for 
 the Seven Reductions ; and this refusal 
 at once appeased the disorders of Para- 
 guay. It, however, at the same time 
 revived the dissensions touching the 
 northern bank of the Plata, and, ^gene- 
 rally, respecting the boundary line be- 
 tween Brazil and the Spanish dominions^ 
 But the colonies and foreign relations 
 were secondary objects with Carvalho, 
 whose thoughts were almost exclusively 
 devoted to promoting the internal pros* 
 
198 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 perity of Portugal, by improving her 
 agriculture and commerce. It is only 
 to be regretted that his knowledge of po- 
 litical economy not being commensurate 
 to his good intentions, the measures by 
 which he endeavoured to accomplish his 
 laudable purpose were frequently so inju- 
 dicious, as to produce effects very con- 
 trary to his desires. A lively jealousy 
 had long been entertained in Portugal 
 of the great benefits derived by England 
 from the trade with that country ; and 
 in this jealousy the minister, who had 
 probably seen with mortification the 
 flourishing state of Great Britain, fully 
 participated. 
 
 In order to insure to the Portugueze a 
 large proportion of those envied benefits, 
 the laws against the exportation of gold 
 and silver were enforced and sharp- 
 ened ; and the Company of Alto Douro, 
 better known in England as the Oporto 
 Wine Company, was instituted, and 
 endowed with a monopoly right of buy- 
 ing up the wine produced throughout 
 the kingdom, and thus preventing Eng- 
 lish merchants from purchasing it of the 
 growers or manufacturers at the former 
 low rates. It can hardly be necessary 
 to point out that whatever profit this last 
 measure might transfer from the Eng- 
 lish merchant to the Portugueze com- 
 pany, would probably be very much 
 counterbalanced by the diminution of 
 demand which must always follow an 
 increase of price ; whilst to the wine- 
 grower, by rendering competition for 
 his article impossible, the effect could 
 only be detrimental. Both measures 
 created great dissatisfaction in the com- 
 mercial portion of the British public; and, 
 of course, considerable irritation between 
 the courts of Lisbon and St. James's 
 ensued. But ere any serious ill conse- 
 quences had occurred, a calamity befel 
 Portugal, that excited the compassion 
 of all Europe, and entirely effaced the 
 recollection of injury from the minds of 
 the people and the government of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 This calamity was the well-known 
 terrible earthquake which, in the year 
 1755, desolated the city of Lisbon. It 
 was on the 1st of November that the 
 rocking and heaving of the ground under 
 their feet startled the inhabitants of the 
 devoted city from perfect security ; and 
 scarcely could they rush out of their 
 houses before this frightful convul- 
 sion of nature flung down walls and 
 roofs upon their heads, and opened wide 
 Chasms in the paths that had seemed to 
 
 offer a chance of flight and safety. The 
 royal family escaped from the palace a 
 very few minutes before it fell, and 
 sought refuge, with almost the whole 
 surviving population, in the open fields. 
 
 The greater part of the city, especially 
 where the streets were narrow, was 
 thrown down, with most of the churches. 
 Upwards of fifteen thousand persons 
 are computed to have perished, either 
 buried under mounds of ruins, or in- 
 gulphed in the fissures that yawned at 
 their feet in every direction. Many of 
 the victims were persons of high dis- 
 tinction, amongst whom was the Spa- 
 nish ambassador, crushed by the fall 
 of his house. To heighten the distress 
 caused by so awful a visitation, bands 
 of miscreants, such as, unfortunately, 
 always abound in large towns, took the 
 opportunity to plunder : and, in order to 
 increase the disorder whence they hoped 
 to derive impunity, they set fire to every 
 part of the city that remained standing. 
 Several other Portugueze, and some Spa- 
 nish towns suffered, although none in any 
 degree that could bear comparison with 
 the disastrous fate of Lisbon ; and ves- 
 sels many leagues out at sea are said to 
 have felt the shock as though they had 
 struck upon rocks. The whole popula- 
 tion of Lisbon continued throughout 
 the winter in tents or huts in the fields. 
 
 The distress was extreme in every 
 part of Portugal, and called forth, as it 
 has been already stated, the pity of all 
 neighbouring nations. In Spain, Fer- 
 dinand deeply sympathised in his queen's 
 sorrow for her countrymen, and repealed 
 the existing prohibitions of exporting 
 some of the necessaries of life, and the 
 heavy duties imposed upon the export of 
 others, as related to Portugal. In Eng- 
 land, though the claim might be less, 
 more was done. George II. applied to 
 Parliament for the means of relieving a 
 people so severely afflicted ; and the sum. 
 of one hundred thousand pounds was 
 immediately granted for that purpose. 
 The ministers expended it in corn, and 
 other articles of provisions, or indispen- 
 sable necessaries, which were shipped 
 off without a moment's delay to the de- 
 solated city. 
 
 The Portugueze felt gratitude both 
 for the benefits conferred and for the 
 kindly fellow-feeling that had prompted 
 the act ; and the old ties of friendship 
 between England and Portugal seem, 
 to have regained much of their previ- 
 ously decaying strength. For some 
 years subsequent to this event, the at- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 190 
 
 tention of Joseph and his minister was 
 mainly engrossed by endeavours to re- 
 pair tin- ravages of the earthquake. 
 
 During this time the anti-Gallican 
 party was gaining the as- 
 
 Spain cendancy at Madrid, not a 
 1750^6. little aided by the dissensions 
 constantly arising between 
 Ferdinand and his half-brothers, the king 
 of the Sicilies and the duke of Parma. 
 This last was a prince of weak intellect, 
 wholly governed by his father-in-law, 
 Lewis XV., and always in pecuniary 
 distress, from his childish endeavours 
 to emulate, in his petty court, the vo- 
 luptuous extravagance of Versailles. 
 His difficulties led to applications to 
 Madrid for assistance] in money, which 
 was very reluctantly granted by the 
 frugal Ferdinand. Charles, on the other 
 hand, offended him by the evident re- 
 ference of all his plans to his eventual 
 succession to the Spanish crown, by 
 his cabals with the queen-dowager and 
 her friends, and by his assumption of 
 independence; for Ferdinand required 
 from his brothers that submission to 
 himself, as head of the family, which 
 he, on his part, refused to Lewis XV., 
 the undoubted head of the whole race 
 of the Bourbons. The king of Spain 
 repulsed all attempts of the French 
 court to interfere bet ween himself and his 
 brothers ; and notwithstanding the open 
 and the secret opposition of that court 
 and its Spanish partizans, he concluded 
 a treaty for the tranquillity and neutrality 
 of Italy with the king of Sardinia, (to 
 whom he married his sister, Maria An- 
 tonia,) and with the emperor and em- 
 press-queen, as sovereigns of Tuscany 
 and Milan. But to show his perfect 
 independence and impartiality, he per- 
 ' tinaciously refused to allow of England's 
 being a party to this treaty, alleging that 
 she had no direct interest in Italy. 
 
 This pacific and neutral system was 
 persevered in even after the death of its 
 hief promoter, Carvajal, in 1754 ; and 
 that, notwithstanding his successor was 
 personally attached to England, and to 
 the English ambassador Keene. This 
 successor was Richard Wall, a native 
 of Ireland, who, being excluded by his 
 adherence to the Roman Catholic reli- 
 gion from all hopes of preferment at 
 home, had, like so many of his country- 
 men under similar circumstances, sought 
 his fortune abroad, and entered the Spa- 
 nish army. He had risen high in his 
 profession by talent and courage ; had 
 held various civil and diplomatic offices, 
 
 and, amongst others, had been employed 
 in a sort of private mission to England 
 during the negotiations for the peace of 
 A.ix-la-Chapelle. He had acquitted 
 himself ably in all of these, as he did in 
 the more important post now, in conse- 
 quence of his high reputation, allotted 
 to him. But his decided partiality for 
 England had no effect upon the policy 
 of Spain ; inasmuch as the queen, pur- 
 suing her plan of balancing parties, 
 thenceforward so far controlled her own 
 anti-Gallican sentiments as to give ad- 
 ditional support to Ensenada, until that 
 minister overthrew himself by the bold- 
 ness of his intrigues. 
 
 War was evidently on the point of 
 breaking out between France and Eng- 
 land, hostilities having actually taken 
 place both in India and America ; and 
 all endeavours to work upon, what the 
 French party called, the Bourbonism of 
 Ferdinand to assist France having failed, 
 Ensenada resolved, it should seem, to 
 embroil him with England, whether he 
 would or no. For this purpose he sent 
 out secret orders to the Spanish com- 
 manders in the West Indies to attack 
 the settlements which the English had 
 been permitted, for the convenience of 
 cutting logwood, to make on the Mos- 
 quito shore. A copy of these instruc- 
 tions was adroitly procured by Keene, 
 and communicated, through Wall, to 
 the king and queen. This step de- 
 termined the fall of Ensenada, not- 
 withstanding the utmost exertions of 
 his faithful friend, Farinelli. But again 
 Barbara interfered to prevent the ascen- 
 dancy of a single minister. She re- 
 tained many of Ensenada's partizans 
 in high official situations, and afforded 
 them her support ; though she still reso- 
 lutely repelled various artful attempts 
 to draw her into intimate relations with 
 the court of Versailles. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs at Ma- 
 drid, when, in 1756, war 
 was at length formally 
 declared by most of the 
 European powers ; England, in alliance 
 with Prussia, standing opposed to the 
 empress-queen, the emperor and empire, 
 France, Russia, Sweden, and Poland. 
 
 The endeavours of both parties, open 
 and underhand, to obtain the cordial 
 . co-operation of Spain, were now re- 
 doubled. France attacked Minorca, and 
 by the culpable negligence of the British 
 ministry, and the, at least, unenergetic 
 proceedings of Admiral Byng, who com- 
 manded an English squadron in the 
 
200 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Mediterranean, they took the island, 
 after a gallant defence of fort St. Philip 
 by General Blakeney. Minorca was 
 immediately offered to Ferdinand by 
 Lewis, as the price of his alliance, and 
 effective assistance was promised in re- 
 covering Gibraltar. These 
 Spain offers were not accepted, 
 
 from A.D. , . ., , % r . 
 
 17561759. but they made a deep im- 
 pression upon the mind of 
 Ferdinand, who felt as keenly as Philip 
 had done, the dishonour of seeing Mi- 
 norca and the strongest fortress of his 
 kingdom in the hands of strangers. His 
 inclination to take the bribe held out to 
 him was increased by the irritation aris- 
 ing out of the irregular conduct of Bri- 
 tish privateers, ji>oth in Europe, and 
 America. 
 
 [ The disasters of the first year of the 
 war overthrew the weak English minis- 
 try ; and that powerful statesman, Wil- 
 liam Pitt, afterwards created earl of 
 Chatham, obtained the management of 
 affairs. He considered the friendship 
 of Spain as so important under existing 
 circumstances, that he ordered the Eng- 
 lish ambassador, now Sir Benjamin 
 Keene, to offer the restitution of Gib- 
 raltar to Ferdinand, on condition of his 
 concluding an alliance, offensive and 
 defensive, with England, Neither offer 
 would, probably, have induced the es- 
 sentially pacific Ferdinand to deviate 
 from his system of neutrality ; but it 
 was not under his reign that these rival 
 propositions were to be further weighed. 
 That reign was rapidly drawing to a 
 close, and may be said to have ceased 
 prior to the king's death. 
 
 The health of Queen Barbara had 
 long been declining, and Lewis XV. had 
 eagerly speculated upon giving her a 
 successor in one of his own daughters. 
 But the attachment of Ferdinand for his 
 consort was of a different kind from 
 that of Philip V. Barbara died on the 
 27th of August, 1758, and Ferdinand's 
 despair was not to be chased away by the 
 idea of a new wife. He survived her 
 about a year ; but during that whole 
 period he abandoned himself to such 
 an excess of grief, as partially affected 
 his intellects. He refused to pay any 
 attention to business, took scarcely 
 food or rest, and seldom spoke. He 
 died on the 10th of August, 1 759. Fer- 
 dinand's economy had so effectually 
 aided the improvements of Alberoni and 
 Ripperda in restoring the finances, that 
 he left about three millions sterling in 
 the royal treasury, with an army^and 
 
 navy in better condition than Spain had 
 lon known. It has been already stated 
 that he took great pains to promote 
 commerce and agriculture. By a con- 
 cordat concluded with Pope Benedict 
 XIV., he recovered the ancient right of 
 the kings of Spain to the ecclesiastical 
 patronage of their kingdom. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Pombal attacks the Jesuits Plot against 
 Joseph Executions Jesuits impli- 
 cated Jesuits expelled from Portugal 
 and her dependencies Brazilian Re- 
 ductions decline under the secular 
 clergy Pombal attempts to curtail 
 clerical privileges Rupture with 
 Pome Accession of the king of Na- 
 ples to the Spanish throne His eldest 
 son pronounced imbecile The second, 
 Charles, declared prince of Asturias, 
 the third, Ferdinand, king of Naples 
 Charles III. adds the Neapolitan 
 Squilaci to his brother's cabinet-^ 
 The Family Compact War with Eng- 
 land Charles and Lewis XV. require 
 Joseph to join them against England 
 > He refuses Spaniards invade Por- 
 tugal Energy of Pombal Spa- 
 niards evacuate Portugal Seize No- 
 va Colonia English conquests 
 Peace of Paris Spain recovers her 
 losses, ceding the Floridas to England* 
 and restoring Nova Colonia to Por- 
 tugal Internal improvements of Jo- 
 seph and Pombal*. 
 
 WHILST Spain, under the pacific and 
 
 beneficent rule of Ferdinand, 
 
 was beginning to recover f p rtu /f, 1 
 
 , , . -V - ii om A.D, 
 
 from the depth of her pre- 17571700. 
 vious depression and debi- 
 lity, Portugal was similarly reviving. 
 She had nearly recovered the ravages of 
 the earthquake, under the energetic and 
 patriotic, if not always judicious, admi- 
 nistration of Carvalho, who had been 
 created, in recompense of his services, 
 count of Oeiras and marquess of Pom- 
 bal. This bold minister had now en- 
 gaged King Joseph in an attempt, cer- 
 tainly not to have been expected from 
 the weakest and most bigoted court in 
 Europe. This was the expulsion from 
 all the Portugueze dominions of the 
 powerful Order of ^Jesuits, whose for- 
 
 The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are. Da Costa, Coxe, Southey, Voltaire, 
 Belsham, Memoircs de Pombal, Chalmers, Uuivet- 
 al Modtra History. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 201 
 
 midable influence Pombal had expe- 
 rienced when he had early been compelled 
 to seek advancement by courting them, 
 and from whom he met with, or anti- 
 cipated the principal opposition to his 
 plans of reform. 
 
 The resistance offered by the Indians 
 of the Seven Reductions to the projected 
 exchange, had been attributed by the 
 American authorities of both nations, 
 to the Jesuits. The accusation had, at 
 the request of the Fathers, been judi- 
 cially investigated by Don Pedro Ceval- 
 los, the commander dispatched with 
 strong reinforcements from Spain, to 
 quell the insurrection, (conceived to be 
 much more formidable than it really 
 was,) and to complete the exchange. 
 The result of his inquiries was the full 
 and complete acquittal of the Jesuits. 
 Pombal, however, either still believed 
 the refuted charges, or pretended to 
 do so, as a means of at least repress- 
 ing an obnoxious Order, which, by the 
 abilities of its members, and the deep 
 political skill of its organization, had 
 acquired a formidable, and often perni- 
 cious, influence throughout Catholic Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 It is singular enough, that the cpn- 
 duct of the Jesuits in America, where 
 they were conferring real benefits upon 
 humanity, should have been the crime 
 imputed to them ; but it seems not im- 
 probable, that their proceedings actually 
 were misunderstood at home, and that 
 the unlimited authority they acquired 
 over the reclaimed Indians, was con- 
 sidered as dangerous to the sovereignty 
 of the mother country, perhaps even to 
 the safety of the colonists. Whatever 
 were Pombal's motives, Joseph pre- 
 sented a memorial to Benedict XIV. 
 against the Jesuits ; and the pope, in 
 compliance with the king's solicitations, 
 appointed the cardinal-patriarch, Don 
 Francisco de Saldanha, visitor, and 
 apostolic reformer general of the com- 
 pany, in Portugal and its dependencies. 
 
 Whilst the Jesuits and their accusers 
 were battling before the tribunal of the 
 visitor, a plot to murder the king was 
 organised at Lisbon in 1758, by two of 
 the noblest families in the realm, the 
 motives to which, as is often the case, 
 were enveloped in obscurity ; whence it 
 was easy to implicate the Jesuits, whe- 
 ther guilty or not, in the criminal design. 
 The Duke d'Aveiro, the chief conspira- 
 tor, who had been a great favourite of 
 John V., was descended from Don George, 
 that natural son of John II., whom his 
 
 father had endeavoured to substitute to 
 his cousin Manuel as his successor; and 
 a daughter of the duke's was married to 
 the eldest son of his confederates, the 
 marquess and marchioness of Tavora. 
 It has been surmised that the king, 
 whose gallantries were notorious, was 
 upon too intimate a footing with the 
 young marchioness of Tavora, and that 
 the two families resented such a stain 
 upon their honour ; it has been also sur- 
 mised, that the old marchioness, a wo- 
 man of imperious temper and uncon- 
 trollable passions, was exasperated at 
 having been refused a dukedom for her 
 husband ; and finally, it was alleged at 
 the time, that these two noble families 
 were merely the tools of their Jesuit 
 confessors, who sought by the king's 
 death to quell the proceedings against 
 their Order. 
 
 What can be stated with certainty is, 
 that a young lady, a distant relation of 
 the Tavora family, who resided with the 
 old marchioness, was found dead, pierced 
 with wounds and wrapped in a sheet, in 
 one of the streets of Lisbon ; that no 
 judicial inquiry into the circumstances 
 of her death took place, (a mode of con- 
 nivance not uncommon when suspicion 
 of crime attached to powerful families ;) 
 that soon afterwards, as the king was 
 returning to the palace at night, from 
 the residence of one of his mistresses, 
 several shots were fired at the back of 
 his carriage, one of which wounded him ; 
 and that the coachman, instead of going 
 forwards to the palace, instantly turned 
 his horses' heads, and drove to the house 
 of the king's surgeon. It is believed that 
 by this step he saved his master's life, 
 as he thus avoided two or three other 
 parties of assassins who were lying in 
 wait on the road to the palace. 
 
 Some weeks elapsed ere the perpe- 
 trators of this outrage- were detected, 
 during which time d'Aveiro and Tavora 
 were assiduous in their visits to the royal 
 invalid. But in the end Pombal ob 
 tained a clue to the plot. A frightful 
 number of persons were seized and im- 
 prisoned; and in January 1759, as it is- 
 alleged, after a very arbitrary and unsa- 
 tisfactory trial, the duke, the marquess, 
 his two sons, and several other persons, 
 were broken on the wheel ; the oW mar- 
 chioness, in consideration of her sex, 
 was beheaded, and the young mar- 
 chioness was shut up for life in a con- 
 vent. Many persons were banished, and 
 others imprisoned for life. 
 
 One of the conspirators is said, whilst 
 
202 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 under the torture, to have accused three 
 Jesuits as the instigators of the con- 
 spiracy, but to have retracted this accu- 
 sation upon the scaffold. Of these three 
 Jesuits, one was tried for heresy, not 
 treason, convicted, and executed ; the 
 other two were not even brought to trial ; 
 but Porabal took the opportunity to 
 charge the crime upon the whole Order, 
 as the fruit of its principles and doctrines; 
 an imputation to which their earlier 
 conduct rendered the Order but too ob- 
 noxious. He issued orders for the con- 
 fiscation of their property, and the seizure 
 of their persons, throughout Portugal 
 and the colonies, as advisers and insti- 
 gators of regicide; and for the investi- 
 gation of their doctrines. In the month 
 of September of this same year, they 
 were finally proscribed and banished. 
 
 The missionary fathers were torn from 
 the Reductions, and with all Jesuits who 
 could be found in Brazil, old and young, 
 even the patients in their infirmaries, 
 were stowed on board ship, without any 
 of the conveniences, or scarcely any of the 
 necessaries of life, like the unfortunate 
 negroes in slave-vessels, and transported 
 to Europe. Upon reaching the mouth of 
 the Tagus, some were landed and thrown 
 into the Lisbon prisons, where they 
 languished during the remainder of Jo- 
 seph's reign: others were sent forward 
 to Italy, where they were landed upon 
 the papal territories, and left to find their 
 way to the houses of their Order. It is 
 said, however, that an allowance was 
 made from Lisbon for their support, and 
 that Pombal often complained of the 
 extraordinary longevity of his Jesuit pen- 
 sioners. 
 
 It is probably superfluous to observe, 
 that this complaint of longevity referred 
 solely to the survivors landed in Italy, 
 and that the number of those who fell 
 victims to the hardships suffered in their 
 voyage across the Atlantic, was immense. 
 The place of the Jesuits was supplied in 
 Brazil by secular clergy ; but these men, 
 who undertook reluctantly the irksome 
 and arduous missionary labours, to which 
 the Jesuits had been impelled by zeal 
 either for religion or for the honor of their 
 Order, proved very inadequate substi- 
 tutes, and were moreover viewed with 
 .ill-will by the Indians of the Reductions, 
 as the supplanters of the Jesuits, to 
 whom they had borne a filial love and 
 reverence. In the end most of the Por- 
 tugueze Reductions decayed, and num- 
 bers of the civilized and converted na- 
 tions returned to savage life. 
 
 Pombal, who really appears to have 
 been partly actuated by disgust at the 
 slavery, however easy, in which the 
 fathers had held their converts, and to 
 have desired to place the Indians upon 
 a level with their Portugueze masters, 
 now endeavoured at once to effect this 
 equalization. The scheme, if not extra- 
 vagant, was at least premature. The 
 Indians were incapable of understanding, 
 and consequently of exercising, the rights 
 he would have conferred upon them; 
 and the colonists were indignant at the 
 idea of being robbed of an important 
 part of their property, in their power 
 over those they deemed their slaves. 
 Hence, this attempt to do too much, to 
 achieve a desirable object without due 
 preparation, ended in rendering worse 
 the situation of those he would have 
 benefited, and in checking the slow pro- 
 gress towards civilization which the In- 
 dians were making in the Reductions. 
 
 In Portugal likewise, Pombal, though 
 he succeeded better, attempted too much ; 
 and by his injudicious endeavours to 
 secure to the Portugueze the profit made 
 by foreign, and especially English mer- 
 chants, he merely harassed and injured 
 the trade of the country, without at all 
 advancing the end at which he aimed. 
 That end was in fact unattainable. To 
 deprive the enterprising capitalist of his 
 profits is very possible, but not so to 
 transfer them to the indigent, ignorant, 
 or unenterprising. Pombal moreover 
 involved Portugal in a quarrel with 
 Rome, by his endeavour to subject the 
 clergy to a lay tribunal, a sort of board 
 of conscience, when accused of high 
 treason, or other state crimes. The 
 pope had granted this with respect to 
 the Jesuits, but refused to extend it gene- 
 rally, unless the president of the tribunal 
 were a prelate. In resentment of this 
 restriction, Joseph recalled his ambas- 
 sador from Rome, ordered all Portu- 
 gueze to quit the papal territories, ex- 
 pelled the pope's subjects from his own 
 dominions, and broke off all intercourse 
 with the Holy See. 
 
 Prior to this rupture, a papal dispen- 
 sation had been obtained for one of 
 those incestuous connexions so frequent 
 in the Peninsula, and more especially 
 in Portugal. Joseph had no son ; and 
 to insure the undisputed succession 
 of his eldest daughter, Donna Maria, it 
 was deemed expedient to marry her to 
 her uncle, his younger brother, Don 
 Pedro. The dispensation was obtained, 
 and the marriage celebrated in 1760. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 203 
 
 Meanwhile the king of Naples had 
 received the news of Fer- 
 
 Spain dinand's death, and his own 
 175^-1762. consequent accession to the 
 throne of Spain, as Charles 
 III. ; and he appointed his mother, the 
 queen dowager, regent, until he could 
 sufficiently arrange the affairs of his 
 Neapolitan dominions, to allow of his 
 repairing to his new kingdom. By the 
 provisions of the treaty that had assigned 
 the Two Sicilies to Charles, the Spanish 
 and Neapolitan crowns were, it will be 
 recollected, to remain permanently se- 
 parated ; and upon Charles becoming 
 king of Spain, Philip was to succeed 
 him at Naples, the duchies of Parma, 
 Placentia, and Guastalla reverting to 
 Austria and Sardinia. To these stipu- 
 lations Charles had always objected, 
 and he had at length prevailed upon 
 Austria and Sardinia to abandon their 
 right of enforcing that part of the treaty. 
 
 The kingdom of the Two Sicilies was 
 now, therefore, to be transferred to his 
 second son. But here occurred a new 
 difficulty, although Charles, by his 
 queen, Amelia, a princess of Saxony, 
 had a large family, of which seven sons 
 and two daughters were then living. 
 His eldest, Philip, was reduced by epi. 
 leptic fits to a state of idiotcy, and 
 Charles found it requisite to have his 
 incapacity publicly established. He ac- 
 cordingly held an assembly consisting 
 of the chief Neapolitan and Sicilian ba- 
 rons, a deputation from the city of Na- 
 ples, a member of the council of Castile, his 
 own ministers, and the whole diplomatic 
 body at his court, to whom he formally 
 announced the positive opinion of me- 
 dical and other judges upon Don Philip's 
 decided imbecility. This being acknow- 
 ledged, he proclaimed his second son 
 Charles, Prince of A.sturias, and his 
 third son, Ferdinand, King of the Sicilies. 
 He then appointed a council of regency, 
 presided by his prime minister the Mar- 
 quess Tanucci, to govern the kingdom, 
 until Ferdinand, who was only eight 
 years old, should be of full age. On 
 quitting the assembly, Charles em- 
 barked, with his queen and family, Fer- 
 dinand excepted, for Spain. 
 
 Charles's first act as king of Spain 
 \vas one for which it is difficult to ac- 
 count, except as a proof of the queen 
 mother's aversion to her deceased step- 
 son and his consort. He ordered the 
 unassuming Farinelli to leave Spain 
 instantly ; but continued the pension 
 
 granted him by the deceased king. Ex- 
 cept in this one instance, he marked the 
 utmost respect for Ferdinand, retaining 
 most of his ministers, and expressing 
 his especial confidence in General Wall ; 
 but he added a Neapolitan favourite, 
 the Marquess Squilaci, to their number, 
 and assigned to him the financial de- 
 partment, in which he had already proved 
 his ability at Naples. And to the im- 
 provement of the finances and agricul- 
 ture of Spain, Charles, with Squilaoi's 
 aid, devoted his serious attention, endea- 
 vouring to redeem the credit of the 
 country, by adopting measures for the 
 payment of the debts of his father and 
 more remote predecessors, the refusal to 
 discharge which had been one of the 
 means employed by the economical Fer- 
 dinand for enriching his exchequer. 
 
 But Charles was not long permitted 
 to dedicate himself to these internal 
 cares. The cabals for inducing Spain, 
 to .join France in the war, which had 
 harassed Ferdinand, continued under 
 his successor. For a while they were 
 unavailing. The particulars of a plot 
 fomented, if not set on foot by France, 
 to substitute Lewis XV.'s son-in- 
 law, the duke of Parma, for the king of 
 the Sicilies upon the Spanish throne, are 
 said to have been amongst the private 
 papers of the king of Poland, which the 
 victorious king of Prussia seized upon 
 capturing Dresden. The discovery was 
 forthwith communicated to the Neapo- 
 litan court, and of course strongly pre- 
 judiced the king, and yet more the queen, 
 against the French monarch. With 
 these Anti-Gallican prepossessions, 
 Charles ascended the Spanish throne, 
 and so long as Amelia lived, he perse- 
 vered resolutely in his deceased brother' si 
 system of neutrality. 
 
 This gentle influence lasted not long. 
 In September, 1 76 0, the queen died ; and 
 when she was no more, the resentment 
 which Charles had entertained against 
 England, ever since her fleets had com- 
 pelled him to declare the neutrality of the 
 Two Sicilies,regained the ascendency, and 
 gave increased power to his feelings as a 
 Bourbon. Perhaps too, politically speak- 
 ing, he might be justified in deeming it 
 essential to support France against Eng- 
 land, the latter country having, under 
 the administration of Mr. Pitt, so com- 
 pletely ruined the navy, and conquered 
 the colonies of her rival in every part of 
 the globe, that Spain might reasonably 
 view her growing superiority with alarm. 
 

 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 204 
 
 In this state of affairs the duke of Choi- 
 seul, then French prime minister, ma- 
 naged further to exasperate Charles 
 against British policy, by proposing 
 that the commercial differences be- 
 tween Spain and England should be 
 discussed and settled in the negotiations 
 for peace then in progress between France 
 and the latter country. Mr. Pitt posi- 
 tively refused to admit of French interven- 
 tion ; irritating language was exchanged 
 between the cabinets of London and 
 Madrid, and the duke of Choiseul pre- 
 vailed upon Charles to sign the treaty 
 called the Family Compact, by which 
 the different sovereigns of the house of 
 Bourbon bound themselves to support 
 each other against all the world. 
 
 The signature of this treaty decided 
 the question of peace or war ; but as 
 both France and Spain wished to tem- 
 porize until the American register or 
 treasure ships should be safe in a Spa- 
 nish port, the Family Compact was kept 
 secret, and the negotiations between 
 London and Madrid continued. Pitt, 
 however, found reason to suspect, if 
 he could not actually obtain, proof of 
 the engagements entered into by the 
 "Bourbon courts, and proposed at once 
 to declare war against Spain, inter- 
 cept the American Plate fleet, and 
 attack her colonies whilst yet unpre- 
 pared for resistance. But George III. 
 had now succeeded to George II. upon 
 the English throne, and the influence of 
 the new king's favourite, the earl of 
 Bute, is said to have been efficaciously 
 exerted against the minister. Mr. Pitt's 
 colleagues refused to believe in the hos- 
 tile intentions of Spain, or unnecessarily 
 to involve the nation in a war with an- 
 other enemy; and on the 9th of October, 
 1761, the great English minister resigned 
 his office, that he might not be held re- 
 sponsible for measures he was no longer 
 permitted to guide. 
 
 The English cabinet, now entirely in- 
 fluenced by Lord Bute, continued to 
 negotiate, and the court of Madrid to 
 profess the most friendly disposition, 
 until the last register ship of the year 
 had arrived. The tone was then changed, 
 the Family Compact avowed, and Eng- 
 land virulently reproached with ambi- 
 tious designs against the colonies of 
 Spain. "War was formally declared in 
 January, 1762, within three months of 
 Mr. Pitt's resignation. 
 
 The two Bourbon monarchs now 
 required the king of Portugal to join 
 
 them against England, Charles kindly 
 offering Spanish troops with which to 
 garrison the Portugueze for- 
 tresses against British ag- Portugal 
 gression. The close con- \fSSLy& 
 nexion between England 
 and Portugal had slackened since Pom- 
 bars commercial alterations; but both 
 countries still felt that their alliance was 
 mutually beneficial, and Joseph was by 
 no means tempted to place his fortresses 
 in the hands of Spanish troops. Ill 
 prepared as he was for war, he therefore 
 boldly refused to desert his old ally ; the 
 Bourbon ambassadors quitted Lisbon, 
 (a step nearly tantamount to a declara- 
 tion of war) and a Spanish army im- 
 mediately invaded Portugal. 
 
 During a peace of forty-eight years 
 the Portugueze army had been neglected. 
 The troops did not amount to twenty 
 thousand men, and this small number 
 were ill-armed, and worse disciplined. 
 Their condition may be best appreciated 
 from the single circumstance that al- 
 most all the subaltern officers were 
 the menial servants of their superior 
 officers, the great nobles, whose regi- 
 mental rank was in a manner hereditary. 
 It is not surprising that Braganza, Mi- 
 randa, Torre de Moncorvo, and Almeida 
 fell in rapid succession before the in- 
 vaders, whilst the greatest alarm spread 
 throughout the country. 
 
 But the genius of Pombal rose with 
 the emergency. He excited the pea- 
 santry, who detested the Spaniards, to 
 harass them with that species of irre- 
 gular warfare in which they excelled. 
 From England he obtained supplies of 
 arms, troops, and especially of officers ; 
 and he appointed the Count de la Lippe, 
 a German general of considerable repu- 
 tation, to the chief command of the 
 Portugueze army. La Lippe showed 
 real talent by adapting his measures to 
 the nature of the forces that were to 
 execute them. By his direction the 
 armed peasants defended the mountain 
 passes ; and the English brigadier- 
 general Burgoyne successfully performed 
 several surprises and small expeditions, 
 which, if in themselves of little moment, 
 served to revive the spirits of the Por- 
 tugueze army, and being combined with 
 the annoyance given by the peasantry, 
 checked the progress of the Spaniard's. 
 Accordingly at the approach of winter, 
 the invaders retired within their own 
 frontiers, evacuating all their conquests. 
 This campaign constituted nearly the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 205 
 
 whole of the Spanish share of the seven 
 years war in Europe ; the rest was con 
 lined to contributing a few auxiliary 
 troops to the French armies. 
 
 In America, Spain was more success- 
 ful against Portugal, the go- 
 America vernbr of Buenos Ayres 
 ireiVireis. again making himself mas- 
 ter of Nova Colonia, with 
 a booty of four millions sterling, besides 
 numbers of richly laden English mer- 
 chant vessels. But the disasters she 
 stifi'ered in the West Indies and on the 
 shores of the Pacific from the arms of 
 Great Britain, far more than counter- 
 balanced this advantage. 
 
 The English cabinet, upon the break- 
 ing out of the war, had adopted Mr. 
 Pitt's plans, as far as the lapse of three 
 months from their first suggestion left 
 it feasible to do so. Actual surprise 
 was now impossible; but a powerful 
 British armament was dispatched to the 
 West Indies under the command of Ad- 
 miral Pocock, and General Lord Albe- 
 marle ; and Cuba was the first object 
 of attack. The Spanish government had 
 expected this, and employed the interval 
 allowed them, in strengthening the gar- 
 rison and fortifications of the Havannah, 
 and collecting a fleet in the harbour 
 under the marquess of Real Transporte. 
 But neither these precautions, nor the 
 gallantry displayed by the Spanish com- 
 manders, could permanently defend the 
 place ; and after a sharp and resolute 
 struggle of little more than two months, 
 in which the various strong posts suc- 
 cessively fell, the English were masters 
 of the Havannah, with a booty of three 
 millions sterling, besides nine sail of the 
 line, three frigates, and naval and mili- 
 tary stores to a very great amount. 
 
 'The loss of the Havannah was almost 
 immediately followed by that of the 
 island of Trinidad in the West Indies, 
 and of Manilla, the capital of the Phi- 
 lippines, against which an expedition 
 was dispatched under Colonel Draper, 
 from the English possessions in the 
 East Indies. After some hard fighting, 
 this officer made himself master of the 
 town, and his troops had already begun 
 to plunder, when he signed a capitula- 
 tion with the archbishop-governor, and 
 the commandant of the garrison, by 
 which they ransomed the place from 
 utter destruction, with the sum of two 
 millions of dollars, and an assignment 
 for as much more upon the Spanish 
 treasury. The booty was afterwards 
 increased by the capture of the Acapulco 
 
 galleon, which was valued at three mil- 
 lions of dollars. 
 
 On the 10th of February, 17G3, a 
 treaty of peace was signed 
 at Paris, between France, 
 Spain, and England, by 
 which France ceded to England, in 
 North America, Canada, the adjacent 
 islands, and the portion of Louisiana 
 lyin<r to the east of the Mississippi; in 
 the West Indies, Dominica, St. Vincent 
 and Tobago ; in the East Indies many 
 recent acquisitions on the coast of Co- 
 romandel, and in Africa Senegal ; all 
 other conquests being mutually restored. 
 Minorca thus reverted to England, and 
 Spain bought back the Havannah, Tri- 
 nidad, and Manilla, by the cession of 
 the Florid as, the recognition of the right 
 of English subjects to cut logwood in 
 the bay of Honduras, and the restora- 
 tion of Nova Colonia to Portugal. By 
 way of compensation for these losses, 
 Spain obtained from France the resto- 
 ration of the remainder of Louisiana, 
 lying west of the Mississippi. The king 
 of. Prussia and the empress-queen, de- 
 serted by their principal allies, did not i 
 think proper to continue the war ; and 
 the treaty of Hubertsburg, which re- 
 placed all parties in the condition they 
 were in before the rupture, was signed 
 by them, the empire, and the king of . 
 Poland, nearly simultaneously with the 
 treaty of Paris. 
 
 Upon the restoration of peace, Joseph 
 and Pombal resumed their 
 patriotic labours for improv- Portugal __ 
 
 ., . . . Vi- e from A.D. 
 
 ing the internal condition of 1/621775. 
 Portugal. With the assist- 
 ance of La Lippe they remodelled, in- 
 creased, and disciplined the army. They 
 similarly reformed the state of the navy. 
 They established a more efficient police, 
 and abolished the IndicesExpurgatorios, 
 or prohibitory lists of books of the Inqui- - 
 sition, which banished from Portugal 
 many good and really philosophical 
 works. They, did not indeed give liberty 
 to the press, but established a board of 
 censure, combining royal with prelatical 
 and inquisitorial judges, by which all 
 publications were to be examined. The 
 verdicts of this board, if still somewhat 
 illiberal, were far less so than the 
 . bigoted decisions of the uncontrolled In- 
 quisition. Nay, it is even said to have 
 admitted some free-thinking works, and 
 condemned many books written in sup- 
 port of the more extravagant pretensions 
 of the Papal See. To this board more- 
 over all schools were subjected. Pom- 
 
200- 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 bal introduced great ameliorations into 
 the constitution and forms of the uni- 
 versity of Coimbra, where, till then, 
 degrees in law, medicine, and divinity 
 had been granted, without any real 
 examination of the proficiency of the 
 candidates. 
 
 Pombal likewise somewhat limited 
 the right of entailing property, carried 
 throughout the peninsula to a ruinous 
 extent, diminished the excessive number 
 of monasteries, imposed restrictions 
 upon the admission of novices, and 
 endeavoured to abolish the odious dis- 
 tinctions between old and new Christians, 
 by repealing the tax laid especially "upon 
 the latter. He likewise rendered the 
 royal sanction necessary for the cele- 
 bration of autos da fe. On the other 
 hand, Pombal sought to encourage agri- 
 culture by ordering all vineyards to be 
 destroyed that were planted upon good 
 arable land; he cramped commerce by 
 injudicious attempts to encourage do- 
 mestic manufactures, by establishing 
 exclusive commercial companies, by 
 passing sumptuary laws, and by various 
 embarrassing regulations. 
 
 Upon the whole, however, the result 
 of Pombal's administration was highly 
 advantageous to Portugal ; and it seems 
 to be pretty generally acknowledged as 
 such, since lapse of years has allayed 
 the strong prejudice excited against 
 him partly by the implacable severity 
 already alluded -to, but chiefly by the 
 resentment of the friends and partisans 
 of the Jesuits, and of the noble families 
 implicated in the plot of 1758. In token 
 of gratitude, if we must not rather 
 say of adulation, to a minister then all 
 powerful, the Cdmara, or municipality 
 of Lisbon, placed a medallion containing 
 a bust of Pombal, upon the pedestal of 
 a" statue of Joseph, which they erected 
 in the year 1775. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Grimaldi succeeds Wall Marriages of 
 the Bourbon princes amongst them- 
 selves, and with the houses of Austria 
 and Sardinia Dissensions with Eng- 
 land With Portugal Squilaci 
 offends the people of Madrid by inno- 
 vations Sedition Charles dismisses 
 Squilaci, and revokes his edicts 
 Aranda president of the council of Cas- 
 tile Choiseul intrigues against the 
 Jesuits Jesuits expelled from Spain 
 and Spanish America Paraguay 
 
 Indians return to savage life Naples 
 and Parma imitate Spain Clement 
 XIIL menaces Parma with interdict 
 and excommunication Clement XIV. 
 abolishes the Order of Jesuits New 
 dissensions with England Choiseul 
 overthrown by a court intrigue, and 
 war prevented Aranda s reforms 
 He attacks the power of the church 
 and the Inquisition Is dismissed *. 
 
 WHILST Joseph and his minister were 
 thus labouring for the improvement of 
 Portugal, the able and honest Wall had 
 retired from office at Madrid. 
 From the moment that the fro s ,J a ] n D 
 French had decidedly gained 17631766. 
 the ascendancy he had re- 
 peatedly tendered his resignation, which 
 Charles had as often refused to accept. 
 He is said to have at length obtained his 
 release by the whimsical artifice of rub- 
 bing his eyes with an ointment that gave 
 them the appearance of inflammation, 
 every time he attended the king. He 
 was succeeded by another foreigner, 
 directly opposed to him in politics. 
 
 This was Jeronimo Marquess Gri- 
 maldi, the younger son of a noble 
 Genoese family, who had been educated 
 for the church, and sent upon a political 
 mission by his native republic to Spain, 
 during the latter part of Philip's reign. 
 The court of Madrid was then a general 
 stage for foreign adventurers. The 
 comeliness of Grimaldi's person, his 
 lively conversation, and his insinuating 
 manners, proved such potent recom- 
 mendations, that the young ecclesiastic, 
 encouraged by his favourable reception, 
 renounced both the clerical profession 
 and the service of his native land, and 
 gladly took a subordinate situation in. 
 the Spanish government. Here he 
 attached himself to the French party, 
 thereby acquired the' patronage of En- 
 senada, and was employed under Fer- 
 dinand in several diplomatic missions. 
 Upon the accession of Charles he was 
 sent ambassador to Paris, where he 
 gained the entire confidence of the duke of 
 Choiseul, and was a principal instrument 
 in bringing about the Family Compact, 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Da Costa, Coxe, Voltaire, Sempere, 
 Belsham, Southey, Memorias Espanoles sobre el 
 Origen y Consecution de los Males actuates, hasta los 
 anas de 1810, por Don Geronimo Martin de Ber- 
 nardo, 8vo. Londres, a sort of political essay 
 upon the causes of the helplessness of Spain, prior 
 to Buonaparte's invasion, which affords some 
 insight into her long misKOvernment. It is written 
 with strong nationality, and of course with much 
 prejudice, which must be allowed for when re- 
 ferring to it. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 20? 
 
 the negotiations for which are believed 
 to have been concealed from Wall until 
 its signature. The favour of the court 
 of Versailles was one of Grimaldi's 
 chief recommendations as Wall's suc- 
 cessor. 
 
 Under Grimaldi's administration the 
 bonds of alliance between Paris and 
 Madrid were drawn closer than ever, 
 and the Bourbon sovereigns sought to 
 gain strength and influence by matri- 
 monial connexions, as well amongst 
 themselves, as with the most powerful 
 royal families of Europe. Charles, 
 prince of Asturias, married Louisa 
 Maria, the second daughter of Philip, 
 duke of Parma, whose eldest daughter 
 vras the wife of the Archduke Joseph, 
 eldest son of Maria Theresa. The 
 empress-queen's second son, Leopold, 
 grand duke of Tuscany, married Maria 
 Louisa, second daughter of the king of 
 Spain ; and three of her daughters be- 
 came severally the wives of Ferdinand 
 king of Naples, of Ferdinand, who, in 
 1765, succeeded his father Philip as 
 duke of Parma, and of the French 
 dauphin, afterwards the unfortunate 
 Lewis XVI. ; whilst the dauphin's two 
 brothers espoused two daughters of the 
 king of Sardinia, a monarch who, though 
 not very considerable in himself, en- 
 joyed great local importance, with re- 
 gard to all schemes of Italian con- 
 quest, and to the secure establishment of 
 the Spanish Bourbon princes already 
 endowed with Italian sovereignties. 
 
 In virtue of the close connexion be- 
 tween the houses of Bourbon and of 
 Austria, produced by so many inter- 
 marriages, Maria Theresa wished to be 
 admitted a member of the Family Com- 
 pact. She was refused, upon the plea 
 of that treaty being a mere matter of 
 affection, not policy, with which as such 
 Europe had no concern, but which 
 would justly become an object of general 
 alarm, should it be extended to other 
 powers. 
 
 The peace restored by the treaty of 
 Paris did not at first promise to be 
 durable. The settlements for cutting 
 logwood produced incessant wrangling 
 between Spain and England ; as did the 
 Manilla ransom, the Spanish court posi- 
 tively refusing to pay the two millions of 
 dollars for which the archbishop had 
 drawn upon it. Between Spain and 
 Portugal differences equally existed 
 touching the limits of the respective do- 
 minions of either country in South 
 America ; and although the temperate 
 
 firmness of the English cabinet was most 
 useful in preventing those squabbler 
 from producing actual hostilities, such 
 an issue could not perhaps have been 
 very long delayed, had not the attention 
 of the king of S pain been diverted from ex- 
 ternal affairs by internal disorders. His 
 favourite Squilaci had, as both a favou- 
 rite and a foreigner, long been an object 
 of popular ill will, which was further ex- 
 asperated by his injudicious precipitation 
 in attempting to carry a very really im- 
 portant point, namely, the introduction 
 of an effective police at Madrid. 
 
 That capital was not only disgustingly 
 filthy, but the scene of frequent un- 
 punished and undetected assassinations. 
 The security with which such crimes were 
 perpetrated was ascribed in part to the 
 national dress, namely, the large flapped 
 hat that enabled any man at his pleasure 
 to avoid recognition, without assuming 
 a suspicious appearance of disguise, and 
 the immense wrapping cloak that af- 
 forded similar means of concealing the 
 person, as well as a pernicious facility 
 for wearing hidden weapons. Squilaci, 
 not content with cleansing the streets, 
 and lighting the city, prohibited the 
 national hat and cloak. This innova- 
 tion upon established customs produced, 
 well nigh instantaneously, various symp- 
 toms of a disposition to tumult and 
 sedition ; a disposition alleged to have 
 been sedulously fostered by the French 
 party, who were anxious to concentrate 
 the whole power in the hands of Gri- 
 maldi. At this crisis, Squilaci, instead 
 of endeavouring to conciliate the irritated 
 populace, followed up his obnoxious, 
 although useful measures, with an act 
 of fiscal oppression, peculiarly affecting 
 the lower orders. He established a. 
 monopoly for supplying Madrid with 
 bread, oil, and other articles constituting 
 the daily food of the people, the price of 
 all which was, as an inevitable conse- 
 quence, materially increased. 
 
 The long smouldering flame now burst 
 out. The Madrid populace rose in arms,, 
 insisted upon every person's flapping his 
 hat, set up the old cry of ' Peace with 
 England, and war with all the world!* 
 and demanded the head of Squilaci, 
 whose house the troops with difficulty 
 protected against their rage. These dis- 
 orders began in the evening of Palm 
 Sunday, in the year 17G6. They lasted 
 through the night and the greater part 
 of the following: Monday, until the king, 
 finding all other means unavailing, ap- 
 peared in a balcony of the palace, whence 
 
208 
 
 HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 hu harangued the mob, promising to re- 
 peal the decree against flapped hats and 
 long cloaks, to suppress the monopoly of 
 pnnisions, and to dismiss Squilaci, ap- 
 pointing a Spaniard to his office. These 
 concessions fully satisfied the insurgents ; 
 they dispersed with shouts of loyalty ; 
 and by Monday evening the city was as 
 tranquil as if no tumult had occurred. 
 But in the course of the night, the king, 
 either terrified out of his usual discre- 
 tion, or desirous to evade the promised 
 sacrifice of his favourite, left his palace 
 on foot, with the royal family and Squi- 
 laci, walked to the nearest city gate, and 
 thence, getting into such carriages as 
 could be procured, hastened to Aran- 
 mez. 
 
 The populace considered this flight as 
 a violation of the treaty concluded with 
 them, and rose again with redoubled 
 fury. The Spanish troops refused to act 
 against the insurgents ; the Walloons, 
 who still formed the royal guards, had 
 accompanied the king to Aranjuez ; and 
 for forty-eight hours Madrid was in the 
 hands of an infuriated mob, a considera- 
 ble number of whom had managed to 
 procure arms. But though they spread 
 dismay around, these unruly masters 
 committed no acts of private violence ; 
 and when the deputy, whom they had sent 
 to Aranjuez, to insist upon the king's 
 returning to Madrid, brought back word 
 that his majesty was too unwell to quit 
 his chamber, but that Squilaci was ac- 
 tually dismissed, and Don Michael Mus- 
 quiz appointed his successor, the people 
 received the news with shouts of joy, 
 and'at once giving up the arms, of which 
 they had lawlessly obtained possession, 
 dispersed to their ordinary occupations. 
 Whatever damage had been done was 
 liberally paid by the ringleaders of the 
 insurrection, and in a few hours' time 
 no one could have supposed that Madrid 
 had ever been disturbed. Similar dis- 
 orders occurred in different parts of the 
 kingdom, and were not always quelled 
 without bloodshed. 
 
 '&The mind of Charles was deeply agi- 
 tated by these events. His pride was 
 hurt at having been compelled to capi- 
 tulate with rebels; his affections were 
 wounded by the necessity of dismissing 
 a minister to whom he was personally 
 attached ; and the singularly disinterested 
 and orderly conduct of the rebellious 
 populace, amidst their very wildest tu- 
 mults, excited suspicions of the insur- 
 rections having been organized and 
 governed by persons of more conse- 
 
 quence. Ensenada, amongst others, was, 
 in consequence of such suspicions, ba- 
 nished from court. Charles's whole ad- 
 ministration was moreover disturbed by 
 the retirement of Squilaci. Grimaldi 
 was alarmed, and shrank from respon- 
 sibility; whereupon the king summoned 
 Count de Aranda, then governor of Va- 
 lencia, a popular nobleman, distinguished 
 for vigour of character, to direct his 
 councils ; and revived in his favour the 
 office of president of the Council of Cas- 
 tile, which had latterly been discontinued 
 as too powerful, on account of the right 
 it conferred of claiming a weekly private 
 audience of the king. 
 
 In the course of a few months the 
 vague suspicions entertained by Charles, 
 touching the origin of the late tumults, 
 were artfully directed towards the Jesuits, 
 and, fixing there, proved the immediate 
 cause of the suppression of that once 
 formidable Order. The power and in- 
 fluence of the Jesuits had been seriously 
 shaken by the blow Pombal had so suc- 
 cessfully struck at them. The proof 
 thus given that they were far from in- 
 vincible, encouraged Choiseul, whom 
 various circumstances, public and pri- 
 vate, had rendered their 
 inveterate enemy, to attack Foreign 
 
 . -,-, J -f ., Politico from. 
 
 them m France. In that A.D. 1764 1767. 
 country, public opinion, 
 swayed by those freethmking writers, 
 whose doctrines are usually designated 
 by the name of French philosophy, was 
 strong against them. Bigotry was out 
 of fashion, and, in the year 17G4, the 
 minister easily procured a sentence that 
 banished them from the French territo- 
 ries. But they were spared the circum- 
 stances of inhumanity attending their 
 expulsion from the Portugueze domi- 
 nions. Elated and emboldened by,this 
 victory over a body, which he equally 
 feared and hated, Choiseul now made 
 the final suppression of the Order a lead- 
 ing object of his policy ; and, as a pre- 
 liminary measure, he sought to effect 
 their downfall in the other Catholic states, 
 but more especially in Spain, which 
 might be considered as their native land. 
 In pursuing his object, Choiseul is said 
 to have been little scrupulous as to 
 means, employing, without hesitation, 
 the grossest calumny, and even forgery. 
 And, reluctant as every candid mind 
 must be to credit such odious imputa- 
 tions, they assuredly do, upon the pre- 
 sent occasion, acquire some degree of 
 probability from the mere fact of 
 Charles's suspicions with regard to the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 209 
 
 Madrid insurrection, beins: led towards 
 the Jesuits. For it is difficult to conjec- 
 ture what interest those fathers could 
 have had in the overthrow of Squilaci, 
 whilst it was evidently desirable for the 
 Frvnch premier to free his friend and 
 creature Grimaldi from a rival who 
 almost exclusively possessed the confi- 
 dence of the kin?: of Spain ; and if in so 
 doing he could likewise exasperate that 
 arch against an Order whom he, 
 Chuiseul, had made his personal ene- 
 mies, he would gain two great ends by 
 one stratagem. 
 
 Be that as it may, suspicion fell upon 
 the Jesuits. Charles, once convinced 
 that they were the authors of the machi- 
 
 Spain nations against himself and his 
 A. D. 1707. favourite, was converted from 
 their zealous protector into their implaca- 
 ble enemy, and their expulsion from Spain 
 end Spanish America was determined. 
 The execution of this determination,when 
 ink en, was committed to Aranda, who 
 planned and matured it in the most im- 
 pervious secrecy. The king, by his de- 
 sire, wrote with" his own hand letters to 
 the governors of every province of his 
 extensive realms, which were not to be 
 opened until a specified day and in a 
 specified place. It is even said that, 
 lest the circumstance of the king's writ- 
 ing so much more than usual should 
 reach the ears and excite the attention 
 of the ever-vigilant Jesuits, the minister 
 carried the pen, ink, and paper requisite, 
 to those private audiences to which, as 
 president of the Council of Castile, he 
 was entitled. 
 
 "When the appointed time, the 31st of 
 March, 17G7, arrived, the colleges of the 
 Jesuits throughout Spain were sur- 
 rounded at midnight by troops, under 
 the guidance of officers of police. At 
 each college admission being obtained 
 in the king's name, sentinels were posted, 
 the bells were secured, the community 
 was assembled in the refectory, and the 
 royal decree of expulsion was read aloud. 
 Every member was then permitted to 
 take his hreviary, linen, some few con- 
 veniences, and his money, specifying in 
 writing the amount cf this last." They 
 were then placed in different carriages*, 
 escorted by dragoons charged to pre- 
 vent all intercourse with any person 
 whatsoever, and thus conveyed to the 
 coast ; where, with similar despatch 
 and similar precautions, they were em- 
 barked in vessels provided to trans- 
 port them to Italy. The seizure and 
 deportation of these fathers from their 
 
 respective colleges remained everywhere 
 unsuspected until the following morning, 
 when the prisoners were already far 
 advanced upon their journey to the place 
 of embarcation. The decree for their 
 expulsion was then promulgated. 
 
 The vessels bearing the Jesuits mad 
 Civita Vecchia, a sea-port of the Estates 
 of the Church ; but the governor of that 
 place, having received no instructions 
 upon the subject, would not allow them 
 to be landed until he should have com- 
 municated with the pope ; and his holi- 
 ness positively forbade their admission 
 into his territories, upon the plea, that 
 if all the Catholic princes of Europe 
 chose to abolish religious orders, and to 
 send their members to him, neither 
 could his dominions contain, nor his 
 treasury support them. The unhappy. 
 Jesuits were, during these discussions, 
 kept on board crowded ships in a sultry 
 season and climate. The aged and in- 
 firm of course fell victims to their suffer- 
 ings. The survivors, after three months 
 tossing about upon the Mediterranean, 
 were at length landed in Corsica, where 
 they were stowed away, like bales of 
 merchandise, in warehouses, without 
 beds, or any of the commonest necessa- 
 ries of life. In this condition they re- 
 mained, until a compromise was effected 
 between the king of Spain and the pope ; 
 the former allowing them a pittance of a 
 shilling a day each, and the pope there- 
 upon permitting them to settle in his 
 dominions. 
 
 A similar course was followed in the 
 colonies, but inflicting yet 
 greater evils upon the victims, JjJ^VjJj 
 whom the underlings of office A.I^ITG?. 
 there plundered of the little 
 money and few comforts government al- 
 lowed them. It is no small vindication of 
 the persecuted Jesuits from the ambitious 
 designs imputed to them in Paraguay, 
 that not more than nine thousand dol- 
 lars were found in their coffers, and 
 that they not only, in no one instance, 
 offered the slightest resistance to their 
 cruel destiny, but in almost all the Ke- 
 ductions, exerted the unbounded influ- 
 ence they possessed over their flocks to 
 restrain the enraged Indians from op- 
 posing the execution of the royal decree. 
 Every other species of justification was 
 effectually prevented by Charles and his 
 minister, since it was publicly announced 
 that if any apology for the conduct cf 
 the Jesuits should be put forth by a 
 member of that Order, the pensions of 
 the Spanish exiles should immediately 
 
210 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 cease ; and that writing for or against 
 them should, in a Spanish suhject, be 
 equivalent to high treason. The decay 
 of the Reductions, and the return of the 
 half-civilised Indians to savage life and 
 paganism, was as complete in Paraguay 
 as it had been in the Brazilian missions. 
 , The example of the king of Spain was 
 followed by the king of the 
 
 r T n i7 S 68 ate3 Sicilies an(1 the cluke of 
 Parma. The pope had 
 
 seen wifh pain and growing irritation the 
 proceedings of so many sovereigns 
 against an order esteemed the firmest 
 champions of the spiritual and temporal 
 power of the Holy See. He had remon- 
 strated earnestly, but had only remon- 
 strated, and, in the end, had given way. 
 "When, however, so petty a sovereign as 
 the duke of Parma presumed equally to 
 brave his authority, he deemed such 
 forbearance needless, and menaced Fer- 
 dinand's duchy with an interdict, and 
 his person with excommunication, if he 
 did not immediately revoke his ordi- 
 nances against the rights and privileges 
 of the church. 
 
 ' The indignation of Clement XIII. had 
 hurried him into forgetting: that, if the 
 duke of Parma was weak in himself, he 
 was intimately connected with, and 
 supported by, the strong. His cousin, 
 uncle, and grandfather, prevailed upon 
 the other Catholic states to unite with 
 them in censuring the pope's brief, as 
 illegal and vindictive ; and the kings of 
 France and Naples further testified their 
 dissatisfaction by occupying those por- 
 tions of the papal domains which were 
 included within their own dominions, 
 the former taking possession of Avig- 
 non, and the latter of Benevento. These 
 sovereigns and Charles continued at the 
 same time their endeavours to obtain 
 from the Holy See the final suppression 
 of the obnoxious Order. 
 
 The earnestness with which Charles 
 pursued this object was in- 
 crease d by detecting plots in 
 favour of the Jesuits, and by 
 an offensive proof of their great influ- 
 ence over his subjects, which occurred 
 the year after their expulsion. Upon 
 the festival of the saint after whom he 
 was named, it was customary for the 
 king to present himself to the people in 
 a balcony of the palace, and grant any 
 petition addressed to him by the gene- 
 ral voice. Upon St. Charles's day, of 
 the year 1768, the assembled multitude 
 unanimously demanded the return of 
 the Jesuits. The request was, of course, 
 
 not granted, and the archbishop of 
 Toledo and his grand vicar were, after 
 due investigation, banished, as the au- 
 thors of this seditious movement. 
 
 The negotiations of the Bourbon 
 princes respecting the 
 suppression of the Order, Foreign politics 
 and the recall of the vLim. 
 Bulls fulminated against 
 Parma, were altogether unavailing, so 
 long as Clement XIII.'s pontificate 
 lasted. The death of this pope, said to 
 have been hastened by vexation at the 
 embarrassments of his position, opened 
 a fairer prospect. The exertions and 
 intrigues of France and Spain procured 
 the election of Cardinal Ganganelli, a 
 prelate distinguished for learning, mode- 
 ration, and disinterestedness ; and the 
 new pope, who took the name of Cle- 
 ment XIV., did not disappoint the hopes 
 of his friends. He acted in a manner 
 becoming the professed and acknow- 
 ledged head of Catholic Christendom. 
 
 Clement XIV. required the immediate 
 restoration of the papal territories that 
 had been seized, and he insisted upon 
 being allowed time to examine into the 
 accusations against the Jesuits ; declar- 
 ing that, without such reasons as would 
 justify him in the eyes of God, he could 
 not destroy so celebrated an Order. In 
 other points he showed himself willing 
 to comply with the wishes of Catholic 
 Europe. He revoked the Bull pub- 
 lished by his predecessor against the 
 duke of Parma ; he received an ambas- 
 sador from Portugal, whence all mis- 
 sions had for years been prohibited ; and 
 he ceded several points of church privi- 
 lege and ecclesiastical discipline, that 
 had been found politically detrimental. 
 Finally, in July, 1773, yielding to the 
 urgent solicitations of the Catholic 
 powers, he formally suppressed the 
 Order of Jesus. 
 
 Whilst the negotiations upon this 
 subject were in progress, Choiseul and 
 Grimaldi were endeavouring to provoke 
 a war with England ; and, notwithstand- 
 ing the pacific policy of their own sove- 
 reigns, and of the English administration, 
 which quietly suffered France to possess 
 herself of Corsica, by their adroit manage- 
 ment of a dispute touching some insigni- 
 ficant islands in the Southern Atlantic, 
 they had nearly succeeded. These islands, 
 named Falkland's Islands, lie near the 
 Straits of Magellan, and having been 
 praised by Lord Anson as a convenient 
 station, an English settlement had been 
 attempted upon them as early as the year 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 211 
 
 1748, but at once relinquished, in com- 
 pliance with the remonstrances of the 
 Spanish government. 
 
 In 1764 the duke of Choiseul sent 
 out an expedition to establish a colony 
 upon the most easterly of these islands ; 
 and the English ministry, not choosing 
 to let France profit by a concession 
 made to the admitted rights of Spain, 
 two years afterwards ordered Captain 
 Byron to occupy the most westerly of 
 the group. The Spanish court now 
 made a formal complaint to Lewis XV. 
 of the intrusion upon their Transatlantic 
 dominions. The justice of the complaint 
 was confessed, and the colony was sur- 
 rendered to a Spanish officer. Had a 
 similar course been adopted towards 
 England, the result would probably 
 have been similar. But instead of any 
 such representations, the governor of 
 Buenos Ayres sent an expedition suffi- 
 cient to overpower a feeble settlement, 
 and expelled the English by force. 
 
 The indignation of the British public 
 at this insulting conduct compelled the 
 cabinet of St. James's, in spite of its 
 decidedly pacific policy, to demand re- 
 paration, and a positive disavowal of 
 the governor of Buenos Ayres. Gri- 
 maldi refused everything of the kind. 
 Hostile preparations were made in 
 France and Spain ; the English envoy 
 was recalled from Madrid; and war 
 seemed inevitable, when an intrigue at 
 Versailles changed the aspect of affairs. 
 By the influence of the royal concubine 
 of the day, Madame du Barri, the duke 
 of Choiseul was overthrown, and the 
 duke d'Aiguillon appointed in his stead. 
 Lewis XV! wrote with his own hand to 
 Charles III., ' My minister would have 
 had war, but I will not.' The inclina- 
 tions of Charles concurred with those of 
 his royal kinsman ; and Grimaldi, con- 
 scious that Spain could not contend 
 singly against England, consented to 
 the reparation demanded. Port Egmont, 
 the name of the settlement, was formally 
 restored to England, and by her soon 
 afterwards abandoned, as of little value. 
 Whilst Grimaldi was vainly labouring 
 to embroil the country in 
 war ' Aranda, w i tn more 
 statesman-like views, and 
 emulous of the milder glories 
 of Pombal, was engaged in ameliorating 
 the internal condition of Spain, and in 
 providing the means of making war, if 
 circumstances should render necessary 
 that last argument of States. He re- 
 formed many financial abuses ; he in- 
 
 creased the navy; he restored the 
 discipline of the army, and introduced 
 the new system of tactics invented by 
 the celebrated Frederic II. of Prussia. 
 
 But the most remarkable feature of 
 Aranda's administration was his en- 
 deavour to introduce liberal ideas into 
 Spain, and to diminish the exorbitant 
 authority of the church. He changed 
 the nature of the Nuncio's tribunal, by 
 substituting for the Auditor, who had 
 been a mere creature of the Nuncio, six 
 Spanish ecclesiastics, to be proposed by 
 the king, and nominated by the pope. 
 He limited the privilege of sanctuary, 
 the excessive facility of which had 
 afforded impunity to every spec-ies of 
 crime, by restricting it to two churches 
 in the capitals of the several provinces, 
 and to one church in every other town. 
 He even dared to restrain the over- 
 whelming and always encroaching: power 
 of the Inquisition; and although the 
 arts of that formidable body, working 
 upon the king's timid piety, frustrated 
 some of his schemes, he succeeded in 
 confining the Inquisitorial jurisdic 1 ion to 
 heresy and apostacy, and in compelling 
 the grand inquisitor to submit his pro- 
 hibitory lists of books to the council of 
 Castile for confirmation. 
 
 Aranda further attempted to revive 
 the long declining industry of Spain 
 by introducing a colony of foreigners. 
 These he drew from Germany, Switzer- 
 land, and Italy ; he established them 
 in the Sierra Morena, under the super- 
 intendence of Don Pablo Olavide, a 
 liberal and well-informed Peruvian 
 Creole ; and those mountains, previ- 
 ously the terror of travellers, as the 
 haunt of banditti and of wolves, soon 
 displayed in the new settlement, named 
 La Carolina, a thriving manufacturing 
 population of six thousand souls. 
 
 But beneficial as were rncist of Aran- 
 da's plans, as well those which he car- 
 ried into effect as those in which he was 
 thwarted, he was, like most of the re- 
 forming ministers, his predecessors or 
 contemporaries, too rash and sweeping 
 in his improvements. He attempted 
 things for which his countrymen were 
 not prepared. He shocked the preju- 
 dices of all classes, and provoked the 
 whole influence of the church against 
 himself. The consequence, after some 
 years of struggle, was his removal from 
 the ministry, attended, however, with 
 every mark of respect, including his 
 appointment to the Parisian embassy. 
 But his dismissal was followed by the 
 P 2 
 
212 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 1 
 
 overthrow of many of his best, measures, 
 which be might probably have main- 
 tained bad he been content to proceed 
 with the deliberation essential to salu- 
 tary and permanent reform, to humour 
 prejudices which time only can eradi- 
 cate, and, modifying his plans accord- 
 ing to the temper of his countrymen, to 
 aim rather at practicable improvement, 
 than at theoretic perfection. 
 
 The Inquisition recovered its autho- 
 rity, and La Carolina was ruined. Most 
 of the colonists were Protestants ; and 
 Olavide, yet more imprudent than his 
 patron Aranda, not content with the 
 extraordinary degree of tacit toleration 
 they actually enjoyed, seems to have 
 indulged himself in puerile insults to the 
 bigotry, if not to the religion of the 
 country. He was seized by the Inqui- 
 sition, tried, and convicted of heresy. 
 His sentence, however ruinous, was 
 mild, when compared with the horrible 
 autos de fe that signalised the earlier 
 days of that tribunal. It was solemnly 
 and publicly pronounced, with formali- 
 ties, constituting what was called an 
 Autillo, or little process, defe, and was, 
 deprivation of office, incapacity to hold 
 office, or to receive any mark of royal 
 favour hereafter, confiscation of pro- 
 perty, banishment to a distance of thirty 
 leagues from all royal residences, as 
 well as from Seville, La Carolina, and 
 his birthplace, Lima; prohibition of 
 riding on horseback, of wearing gold, 
 silver, or silk, and eight years' confine- 
 ment in a monastery, with monastic 
 discipline. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. " 
 
 Accession of Lewis XVI. His pacific 
 counsels War with Portugal in 
 America Grimaldi resigns Florida 
 Blanco, succeeds him Final capture 
 of Nova Colonia Death of Joseph of 
 Portugal Accession of Maria Her 
 bigotry She releases eight hundred 
 political prisoners Pombal resigns 
 Peace between Spain and Portugal 
 Inland districts given to Portugal 
 in exchange for Nova Colonia Eng- 
 lish North American colonies pro- 
 claim their independence Acknow- 
 ledged by France War between 
 France and England Between Spain 
 and England Florida Blanca's ne- 
 gotiations Treaty with Morocco 
 Neutrality of Portugal Blockade of 
 Gibraltar Spain offers England 
 her friendship as the price of Gi- 
 
 braltar Offer refused State of 
 Spanish America Rebellion of Tu- 
 pac Amaru Quelled Some colonial 
 grievances redressed *. 
 
 THE removal of Aranda again left 
 Grimaldi sole minister, and 
 he flattered himself that the f ^jj 1 ,, 
 accession of Lewis XVI. to 1774 t^6. 
 the throne of France would 
 restore his former influence in that 
 country, by recalling his friend Choi- 
 seul to the helm of state, as the minister 
 who had negotiated the young king's 
 marriage with a beloved wife, Marie 
 Antoinette of Austria. But Lewis's 
 passion for his beautiful and fascinating 
 queen did not influence his political 
 principles, which were solely governed 
 by a sincere, if not always judicious, 
 patriotism. He considered Austria as 
 the natural enemy of France. Choiseul, 
 therefore, as a partizan of Austria, re- 
 mained in disgrace, the veteran and long- 
 discarded politician, Maurepas, was 
 placed at the head of affairs, and Ver- 
 gennes, a personal enemy of Choiseul, 
 was appointed minister for foreign 
 affairs. 
 
 Grimaldi well knew that, notwith- 
 standing all Aranda's reforms, Spain, 
 unsupported by France, was still no 
 match for England : he therefore agreed 
 to an amicable adjustment of some of 
 the ever- recurring disputes about com- 
 mercial encroachments or uninhabited 
 islands, and confined his military enter- 
 prises to sending, in 1774, an expedition 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Da Costa, Coxe, Sempere, Bernardo, 
 Me'moires de Pombal, Chalmers, Southey, Bel- 
 sham, Histoire de la Guerre de la Peninsule sous 
 Napoleon, precedes d'un Tableau pohtique et mili- 
 taire des Puissances Belligerentes, war lc Gen. Foy, 
 Publics par M. la Comtesse^Foy^Tom. Svo.Paris, 
 1827. A work of great ability and information, 
 the value of which is impaired only by the writer's 
 professional and national prejudices. His hatred 
 of England colours all his statements, and renders 
 caution necessary in reading even his preliminary 
 sketches of Spain and Portugal, which, with this 
 allowance, supply useful information during a 
 period, concerning which there is a dearth of his- 
 tory ; viz., the reigns of Maria of Portugal, and 
 Charles IV. of Spain. Memoirs of General Miller, in 
 the Service of the Republic of Peru. By John Miller. 
 2vols,8vo. London. 1828. General Miller'spolitical 
 situation in South America affords him the means 
 of acquiring a thorough knowledge of the past and 
 present condition of that country, that renders bis 
 brother's book, as far as it goes, a satisfactory 
 authority, both as to the state of the Spanish colo- 
 nies towards the close of the eighteenth, and be- 
 ginning of the nineteenth century, and as to the 
 beginning of their insurrection. Journal of a Re- 
 sidence in Columbia during the years 1823 and 
 1824, by Capt. Charles Stuart Cochvane, R.N. 2 
 vols. 8vo. 1825. A work that, in the paucity of 
 information concerning the state of the Spanish 
 colonies during their subjection to the mother- 
 country, affords some interesting matter. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 213 
 
 against Algiers. It was wholly unsuc- 
 cessful ; and the troops that had landed 
 were speedily compelled to re-embark, 
 with a loss of four thousand five hun- 
 dred men killed and wounded. 
 
 This failure produced a degree of 
 popular clamour, apparently very dis- 
 proportionate to its magnitude ; which, 
 combining with some other circum- 
 stances, viz., a new involvement in hos- 
 tilities with Portugal touching the 
 American boundaries of the two em- 
 pires, the increasing difficulty of sway- 
 ing Charles's obstinate temper, the 
 enmity of the prince of Asturias, and 
 the terrors that had haunted Grimaldi 
 ever since Squilaci's fall, determined 
 the prime minister to abandon his irk- 
 some and dangerous post. The king 
 reluctantly consented, appointed him 
 ambassador to Rome, and by his advice 
 named Don Joseph Monino, afterwards 
 created count of Florida Blanca, his 
 successor. The new minister was the 
 native of a small village in Murcia. He 
 had devoted himself to the study of the 
 law, by superior talents and knowledge 
 had recommended himself to the patron- 
 age of Aranda, and had thus obtained the 
 embassy to Rome, where his conduct 
 and success had fully answered the ex- 
 pectations entertained of his capacity. 
 His present nomination to the post of 
 prime minister was wholly and solely 
 the result of his high reputation, with- 
 out any kind of cabal or personal favour. 
 
 Upon assuming the reins of govern- 
 ment in 1775, Florida Blanca found 
 Spain at war with Portugal 
 America * n America. The governor 
 from A.D. of Buenos Ayres had renew- 
 1/671/76. e( j tne accustomed attempts 
 upon Nova Colonia. Pom- 
 bal, at his ease at home since the final 
 suppression* of the Jesuits, had latterly 
 turned his attention more to Brazil, 
 whence increased wealth was flowing 
 into Portugal, as well from the contra- 
 band trade of Nova Colonia, as from 
 the recently discovered gold and diamond 
 mines. He was now bent upon extending 
 the Brazilian territories, and had retali- 
 ated the Buenos Ayres aggression, by 
 dispatching an armament that reduced 
 many Spanish forts. Spain and Portu- 
 gal then severally called upon their allies, 
 France and England, for succours; and 
 those powers again endeavoured to settle 
 the dispute by negotiation. But Eng- 
 land was at that moment in no condition 
 to afford her dependent ally her accus- 
 tomed effective support. Since the year 
 
 1764, a spirit of discontent had been 
 rapidly increasing in her North Ameri- 
 can colonies, provoked by an indiscreet 
 and unjust attempt on the part of the 
 British House of Commons to tax the 
 colonies, although they were completely 
 unrepresented in that assembly. Violent 
 language arid violent actions on both 
 sides had constantly exasperated the 
 existing irritation ; and in the year 
 1775 hostilities began, the colonies hav- 
 ing been declared by the mother-country 
 in a state of rebellion. Spain took ad- 
 vantage of this unfortunate occupation 
 of the English forces to pursue her ob- 
 ject by arms. An expedition under 
 Don Pedro Cevallos and the Marquess 
 Casa Tilly was speedily dispatched from 
 Cadiz; and Florida Blanca had the 
 satisfaction of seeing his administration 
 distinguished by the final capture of 
 Nova Colonia, with several smaller set- 
 tlements, and the island of St. Catherine, 
 which, lying near the coast of Brazil, is, 
 from its vicinity to the capital, Rio Ja- 
 neiro, and other local advantages, con- 
 sidered as a place of some importance. 
 
 This was the state of affairs when, 
 on the 4th of February, 1777, 
 Joseph of Portugal died; Portugal 
 and the policy of that king- $$-$77$. 
 dom at once changed. Queen 
 Maria, his successor, had completed her 
 fortieth year. She inherited all the 
 bigoted piety of the Braganza family ; 
 and the usual influence exercised over 
 the judgment by such sentiments, was 
 in her instance much strengthened by 
 the deep impression which the nume- 
 rous executions on the occasion of the 
 Duke d'Aveiro's conspiracy had made 
 upon her then youthful mind. She was 
 attached to her maternal uncle, the 
 king of Spain, by the ties of gratitude 
 as well as of blood, and had been per- 
 sonally offended by her father's mi* 
 nisfer. 
 
 Pombal, like Aranda, a somewhat 
 over-zealous reformer, had projected, 
 amongst his other innovations, an alte- 
 ration of the established law of succes- 
 sion, which should have excluded fe- 
 males from the Portugueze throne, but 
 allowed them to transmit the right 
 which they were to be debarred from 
 exercising in person. Conformably to 
 this scheme, he had persuaded the king 
 to pass by his daughter Maria, and 
 name her eldest son Joseph his heir in 
 her stead. Whilst the necessary papers 
 were in course of preparation, the se- 
 cret was revealed to Queen Mar}' Anne, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 who immediately applied to her brother, 
 Charles III., for assistance in main- 
 taining her daughter's rights, and com- 
 municated to her daughter the intention 
 of defrauding her of the crown. The 
 princess, when her signature was de- 
 manded, found means to delay her an- 
 swer, until so forcible and menacing a 
 remonstrance on her behalf arrived 
 from the king of Spain, that the scheme 
 was abandoned. 
 
 The young prince, to whom his 
 grandfather would thus have bequeathed 
 his kingdom, was married yet more 
 revoltingly to all natural feeling than his 
 mother. She, it will be remembered, 
 was the wife of her uncle, her father's 
 younger brother Don Pedro, who now 
 bore the title of king, although the 
 power remained in her hands, as queen 
 in her own right. Their eldest son Jo- 
 seph was married to his aunt, her 
 youngest sister Donna Maria Benedicta, 
 a princess, his senior by nearly fifteen 
 years. 
 
 The first act of the queen upon her 
 accession was to liberate eight hundred 
 captives, who had been imprisoned for 
 political offences, and kept in a seclu- 
 sion so rigid and secret, that many of 
 them were believed by their families to 
 be dead. This work of mercy rendered 
 Maria as popular, as, notwithstanding 
 his really meritorious services to the 
 state, Pombal was the reverse. In fact 
 the great wealth he had accumulated 
 had made him an object of universal 
 envy, and the arbitrary violence with 
 which he carried through all his mea- 
 sures, good or bad, had provoked a 
 hatred equally universal. This last 
 feeling will probably be thought in some 
 degree justified, when it is stated that 
 four thousand persons are computed to 
 have died in prison during his adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 The queen, notwithstanding her indi- 
 vidual resentment, and her religious 
 antipathy to him who had mainly con- 
 tributed to overthrow the Jesuits, and 
 who had curtailed the authority of the 
 Inquisition, hesitated it should seem to 
 dismiss her father's minister. But 
 Pombal felt the irksome change in his 
 situation, the diminution of his autho- 
 rity from her dislike, and within a few 
 weeks from her accession, relieved her 
 difficulties, by tendering his resignation. 
 It was graciously accepted, and all his 
 honours and rewards were confirmed to 
 him. This forbearance did not how- 
 ever last long. A rigorous inquiry was 
 
 instituted into the whole 'course of his 
 administration, and the sentences of the 
 survivors amongst those condemned for 
 the conspiracy against the late king were 
 reversed, as illegally as they had been 
 pronounced. Pombal was in his turn 
 sentenced to death, and, as an act of 
 favour, allowed to live in seclusion upon 
 one of his estates ; whilst the Cdmara 
 of Lisbon sought to express, either their 
 own change of opinion respecting Pom- 
 bars merits or their deference to the 
 royal and the popular voice, by remov- 
 ing his bust from the pedestal of the 
 late king's statue, and supplying its 
 place with the city arms. It was only 
 in after times, when the effects of his 
 implacability, like the envy provoked by 
 his wealth and power, had faded from 
 men's memories, that this able minis- 
 ter's merits were duly appreciated, and 
 the title of the Great Marquess was given 
 him. 
 
 Pombal's resignation, and the queen's 
 affectionate sentiments towards her 
 uncle, smoothed away all obstacles to 
 an accommodation between Spain and 
 Portugal. The latter country ceded 
 that subject of never-ending dissension, 
 Nova Colonia, together with some 
 African settlements, receiving in ex- 
 change considerable tracts of land north 
 and west of Brazil, and the restitution 
 of the island of St. Catherine. The 
 greatest commercial privileges were re- 
 ciprocally secured to both nations, and 
 a defensive alliance was concluded. 
 These treaties Florida Blanca considered 
 as the chief glory of his ministry, and 
 not unjustly ; for the destruction of the 
 contraband trade of which Nova Colo- 
 nia had been the focus, produced such 
 beneficial results to Buenos Ayres, that 
 its exports were immediately more than 
 doubled, and the government was, thence- 
 forward, raised to the dignity of a vice- 
 royalty. 
 
 But if the treaties were advantageous 
 to Spain, they were not therefore disad- 
 vantageous to Portugal; and thus far 
 Maria's subjects had no cause either to 
 blame her partiality to her maternal 
 relations, or to regret the energetic 
 Pombal. Unfortunately the successors 
 of that able, though despotic minister, 
 the marquess of Angeja and the vis- 
 count of Villa Nova de Cerveira, do not 
 appear to have been animated by an 
 equally ardent spirit of patriotism, and 
 were more intent upon justifying their ex- 
 altation by exposing their predecessor's 
 faults, than upon emulating his merits. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 215 
 
 The termination of the war with Por- 
 tugal left Charles and Flo- 
 Foreign r id a Blanca at liberty to turn 
 from A S D. their attention to the contest 
 1774-4778. between England and her 
 North American colonies. 
 The American congress assembled at 
 Philadelphia had, in 1776, the year 
 subsequent to the commencement of 
 hostilities, broken the last feeble tie 
 of allegiance, and proclaimed the in- 
 dependence of the new republic of the 
 United States. France, ever jealous 
 of the prosperity of England, had not 
 suffered such an opportunity of weak- 
 ening her rival to ^pass unimproved. 
 She did not, indeed, take an immedi- 
 ately avowed part in the civil war, 
 although she, from the very begin- 
 ning, supplied the insurgents under- 
 hand not only with money^and arms, 
 but likewise with officers capable of 
 remedying their deficiency in military 
 skill and discipline. But when, after 
 the fatal catastrophe at Saratoga, where, 
 in October, 1777, General Burgoyne, at 
 the head of ten thousand men, was com- 
 pelled to lay down his arms and surrender, 
 almost at discretion, to the American 
 General Gates, a crisis seemed at hand 
 which must extort from the mother 
 country such concessions as might con- 
 ciliate her irritated children, and render 
 English sovereignty compatible^ with 
 American liberty, France threw off the 
 mask. Lewis XVI. concluded a treaty 
 of union, friendship and commerce with 
 the United States of America, by which 
 he acknowledged their independence, 
 requiring in return their solemn en- 
 gagement never to resume their alle- 
 giance to the British crown. This 
 treaty was notified in March, 1778, to 
 the cabinet of London, and of course 
 considered as a declaration of war. A 
 French squadron under the command of 
 Count d'Estaing, and carrying four thou- 
 sand men as auxiliaries, was immediately 
 dispatched to America. The troops 
 were accompanied by an envoy accre- 
 dited to the new republic. 
 
 The war thus begun was not confined 
 to North America, but raged in every 
 quarter of the globe. In Europe, France 
 threatened England with invasion, pre- 
 paratory to which the fleets of the rival 
 nations contended for the command of 
 the Channel. An indecisive engage- 
 ment was fought off Ushant between 
 Keppel, with thirty-one sail of the line, 
 and d'Orvilliers, with thirty-two, in 
 which the French claimed the victory ; 
 
 Spain 
 from A.D. 
 1777 1770. 
 
 although the result of the battle was 
 the abandonment of their schemes of 
 invasion. In the West Indies, the ar- 
 maments of the two belligerents respec- 
 tively captured each other's sugar 
 islands ; in Africa, they reduced each 
 other's settlements. In the East Indies 
 alone, the fortune of war was decisively 
 favourable to the English, who again 
 obtained possession of Pondicherry, the 
 last remaining French settlement. 
 
 From the moment that hostilities 
 began between France and 
 England, Madrid became as 
 usual a scene of political in- 
 trigue, either country striv- 
 ing to secure the alliance and co-opera- 
 tion of Spain. It might have been 
 supposed that a state, whose wealth and 
 power depended mainly upon her colo- 
 nies, could not have hesitated as to 
 which side her own interest required her 
 to embrace, in a war carried on by an- 
 other mother-country against revolted 
 colonies ; and, in accordance with this 
 supposition, Florida Blanca solemnly 
 assured the English ambassador, that 
 he considered the subjugation of the 
 revolted English colonies as not less 
 essential to Spain than to Great Britain. 
 But either this assurance was one of 
 those direct falsehoods which were long 
 esteemed, allowable arts of diplomacy, 
 or the cabals and persuasions of the 
 French court, joined with the constant 
 irritation arising from seeing Gibraltar 
 in the possession of England, overpow- 
 ered the judicious determination to 
 obey the plain dictates of Spanish po- 
 licy, and induced Charles and his minis- 
 ter to grasp at a share in the spoils of a 
 nation believed to be upon the brink of 
 destruction. 
 
 But as the Spanish government did 
 not choose professedly to take part with 
 colonies struggling for independence, it 
 was necessary to find some colourable 
 pretext for declaring war against Eng- 
 land, and to effect this Charles tendered 
 his mediation, to restore peace between 
 France and England. Both parties de- 
 clared their willingness to accept his 
 offer, but the very first step in the ne- 
 gotiation showed the impossibility of 
 success, as England required that 
 France should withdraw her assistance 
 from the Americans, and France refused 
 to treat except in conjunction with the 
 colonies, acknowledged as independent. 
 Charles, hereupon assuming the charac- 
 ter of umpire, proposed several different 
 plans, all of which, virtually 
 
216 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 hending the already rejected French 
 conditions, were declined by England. 
 
 Whilst these negotiations were on 
 foot, it is said that the Spanish ambas- 
 sador in London was instructed to throw 
 cut a hint to the English ministry, that 
 the cession of Gibraltar would mate- 
 rially change the views of the court of 
 Madrid. This, however, is merely a 
 rumour, and if true, certainly the court 
 of St. James's did not esteem the neu- 
 trality or even the alliance of Spain 
 worth the price set upon it. At all 
 events the negotiations gave Florida 
 Blanca time to complete his prepara- 
 tions for war. 
 
 Angry complaints were now made of 
 the disrespect shown by England to 
 Spanish mediation; the Spanish ambas- 
 sador was recalled from London ; and 
 in June, 1779, war was declared by 
 Charles III., in a manifesto containing 
 a singular and laboured detail of the va- 
 rious causes of offence given by England 
 to Spain : namely, twelve outrages upon 
 packet-boats and merchantmen, eleven 
 encroachments upon Spanish territory, 
 and as many insults to the Spanish 
 navy, as, with other smaller grievances, 
 "brought the whole amount of offences 
 .to the sum total of one hundred, all 
 committed between the years 1776 and 
 1779. The manifesto further charged 
 England with having separately offered 
 the Americans conditions more favour- 
 able, than those she had refused to 
 grant through the intervention of his 
 Catholic majesty. 
 
 Florida Bianca, in preparing for war 
 with England, had not limited his exer- 
 tions to strengthening the Spanish army 
 and navy, and providing for the justifi- 
 cation of Spanish conduct. In con- 
 junction with France he had negotiated 
 in almost every part of the world, to 
 excite enemies against England, and to 
 conciliate friends to the Bourbon allies. 
 He fomented the commercial jealousy of 
 Holland, and lured her to join with them 
 by an offer of the privileges 
 
 Foreign hitherto enjoyed solely by 
 
 Politics ., u i r /i L 
 
 A.D, 1779. the merchants of Great 
 Britain. He soothed the 
 resentment felt by Austria, at the recent 
 interference of France in some German 
 disputes ; and prevailed upon Catherine 
 of Russia, not only to renounce her in- 
 tention of assisting George III. with 
 "her fleets, but to mediate a peace be- 
 tween Austria and Prussia, and thus, by 
 putting an end to a war in which 
 France was engaged as an ally, to leave 
 
 that power at liberty to turn her wlule 
 force against England. In India, he 
 established, still in conjunction with 
 France, a connexion with Hyder Aly, the 
 deadly enemy of England ; and in Africa 
 he concluded a treaty of friendship with 
 some of the Barbary powers, deemed 
 till then the necessarily irreconcilable 
 enemies of Spain, but whose assistance, 
 or even neutrality, he now trusted would 
 facilitate the recovery of Gibraltar. The 
 recent treaties with Portugal insured 
 the inaction, at least, of almost the only 
 ally remaining to Great Britain. 
 
 Lord North, who was then at the 
 head of the English ministry, appears to 
 have been misled by his conviction that 
 Spain could not act in such direct and 
 manifest opposition to her own interest, 
 as to support insurgent colonies. He 
 had consequently made no preparations 
 commensurate to the magnitude of the 
 danger now threatening Great Britain ; 
 and when the united French and Spa- 
 nish fleets, amounting to sixty-eight sail 
 of the line, besides frigates and smaller 
 vessels, approached the entrance of the 
 Channel, towards the end of July, Ad- 
 miral Hardy had only thirty-eight s;iil 
 with which to oppose them, whilst the 
 southern coast of England was nearly 
 defenceless. 
 
 The differences of opinion which sel- 
 dom fail to arise in confederations, and 
 to render unavailing the seemingly irre- 
 sistible power of their numbers, saved 
 England, if not from subjugation, yet 
 from the sufferings inevitably conse- 
 quent upon an effective invasion. The 
 Spaniards wished to land immediately: 
 the French desired first to annihilate 
 the British fleet Thus divided and un- 
 decided, they sailed about the mouth of 
 the Channel, alarmed Cornwall and the 
 Scilly islands, were baffled in their ope- 
 rations by the skilful manoeuvres of 
 Hardy, and finally, having lost many 
 men by sickness, put into the port of 
 Brest, to avoid the equinoctial gales, 
 without any other fruit of their immense 
 numerical superiority, than the capture 
 of the Ardent, a sixty-four gun ship, 
 which fell into their hands by mistaking 
 in the dark the combined for the British 
 fleet. 
 
 The failure of this mighty armament 
 produced serious dissensions between 
 the cabinets of Versailles and Madrid, 
 which were exasperated to a consider- 
 able degree of bitterness by the refusal of 
 the former to concur in Florida Blanca' s 
 extensive schemes for the recovery of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AN T D PORTUGAL. 
 
 217 
 
 Spain 
 A.r>. 
 .1780 17 ti 
 
 Gibraltar, Minorca, Jamaica, and the 
 Fk.ridas ; and the Family Compact 
 seemed a! out to be dissolved. Gibraltar, 
 the loss of which was the most sorely 
 felt of nil, was already invested by Spa- 
 nish forces on the land side, 
 and blockaded by sea. The 
 garrison, cut oft' from all 
 external supplies, was re- 
 duced to great distress, and hopes were 
 conceived of its immediate inevitable 
 surrender. But the extremity to which 
 the place was driven was well known in 
 England, where strenuous exertions 
 were making to dispatch a fleet under 
 Rodney, with all' speed, to its relief. 
 Spain/ apprized of the relief preparing, 
 sought a reconciliation with France, 
 in order to obtain such assistance as 
 might insure the reduction of the for- 
 tress, before the British admiral could 
 reach his destination. 
 
 With this one request the court of 
 Versailles readily complied, and the 
 Family Compact regained its former 
 strength. But the various arrange- 
 ments for the junction of the French 
 and Spanish squadrons required some 
 time, and ere they could be completed, 
 Rodney sailed with a far larger force 
 than it had been supposed the English 
 government, after so recent an alarm, 
 'would venture to detach. He captured 
 a Spanish convoy with copious supplies 
 of provisions and naval stores, defeated 
 the blockading squadron under Admiral 
 Langara, relieved Gibraltar, and rein- 
 forced the troops occupying Minorca. 
 After this exploit Rodney steered his 
 course for the West Indies. The Spa- 
 niards obtained some little satisfaction 
 for their disappointments, by retaliating 
 upon English commerce ; they inter- 
 cepted and took the British East and 
 "West Indian fleets, which had sailed 
 with insufficient convoy. 
 , In the West Indies the fortune of 
 war was more fluctuating. The Spa- 
 nish forces under Galvez, governor of 
 Louisiana, made considerable progress 
 in the recovery of West Florida; but 
 the fleet, weakened by the effects of the 
 Vaneful climate, was unable to attempt 
 anything, and on the shorts of the bay of 
 Honduras, if the Spaniards destroyed a 
 British settlement, the English more 
 than repaid them in kind, by taking and 
 demolishing a Spanish town with a 
 squadron of valuable register ships in 
 its port. 
 
 Such partial success was far from 
 satisfying the expectations with which 
 
 the court of Madrid had entered into the 
 war, and Charles's impatience of its 
 continuance was heightened by renewed 
 dissensions with his ally Lewis XVI. 
 Florida Blanca now again flattered him- 
 self that the English government, 
 pressed on all sides, might be willing to 
 purchase the friendship of Spain with 
 the cession of Gibraltar; and secret over- 
 tures were made with a view to bring 
 about this arrangement. The proposal 
 seems never to have been entertained 
 by the English cabinet ; but Lord George 
 Germain, one of the ministers, indivi- 
 dually encouraged and replied to it. 
 An unacknowledged sort of negotiation 
 was carried on for many months, and 
 then broken off upon the resolution of 
 the English government never to give 
 up Gibraltar. The only result of the 
 proceeding was, however, favourable to 
 Spain. France took alarm at the pos- 
 sibility of a separate peace between 
 Spain and England, and agreed to con- 
 cur in the schemes, previously rejected, 
 for the recovery of Gibraltar, Minorca, 
 and Jamaica. 
 
 Spain was not at the moment in a 
 condition to profit by these kindly dis- 
 positions of France. Her utmost pos- 
 sible exertions against foreign enemies 
 were, during the year 1780, and the 
 greater part of 1781, necessarily limited 
 to maintaining the blockade of Gibraltar, 
 and continuing those negotiations and 
 intrigues, so artfully hostile to England, 
 by which Count Florida Blanca repre- 
 sents himself as having suggested to the 
 empress of Russia the idea of the Armed 
 Neutrality, the name then given to a 
 scheme for a confederation of neutral 
 nations, arming to assert the dignity of 
 their respective flags, in opposition to 
 the maritime code of England, by pro- 
 tecting merchant vessels sailing under: 
 neutral colours from molestation, by 
 maintaining the right of neutrals to 
 carry all goods of an enemy, except 
 arms, and what is called contraband of 
 war, and by refusing to acknowledge the 
 blockade 01 any place, the approach to 
 which a blockading squadron should not. 
 actually obstruct. 
 
 The cause which thus confined the 
 martial energies of Spain was a rebellion 
 in those extensive and wealthy Transat- 
 lantic provinces, which, since the acces- 
 sion of the Bourbon dynasty, have 
 offered but Hi tie subject-matter to the 
 historian. During the reigns of Philip 
 V. and of Ferdinand VI., the colonial 
 empire had been tranquil and prosper- 
 
218 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ous. Since Charles III. had worn the 
 crown, some disturbances had, indeed, 
 occurred there, but hitherto they had 
 not been of sufficient moment to require 
 or justify interrupting, on their account, 
 the regular narration of European 
 events. 
 
 So far back as during the Seven Years' 
 War, the enterprising mi- 
 
 Spanish nisters of Charles, harassed 
 f?om e !i2. and cramped in their pro- 
 17601/82. jects by pecuniary diffi- 
 culties, had turned their 
 thoughts to America, and convinced 
 themselves that extreme malversation, 
 that gross peculation and fraud alone 
 could occasion the Spanish exchequer's 
 drawing no larger an annual revenue 
 from colonies so opulent, than one hun- 
 dred and sixty thousand pounds, the 
 sum actually received. Under this idea, 
 Carrasco, Fiscal of Castile, was com- 
 missioned to devise both an improved 
 system of colonial taxation, and means 
 for checking the mal-practices of .finan- 
 cial agents so far removed from minis- 
 terial control. 
 
 The plan drawn up by Carrasco was 
 approved, its adoption was ordered, and 
 financiers, supported by troops, were 
 sent out to carry it into effect. But the 
 mere attempt at innovation produced 
 rebellion throughout the colonies, where 
 every person possessed of authority 
 was interested in maintaining the abuses 
 it was desired to reform, whilst the 
 mass of the population, who would have 
 benefited by the change, were, from 
 ignorance, easily deluded into a belief 
 that the design was to burthen them 
 with new impositions. The Spanish 
 ministers persevered for a while ; but 
 after a short struggle the partizans of 
 corruption triumphed. The scheme was 
 abandoned, and everything returned to 
 its former course. 
 
 Mexico, however, was not restored to 
 complete tranquillity, though internally 
 pacified by this concession to rebellion 
 and misgovernment. To the north and 
 west of that viceroyalty the Spaniards 
 had continued to extend their conquests 
 along the Gulph of California, until they 
 had at length come into collision with 
 some tribes of warlike Indians. With 
 these fierce champions of the independ- 
 ence of their country, the neighbouring 
 Creole settlers had for years been en- 
 gaged in hostilities ; and about this time 
 the Red Warriors (red is the epithet by 
 which the natives distinguish themselves 
 from the whites) had so decidedly gained 
 
 the advantage over the colonists, that 
 the latter, no longer able to defend 
 themselves, were obliged to apply to the 
 viceroy for assistance. He sent the 
 troops left at his disposal by the cessa- 
 tion of civil war to their support ; but 
 even with these reinforcements the con- 
 test lasted for some years ere peace was 
 finally restored and friendship re-esta- 
 blished, in 1771, between the native In 
 dians and the intrusive Spaniards". 
 It was during this war, that the gold 
 mines in the provinces of Sonora and 
 Analoa, the richest known, were dis- 
 covered. 
 
 All those disorders had now for years 
 been quelled ; and the American domi- 
 nions of Spain, if not rendered as valu- 
 able as they might have been, had 
 Carrasco's plans been enforced, were 
 deemed in a state of permanent repose, 
 when the most alarming insurrection, 
 that had ever distracted them broke out 
 in Peru. The immediate cause of this 
 rebeDion is a curious illustration of 
 the uselessness of endeavouring, by 
 legislative enactments, to prevent the 
 recurrence of petty frauds, or, in other 
 words, effectually to guard weakness 
 against roguery. 
 
 It has been already said, that although 
 the code by which Spain governed her 
 colonies was mainly calculated to bene- 
 fit the mother-country at their expense, 
 many of the laws contained therein had 
 been carefully, if fruitlessly, contrived 
 for the protection of the aboriginal 
 Indians against Creole oppression. 
 Amongst others, in order to protect 
 them against the exorbitance of shop- 
 keepers, or hawkers and pedlars, a law 
 had been passed, that in every district 
 the corregidor, who was both magistrate 
 and receiver of taxes, should supply the 
 Indians with European goods at fixed 
 and fair prices. So far was this law 
 from answering the desired end, that 
 it became to the corregidor a new and 
 abundant source of profit and oppres- 
 sion. These magistrates, all-powerful 
 in their own districts, bought up damaged 
 goods for little or nothing, and com- 
 pelled the Indians, subject to their au- 
 thority, to purchase them at extravagant 
 prices. As an example of this mode of 
 extortion, it is said that a merchant, 
 finding his warehouse overloaded with 
 spectacles, for which there was no de- 
 mand, applied to a corregidor for assist- 
 ance, who speedily relieved his friend of 
 the previously unsaleable article, by is- 
 suing an order that no Indian should ap- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 219 
 
 pear at church, on certain festivals, 
 without a pair of spectacles. 
 
 In November, 1780, an Indian, a re- 
 puted descendant from the incas, named 
 by the Spaniards Joseph Gabriel Con- 
 dorcanki, and by his countrymen, Tupac- 
 Amaru, (which in their language means 
 ' the highly endowed,') exasperated by 
 petty acts of oppression of the kind just 
 described, seized upon the corregidor of 
 his district, Tungasura, and, in the king's 
 name, executed him as a public robber, 
 for taking three times the profit allowed 
 by law. This violent proceeding was, 
 of course, severely condemned by the 
 Spanish authorities ; whereupon Tupac- 
 Amaru renounced his allegiance to the 
 king of Spain, and assumed the title of 
 Inca, or Inca Rey (King Inca). His 
 countrymen flocked to his standard. 
 "With an army of not less than sixty 
 thousand men he defeated the Spaniards 
 in a bloody battle near Cusco, and laid 
 siege to that ancient metropolis of his 
 ancestors. 
 
 In this siege Tupac-Amaru failed. 
 He abandoned it, and fixed his court at 
 Tungasura. But, however unsuccessful 
 against fortified towns, in the field he 
 continued for many months to gain re- 
 peated victories over the Spanish troops 
 sent against him ; and the rebellion ex- 
 tended to New Granada and Mexico. 
 Tupac-Amaru is accused of having 
 committed great cruelties; a reproach 
 from which men whose minds have been 
 debased by a long- continued state of 
 slavery are rarely exempt. Spaniards 
 and white Creoles were his first victims ; 
 but afterwards all those races in which 
 European blood was mingled with In- 
 dian, are _said to have glutted the re- 
 vengeful "rage of the insurgents. The 
 Spaniards and Creoles retaliated; and 
 one-third of the population of Peru is 
 computed to have been destroyed dur- 
 ing the two years this rebellion lasted. 
 The colonies were distracted with terror. 
 The mother-country was alarmed; but 
 Florida Blanca made exertions propor- 
 tioned to the occasion, and sent out 
 forces that enabled the colonial go- 
 vernors to make head against the insur- 
 gents. 
 
 In 1781 Tupac- Amaru was defeated 
 and taken prisoner, with his wife and 
 younger children ; when he was inhu- 
 manly tortured to death, after having 
 been forced to witness the butchery of 
 his family. Neither his capture, however, 
 nor the horrors of his fate, put an imme- 
 diate end to the rebellion. His adherents, 
 
 under the command of his brother and 
 elder sons, who all took the name of 
 Tupac-Amaru, held out during the re- 
 mainder of the year. Early in January, 
 1782, the brother submitted, and was 
 pardoned; and in the course of the year 
 all the insurgents followed his example. 
 The rebellion was so far permanently 
 successful, that it produced the abolition 
 of one of the evils that pressed most 
 heavily upon the Indians, namely, the 
 repartimientos, or allotment of Indians 
 to individuals for hard labour, especially 
 in the mines. From this time the repose 
 of Spanish America remained long un- 
 troubled. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Surprise of Minorca Designs upon 
 Jamaica Rodney's naval victory 
 Conquest of the Bahamas Siege of 
 Gibraltar Floating batteries El- 
 liot repulses the assault Blockade 
 resumed Relieved by Lord Howe 
 Negotiations Peace of Versailles 
 Spain keeps Minorca and West Flo- 
 rida Obtains East Florida in ex- 
 change for the Bahamas Unsuccess- 
 ful attempt upon Algiers Peace and 
 alliance with the Porte and Barbary 
 powers Double marriage with Por- 
 tugal Death of the prince of Brazil 
 Spain seeks to purchase Gibraltar 
 Refuses to join in French intrigues 
 Seeks to renew the old connexion 
 with England Florida Blanca s re- 
 forms He diminishes the power of 
 the Inquisition Endeavours to pro- 
 mote trade, improve the mine system, 
 and introduce manufactures Finan- 
 \ cial reforms Establishment of an 
 effective police Cabals against Flo- 
 ~ rida Blanca Unsuccessful Death, 
 " of Charles HI*. A _ 
 
 | 
 
 TOWARDS the latter end of the year 
 1781, when the fall of the 
 original Tupac-Amaru had 
 relieved the anxiety with 1/811782. 
 which Charles and his mi- 
 nister had contemplated the progress of 
 the Peruvian rebellion, their attention 
 was suddenly recalled to ^Europe by the 
 discovery that the English cabinet had 
 offered Minorca to Catherine of Russia 
 as the price of her friendship. The 
 value of the island seems to have been 
 thus enhanced in their eyes, as the pro- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Coxe, l>a Costa, Belshain, Seiupere, 
 Ueniurdo, Foy. 
 
220 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 spective difficulty of recovering it in- 
 creased. The promised assistance of 
 Trance was immediately claimed. Pre- 
 parations for a descent upon Minorca 
 were forthwith made with great secrecy 
 and dispatch ; the fleet being equipped, 
 and the junction with the French effected 
 at Cadiz, to create a belief that the ex- 
 pedition was destined for the West In- 
 dies or Gibraltar. The command of the 
 allied troops was given to the French 
 duke of Crillon. The stratagem an- 
 swered its intended purpose ; the island 
 was surprised, and, with the exception 
 'of Fort St. Philip, subdued. The fort 
 was invested, reinforcements were sent 
 from France, and on the 16th of Febru- 
 ary, 1782, General Murray, with his 
 small and exhausted garrison, was com- 
 pelled to capitulate. 
 
 The success of the expedition against 
 Minorca, and the suppression of the 
 American rebellion, encouraged Charles 
 and Florida Blanca to urge anew the 
 prosecution of their grand design, the 
 recovery of all that England had ever 
 torn from Spain ; and the French court 
 "now appears to have cordially co-ope- 
 rated in their schemes. Twenty thou- 
 sand men and eleven sail of the line were 
 assembled at St. Domingo, 
 under Galvez, the conqueror 
 of Florida. The French 
 admiral de Grasse was ordered to leave 
 the coast of North America, and Vau- 
 dreuil was dispatched from Brest to 
 meet him. De Grasse and Vaudreuil 
 happily effected their own junction at 
 Martinique, where they then had thirty- 
 six sail of the line, and a convoy of one 
 hundred and fifty transports ; and had 
 they equally succeeded in uniting these 
 forces with those of Galvez, Jamaica 
 must, in all likelihood, have fallen. 
 
 But Admiral Hood had followed de 
 Grasse from the North American sta- 
 tion, bringing such an accession of 
 strength to Rodney as rendered the 
 English commander equal to the French 
 in numbers, though far inferior in weight 
 of metal. The vigilance, activity, and 
 skill of Rodney enabled him, on the 
 12th of April, to engage the French fleet 
 before it could join the Spanish ; when 
 he signally defeated the enemies opposed 
 io him, taking de Grasse himself prisoner. 
 This disaster struck the Bourbon forces 
 with such consternation, that, although 
 Vaudreuil reached St. Domingo with 
 "nineteen sail of the line, and he and Gal- 
 vez were soon afterwards reinforced by 
 five more, which had fled from the vic- 
 
 WestlncHei 
 A.D. 1782. 
 
 torious Rodney in a different direction, 
 they abandoned all thoughts of the 
 splendid enterprises that were meant to 
 have blotted England from the list of 
 powerful empires. The Spaniards took 
 the Bahama islands, the French de- 
 stroyed some insignificant settlements 
 upon the shores of Hudson's Bay, and 
 these were the sole results of the pro- 
 digious efforts of France and Spain. 
 
 Their disappointment in the West In- 
 dies did not damp the ardour of the 
 Spanish king and minister for the re- 
 covery of Gibraltar. The fortress had 
 now been blockaded three years, and 
 had frequently been reduced 
 to great distress ; but notwith- A S ^ 8 2. 
 standing the numerical supe- 
 riority of the Bourbon fleets, the British 
 admirals had always succeeded in throw- 
 ing in relief; and the condition of the 
 place at the close of the third year was 
 infinitely better than it had been at the 
 beginning of the siege. The idea of 
 subduing it by famine was abandoned in 
 despair, and preparations were made for 
 a vigorous assault. The army that lay 
 before Gibraltar was greatly augmenfed, 
 batteries were raised, and trenches 
 opened ; but the commanding situation 
 and impregnable works of Gibraltar 
 seemed to render nugatory every idea of 
 an attempt from the land "side. 
 
 The project relied upon as promising 
 indubitable success was an original and 
 ingenious one devised by a French en- 
 gineer of considerable talent and reputa- 
 tion, named the Chevalier d'Arpon. 
 This was, to attack the fortress from the 
 sea with a squadron of floating batteries, 
 so constructed as to be at once incom- 
 bustible and insubmergible. Florida 
 Blanca was captivated with the idea, 
 and it was put in immediate execution. 
 Ten powerful batteries of this descrip- 
 tion, admirably constructed to resist 
 fire, throw off shells, and quench red 
 hot balls, were anchored at a fitting 
 distance, under the command of d'Arpon 
 himself. Ten ships of the line were 
 ordered to co-operate with the batteries ; 
 the land army was increased by the 
 arrival of French auxiliaries to forty 
 thousand men ; and the supreme direc- 
 tion of the whole siege was committed 
 to Crillon, the conqueror of Minorca. 
 Lest an English fleet should interrupt 
 the operations contemplated, the allied 
 fleets were ordered to cruise before the 
 mouth of the straits, and prevent the 
 approach of an enemy. 
 Not a doubt was entertained of the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 221. 
 
 result of such vast and scientific pre- 
 parations. The Spanish nobility crowded 
 to the scene of action ; the French 
 princes repaired thither from Versailles, 
 to witness the anticipated downfall of 
 British pride ; and Charles's first ques- 
 tion every morning was, * Is Gibraltar 
 taken ?' 
 
 To oppose this formidable array, 
 General Elliot, governor of Gibraltar, 
 had a garrison of seven thousand brave 
 men, fortifications esteemed the master- 
 piece of engineering skill, and a firm 
 resolution never to surrender. Early on 
 the 13th of September the attack was 
 made; and the roar of artillery is 
 said to have exceeded anything then 
 known. Various circumstances, how- 
 ever, concurred to render the combina- 
 tions of the allies for the long-expected 
 important day less perfect than had been 
 anticipated. The trenches proved to 
 be too distant, and rough weather 
 checked the co-operation of the gun- 
 boats, &c. But the floating batteries 
 seemed fully to answer the inventor's 
 hopes. They poured a tremendous fire 
 upon the fortress, and during many fear- 
 ful hours exhibited an invulnerability to 
 shells and red hot balls, thrown with 
 extraordinary precision, that delighted 
 the besiegers and alarmed the be- 
 sieged. 
 
 At length, towards evening, one ball 
 lodged in the nearest battery, and the 
 fire resisted all endeavours to extin- 
 guish it. A wild, and it is said need- 
 less, panic seized all on board, which 
 led to the wetting the powder, and 
 consequent interruption of the firing. 
 The panic spread not only to the 
 more distant batteries, but to the land 
 forces, and even to the commander-m- 
 chief, who, indeed, is believed never to 
 have approved of d' Arson's plans. The 
 batteries were ordered to be burnt, and 
 the order was obeyed so precipitately, 
 that more of the crews were .saved by 
 the intrepid generosity of their enemies 
 than by the exertions of their own 
 countrymen. 
 
 Upon the failure of a scheme in which 
 disappointment had been deemed im- 
 possible, the idea of taking Gibraltar 
 by force was given up. The noble and 
 royal visitors left the camp ; the block- 
 ade was resumed ; the allied fleet, sta- 
 tioned to intercept the English, was in- 
 creased to forty-seven sail of the line, 
 besides several frigates, and numbers of 
 smaller vessels ; and furnaces were pre- 
 pared to destroy with red hot shot any 
 
 transports or store-ships that might 
 reach the harbour. When, in the be- 
 ginning of October, Lord Howe appeared 
 with only thirty sail, and encumbered 
 with a large convoy, the Bourbon com- 
 manders deemed victory, and its prize, 
 Gibraltar, their own. 
 
 A new disappointment awaited the 
 allies from the effect of the elements, 
 combined with the skill and daring of 
 British sailors. A violent storm drove 
 the vessels of the allies from their an- 
 chors, dispersed the fleet, severely da- 
 maged great numbers of the large ships, 
 and stranded the smaller crart. To 
 enhance the distress of the French and 
 Spanish admirals, they saw Lord Howe, 
 in spite of the fury of the tempest, sail in 
 good order through the straits, and, 
 during five days' continuance of the 
 weather that disabled them, offer battle 
 to the enemy who had despised him, 
 and who now looked helplessly on whilst 
 all his transports and store-ships, ex- 
 cept one, making their way into the 
 harbour, landed abundant supplies of 
 provisions, ammunition, and men. The 
 siege was not, indeed, raised upon this 
 interruption of the blockade ; but it was 
 generally considered as hopeless, and 
 continued only because Spanish pride 
 would not confess a defeat. 
 
 This WF.S the last event of the war. 
 The mail contest be- 
 tween England and her 
 
 i -i , 
 
 colonies was already vir- 
 tually decided by the 
 advantages which the constantly in- 
 creasing power of the Americans, 
 vigorously assisted by France, had 
 everywhere gained over the divided 
 forces of Great Britain. Repeated re- 
 verses had disgusted the English nation 
 with the war, and overthrown the minis- 
 ter, Lord North, who had so pertina- 
 ciously and injudiciously carried it on. 
 The marquess of Rockingham and the 
 whigs had succeeded to office in March 
 of this year, 1782, and, in conformity 
 with the principles they had ever pro- 
 fessed, declared themselves ready to 
 treat for peace, upon the basis of 
 acknowledging the independence of the 
 United States of America. But France 
 and Spain, considering this concession 
 of the English cabinet as a proof of 
 utter defeat, demanded exorbitant terms ; 
 and no progress had been made in the 
 negotiations, when, in July, Lord Rock- 
 jnghanYs death dissolved the ministry. 
 Lord Shelburne succeeded to the pre- 
 miership; and in his administration 
 
 Politics 
 
 from A. D. 
 
 i;so 1782. 
 
222 
 
 ;HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 another William Pitt, second son to 
 Lord Chatham, first held office. 
 
 Lord Shelburne -was unfriendly to 
 American independence ; but the popu- 
 lar voice was strong for peace, and, upon 
 that point, the new cabinet adopted the 
 policy of its predecessor. The negotia- 
 tions were carried on at Paris ; and the 
 French minister, Vergennes, sought to 
 profit by that circumstance, to gain the 
 utmost advantages possible for France. 
 In this crafty policy he outwitted him- 
 self; the English and American nego- 
 tiators discovered his duplicity, and 
 signed a separate treaty on the 30th of 
 November, 1782. 
 
 This event induced Vergennes to offer 
 more equitable terms as far as France 
 was concerned ; but the pretensions of 
 Spain still formed a seemingly insur- 
 mountable obstacle to any arrangement. 
 Charles had gone to war for 
 
 Spain the express purpose of re- 
 
 from A.D. 11 ii . 
 
 17831786. covering all those portions 
 of the Spanish dominions, 
 which England had, at different times, 
 conquered, and Jamaica was the only 
 one of these lost possessions respecting 
 which he was disposed to waive his 
 claim. He insisted upon keeping Mi- 
 norca, West Florida and the Bahamas, 
 upon the restitution of Gibraltar, and 
 East Florida, and the evacuation of all 
 British settlements in the bay of Hon- 
 duras. In exchange he offered Oran in 
 Africa, and afterwards the valuable 
 West Indian island of Porto Rico. 
 
 The cession to England of this island, 
 which is rendered peculiarly important 
 by its neighbourhood to St. Domingo, 
 and its containing the finest harbour in 
 that part of the world, was what Ver- 
 gennes would not suffer ; and indeed it 
 seems likely that he never really desired 
 the restitution of Gibraltar to Spain, 
 since the constant irritation produced 
 by England's occupation of that fortress 
 was one of the main sources of French 
 influence at Madrid. The demands of 
 Spain had enabled him to extort better 
 terms for France ; and on the 20th of 
 January, 1783, he compelled Florida 
 Blanca to sign preliminary articles of 
 peace, of which the conditions, if they did 
 not quite satisfy the wishes and demands 
 of Spain, were far more advantageous 
 to her than those of any treaty she had 
 concluded since the days of Philip II. 
 Spain retained Minorca and West Flo- 
 rida, receiving East Florida in exchange 
 for the Bahamas, and- she very consi- 
 derably narrowed the English settle- 
 
 ments upon the bay of Honduras, 
 France retained the island of Tobago in 
 the West Indies, and Goree upon the 
 coast of Africa, all other conquests 
 being mutually restored, and England 
 relinquishing her vexatious claims rela- 
 tive to Dunkirk. 
 
 These terms were esteemed so disad- 
 vantageous and dishonourable to Eng- 
 land, that they overthrew the minister 
 who had agreed to them. Nevertheless, 
 Mr. Fox and Lord North, who, under 
 the name of the coalition ministry, 
 were next raised to power, found it im- 
 possible to obtain better, and a defini- 
 tive treaty of peace, with little altera- 
 tion, was signed at Versailles on the 
 3d of September of the same year. The 
 Bourbon courts exulted in their success, 
 and confidently anticipated the utter 
 ruin of England from the loss of her 
 colonies. But England speedily reco- 
 vered from the blow, whilst the embar- 
 rassments of the French finances were 
 increased, to a degree that frightened 
 the wisest French statesmen, by the ex- 
 penses of the war. The Spanish navy 
 was moreover nearly destroyed, and 
 twenty millions sterling added to the 
 public debt of Spain, which had been 
 long accumulating, and now absorbed 
 the far greater part of her declining- 
 revenue. 
 
 But Spain was not yet quite at peace. 
 War, if not always actively waged, was 
 always considered as existing, with 
 the Mahometans ; and as -the immense 
 military stores provided for the re-con- 
 quest of Gibraltar could not now be 
 so employed, it was resolved to use 
 them against Algiers. That town was 
 accordingly bombarded for two succes- 
 sive years, without other result than 
 doing a good deal of damage, and pre- 
 paration was making for a third at- 
 tempt, when the interposition of the 
 Porte, (with which Spain had in Decem- 
 ber, 1782, for the first time concluded 
 a treaty of commerce and friendship,) 
 and of the emperor of Morocco, brought 
 about a peace, by which the coasts of 
 Spain were secured from piratical incur- 
 sions, and some thousands of Spaniards, 
 who had long been pining in hopeless 
 slavery, were restored to liberty. And 
 thus, in June 1786, ended the constant 
 war, in which Christian Spain had, for 
 so many centuries, been engaged with 
 all Mahometans. 
 
 The strict friendship subsisting be- 
 tween Spain and Portugal had been 
 most beneficial to the former during 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 223 
 
 the late war with England. Not only 
 had the Portugueze harbours afforded 
 neither shelter nor assistance, as of old, 
 to the hostile British fleets, but the 
 Portugueze flag had been the means of 
 safely transporting the wealth of Ame- 
 rica to Spain ; and it is said that when 
 the English ministry had projected an 
 expedition against Peru, whilst dis- 
 tracted by Tupac- Amaru's revolt, its exe- 
 cution was prevented by a remonstrance 
 from the court of Lisbon, representing 
 that, in case of an invasion of the Spa- 
 nish dominions, Portugal was bound by 
 treaty to take part in the war. Charles, 
 duly sensible of these advantages, 
 sought to strengthen the ties of relation- 
 ship and friendship by those of wedlock; 
 and in 1785 his fourth son Don Gabriel, 
 married the Infanta Mananna Victoria 
 of Portugal, and Don John, the queen 
 of Portugal's second son, the eldest 
 Spanish Infanta, Charlotte. 
 This last union was the more agree- 
 able to Charles, inasmuch 
 Portugal as j) on John had a very 
 1779^783. fair chance of eventually 
 succeeding to the crown, 
 the incestuous union of his eldest 
 brother with his aunt having proved 
 barren, whilst the age of that prin- 
 cess, though it gave little prospect of 
 an heir, was not so advanced as to 
 offer any early prospect of her making 
 way by death for a bride of more 
 suitable years. But it was not the 
 youngest of this ill-assorted pair that 
 was destined to be the survivor. Three 
 years after Don John's marriage, the 
 prince of Brazil himself, whom the bi- 
 goted prejudices of the queen had not 
 suffered to be inoculated, died of the 
 natural small-pox, and Charles's son- 
 in-law became prince of Brazil in his 
 stead. Queen Maria had previously 
 lost her uncle-husband, but he had in- 
 terfered little with her government, and 
 his death had therefore no effect upon 
 public affairs. 
 
 The queen appears to have been 
 really anxious to promote the prosperity 
 of her kingdom. She made some good 
 laws, corrected some abuses, and at- 
 tempted to correct more, in which she 
 failed by an injudicious choice of those 
 whom she employed to carry her inten- 
 tions into effect. She was especially 
 bent upon checking the horrible fre- 
 quency of assassination at Lisbon. It 
 arose from the impunity which assas- 
 sins usually managed to enjoy ; and she 
 accomplished her purpose by seizing 
 
 the perpetrator of a peculiarly atrocious 
 murder, resisting the solicitations of the 
 greatest personages in his favour, and 
 publicly declaring that she would never, 
 under any circumstances, pardon a pre- 
 meditated murder. 
 
 Maria provided for the relief and em- 
 ployment of the poor ; she abolished 
 imprisonment for debt, and forbade the 
 seclusion of accused persons from inter- 
 course with their friends, for more than 
 a limited number of of days. She ap- 
 pointed a Junta of lawyers to reduce 
 the multifarious and complicated laws 
 of Portugal into a consistent code, that 
 should prevent legal chicanery and 
 arbitrary interpretations. But she 
 named, as president of this Junta, the 
 marquess of Ponte de Lima, a man 
 utterly destitute of either legal know- 
 ledge, or the comprehensive intellect 
 which might have supplied the defi- 
 ciency ; and the scheme in consequence 
 miscarried. She equally failed in an 
 attempt to reform the Monastic Orders, 
 by composing the reforming Junta of 
 incompetent persons, and appointing 
 the Grand Inquisitor president. 
 
 The queen followed up her father's 
 endeavours, both judicious and injudi- 
 cious, to foster agriculture, and increase 
 the growth of wheat, as also to promote 
 science and literature, and to improve 
 the course of instruction pursued in the 
 University of Coimbra. When the 
 peace of Versailles had relieved her 
 from the embarrassments consequent 
 upon her intimate connexion with two 
 hostile belligerents, she endeavoured to 
 strengthen the old friendship with 
 England by concluding a commercial 
 treaty, at the same time that she main- 
 tained her new relations of friendship 
 and commerce with the Bourbon courts. 
 
 The latter years of Charles III.'s 
 reign were occupied with foreign nego- 
 tiations and internal regulations. The 
 triumph of French arts and arms in 
 wresting from England so large a por- 
 tion of her colonial possessions enabled 
 France to resume for a while her old 
 ascendency over the policy 
 of Europe ; and Florida Foreign 
 Blanca again endeavoured, froSuS. 
 by means of that ascen- 1783 irss. 
 dency, to extort from Eng- 
 land the restitution of Gibraltar. But 
 it was alike in vain that he threatened 
 with French power, that he offered 
 commercial privileges and West Indian 
 cessions. The cabinet of St. James's 
 was immovably determined upon retain- 
 
224 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ing the Spanish fortress ; and Florida 
 Blanca bitterly complained of the cow- 
 ardice of the British ministers, who 
 sacrificed, as lie alleged, the real inte- 
 rests of their country to the prejudices 
 of the people. 
 
 But if the Spanish minister strove to 
 effect a national object through French 
 preponderance, he carefully avoided in- 
 volving his country in the political in- 
 trigues of Vergennes. Spain took no part 
 in those underhand cabals and ma- 
 noeuvres by which the ministers of Lewis 
 XVI. a second time afforded encourage- 
 ment to the revolutionary spirit that was 
 destined ere long to overturn their mas- 
 ter's throne. France had acquired consi- 
 derable influence in Holland by support- 
 ing the Republic against the ambitious 
 designs of the Emperor Joseph II., who 
 had^now succeeded to his father in the 
 Imperial dignity, and to his mother in 
 her hereditary states. This French in- 
 fluence was however opposed by the 
 prince of Orange, the Stadtholder, who 
 avowed himself warmly attached to 
 England. Vergennes therefore first 
 instigated the democratic party to de- 
 prive the chief magistrate of the United 
 Provinces of his power and office ; and 
 then aided them to assume the supreme 
 authority. 
 
 Yergennes now deemed French as- 
 cendency firmly established in that 
 country ; but the death of Frederic II. 
 of Prussia, in August, 1786, changed 
 the aspect of Dutch affairs. His ne- 
 phew, Frederic William II., whose sis- 
 ter was princess of Orange, ascended 
 the Prussian throne. He espoused his 
 brother-in-law's quarrel ; and, under 
 colour of resenting an insult offered to 
 his sister, sent an army into Holland, 
 which reinstated the prince of Orange 
 .in the Stadtholdership. This measure 
 was resented by France ; and Charles 
 III. warmly professed his readiness to 
 assist Lewis XVI. in upholding the dig- 
 nity of the Bourbons. But he confined 
 his intervention to negotiation ; and 
 when England, satisfied with the resto- 
 ration of the prince of Orange, declared 
 her willingness to abstain from inter- 
 ference in Dutch affairs provided France 
 would do the same, the king of Spain 
 applauded her moderation, and re- 
 mained quiet. France, thus left alone, 
 and dreading the expense of another 
 war, reluctantly gave way, and offered 
 no opposition to this counter-revolution 
 in Holland. 
 
 Charles positively refused to join in 
 
 a projected quadruple alliance of Rus- 
 sia, Austria, France and Spain. He 
 disapproved of the war waged by Ca- 
 therine and Joseph against Turkey, se- 
 verely reprobated the insidious attempt 
 of the emperor to surprise Belgrade 
 prior to any declaration of war, rejected 
 the offer of a principality for one of his 
 grandsons, formed of the provinces to 
 be dismembered from the Turkish em- 
 pire, and proposed to concur with Eng- 
 land in excluding the Russian fleets 
 from the Mediterranean. In fact the 
 designs of Russia upon Greece had long 
 excited Spanish jealousy, in addition to 
 which, Florida Blanca was fearful of 
 losing the commercial advantages he 
 anticipated from the friendly relations 
 so recently established with the Porte, 
 and Charles was deeply wounded by 
 the endeavours of the allies to tempt 
 his favourite son, Ferdinand of Naples, 
 into a confederation, of which he had 
 himself refused to be a member, from 
 disapprobation of its principles. 
 
 The king of Spain and his able mi- 
 nisters were yet further disposed to 
 relax the intimacy of the connexion be- 
 tween the two Bourbon courts, by their 
 apprehensions of the troubles which 
 already were threatening to break out 
 in France. The financial embarrass- 
 ments of that country had begun amidst 
 the incessant wars and lavish magnifi- 
 cence of Lewis XIV. Those embar- 
 rassments had prodigiously increased 
 during the long reign of .the profligate 
 and extravagant Lewis XV. ; and had 
 finally been rendered apparently irre- 
 mediable by the expenses of the late 
 war. They could now no longer be 
 concealed : the plans of the various 
 ministers who, after the death of Ver- 
 gennes in February 1786, rapidly suc- 
 ceeded each other, seemed all fraught 
 with danger ; and none more so than 
 the proposed assembling of the long- 
 discontinued States General of the 
 kingdom, at a moment when, in addition 
 to the universal discontent, ideas of 
 liberty, acquired during the intimate 
 alliance of France with the American 
 republicans, and strengthened by the 
 aid recently given to the Dutch revolu- 
 tionists, were fermenting in all classes. 
 Under these circumstances Florida 
 Blanca avowed his dread of being in- 
 volved in the troubles of France ; he 
 established a more confidential inter- 
 course with England, than had sub- 
 sisted since Ferdinand's death ; and in 
 1788 Spain appeared to be returning to 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 225 
 
 the old maxims of foreign policy that 
 had governed her prior to the accession 
 of the Bourbon dynasty. 
 
 Florida Blanca's internal policy was 
 conceived very much in the 
 from^D spirit f Aranda's, but he 
 17861788. proceeded more gradually 
 in his reforms, and in some 
 points, succeeded better. He materially 
 checked the power of the Inquisition, and 
 effected a partial subordination of its 
 authority to the royal pleasure. The in- 
 fluence of the spirit of the age in aiding 
 the struggle against that once formida- 
 ble tribunal, may be estimated from a 
 comparison of the numbers of its vic- 
 tims, during the reigns of Charles, and 
 of his immediate predecessors. During 
 the forty-six years of Philip V.'s reign, 
 the Inquisition is said to have burnt, 
 sent to the galleys, or imprisoned for 
 life, the incredible number of three 
 thousand persons ; during the thirteen 
 years of Ferdinand VI.'s reign, eighty 
 suffered ; and during the twenty-nine of 
 Charles III.'s, only sixty: about the 
 average of one year in his father's time. 
 The change is prodigious, and we 
 can scarcely wonder if such a diminu- 
 tion of the number of victims, indicating 
 a proportionate reduction of Inquisi- 
 torial power, incensed the members of 
 a tribunal, long more despotic than the 
 sovereign, against those who thus 
 abridged their authority. Hence the 
 improbable accusations brought by 
 them and their clerical adherents, 
 against both Charles and his ministers, 
 of having encouraged, or at least 
 allowed, the dissemination of the princi- 
 ples of French philosophy in Spain. 
 That French opinions should be altoge- 
 ther excluded from a country so closely 
 connected, both physically and politi- 
 cally, with France was manifestly im- 
 possible. French taste had crept in with 
 French sovereigns, and when literature 
 at length began to revive during the 
 reign of Charles III. its original Spanish 
 character appeared to be altered if not 
 destroyed thereby ; but this relates 
 chiefly to what is called Belles Lettres. 
 All books were still subjected to a 
 rigid censorship, and such as professsd 
 even what are called liberal opinions 
 were still strictly prohibited. In fact 
 Charles's, perhaps excessive, piety had 
 always very much restrained the reform- 
 ing zeal of both Aranda and Florida 
 Blanca with respect to the Church, and 
 would have rendered it impossible to 
 extort from him a permission to pollute 
 
 his subjects' eyes with the works of the 
 French philosophers. 
 
 The great object of Florida Blanca 
 was to promote the internal prosperity 
 of Spain ; bnt he unfortunately valued 
 manufactures far more highly than agri- 
 culture, and sought to force the pro- 
 gress or rather introduction of the for- 
 mer, by prohibiting the importation of 
 the fruits of foreign industry. He could 
 not be induced to conclude a commer- 
 cial treaty with England, refusing to 
 meet or purchase concession by recipro- 
 cal concession ; and towards France he 
 displayed yet greater illiberally, con- 
 sidering it ruinous to purchase the 
 trifling and ornamental articles brought 
 from that country with the gold of 
 America. 
 
 But notwithstanding these mistaken 
 views, he conferred various benefits 
 upon both trade and agriculture. He 
 lightened the alcavdla, the tax which 
 pressed most heavily upon both. He 
 imposed some restrictions upon the en- 
 tails of landed property, which, in Spain 
 as in Portugal, were carried to an extent 
 that cramped all exertion. He relaxed 
 some of the restrictions that stinted the 
 commerce of the colonies. By accepting 
 and rewarding the services of learned 
 foreigners he improved the mode of 
 working the American mines, thus 
 greatly increasing the profits derived by 
 both individuals and the crown from 
 that source of wealth ; and he strove to 
 benefit the colonies in all ways compa- 
 tible with the close monopoly of the 
 mother country. 
 
 The limitations which the peace of 
 Versailles had imposed upon the English 
 logwood-cutting settlements, enabled 
 Florida Blanca, if not to annihilate, yet 
 very much to repress the contraband 
 trade carried on through those settle- 
 ments with the Spanish colonies. He 
 increased and encouraged the internal 
 traffic of Spain, by improving and mak- 
 ing roads and canals; these last, be- 
 sides their utility for the transport of 
 goods, affording considerable means of 
 irrigation, upon which, it has been al- 
 ready observed, in Spain, agriculture 
 wholly depends. Finally, by the esta- 
 blishment of a public bank, he endea- 
 voured to create a secure paper cur- 
 rency that might relieve the great defi- 
 ciency of gold and silver, and facilitate 
 all pecuniary transactions. 
 
 Florida Blanca further introduced an 
 effective police into Spain ; and by 
 compelling the clergy to make some 
 
226 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 provision for the relief and the employ- 
 ment of the poor, he cleared the coun- 
 try of beggars, and checked the growth 
 of crime. Some such compulsory dis- 
 tribution of charity, however liable to 
 abuse, and in itself politically objection- 
 able, is evidently a lesser evil than the 
 unlimited increase of mendicity, idle- 
 ness, and vice, otherwise it should seem 
 inevitable, where the means of support- 
 ing mere animal existence are so easy 
 as in the southern parts of Europe. 
 Those most opposed, upon principle, to 
 a system of poor-laws, cannot, therefore, 
 disapprove of the modified adoption of 
 such a system by Florida Blanca and the 
 Queen of Portugal. 
 
 The short remainder of Charles III.'s 
 reign was harassed by cabals, and sad- 
 dened by domestic misfortune. The 
 cabals were directed against his minis- 
 ter, whose measures of reform had of- 
 fended many persons, especially of the 
 higher classes. Florida Blanca was so 
 annoyed by them, that he earnestly soli- 
 cited leave to resign. But the monarch 
 would not part with the minister who 
 possessed his confidence. He insisted 
 upon Florida Blanca's not deserting him 
 in his old age ; he dispersed the party 
 who were intriguing to gain the direc- 
 tion of affairs, and confirmed the states- 
 man they sought to displace in the 
 supreme authority. 
 
 The domestic calamity that is be- 
 lieved to have hastened the king's end 
 
 was another consequence of the same 
 bigotted dread of innovation which had 
 already robbed Portugal of an heir, and 
 but too generally characterizes the pe- 
 ninsula. In October Donna Maria Vic- 
 toria, the wife of Don Gabriel, like her 
 brother, not having been inoculated, was 
 seized with the small pox in the very 
 last stage of her pregnancy, and died, 
 together with her child. The infante, 
 whose abilities and amiable qualities 
 were the pride and delight of his father, 
 was too fondly attached to his consort 
 to quit her during her illness. He also 
 was unprotected \ against the infection: 
 he took it, and followed her to the tomb 
 in the month of November. The kings 
 sorrow was deep, and its effects upon a 
 frame weakened by the burthen of years 
 are supposed to have rendered fatal a 
 slight cold that he soon afterwards 
 caught, and that turned to inflammation 
 of the lungs. Charles died in December, 
 within a month of his son, in the 73rd 
 year of his age, and the twenty-ninth of 
 his reign. 
 
 Charles III. was a prince of excellent 
 disposition, of good, but uncultivated, 
 understanding, and of austere morals. 
 His principal defects were obstinacy of 
 temper, and a passion for the chase, or 
 rather, for shooting the game driven 
 past the spot where he took his stand, 
 which he often allowed to interfere with 
 the high duties of his station. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Accession of Charles IV. He confirms 
 Florida Blanca in his post Adopts 
 his views Disputes with England 
 settled-^ Nootka Sound confirmed to 
 England French States General 
 Tiers Etat force the other Orders to 
 unite with them National Assembly 
 Parties Kings vacillation De- 
 struction of the Bastile Lives of the 
 king and queen threatened Royal 
 family and Assembly remove to Paris 
 Headlong career of the Assembly 
 Democratic monarchy established 
 Ascendency of the republicans 
 Flight and recapture of the Royal fa- 
 mily Constituent assembly dis- 
 solves itself Legislative assembly 
 
 France declares war against the em- 
 peror The king of Prussia against 
 France Lewis XVI. dethroned and 
 imprisoned National Convention 
 Ascendency of the jacobins Dumou- 
 riez expels the invaders French 
 conquer the Netherlands and Savoy 
 The republic proclaimed Execution 
 of Lewis XV L* 
 
 CHARLES IV. ascended the throne at 
 
 the mature age of forty. He 
 
 had been latterly allowed to 
 
 take a sort of limited share 1739 1790. 
 
 in the government, which at 
 
 least made him acquainted with the 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Bigland, Belshum, the Annual Regis- 
 ter, the Life of Napoleon Buonaparte, Emperor of 
 the French* with a preliminary view of the French 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 227 
 
 detail of the business of sovereignty, 
 nnd the nation entertained great expect- 
 ations from their new king. His first 
 measures confirmed the hopes of those 
 who confined their views to a conti- 
 nuation and increase of the benefits con- 
 ferred during Charles III.'s reign, if 
 neither of those who desired bolder in- 
 novation, nor of those who regretted 
 the days of inquisitorial omnipotence. 
 Charles IV. confirmed Florida Blanca 
 in his post, prosecuted and punished the 
 calumnies and intrigues of that judicious 
 minister's enemies, and, at his sugges- 
 tion, remitted considerable arrears of 
 taxes incurred by indigence, suspended 
 the alcavdla upon wheat during the 
 continuance of the high prices pro- 
 duced by four successive years of 
 scarcity, and adopted the economical 
 reforms recommended for the purpose 
 of saving out of the annual expenditure 
 of the country the means of liquidating 
 the still unpaid debts of the crown. 
 
 Charles further shewed his good 
 sense by amicably settling a dispute 
 that had arisen with England, at the 
 price of partially abandoning an useless 
 extension of the monopoly claimed by 
 Spain in America. Some English mer- 
 chants engaged in supplying the Chi- 
 nese market with furs, had, for the con- 
 venience of their trade, established a 
 factory in the harbour of Nootka Sound, 
 upon the western coast of North Ame- 
 rica, amongst the savage tribes of native 
 hunters, and far remote from the habita- 
 tions or haunts of the subjects of either 
 Spain or the United States. But Spain 
 asserted the whole line of the western 
 coast to be her own ; and a Spanish man- 
 of-war was despatched from Mexico in 
 May, 1789, against the encroachers, 
 
 Revolution, by the Author of the Waverley Novels, 
 9 vols. 8vo. London, 1827. It may, perhaps, be 
 admitted as some proof of impartiality in this 
 work, that it offends almost equally the admirers 
 and the enemies of Napoleon. But if its tone and 
 colouring be somewhat anti-Napoleonite, Sir 
 Walter Scott has nevertheless- compiled it from 
 authentic documents, and may be relied upon for 
 facts. The preliminary sketch of the revolution, 
 quoted in this chapter, is, perhaps, the best part of 
 the book. Souvenirs sur Mirabeau, et sur Ics deux 
 
 I-KS Assemblies Legislatives, par Etienne 
 Dnmont, de Geneve. Ouvrnge pust/tumc, public par 
 JT J. /,. Dural, Membre du Cunseil Representatif du 
 Lfinton de Geneve. 8vo. Paris, 1883: a volume in 
 which every statement and reflexion is stamped 
 with the sound judgment, high feeling, and passion 
 for liberty of the author, but which, nevertheless, 
 corroborates many of Scott's views concerning the 
 early period of the revolution, as does another work 
 :>t which the author cannot be suspected of any 
 predilection for legitimacy namely, Memoir es et 
 
 rs du Cumte J.aralrtte, A\de-d<;-Vinnp du 
 Oeneral B*onttoarte, Conseillcr <PEtat, et I>i>-ecteur 
 dux fortes de PEmpire,'2lQin, 8vo. Paris, 1S31. 
 
 There were no means at Nootka Sound 
 of contending with a ship of the line. 
 She seized the merchantmen found upon 
 the station, and took possession of the 
 factory. The ships and sailors were, 
 however, soon afterwards liberated. 
 
 Mr. Pitt, then prime minister of Eng- 
 land, remonstrated loudly against the 
 transaction, and insisted upon repara- 
 tion. Spain applied to France for her 
 stipulated aid, and France then, in the 
 first fervour of her revolution, offered 
 succour so lavishly, that Charles con- 
 ceived a greater dread of the conse- 
 quences of such an influx of his ally's 
 troops, and of their intimate association 
 with his own subjects, than of England's 
 obtaining a footing upon the shores of 
 the Pacific. The negotiations that had 
 gone on uninterruptedly during this 
 time with the cabinet of St. James's, 
 now assumed a more friendly com- 
 plexion, and in October, 1790, the court 
 of Madrid signed a convention, by which 
 the possession of Nootka Sound, and 
 the adjacent territories was confirmed 
 to England, upon condition of her not 
 using the settlement for purposes of 
 trade with Mexico or Peru, or other- 
 wise interfering with the acknowledged 
 rights of Spain in America. 
 
 This same year the Spanish troops 
 successfully repulsed an attempt made 
 upon their African fortress, Oran, by 
 the bey of Mascara, who had hoped to 
 find the place defenceless in conse- 
 quence of the injury it had suffered from 
 an earthquake. That injury had, in- 
 deed, been severe. Three hundred sol- 
 diers of the garrison, and two thousand 
 inhabitants, had been buried under the 
 ruins of the buildings overthrown ; but 
 the survivors had laboured diligently to 
 repair their damaged fortifications ere 
 they even thought of their dwellings ; 
 and they defeated their enemies. 
 
 But from this period the history of 
 Spain, as, indeed, that of every other 
 country in Europe, becomes so involved 
 with, so dependent upon, the extraordi- 
 nary events then taking place in France, 
 that a summary review of the French revo- 
 lution is indispensable to the comprehen- 
 sion of Spanish transactions and politics. 
 
 It has been said that the exces- 
 sive embarrassment of the 
 
 France French finances, the load of 
 
 from A.D. j-i. i -i 
 
 17881790. debt already incurred, and 
 
 the enormous sum by which 
 
 the expenditure annually exceeded the 
 
 income, had so thoroughly exhausted 
 
 the resources of all the scheming poli- 
 
 Q2 
 
228 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ticians to whom Lewis XVI. had suc- 
 cessively intrusted the conduct of affairs, 
 that the only remedy ministerial ingenuity 
 could devise was, the assembling and 
 consulting the long-disused States Gene- 
 ral of the kingdom. The minister upon 
 whom the convocation of this formidable 
 body finally devolved was Necker, a 
 Genevese banker, who, having many 
 years before, in consequence of his high 
 character for skill in his own busi- 
 ness, for financial science, and for inte- 
 grity, been summoned to assist in the 
 Treasury department of France, and 
 afterwards dismissed by court intrigue, 
 had been lately recalled, in obedience to 
 the popular voice, and placed at the 
 head of the ministry. 
 
 Necker, it 1 not quite equal to the im- 
 pending crisis, was a man of undoubted 
 ability and upright intentions, who 
 honestly wished to serve both the king 
 and the people. He thought to find in 
 the States General the means of extri- 
 cating the monarch from his difficulties 
 by a liberal grant of money, and the 
 reform of many financial evils, and of 
 procuring for the nation the redress of 
 many grievances, and the abolition of 
 many abuses. He hoped to substitute 
 general security of life and property, to- 
 gether with a reasonable portion of 
 liberty, for the terrors of the unrestricted 
 despotism of government, and for those 
 oppressive feudal privileges of the no- 
 bility and clergy which were still more 
 burdensome and odious to the great mass 
 of their inferiors. Unfortunately Necker' s 
 talents were not commensurate with his 
 integrity, and his judgment was biassed, 
 as well by the prejudices of the citizen 
 of Geneva, as by the flowery declama- 
 tions in praise of liberty, then fashion- 
 able in the Parisian saloons. The effect 
 of the bias thus produced was but too 
 apparent when the constitution of the 
 States General came under discussion. 
 
 The States General had always con- 
 sisted of deputies chosen by the nobility 
 out of their own body to represent their 
 Order ; of deputies similarly chosen by the 
 clergy out of their body to represent their 
 Order; and of deputies similarly chosen 
 out of their body to represent their Order, 
 by the tiers etat, or third estate, which 
 must not be considered as analogous to 
 the English commons. The French tiers 
 etat contained no descendants of nobles, 
 no country gentlemen: all these in 
 France formed part of the nobility. The 
 highest classes comprised in the third 
 estate were merchants, bankers, law- 
 
 yers, and men of letters, all of whom, 
 especially the more wealthy or distin- 
 guished, bore, with indescribable irrita- 
 tion, the contumely cast upon them by 
 law and custom, confounding them as 
 roturiers (a word of contempt for the 
 ignobly born, of which the English lan- 
 guage affords no translation) with the 
 lowestand most ignorant .of the populace. 
 
 The clergy and nobility, being both 
 privileged Orders, were conceived to 
 have a common interest in opposing all 
 reform, and Necker sought to counter- 
 balance the preponderance their union 
 might give them in the States General, 
 by allowing the third estate to elect 
 twice as many deputies as either of the 
 others. But it is evident that so long as 
 the three estates continued, as of old, to 
 deliberate in separate chambers, and to 
 vote by Orders, no increase of numbers 
 in one estate could alter the relative 
 weight of the three, although if united 
 into one chamber the Order thus doubled 
 must obtain absolute authority over the 
 other two. 
 
 It was, however, in the old form of sepa- 
 rate chambers, that the States General 
 first met, and the nobility and clergy 
 shewed every disposition to avail them- 
 selves of the advantage they enjoyed. 
 Clinging with blind obstinacy to privi- 
 leges alike repugnant to the temper of the 
 age, and to the high station held in public 
 esteem by the upper classes of the tiers 
 etat, they not only exasperated the lead- 
 ing deputies of that Order, but they 
 provoked an almost universal burst of 
 indignation against themselves, which 
 was, perhaps, the main source of the 
 popular party's strength. The tiers etat 
 were as resolutely bent upon acquiring 
 what they deemed their natural position 
 and importance in the state ; and their 
 encroaching temper was further assisted 
 by the vacillating policy of Lewis XVI., 
 who, swayed alternately by the ad- 
 vocates of moderate reform, or by his 
 high-spirited queen, lost all the merit of 
 the concessions he offered ; and, some- 
 times by mere acts of indiscretion, some- 
 times by unseasonable and unavailing 
 attempts to display his royal authority, 
 offended the really patriotic reformers 
 whom he should have tried to conciliate. 
 
 Under such circumstances the tiers 
 etat boldly insisted upon the union of the 
 three estates into one National Assem- 
 bly. They first lured the inferior clergy 
 (who by birth belonged to their Order, 
 and were therefore practically excluded 
 from the higher dignities of the Church) 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 229 
 
 to join them, then induced a minority of 
 the nobles, young men who had served 
 in America, or who aspired to the re- 
 putation of philosophy and liberality, to 
 follow the example of the parish priests ; 
 and, when thus strengthened in their 
 claim to the title they assumed, of the 
 National Assembly, they, by artifice and 
 intimidation, ere long compelled the re- 
 luctant majority of the nobles and the 
 prelates to submit, and actually to anni- 
 hilate their own power, by merging it in 
 that of the third, now single chamber. 
 
 The National Assembly, thus formed, 
 is said to have contained four distinct 
 parties, besides the adherents of des- 
 potism, who opposed even such conces- 
 sions as the king himself was willing to 
 make, but had no power to render their 
 opposition anything more than irritating. 
 These parties were, first, those few 
 sober and practical lovers of freedom, 
 who desired to assimilate the government 
 of France to that of England, correct- 
 ing all real abuses, annulling all oppres- 
 sive privileges, reforming the adminis- 
 tration of justice, and restraining the 
 prerogatives of the crown by the con- 
 trolling power of national assemblies, 
 invested with the right of granting or 
 refusing supplies. The concessions of- 
 fered, too late, by Lewis, would nearly 
 have satisfied this small party, and at an 
 earlier period might have given it the 
 ascendency. 
 
 The second party, headed by the mar- 
 quess de la Fayette, a nobleman who 
 had highly distinguished himself in the 
 revolutionary war of North America, 
 cherished bolder views. Disdaining the 
 theoretic imperfections of a constitution, 
 like that of England, the slow growth of 
 centuries, they were for overthrowing 
 all existing laws and forms, to erect a 
 new and systematic edifice upon the un- 
 encumbered ground. This party, called 
 afterwards the constitutionalists, ; (by 
 which name we shall, for convenience, 
 from the first distinguish them,j was 
 the strongest in the assembly, and, it is 
 said, throughout France. 
 
 The constitutionalists were, more- 
 over, supported, as far as they went, by 
 those who wished to go farther. These 
 were, thirdly, the philosophical republi- 
 cans, amongst whom were the leading 
 men of letters; and, fourthly, the jaco- 
 bins, who had not yet acquired their later 
 horrible notoriety, and were considered 
 merely as visionary enthusiasts. The 
 jacobins are asserted to have been in 
 the pay of the duke of Orleans, a profli- 
 
 gate prince of the blood, who desired at 
 once to revenue some personal offence 
 received from the queen, and to gratify his 
 own ambition, by dethroning Lewis XVI., 
 and taking his place, but who was him- 
 self the dupe of the jacobins. His trea- 
 sures are believed to have supplied those 
 extravagant levellers with the means of 
 exciting and rewarding the rabble, 
 through whose powerful and terrific 
 agency their schemes were carried into 
 effect. 
 
 The constitutionalists thus supported, 
 and unhappily but too prompt in their 
 inexperienced zeal to avail themselves of 
 whatever assistance offered, even the 
 worst, carried all before them. The 
 king, taking fright at the powers as- 
 sumed by the Assembly, and at the 
 sweeping changes of the constitution- 
 alists, dismissed Necker, and at- 
 tempted to overawe the Assembly by a 
 display of military force. But here 
 again his usual vacillating and dilatory 
 course more than foiled his purpose. 
 He excited suspicion in the Assembly 
 and public by drawing troops into the 
 neighbourhood of Paris and Versailles ; 
 he left those troops idle there, till many 
 of the regiments were gained over by 
 the popular leaders; and when this 
 vain menace had provoked, or enabled 
 the jacobins to provoke, an insurrection, 
 his amiable reluctance to shed blood 
 rendered the interference of soldiers not 
 the less matter of exasperation, that it 
 was also matter of contempt, being 
 totally unavailing for coercion. 
 
 The first object and result of popular 
 insurrection was the demolition of the 
 Bastile. This was achieved by an al- 
 most unarmed rabble on the ]4th of 
 July, 1789; and the horror associated 
 with the name of a prison that had seen 
 so many innocent victims of tyranny 
 pine away their lives in hopeless woe, 
 though its dungeons were found nearly 
 empty, seemed, in the eyes of all, but the 
 obstinate partizans of despotism, to 
 sanction the unlawful means of its de- 
 struction, nay, almost to palliate the 
 murders committed by the mob upon 
 that occasion, when some official per- 
 sons, who had incurred the especial 
 hatred of the lower orders, were hung 
 upon the cords stretched across the 
 streets of Paris to suspend lamps. 
 The king, giving way, dismissed the 
 troops and recalled Necker; and his 
 younger brother the count d'Artois, with 
 some of the princes of the blood and 
 nobles must inimical to the changes in 
 
230 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 progress, fled from the dangers that 
 threatened them, thus setting the ex- 
 ample of abandoning the king to the 
 difficulties and perils that now beset his 
 path perils which could only have been 
 obviated by frankly ceding a great deal, 
 and resolutely defending what was re- 
 tained, by force, if needful. 
 
 The insurrection of the 5th of October 
 of the same year, had for its avowed ob- 
 ject to bring the king from Versailles to 
 Paris. It was attended with far more, 
 numerous murders, and with the first 
 display of those wanton atrocities which 
 stamped a peculiar horror upon the sub- 
 sequent course of the revolution. The 
 lives of the king and queen, but more 
 especially of the latter, were ferociously 
 threatened ; very many of the body 
 guard were massacred, and two of their 
 gory heads were paraded upon pikes 
 at the head of the triumphant proces- 
 sion that escorted the conquered king 
 and his family to Paris. The national 
 assembly immediately followed the so- 
 vereign thither, and from that moment 
 both the deputies and the monarch were, 
 in fact, the prisoners and slaves of the 
 jacobin faction, and their mob allies. 
 This insurrection was imputed to the 
 duke of Orleans, as well as the intention 
 that it should have terminated in the 
 death, rather than the capture, of the 
 king and queen. That it did not do so 
 was wholly owing to la Fayette, who, 
 at the head of the respectable citizens 
 of Paris, formed into a national guard, 
 followed the insurgents to Versailles, 
 but, unfortunately, not in time to pre- 
 vent the murder of the guards. 
 
 The Assembly, urged on by the Re- 
 publicans and the Jacobins the last of 
 whom now filled the galleries of the 
 chamber with their rabble partizans, as 
 auditors of the debates, which they in- 
 fluenced by their clamorous threats and 
 plaudits, the Assembly pursued its 
 headlong innovating career with redou- 
 bled vehemence. Not only all feudal 
 prerogatives, but all distinction of ranks 
 was at once swept away, even the com- 
 mon forms of civility were proscribed in 
 a wild attempt to establish perfect equa- 
 lity. All church property was seized for 
 the use of the public, a moderate stipend 
 being allotted to such of the clergy as 
 took a constitutional oath, renouncing 
 their dependence upon the See of Rome. 
 Quantities of paper money, called assig- 
 nats, were issued upon the security of 
 the property thus plundered from the 
 church ; and a monarchical constitution 
 
 was finally drawn up, to the full as 
 democratic as that of the republic of the 
 United States of America. 
 
 By this constitution Lewis XVI., bear- 
 ing the altered title of King of the French, 
 was placed at the head of the govern- 
 ment, with just so much authority and 
 revenue as might irritate the frantic pas- 
 sions of a people recently broken loose 
 from slavery, intoxicated with the name 
 of liberty and insatiate of power, but 
 without force to control, or patronage 
 to influence. Necker, disgusted at the 
 exaggeration of these measures, tendered 
 his resignation, which the Assembly re- 
 ceived coldly ; and ere he could quit the 
 country he had assisted to emancipate, 
 he ran some risk of losing his life from the 
 unbridled fury of the very same people 
 who had so lately borne him in triumph 
 to assume the office of Prime Minister. 
 
 Upon the 4th of February, 1790, 
 Lewis went to the National Assembly, 
 and there, in a speech which, could it 
 have been believed sincere, would have 
 been touching and dignified, accepted 
 the very limited power offered him with 
 the Crown, and declared himself the 
 head of the revolution. A few months 
 later, on the 14th of July, with a yet 
 greater appearance of free-will, he took 
 a solemn part in the somewhat theatrical 
 festival, instituted to celebrate together 
 the anniversary of the demolition of the 
 bastile, and a sort of installation of the 
 new constitutional monarchy. In seem- 
 ing conformity with these flattering ap- 
 pearances, for some months the govern- 
 ment of the king of the French proceeded, 
 if not prosperously, yet quietly. 
 
 Thus far, if the altered form of the 
 French monarchy were deemed too re- 
 publican, if the overthrow of despotism 
 had been accompanied by acts of vio- 
 lence and cruelty, fearfully ominous, 
 there had been nothing in the progress 
 of the revolution to create alarm in those 
 unconnected with France. Lovers of 
 liberty, all over the world, hailed with 
 delight the emancipation of a brave and 
 ingenious people from the thraldom of 
 centuries. Even those who looked with 
 alarm upon a monarchy bereft of all 
 the safeguards and counterpoises that 
 preserve tranquillity by preventing the 
 too rude collision of the supposed oppo- 
 site interests of king and people, trusted 
 that the defects of so experimental a 
 constitution might be gradually reme- 
 died, as experience should discover them, 
 and the effervescence of men's minds 
 subside. And such kings and states as 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 231 
 
 had suffered from the ambition of former 
 French monarchs, did not, perhaps, 
 view without satisfaction the diminution 
 of the power they had felt, and still 
 dreaded. Only the king of 
 Spam Spain appears as yet to have 
 A.D. 1790. entertained any real appre- 
 hension of the influence of 
 revolutionary principles. Charles, guided 
 by Florida Blanca, took measures for 
 preventing intercourse with France so 
 rigid, as materially to cripple and harass 
 the trade of his own subjects. A cause 
 of dispute had, indeed, arisen between 
 Foreign France and Germany. Many 
 Politics German princes and nobles 
 A.D.1790. stiij re tained those estates 
 and feudal privileges in Alsace, which 
 they had possessed prior to its conquest 
 by France, whilst that province formed 
 part of the German empire. When the 
 National Assembly abolished all feudal 
 rights, the rights of the German Pro- 
 prietors were, of course, abrogated with 
 the rest. Those princes and nobles held 
 themselves aggrieved, and required the 
 emperor to procure them redress. But 
 Leopold II., who, in February, 1790, 
 succeeded to his childless brother Joseph, 
 was a prince of cautious and conciliating 
 disposition : and although his temperate 
 remonstrance produced a very intem- 
 perate reply, his earnest desire to pre- 
 serve peace, and his strong affection for 
 his sister, the queen of the French, whose 
 already precarious safety might be alto- 
 gether forfeited by his otfending the 
 predominant party, appeared to offer 
 sufficient security for the amicable ad- 
 justment of all such differences. 
 
 These fair prospects were soon over- 
 clouded. The Jacobins were 
 from D \D ^ a ^ v S amm strength: la 
 1790 1793. Fayette and the national 
 guard, for a while indeed, 
 preserved an ascendency over the Pari- 
 sian mob that kept the capital tolerably 
 quiet. But this ascendency was either 
 of short duration, or had only seemed 
 to exist whilst the passions of the popu- 
 lace were not violently excited. Though 
 la Fayette saved the Castle of Vincennes 
 (a state prison) from demolition, he 
 could not prevent the king and his 
 friends from being insulted upon that 
 occasion in the Tuileries, nor could he, 
 in the Spring of 1791, obtain permis- 
 sion for the royal family to remove to 
 the country palace of St. Cloud. The 
 mob, now, for the first time, supported 
 by the national guard, taking the horses 
 from the carriages in which the royal 
 
 party were seated, positively refused to 
 suffer them to leave the Tuileries. 
 
 This proof of the actual captivity of 
 the king alarmed Leopold for the safety 
 of his sister and her family, and he 
 formed, or entertained various visionary 
 projects for their rescue. But none of 
 these ever advanced beyond paper; and 
 the real and fatal consequence of the 
 king's forcible detention was, its deter- 
 mining Lewis himself to escape by flight 
 from his capital, and place himself at 
 the head of a body of troops, which their 
 royalist commander, the Marquess of 
 Bouille, believed to be still faithful to 
 their sovereign. On the 21st of June, 
 the whole royal family made their way 
 out of Paris. The king's brother, Mon- 
 sieur, and his consort, effected their 
 escape into the Netherlands ; but Lewis 
 was recognized upon the road, stopped, 
 and with his queen, sister, and children, 
 brought back. Lewis had left behind 
 him a manifesto, which disclosed his 
 preceding duplicity, by protesting against 
 all acts done during his captivity in 
 Paris. This whole transaction, of course, 
 extinguished the feeble spark of loyalty 
 that had, till then, glimmered in the 
 bosoms of the moderate Republicans, 
 and increased tenfold the power and in- 
 fluence of the Jacobins. 
 
 The Republicans now boldly avowed 
 their opinions both within and without 
 the Assembly ; they demanded the de- 
 posal of Lewis, and the proclamation of 
 a commonwealth : as yet, however, the 
 constitutionalists were the stronger. The 
 constitution was revised, and slightly 
 altered ; it was then ottered anew to 
 Lewis for acceptance or rejection ; and 
 on the 14th of September he accepted 
 it. The National, or as it is called, by 
 way of distinction, the Constituent 
 Assembly then, declaring its task com- 
 pleted and the revolution ended, dis- 
 solved itself ; but first, in proof of dis- 
 interestedness, took a step the most fatal, 
 perhaps, of any single step taken during 
 the whole course of the revolution. The 
 members voted themselves ineligible as 
 deputies to the next assembly, and in- 
 capable, for two years, of holding office. 
 Their example was followed : la Fayette 
 at the same time resigned the command 
 of the national guard, and Bailli the 
 mayoralty of Paris. 
 
 All persons who had acquired any 
 experience, either of the conduct of 
 state affairs, or of the management of 
 public assemblies, or who, at the pre 
 vious election, had been chosen as the 
 
232 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ablest, being thus excluded, France and 
 her King were thrown into the hands of 
 novices, who strove, by their vehemence, 
 to conceal their want of knowledge. 
 Royalists, that is to say, advocates of 
 absolute power, there were none in the 
 new, or Legislative Assembly, for the 
 staunch partizans of despotism had by 
 this time almost all emigrated, and were 
 endeavouring to prevail upon the princes 
 of Europe to invade France, for the 
 purpose of overthrowing the revolution, 
 and restoring all it had destroyed. Of 
 Constitutionalists there were but few ; 
 and the two predominant parties in the 
 assembly were the Republicans and the 
 Jacobins. For a while, however, the 
 king and the assembly went on together 
 upon seemingly amicable terms. The 
 prudence of Leopold, who still dreaded 
 for his sister the consequences of ex- 
 asperating the Republicans, is alleged 
 to have much contributed to Lewis's 
 second acceptance of the constitution, 
 to have likewise repressed the machina- 
 tions of the emigrants, and, aided by the 
 determined neutrality of England, to have 
 restrained the impatience of the king of 
 Prussia. This last monarch, fancying 
 the French revolution could be quelled 
 as easily as the Dutch, was eager to 
 undertake the chivalrous adventure of 
 re-establishing despotism and feudal op- 
 pression. 
 
 The Republican party in the Legislative 
 Assembly, usually known by the name 
 of Girondists, or Brissotins, contained 
 men of real talent and high moral 
 character ; but, bewildered by exagge- 
 rated ideas of liberty, they seem to have 
 thought that so great an object as the 
 establishing a republic, sanctified any 
 measures conducive to its accomplish- 
 ment. They accordingly encouraged the 
 Jacobins, strove in all ways to bring 
 suspicion upon the king, and for that 
 purpose took advantage of the injudici- 
 ous conduct of the emigrants and some 
 of their German protectors, to endeavour 
 to force on a war. La Fayette, morti- 
 fied at the loss of his popularity and his 
 consequent inability to support the con- 
 stitution he loved, and saw tottering, 
 wished for war as likely to afford to so 
 able a general as himself the means of 
 controlling mischievous demagogues. 
 
 The hostilities thus eagerly desired 
 were not long delayed. The untimely 
 death of Leopold, in March, 1792, had 
 transferred his sceptre to the hands of 
 his son, Francis II., and the young 
 sovereign disdained to imitate his father's 
 
 temper, in replying to the insulting taunts 
 of the leaders of the legislative body, and 
 of the ministers, who acted at least as 
 much under their direction as the king's. 
 Lewis had offended the Assembly and 
 the people, by exercising his constitu- 
 tional right, of withholding his assent to 
 two decrees of sweeping proscription, 
 the one against the emigrants, the other 
 against the clergy who had not taken 
 the oath enjoined them ; and under 
 these combined circumstances he durst 
 not resist the general cry for war. On 
 the 20th of April, 1792, he declared war 
 against the emperor, as King of Hungary 
 and Bohemia; the Empire, as yet, re- 
 maining neutral. 
 
 The king of Prussia immediately joined 
 with the emperor in the war. The king 
 of Spain was invited to do the same, 
 but refused, upon the plea that a war 
 must increase the danger of Lewis's 
 position. The Austrian and Prussian 
 troops, accompanied by a large body of 
 emigrants, attacked the French fron- 
 tiers. La Fayette was at the head of 
 the French army, but that army was 
 disorganized, unprovided ; and he could, 
 of course, do nothing answering to his 
 former reputation : his influence, conse- 
 quently, diminished instead of reviving. 
 The disasters that marked the beginning 
 of hostilities spread a terror throughout 
 France favourable to the views of the 
 Republicans ; and the violent denun- 
 ciations of the allies and the emigrants 
 against whoever had taken any part in the 
 revolution, rendered it easy to affix odium 
 and suspicion, whether justly or unjustly, 
 upon Lewis and his Austrian queen. 
 
 Circumstances thus favouring their 
 designs, the explosion of the 10th of 
 August, 1792, was organized by the 
 Jacobins'; and the Girondists, who did 
 not participate in the guilty plots that 
 produced it, took good care to profit by 
 the result for the establishment of their 
 darling republic. Early on the morning 
 of that day the Tuileries were surrounded 
 and menaced by the lowest and most 
 sanguinary rabble of the suburbs, aided 
 by a band of ferocious Marseillois, 
 brought from their native town, and 
 supported in Paris, to aid the plots of 
 the duke of Orleans (now called Citizen 
 Egalitc, or Equality), and of his Jacobin 
 friends. The Swiss guards and a few 
 remaining royalists, the latter nearly 
 unarmed, prepared to defend the palace 
 from within ; and the national guards 
 hurried thither upon the first alarm. Of 
 these, some appeared honestly bent upon 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 233 
 
 doing their duty, defending their king, 
 and putting down the insurrection ; but 
 the greater number shewed more dis- 
 position to join the assailants. Their 
 commander, Mandat, a known constitu- 
 tionalist, was sent for to the mayoralty 
 to receive instructions, and assassinated 
 upon his way ; by which crime the 
 command was transferred to the fierce 
 Jacobin Santerre. 
 
 The amiable but unenergetic Lewis 
 was now easily persuaded, in order to 
 avoid the effusion of blood, to quit the 
 palace, and seek shelter with his family 
 in the bosom of the assembly. His bene- 
 volent purpose was not answered ; for 
 no orders having been given to the Swiss 
 to surrender the deserted palace," they 
 defended it.were, almost to a man, mas- 
 sacred, and their dead bodies were out- 
 raged and mutilated by those furies in 
 the shape of women, who participated 
 in every excess, every crime of those 
 fearful days. The purpose of the Jaco- 
 bins was more successful. The king 
 was suspended from his functions, and 
 consigned, with his family, to the prison 
 called the Temple ; and a National Con- 
 vention, with powers adequate to the 
 crisis of affairs, was ordered to be sum- 
 moned. A provisional government was 
 likewise appointed, consisting of Giron- 
 dists, who now seemed triumphant ; but 
 the commune or municipality of Paris, 
 the very stronghold of the Jacobins, 
 possessed itself of the real authority ; 
 and by violent denunciations against all 
 persons suspected of moderation, by 
 arbitrary imprisonments, and the con- 
 stant instigation of the most brutal por- 
 tion of the populace to menace and vio- 
 lence, completely overawed the Legisla- 
 tive Assembly. 
 
 La Fayette, horror - stricken at a 
 catastrophe so, different from the revo- 
 lution he had projected, attempted to 
 interfere for the preservation of the 
 king and the constitution: it was in 
 vain. His military failure, from his 
 want of forces and the disorganization 
 of the few troops he had, (both occa- 
 sioned by the ignorance or the arts of 
 the Girondist ministry,) had weakened 
 his influence at Paris, and even with 
 his army. The intrigues of the Jacobins 
 finally destroyed it ; and when he wished 
 to turn his arms against the contrivers 
 and actors of the events of the 10th of 
 August, he found himself without autho- 
 rity over his own army. He resolved not 
 to share in crimes which he could not 
 prevent, and with three friends left his 
 
 camp for the purpose of emigrating ; 
 but scarcely had they crossed the fron- 
 tier, when they were seized by an Aus- 
 trian out-post, and conveyed as captives 
 to head -quarters. Notwithstanding 
 their declarations, confirmed by their 
 actions, that they were self-exiled in the 
 king's cause, the emperor and the king 
 of Prussia, as if to shew the French 
 constitutionalists the light in which they 
 considered them, determined to treat 
 the fugitives as state criminals : as such 
 they threw them into a prison where they 
 were confined with unusual severity. 
 
 This act of injustice and cruelty con- 
 firmed the sovereignty of the Jacobins. 
 If any of the French constitutionalists 
 had ever been inclined to look upon the 
 allies as friends, and deliverers from the 
 insanely blood-thirsty faction that had 
 now completely gained the ascendency 
 over the Girondists, such conduct 
 taught them their mistake, and con- 
 vinced them that the independence of 
 their country was yet more important 
 than its internal government. All men 
 prepared to resist the invaders, and the 
 commune of Paris, headed by Robes- 
 pierre, Danton, and Marat, took advan- 
 tage of the defeat of the French army 
 and the advance of the Prussians to fill 
 the capital with an unreasoning terror, 
 that enabled them to organize the horri- 
 ble massacre of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th of 
 September. Upon those days bands of 
 hired assassins, joined by the terrified 
 and savage populace, visited every Pari- 
 sian prison, then crowded with suspected 
 royalists and priests who had refused to 
 take the prescribed oath, and put almost 
 all the prisoners to death. The number 
 of persons thus murdered is variously 
 computed, the lowest estimate being 
 two thousand, and the highest six thou- 
 sand. The Temple was the only prison 
 spared upon this occasion. 
 
 These very horrors, although they re- 
 volted the great body of the nation, 
 helped to recruit the armies. The dan- 
 gers of the battle-field faded before those 
 of Jacobin proscription, and even such 
 selfish beings as might have remained 
 deaf to the call of patriotism, sought 
 security amongst the ranks of their armed 
 brethren, preferring death in defence of 
 their native land, to death from the guil- 
 lotine, or the poniard of a fellow-coun- 
 tryman. Thus reinforced, the Girondist, 
 Dumouriez, who succeeded la Fayette 
 at the head of the army, repulsed and 
 drove the invaders out of France. 
 He pursued them into the Netherlands, 
 
234 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 and by the splendid victory of Jemappes, 
 in fact, conquered that country, whilst 
 another French general, Montesquieu, 
 overran, and made himself master of 
 Savoy. The philosophical spirit in which 
 the Constituent Assembly had declared 
 that France would never aggrandize 
 herself by foreign conquest, had by this 
 time evaporated. Both the conquered 
 countries were declared French pro- 
 vinces, and France offered her aid to all 
 nations who should rebel against their 
 rulers. The French people, always pe- 
 culiarly susceptible of military glory or 
 disgrace, were intoxicated with this tri- 
 umph, and all pity for the suffering 
 constitutionalists and imprisoned royal 
 family, was lost in intense sympathy 
 with the victorious Republicans. 
 
 The National Convention had mean- 
 while succeeded to the Legislative As- 
 sembly. In this new body there were, 
 of course, no Constitutionalists, and the 
 Jacobins were decidedly the prevalent 
 party, although they surpassed the Gi- 
 rondists rather in energy than numbers : 
 the latter, indeed, still nominally exer- 
 cised the powers of government, but 
 dared not even attempt openly to resist 
 the commune and its dreadful adjunct 
 the committee of public safety. 
 
 The first act of the Convention was to 
 proclaim France a republic ; and in this 
 the Girondists not only concurred, but 
 meant to have taken the lead. They 
 were prevented by the superior activity 
 of their antagonists, and thus forfeited 
 the popularity they had anticipated from 
 this proposal. Perhaps to the timidity 
 produced by disappointment, must be 
 ascribed the cowardly meanness with 
 which, despite their avowed opinion that 
 the king was not amenable to their juris- 
 diction, the constitution having declared 
 his person inviolable, and his ministers 
 alone responsible for every act of govern- 
 ment, they, nevertheless, yielded to the 
 Jacobins' determination of formally try- 
 ing Lewis XVI. The Girondists showed 
 equal weakness in their ineffectual en- 
 deavour to save the unfortunate pri- 
 soner's life ; and on the 2 1st of January, 
 1793, Lewis XVI. lost his head by the 
 guillotine. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Character of the Queen of Spain Her 
 passion for Godoy Cabals against 
 Florida Blanca His disgrace 
 Aranda prime minister Favours 
 the revolution 7* dismissed Godoy 
 prime minister France declares war 
 
 against Spain, England, and Holland 
 Queen of Portugal's insanity Her 
 ministers furnish to Spain and Eng- 
 land the contingents specified by Trea- 
 ty, but profess not to be at war with 
 France Fall of the Girondists 
 Reign of Terror Austrians and 
 British recover the Netherlands 
 Invade France French insurrections 
 Spanish and English fleets occupy 
 Toulon Spaniards invade France 
 French rebellions quelled French 
 successes against invaders Spa- 
 niards driven out of France French 
 invade Spain Overrun Catalonia, 
 Navarre, and Biscay Fall of Robes- 
 pierre Batavian republic Rosas 
 lost Defeat at Sistella Peace signed 
 at Basle Cession of Hispaniola 
 Godoy prince of the Peace Prince of 
 Brazil assumes the government of 
 Portugal Studies internal prospe- 
 rity French Directory*. 
 
 THE events of the preceding year had 
 very much altered the disposition of 
 those powers which had yet kept aloof 
 from the coalition against France, and 
 more especially of Spain. Some changes 
 had likewise taken place in 
 the administration of the r , D 
 latter country, materially in- 1790^-4793. 
 fluencing her foreign policy, 
 and to explain which it becomes neces- 
 sary to disclose a scene of licentious 
 turpitude, such as we have long been 
 spared in the annals of the court of 
 Madrid. 
 
 Louisa Maria, the queen of Charles IV., 
 had, from the very moment of her mar- 
 riage, betrayed a total disregard for the 
 laws of conjugal fidelity, and her notori- 
 ous gallantries could scarcely be checked 
 even by the austerity of Charles III. 
 That king, however, uniformly banished 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for thin 
 chapter are, Bigland, Scott, Belsham, Da Costa, 
 Sempere, Bernardo, Foy, The Annual Register, 
 Memoir of the Queen of Etruria, written by herself, 
 and translated from the Italian, 8vo., London, 
 1814. This work is not quoted as of great value or 
 authority, though it bears internal evidence of 
 authenticity, but as affording some few facts, 
 amidst the great dearth of materials respecting the 
 reign of Charles IV. Letters from Spain by Don 
 Leucadio Doblado, 8vo., London, 1822. The work of 
 a highly intelligent and well-informed, if not always 
 unprejudiced author, (Blanco White), and full of 
 curious matter, but only incidentally historical. 
 Tableau de I'Espagne'Moderne, par J. F. Bourgoing, 
 3 torn. 8vo. London, 1808. Bourgoing was repeat- 
 edly sent to Spain in a diplomatic capacity, by the 
 different rulers of the French republic; and not- 
 withstanding his anti-royal and especially anti- 
 Bourbon feelings, his partiality for Godoy, over 
 whom he exercised almost unbounded influence, 
 offers the means of correcting the extravagant 
 hatred of him that probably lends exaggeration to 
 Spanish statements. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 235 
 
 his daughter-in-law's lovers, as soon as 
 the rumour of a new intrigue was brought 
 to him, whilst the prince of Asturias re- 
 mained so blind to his wife's guilt, that 
 he frequently, though always in vain, 
 supplicated his father to recall persons 
 whose society was peculiarly agreeable 
 to the princess. One of the paramours 
 thus exiled was Lewis de Godoy, the 
 eldest son of a noble but decayed family 
 of Estremadura, who was serving with 
 his brothers in the ranks of the Horse 
 Guards, a regiment into which none but 
 gentlemen were received, even as pri- 
 vates ; and this young man, anxious not 
 to lose in absence the affections of the 
 princess, employed his brother, Don Ma- 
 nuel, to deliver secretly letters express- 
 ing his constant passion and his lamenta- 
 tions over his banishment. 
 
 Don Manuel availed himself of the op- 
 portunity his office as letter-carrier 
 afforded him, to supplant his absent 
 brother, and thenceforward he held the 
 exclusive possession of Louisa Maria's 
 heart. She introduced her new fa- 
 vourite to the prince of Asturias, who 
 soon appeared to share his wife's attach- 
 ment for him ; and when the death of 
 Charles III. removed the only restraint 
 upon her conduct, the queen hoped to 
 place Godoy at the head of the govern- 
 ment. Charles IV. would not, however, 
 violate the respect he owed to the 
 memory of his father, by displacing his 
 minister. Florida Blanca, as has been 
 stated, retained the supreme authority, 
 and, for a while, Godoy was obliged to 
 rest content with inferior honours, un- 
 bounded influence over the queen, and 
 the wealth lavished upon him, by both 
 herself and her royal consort. 
 
 This state of affairs lasted till 1792, 
 and during those three years Florida 
 Blanca's caution combined with Charles's 
 fears for Lewis the Sixteenth's safety, 
 to preserve peace between France and 
 Spain. But the restrictions imposed 
 upon the intercourse between the two 
 countries, by inconveniencing trade, had 
 created great dissatisfaction amongst the 
 Spaniards ; and the queen and Godoy 
 took care that not only their murmurs, 
 but various accusations, true or false, 
 of malversation and oppression, laid to 
 the minister's charge, should reach the 
 king's ear. In February, 1792, Florida 
 Blanca, upon these imputations, was 
 deprived of his high office, and thrown 
 into prison. His enemies were not, 
 however, vindictive. Although declared 
 guilty of embezzling a considerable sum 
 
 of public money, as soon as it was 
 thought no danger existed of his reco- 
 vering the king's favour, he was released 
 from confinement in honour of the 
 Infanta Maria Louisa's marriage to 
 Don Lewis, eldest son of the Duke of 
 Parma, and was thenceforward permitted 
 to reside in his native town of Murcia. 
 
 The fall of Florida Blanca did not at 
 once make way for Godoy's exaltation 
 to his post. The queen seems to have 
 felt this as yet premature, and had pre- 
 vailed upon Charles to dimiss one of his 
 father's ministers, by proposing to supply 
 his place with another, of equally high 
 celebrity, but too far advanced in life to 
 remain very long in her way. This was 
 the count de Aranda, who, in his 74th 
 year, succeeded to the vacant premier- 
 ship, and as a disciple, or at least an 
 admirer, of French philosophy, urged his 
 royal master to pursue a more liberal 
 course, to cultivate more zealously than 
 heretofore, the friendship of then con- 
 stitutional France. Aranda repaid the 
 queen's patronage, by his concurrence 
 in that showering of court favours 
 upon Godoy, which his predecessor had 
 offended her by opposing. The young 
 guardsman was made a Grandee of 
 Spain, with the title of duke of Alcudia, 
 derived from a princely estate belonging 
 to the crown, and bestowed upon Don 
 Manuel to support his high dignity. 
 
 Neither the queen nor her minion 
 intended Aranda's appointment as any- 
 thing more than a stepping-stone for the 
 latter ; and the extravagance and crimes 
 of the faction, now predominant in 
 France, greatly assisted their views, pre- 
 venting the possible necessity of waiting 
 till death or infirmity should remove 
 the re-instated minister. The events of 
 the 10th of August disgusted Charles 
 with his French allies and their Spanish 
 friends. The queen profited by this 
 feeling to procure the dimissal of 
 Aranda before the end of the year, 
 (rather from authority, however, than 
 office, as he remained president of the 
 council,) and the duke of Alcudia 
 was forthwith installed in the post of 
 prime minister. 
 
 Still Charles did not declare war 
 against France, although he made pre- 
 parations for the probable necessity of 
 so doing. He maintained his pacific 
 relations with that now detested coun- 
 try, and seems to have expected that 
 this perseverance in alliance should give 
 him some influence over the French 
 councils. He addressed an earnest re- 
 
236 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 monstrance and entreaty to the presi- 
 dent of the national convention on behalf 
 of Lewis XVI., soliciting that, at least, 
 the captive monarch's life should be 
 spared. The Convention would not even 
 suffer the letter to be read, and Charles 
 resented this personal insult to himself, 
 almost as much, perhaps, as the offence 
 to the whole race of the Bourbons, and 
 the blow struck, or aimed at all sove- 
 reigns in the execution of his royal kins- 
 man. 
 
 Even this did not, however, produce 
 an immediate declaration of war, though 
 Charles evidently inclined to take that 
 step ; and the zeal with which Aranda 
 opposed it in council occasioned his 
 exile to Jaen. England also observed a 
 sullen kind of neutrality. She had, in- 
 deed, recalled her ambassador from 
 Paris upon the deposal of the monarch 
 to whom he was accredited, and 
 had professed her dissatisfaction at the 
 decree of November, offering aid to 
 all revolutionists. But she suffered the 
 French ambassador, Chauvelin, to re- 
 main in London, where he carried on a 
 sort of negotiation, from which it appears 
 that with England, at least, the Con- 
 vention really wished for peace. Upon 
 Lewis's execution, George III. con- 
 tented himself with dismissing the 
 French diplomatist ; and it was France 
 that, exasperated by the dismissal of 
 her ambassador, declared war on the 
 1st of February, 1793, against England 
 and Holland, which last country, she 
 chose to consider as wholly governed 
 by the former. On the 4th of March 
 she further declared war against Spain ; 
 justifying the act chiefly upon the ground 
 of Charles's improper interference with 
 her internal affairs, in his attempt to 
 plead for the life of his relation. 
 
 Portugal had hitherto remained at 
 
 peace with France, and the 
 
 Portugal state of the queen seemed 
 
 from A.D. . , , , * . i . 
 
 17891793. to preclude her taking any 
 active part, either in politics 
 or war. Her excessive devotion had 
 long shown symptoms of degenerating 
 into a religious insanity, which it had 
 required all the good sense of her con- 
 fessor to repress. This worthy eccle- 
 siastic, Ignacio de San Caetano, who, 
 originally a common soldier, had ex- 
 changed the musket for the breviary, 
 and risen to the high dignity of grand- 
 inquisitor, possessed Maria's full confi- 
 dence, both as her spiritual guide, and 
 as a man endowed with one of those 
 energetic k mirids that naturally control 
 
 the weak ; and whilst he lived he could 
 soothe her agonizing belief that she was 
 doomed to irremediable perdition in a 
 future life, by pledging himself for the 
 safety of her soul. Upon his death her 
 conscience was intrusted to the less judi- 
 cious management of Don Jose Maria 
 de Mello, and the result was confirmed 
 madness. The queen's condition was 
 not, however, as yet publicly acknow- 
 ledged; although the assistance of a 
 physician, particularly distinguished for 
 his skill in cases of mental derange- 
 ment, had been solicited from the Eng- 
 lish government, she was still nominally 
 the ruler of her kingdom ; and its affairs 
 were conducted with the weakness and 
 dilatoriness inseparable from the actual 
 incapacity of the sovereign. 
 
 England and Spain now called upon 
 Portugal for the contribution of ships 
 and troops, or of money, which she was 
 bound by treaty to afford those powers. 
 Both requisitions were promptly obeyed. 
 Nine sail of the line were sent to co- 
 operate with the British fleets ; and six 
 regiments of infantry, with artillery in 
 proportion, under the command of gene- 
 ral Skallater, a pupil of La Lippe's, 
 joined the Spanish army of the Pyrenees. 
 But Maria, or her ministers rather, 
 professed to consider compliance with 
 the strict letter of existing treaties, as 
 involving no breach of neutrality. Great 
 complaints were consequently made by 
 the court of Lisbon, when the French 
 captured Portuguese vessels like those 
 of any other belligerent. It is needless 
 to add, that those complaints were alto- 
 gether disregarded. 
 
 The first consequence of these decla- 
 rations of war was the invasion of Hol- 
 land in February, by Dumou- France 
 riez, who, elated with his A.. 1793. 
 Flemish triumphs, hoped that another 
 conquest would so confirm his popularity 
 and power, as to enable him, though he 
 had failed in an attempt to save the king's 
 life, at least to restore the constitution 
 of 1791, placing the crown on the head 
 of either the Dauphin, or the eldest son 
 of the duke of Orleans, who was serving 
 under him with distinction. He began 
 his operations successfully ; but a pow- 
 erful Austrian army, under the Prince 
 of Saxe Coburg, advanced to aid the 
 Dutch, and Dumouriez was driven out 
 of Holland. In the irritation of defeat, 
 perhaps from fear of its results to him- 
 self, he still endeavoured to execute his 
 plan. He failed, like la Fayette ; and 
 like .him, but with better fortune, fled. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 237 
 
 The Jacobins took advantage of his 
 desertion to accuse the Girondists as 
 his accomplices, and excite the people 
 against them. The Sections of Paris 
 demanded their heads at the bar of the 
 Convention ; and although that body 
 made an attempt to protect its members, 
 it did not long contend against the 
 frightful omnipotence of the Parisian 
 mob. The Girondists were proscribed ; 
 about forty-two fell by the guillotine, or 
 their own hands ; the rest sought safety 
 in concealment, or exile. The Jacobins 
 now acquired the name as well as the 
 reality of authority. The revolutionary 
 tribunal was established ; the govern- 
 ment avowedly lodged in the hands of 
 the committee of public safety; the 
 Reign of Terror began, and France was 
 deluged with blood. 
 
 The queen was put to death in Octo- 
 ber ; the king's sister, Madame Eliza- 
 beth, in the month of May following. 
 The 'poor were everywhere stirred up 
 against the rich ; unsuccessful generals 
 expiated their defeats, successful gene- 
 rals often their popularity, upon the 
 scaffold. Whoever in any way excited 
 the jealousy or envy of any member of 
 the ruling faction, instantly fell under 
 the axe of the guillotine, and the same 
 excess of terror compelled twenty mil- 
 lions of people to submit, in hopes thus 
 to avoid the proscription of the clubs, 
 then really governing France, recruited 
 the republican armies, and impelled sol- 
 diers and officers to superhuman exer- 
 tions, which were further stimulated by 
 rewards, dispensed almost as lavishly as 
 blood was shed. 
 
 These potent means did not immedi- 
 ately produce their effect, and during 
 the year 1793, the Jacobins seemed 
 likely to suffer from foreign enemies the 
 punishment due to their crimes. The 
 Austrians, joined by an English army 
 under the duke of York, drove the 
 French from the Netherlands, and, fol- 
 lowing them, invaded France. The 
 Prussians and emigrants were successful 
 upon the Rhine ; and the king of Sar- 
 dinia recovered part of Savoy. Rebel- 
 lion raged in the interior. In La Vendee, 
 a secluded and rustic district of the 
 north-west, where a primitive purity of 
 manners and a patriarchal simplicity in 
 the connexion between the nobles and 
 peasants, unknown elsewhere, yet re- 
 mained, the whole population had risen 
 in the cause of their king and their 
 clergy; and many of the great com- 
 mercial cities revolted against the de- 
 
 structive system of the Jacobins. Tou- 
 lon proclaimed the Dauphin, as Lewis 
 XVII., according to the constitution of 
 1791, and invited the united English 
 and Spanish fleets under Lord Hood 
 and Don Juan de Langara, to take pos- 
 session of their town, port, and fortifica- 
 tions in his name. 
 
 Charles likewise prepared to invade 
 France by land. A powerful 
 Spanish army commanded SpJ |i I ao 
 
 i -ri i e A.D. 1/yo. 
 
 by Ricardos, governor of 
 Catalonia, and reinforced with the Por- 
 tugueze auxiliaries, crossed the Pyre- 
 nees, and entered Roussillon. . On the 
 22nd of June they took Bellegarde, one 
 of the strongest frontier fortresses, after- 
 wards occupying several places of less 
 note. On the 22nd of September they 
 defeated the French troops sent to oppose 
 their progress, but do not appear to 
 have derived much advantage from their 
 victory : although they threatened Per- 
 pignan, they did not venture formally to 
 invest it. The campaign was, however, 
 decidedly favourable to the Spaniards, 
 and closed, leaving them to winter in 
 force on the French territories. The 
 Portugueze troops displayed great gal- 
 lantry in all these actions. 
 
 But it was only in this south-western 
 portion of France that the ill- fortune of 
 the republicans continued to 
 the end of the year. In the France 
 course of the autumn they 1793^1794. 
 everywhere else recovered 
 their losses. Jourdan, if he could not 
 quite expel the English and Austrians 
 from France, where they still held Va- 
 lenciennes, and some other places, yet 
 regained his footing in the Netherlands. 
 The Prussians and emigrants were com- 
 pelled to recross the Rhine. The insur- 
 rection in La Vendee was so far quelled 
 as to render it insignificant. Lyons was 
 taken by general Kellermann, when 
 Couthon and Collot d'Herbois, two 
 of the most ferocious of the Jacobins, 
 sent to punish the rebellion, levelled 
 the principal buildings with the dust, 
 changed the name of the city, and guil- 
 lotined the citizens, until, judges and 
 executioners tiring of their bloody la- 
 bours, Collot d'Herbois devised a more 
 compendious proceeding, by firing grape- 
 shot upon the destined victims who were 
 crowded together in an open place. In a 
 somewhat similar spirit at Nantes, Ven- 
 dean prisoners were afterwards drowned 
 by boat loads. Toulon likewise was re- 
 covered. By the bold genius of Buona- 
 parte, then commandant of the artillery 
 
238 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 employed in the siege, the republican 
 army took a fort so essential to the de- 
 fence of the town, from its commanding 
 the roads where the English and Spa- 
 nish fleets lay, that, upon its fall, the 
 evacuation of the place was deemed 
 necessary. Lord Hood re-embarked his 
 troops, with as many of the inhabitants 
 as he had room to receive about four- 
 teen thousand and carrying off three 
 ships of the line, a few frigates, and 
 smaller vessels, all that were fit for 
 putting to sea, or, in the pressure of the 
 moment, could get out of the harbour, 
 he set the rest on fire, and reluctantly 
 left the unhappy Toulonese to their fate. 
 The cruelties of the conquerors emu- 
 lated those which they had previously 
 committed at Lyons. 
 
 In the year 1 794, whilst France seemed 
 most completely disorganized andenfren- 
 zied by Jacobinical fury and terror, her 
 armies, rendered well nigh innumerable 
 by the masses of population poured into 
 her camps, and led by generals, often of 
 names, till then, unknown, who started 
 up either from the ranks, or from pro- 
 fessions and trades the least akin to 
 arms, were almost uniformly victorious. 
 The prodigious reinforcements sent, in 
 the very beginning of the year, to the 
 south-western provinces, turned the for- 
 tune of war against the Spaniards and 
 Portugueze, who, nevertheless, struggled 
 gallantly, and for some months main- 
 tained their footing in France. 
 
 Early in February they suffered two 
 severe defeats near St. Jean de Luz. 
 In April the Spaniards were similarly 
 vanquished in Roussillon, but still oc- 
 cupied their principal conquests. To- 
 wards the latter end of that month, 
 however, the brave veteran, general 
 Dugommier, the same who, by justly 
 appreciating Buonaparte's talents, had 
 compelled the evacuation of Toulon, was 
 sent to supersede the incompetent French 
 commanders in Roussillon. The con- 
 sequences were fatal to the Peninsular 
 armies. In the beginning of May, Du- 
 gommier gained two victories over them 
 one near Ceret, and the other near 
 Coullioure in which the bagea^e, equi- 
 page, and artillery of the defeated armies, 
 with about nine thousand prisoners, fell 
 into the hands of the victors. This last 
 victory was judged by the Convention so 
 important, that a column was ordered to 
 be erected upon the field of battle, in 
 perpetual commemoration of republican 
 triumph. 
 
 The more material fruits of these vic- 
 
 tories were, that most of the remaining 
 Spanish conquests in Roussillon surren- 
 dered, and that Dugommier laid siege to 
 Bellegarde, whilst he sent a corps under 
 general Doppet to invade 
 Catalonia, which reduced 8p ^| 
 several places. Ricardos, 
 whose military talents and experience 
 had been one main cause of Spanish 
 success, was now no more. He was 
 succeeded by the count de la Union, a 
 young grandee, bold, active, and enter- 
 prizing, but without such commanding 
 abilities as might have compensated his 
 inexperience. He made a daring and vi- 
 gorous effort to relieve Bellegarde, which 
 its garrison defended with persevering 
 gallantry. A desperate battle was 
 fought, in the commencement of which 
 the advantage was on the side of the 
 Spaniards, but in the end they were de- 
 feated, with the loss of two thousand 
 five hundred men, and compelled to 
 retreat. Bellegarde, now hopeless of 
 relief, capitulated on the 20th of Sep- 
 tember, after a five months' siege. 
 
 General Dugommier immediately en- 
 tered Catalonia, and in the beginning of 
 October again engaged la Union, whom 
 he again defeated, but purchased the 
 victory with his own life. His army 
 followed the retreating enemy, and in 
 the course of a few days avenged their 
 general's death by that of the count de 
 la Union, and three more Spanish gene- 
 rals, who fell in another battle fought on 
 the 20th of the same month, when the 
 Spaniards were once more beaten, and 
 completely routed. The Spanish army 
 sought shelter behind the lines, which 
 had, during the last six months, been 
 diligently prepared for the protection of 
 Catalonia against an invading foe. 
 These, though defended by forty thou- 
 sand men, and fortified with eighty- 
 three redoubts, the French, now com- 
 manded by general Perignon, next at- 
 tacked with irresistible impetuosity, and 
 carried in the space of three hours, 
 when, without further obstacle, they ad- 
 vanced upon Figueras. The works of 
 Figueras were deemed pretty nearly im- 
 pregnable ; it was abundantly provided, 
 and well garrisoned. But the panic 
 that seems to have ensued upon the 
 count de la Union's death, and that had 
 facilitated the forcing the lines, had ex- 
 tended hither, and Figueras, to the asto- 
 nishment even of the besiegers, surren- 
 dered almost without resistance. Seve- 
 ral places in the north of Catalonia fol- 
 lowed its example. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 At the western extremity of the 
 Pyrenees the French arms were equally 
 successful. The Spaniards, after re- 
 peated defeats in the months of July and 
 August, were driven out of France into 
 Spain, and Fuenterabia, Port Passages, 
 and St. Sebastian were taken as soon 
 as invested. Tolosa was threatened 
 by the army of the western, as was Bar- 
 celona by that of the eastern Pyrenees, 
 and a Walloon regiment in the Spanish 
 service, a description of troops highly 
 esteemed and trusted, deserted to the 
 enemy. 
 
 Charles and his new minister, the 
 duke of Alcudia, were undismayed by 
 these disasters. They endeavoured to 
 excite the population to rise in a mass 
 against the invaders. Their attempts were 
 unavailing; and whilst the French com- 
 plained of the stupid and superstitious 
 insensibility of the people, whom their 
 promises of liberty could not allure to 
 join (fraternize, as they called it) with 
 them, the court of Madrid complained 
 equally of popular disaffection, as a 
 main cause of the failure of their efforts 
 to defend the country. The nation 
 seems, in fact, to have taken no interest 
 in the war. The nobles, however, and 
 the clergy, including the orders of 
 knighthood, and the monastic orders, 
 were zealous in the cause, and freely 
 oifered ample contributions from their 
 salaries, ecclesiastical revenues, com- 
 manderies, and private fortunes, to meet 
 the exigency of the moment. 
 
 The misfortunes of the coalition on 
 the eastern frontier of France 
 were not calculated to en- 
 
 A.D. 1/94. i_\ n u 
 
 courage the Spanish court 
 in its determination to resist. The re- 
 public had there near six hundred thou- 
 sand men in arms against about three 
 hundred thousand of the allies (for the 
 Prussians took little share in the cam- 
 paign), and this great superiority of 
 numbers was wielded by three able 
 generals, Jourdan, Pichegru, and Mo- 
 reau. The allied troops fought bravely 
 under the command of the duke of 
 York, the prince of Coburg, and Clair- 
 fait, the two last of whom were good 
 officers of the old German school. But 
 they were totally inadequate to makehead 
 against the wild and irregular enthu- 
 siasm of the republicans. By the end 
 of July not only were the conquests of 
 the allies in France retaken, but their 
 troops were driven out of the Nether- 
 lands. The duke of York, with the 
 English and Hanoverians, retreated to 
 
 239 
 
 the territories of the United Provinces, 
 which he endeavoured to defend, as did 
 the Austrians the left bank of the 
 Rhine. Before the end of the year the 
 Dutch towns of Bois le Due, Breda, 
 Maestricht, and Nimeguen, had fallen 
 before Pichegru, and the English prince, 
 with the British, Hanoverian, and Dutch 
 forces, had been compelled to retreat 
 farther across the Waal, whilst the left 
 bank of the Rhine was occupied by Mo- 
 reau and Jourdan. 
 
 These brilliant successes of the French 
 by land were but little compensated by 
 their naval and colonial losses. At sea, 
 Lord Howe, on the 1st of June, gained 
 a splendid victory over the French fleet, 
 taking six ships of the line, and sinking 
 one. Lord Hood made himself master 
 of the island of Corsica. In the East 
 Indies, almost all the French settlements 
 and factories, and in the West Indies, 
 almost all their islands, had fallen into 
 the hands of the British. Their portion 
 of St. Domingo alone remained to them, 
 and that was in a state of convulsion, 
 almost as violent as the mother coun- 
 try's, occasioned, first, by the insurrec- 
 tion of the negroes, and subsequently by 
 their sudden and unprepared emancipa- 
 tion, in virtue of a generous but some- 
 what inconsiderate decree of the Na- 
 tion al Assembly. 
 
 The interior of France, meanwhile, if 
 it did not afford an absolutely conso- 
 latory prospect, yet gave promise of the 
 termination of the horrible reign of 
 terror. This hope was purchased, how- 
 ever, by still sharper throes. In the 
 early part of this year that reign was 
 at its height, and blood flowed in tor- 
 rents on all sides; but jealousy and 
 fear of each other, at length, crept 
 in amongst the Jacobin tyrants, who 
 held France in such strange subjec- 
 tion. Robespierre put his colleague, 
 Danton, to death. Some of his subor- 
 dinate colleagues, as Barras, Fouche, 
 Collot d'Herbois, Tallien, and others, 
 thereupon became apprehensive for 
 themselves. These rival demagogues 
 gradually drew over a majority of the 
 Convention to their side, by convincing 
 them that they lived in hourly peril of 
 proscription by Robespierre. In the 
 nation at large a similar conviction, 
 combined with loathing of the scenes of 
 blood daily witnessed, universally pre- 
 vailed, except amongst the very lowest 
 and vilest of the rabble, or in the Jaco- 
 bin clubs. 
 
 On the 27th of July, Tallien accused 
 
240 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Robespierre in the Convention of tyranny, 
 of usurping the dictatorship, and moved 
 the arrest of the dictator and his crea- 
 tures. The Convention took courage. 
 The arrest was voted by acclamation, 
 and immediately executed. An attempt 
 was made by the Jacobins to rescue their 
 leader, but failed ; and Robespierre, with 
 several of his most intimate associates 
 and agents, perished by the guillotine. 
 Those who had triumphed over him were 
 themselves Jacobins, but they, or at least 
 Tallien and B arras, were weary of their 
 sanguinary coarse, and now adopted 
 more lenient measures. After a sharp 
 contest with Collot d'Herbois, and 
 those who had joined them against 
 Robespierre, wholly from personal mo- 
 tives, they got the better. The Jacobin 
 club was shut up, the most guilty mem- 
 bers were punished ; the Faubourg St. 
 Antoine, the most tumultuous and sedi- 
 tious part of Paris, was subdued ; the 
 revolutionary tribunal put down ; the 
 prisoners, still crowding the different 
 state prisons, were released, and the 
 law against suspected persons was sus- 
 pended. 
 
 If the terror inspired by the sweeping 
 proscriptions and massacres of the Ja- 
 cobins had originally contributed to 
 swell the numbers of the French armies, 
 and stimulate both officers and soldiers 
 to exertion, that stimulus was now no 
 longer needed. Its place was supplied 
 by a passion for military glory, an am- 
 bition of conquest, and a wild enthusi- 
 astic zeal for the propagation of their 
 own doctrines. In this object they were 
 but too successful. It is almost always 
 easy to excite the indigent against the 
 wealthy ; and those who sutler under 
 the oppression of bad government, or 
 even of unfortunate circumstances, are 
 but too prone to accept, without inves- 
 tigation, the offer of foreign assistance, 
 to believe in impossible promises of relief 
 from the pressure of taxation or of want. 
 Free and tolerant as were the constitution 
 and government of the United Provinces, 
 the democratic party and the lower 
 orders generally were disposed to favour 
 the French invaders ; and even without 
 such aid Pichegru was superior to his 
 antagonists, both in number and in skill. 
 After a gallant struggle, the English 
 troops were driven out of the country, 
 in the month of January, 1795. The 
 prince of Orange and his family fled to 
 England; and although Holland was 
 not, like the Netherlands, made nomi- 
 nally a French province, she was so in 
 
 effect, since, under the name of the Ba- 
 tavian republic, she became wholly de- 
 pendent upon France, at whose disposal 
 all Dutch resources, in wealth, fleets, 
 and colonies were placed. 
 
 The fate of Spain was somewhat dif- 
 ferent. The strong town of 
 Rosas, in Catalonia, fell on Sp ^ n , 
 the 5th of January ; after 
 which four months passed in seeming 
 inactivity, the French preparing for their 
 advance upon Madrid, and the Spanish 
 court making every exertion to strengthen 
 and reinforce the army, whilst it still 
 vainly endeavoured to rouse the nation 
 to resistance. Upon the 5th of May 
 the Spanish army, thus arduously re- 
 cruited, was completely routed by the 
 French near Sistella, and with it the last 
 hopes of Charles and Godoy fell. 
 
 Peace was now the only chance of 
 escaping entire subjugation. The dis- 
 position of the persons in power at Paris 
 was accordingly sounded through the 
 American ambassador, and they were 
 found willing to diminish the number of 
 their enemies. Don Domingo de Yriarte, 
 the Spanish minister at Warsaw, whose 
 mission to Poland had ceased upon the 
 Russians taking possession of that capi- 
 tal, and the final partition of the king- 
 dom between Russia, Austria, and Prus- 
 sia, was then ordered to repair to Basle, 
 and open a negotiation with Barthelemi, 
 the French envoy to Switzerland. 
 
 Barthelemi had recently concluded, at 
 Basle, a treaty of peace with the king of 
 Prussia, the first European sovereign 
 who acknowledged the French republic, 
 induced so to do partly by despair of 
 success against the arms of France, and 
 partly by his desire to be at liberty to 
 turn his whole force against Poland, 
 and secure a share of that unfortunate 
 state, doomed by the weakness of its 
 government, an elective monarchy, to be 
 a prey to its powerful neighbours. The 
 negotiations between the able French 
 diplomatist and Yriarte were only de- 
 layed by the difficulty of communicating 
 with Spain, and thence of Yriarte's 
 receiving his full powers. At length, 
 leave being given for Spanish couriers 
 to pass through France, the requisite 
 powers reached Basle ; and on the 22nd 
 of July a treaty was signed, by which 
 France agreed to evacuate her conquests 
 in Catalonia and Biscay ; and Spain, in 
 return, ceded to France the large, but 
 long-neglected, and scarce half-cultivated 
 portion of the island of St. Domingo that 
 still belonged to her. Spain further pro- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 241 
 
 mised to use her utmost efforts to detach 
 Portugal likewise from the coalition. 
 
 The conditions of this treaty were so 
 much more favourable than Charles had 
 expected, that in his joy he rewarded the 
 duke of Alcudia with the title of Prince 
 of the Peace, by which he has ever 
 since been known ; an honour the more 
 remarkable, because, contrary to the 
 usual practice of the continent, in Spain 
 as in England, the title of prince had, 
 till then, been confined to the royal fa- 
 mily. Yriarte's recompense was his 
 nomination as ambassador to France, 
 which his premature death prevented 
 his enjoying. From this period the 
 whole system of Spanish policy was 
 changed, and rendered so entirely sub- 
 servient to the views of France, that 
 Godoy has been accused by his country- 
 men of corruption ; and there is cer- 
 tainly nothing in his character or prin- 
 ciples that renders it likely he should 
 have scorned a bribe. It is needless, 
 nevertheless, to recur to such a suspi- 
 cion for the explanation of his conduct. 
 Spain made peace because she could not 
 resist France ; and the same weakness 
 would induce her to submit to the dic- 
 tation of her powerful ally. Charles 
 seems to have followed, unresistingly, 
 the impulses of his queen and favourite ; 
 and the latter, a man altogether inade- 
 quate to the high office to which he had 
 been so absurdly and criminally raised, 
 was, in all probability, unconsciously 
 inthralled by the adroit diplomatists 
 whom France, whatever were the varia- 
 tions of her government, sent to Madrid. 
 The peace of Basle was followed 
 by the conclusion of a treaty with 
 the United States of North America, 
 by which the Prince of the Peace 
 agreed to open the navigation of the 
 Mississippi to the American republic, 
 and, as far as the United States were 
 concerned, to render New Orleans a free 
 port; measures equally beneficial to 
 both parties, since, whilst it gave the 
 western states of America facilities for 
 exporting their produce, it raised New 
 Orleans, the capital of Louisiana, to 
 considerable commercial importance, 
 and brought thither a great influx of 
 wealth and population. 
 
 At this period the mental disorder of 
 
 the queen of Portugal was 
 
 Portugal pronounced by her medical 
 
 l794-li795. attendants to be incurable. 
 
 It was, in consequence, so 
 far publicly acknowledged, that her 
 eldest surviving son, Don John, as- 
 
 sumed the government, without, how- 
 ever, being named regent, but carrying 
 it on temporarily in his mother's name. 
 He adhered to her policy, resisted the 
 persuasions of the Spanish court to for- 
 sake the alliance of England for that of 
 France, and devoted his attention to 
 those internal improvements which, 
 since her derangement, had been neg- 
 lected. Unfortunately he fully inhe- 
 rited her bigotry. 
 
 In France the convulsions and hor- 
 rors of the revolution seemed really to 
 be over. The revolutionary govern- 
 ment had given place to a regular re- 
 publican constitution, consisting of a 
 Legislative Assembly, divided into two 
 Chambers, the Council of Ancients, and 
 the Council of Five Hundred, and of 
 an Executive Directory of five persons, a 
 scheme which, whatever were its faults, 
 gave promise of a responsible govern- 
 ment, that would observe the ordinary 
 forms and laws of internal administra- 
 tion and of external intercourse. The 
 tumultuary populace of Paris had been 
 put down by the troops of the line under 
 the conduct of Buonaparte, whom either 
 Barras or Carnot recommended, at the 
 critical moment, for the politically dan- 
 gerous office of commanding the soldiers 
 against the insurgent rabble. And some 
 pledge had been given of the improved 
 temper of the rulers of France, by the 
 exchange of the young princess, now the 
 sole survivor of Lewis XVI.'s family 
 (the Dauphin had died in prison from 
 the ill treatment of his Jacobin gaolers), 
 for some members of the Convention, 
 whom Dumouriez had, at the moment 
 of quitting the service of the republic, 
 delivered into the hands of the Aus- 
 trians. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Spain declares war against England-^ 
 Prince of Brazil perseveres in his 
 neutrality Buonaparte's first Italian 
 campaign His victories and con- 
 quests Cisalpine republic Treaty 
 of Campo-Formio Naval battle off 
 Cape St. Vincent Loss of Trinidad 
 Negotiations at Lisle Portugal 
 negotiates with France Negotiations 
 at Lisle broken off Prince of Brazil 
 refuses to ratify the treaty his am~ 
 bassador had concluded The ambas- 
 sador thrown into prison by the 
 French directory Loss of Minorca 
 Buonaparte's Egyptian expedition 
 K 
 
242 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 French proclaim the Roman republic 
 Subdue Switzerland Expel the 
 kings of Sardinia and Naples from 
 Italy Parthenopean republic New 
 coalition against France Its success 
 Buonaparte returns from Egypt 
 Buonaparte First Consul War 
 between Spain and Russia Prince 
 of Brazil Regent of Portugal *. 
 
 UNDER the administration of some of 
 the patriotic statesmen who flourished 
 during the reigns of the predecessors of 
 Charles IV., the tranquil neutrality which 
 Spain had thus easily, if somewhat dis- 
 gracefully, acquired, would have been 
 diligently preserved, and devoted to in- 
 ternal improvement. To this last ob- 
 ject, indeed, the Prince of 
 A iTi796. the Peace was not indiffer- 
 ent ; he strove to encourage 
 arts and industry, and especially sought 
 to recover the breed of fine horses for 
 which Andalusia had formerly been re- 
 nowned, and which, having been long 
 neglected in the prevalent passion for 
 mules, had degenerated. He even at- 
 tempted to oppose the immense power 
 and ever accumulating wealth of the 
 Spanish clergy. 
 
 But the arts of French diplomacy 
 overbore Godoy's steadiness in pre- 
 ferring the real interests of Spain to 
 hopes of sharing in the military fame 
 and the territorial aggrandizement of 
 France. On the 19th of August, 1796, 
 a treaty of alliance, offensive and de- 
 fensive, was signed between France and 
 Spain, by which it was stipulated that 
 cither Power, if engaged in a separate 
 war, should be entitled to claim from 
 the other fifteen ships of the line, and 
 twenty-four thousand soldiers, to be 
 kept up to that amount, making good 
 all losses ; and that if the two countries 
 should be jointly engaged in war, all the 
 forces of both should act in common. 
 It was further distinctly stated in the 
 treaty, that these stipulations referred 
 especially to England, inasmuch as 
 Spain had no cause of quarrel with any 
 other enemy of France. Two months 
 after the signature of a treaty so incom- 
 patible with any views of real neutrality, 
 the Spanish court declared war against 
 England, and justified the act in a ma- 
 nifesto filled with the most frivolous 
 complaints of the conduct of the British 
 cabinet during the time Spain and Eng- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Bigland, Scott, Da Costa, Foy, 13el- 
 Bhain, 13ouigoiiib r , Aunuul llegister. 
 
 land had carried on the war against 
 France conjointly, added to the usual 
 accusations of contraband trade, and 
 infringement upon colonial rights. 
 
 Spain still failed in her endeavours to 
 detach Portugal from the coalition, 
 and to exclude English goods, which 
 were clandestinely introduced 
 through the long; frontier 
 line of Portugal. The prince 
 of Brazil, who found this new branch 
 of illicit traffic very advantageous to his 
 subjects, sought further to promote their 
 commerce by declaring Lisbon a free 
 port, and engaging that merchandise 
 there deposited should be respected in 
 case of war with the country to which it 
 belonged. 
 
 This year was memorable for the first 
 appearance (at least in a situation cal- 
 culated to display his genius) of the 
 most extraordinary phenomenon of the 
 French revolution, viz. 
 Napoleon Buonaparte. Foreign states 
 On the 9th of March, 1796 1*797. 
 1796, Buonaparte mar- 
 ried Josephine Beauharnais, the widow 
 of an ex-noble, afterwards a republican 
 general, and one of the victims of the 
 Jacobins. The lady was accused of 
 being too intimate with the director 
 Barras; she certainly lived in great 
 friendship both with him, and the very 
 influential Madame Tallien ; and through 
 the one or the other of these potent friends 
 she brought her husband the supreme 
 command of the army of Italy, as her 
 portion. Within a very few days after 
 their union Buonaparte left her to as- 
 sume that command. 
 
 The army of Italy had been driven by 
 the Austrians out of the country from 
 which it was named, and into the Alps. 
 There it remained, opposed to superior 
 numbers of Austrians, Sardinians, and 
 Neapolitans, under generals of deserved 
 reputation. In this situation Buona- 
 parte found it, nearly disorganized and 
 destitute of everything. He stimulated 
 his soldiers to exertion, by observing to 
 them that plenty awaited them in Italy. 
 He determined to pass the Alps rather 
 by turning than crossing them that is 
 to say, to keep as nearly as possible 
 upon the sea-shore at their western ex- 
 tremity, and enter Italy by the neutral 
 Genoese territories. The plan suc- 
 ceeded, and its success was owing as 
 much to the mode of execution as to the 
 conception. It was here the young ge- 
 neral first tried and developed the prin- 
 ciples upon which all his splendid sub- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 243 
 
 sequent victories were gained. These 
 principles were, to sacrifice every minor 
 consideration to one leading object, and 
 to bear down opposition by a decided 
 superiority of numbers. Even when his 
 army was most inferior in that very 
 respect to the enemy's, he effected this 
 purpose, by concentrating his whole 
 force upon one single point at a time, 
 and thus beating, in detail, a far more 
 powerful adversary. 
 
 Upon the present occasion Beaulieu, 
 the commander opposed to him, in order 
 to leave no pass unguarded, occupied 
 three strong posts, but so far distant 
 from each other as to require much 
 time for concentrating the troops upon 
 any one. Of this position Buonaparte 
 took advantage. On the 12th of April 
 he defeated the centre division of Aus- 
 trians, under d'Argenteau, at Monte 
 Notte, and thus ^completely cut off 
 Colli and his Sardinians from Beaulieu, 
 who had stationed his division of the 
 army so as to cover Genoa. Then, 
 leaving a corps to hold Beaulieu in 
 check, Buonaparte turned his whole 
 strength against Colli, whom he again 
 and again defeated, and drove before 
 him nearly to Turin ; when the king of 
 Sardinia, seeing himself upon the brink 
 of actual ruin, was glad to purchase 
 peace by the surrender of the strong 
 fortresses, usually called the Keys of the 
 Alps, and to the possession of which he 
 owed all his political weight in Europe. 
 
 The war with the king of Sardinia 
 thus concluded, Buonaparte turned 
 against the Austrians. By misleading 
 Beaulieu as to his intentions, he effected 
 the passage of the Po at Placentia 
 without opposition, defeated the ad- 
 vanced guard of the Imperialists at 
 Fombio, and crossed the Adda at Lodi, 
 under so heavy a fire of the Austrian 
 artillery, that the passage of the bridge 
 of Lodi is esteemed one of the most 
 daring feats, not only of this campaign, 
 but of Buonaparte's life. The triumphs 
 of this young and eccentric general had 
 now filled his enemies with apprehen- 
 sion. The Austrians retired before 
 him ; he took possession of Milan ; and 
 the petty sovereigns of Italy began to 
 purchase peace by entire submission, 
 and the surrender of the pictures and 
 statues that had long drawn visiters to 
 their capitals, for the ornament of the 
 Museum at Paris. 
 
 The Bourbon duke of Parma was one 
 of the first who thus bowed to the 
 French republic j his. kinsman, the 
 
 king of Naples, followed his example in 
 submission, and the distance of Naples 
 from the scene of action secured Ferdi- 
 nand IV. from present spoliation. But 
 the Pope lay nearer. Parts of his ter- 
 ritories were occupied, and he likewise 
 was compelled to purchase peace by 
 surrendering the treasures of art, that 
 now stood Rome instead of her former 
 power and fame. 
 
 Beaulieu was succeeded by Wurmser, 
 with a fresh army, who, like his pre- 
 decessor, occupying too extended a 
 line, was, like him, beaten in detail by 
 Buonaparte, as was again his successor, 
 Alvinzi. A new and certainly more 
 able antagonist was then sent against 
 the French conqueror, in the person of 
 the Archduke Charles. But the prince 
 was unable to cope with his republican 
 opponent. He was deceived by Buona- 
 parte's stratagems, alarmed by opera- 
 tions upon his flank, defeated in various 
 engagements, and was finally compelled 
 to retreat from the Tyrol, and limit his 
 hopes to the protection of his brother's 
 capital, Vienna. 
 
 This state of affairs produced the pre- 
 liminary treaty of Leoben, signed by 
 Buonaparte and the Austrian plenipo- 
 tentiaries on the 18th of April, 1797, 
 and the subsequent definitive treaty of 
 Campo Formio, by which Austria ceded 
 the Netherlands to France, and the Mi- 
 lanese to the new Cisalpine republic, 
 formed of all the conquered or revolu- 
 tionized Italian states, receiving in ex- 
 change Venice (which Buonaparte had 
 seized upon an accusation of favouring 
 Austria) with all the Venetian terri- 
 tories, except the Illyrian provinces and 
 the Seven Islands : these were retained 
 by France. 
 
 But all this prosperity was for 
 France, not for her allies. Seldom, in- 
 deed, has Spain found her 
 account in deviating from A , Sp ?lo 7 
 
 1 -I"! . A.I). IjJ/* 
 
 her old maxim, of peace 
 with England ; and the present war 
 with that country, so idly undertaken if 
 she had power to avoid it, was not 
 destined to be one of the rare exceptions. 
 Since the commencement of hostilities 
 the Spanish fleets had, like the French, 
 been blockaded in port by British squa- 
 drons. Early in February, 1797, how- 
 ever, the Spanish Admiral, Don Joseph 
 de Cordova, at the head of twenty-seven 
 sail of the line, made his way out of 
 Carthagena harbour, and passed the 
 Straits of Gibraltar in search of the 
 British fleet, which, relying upon his 
 R2 
 
244 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 great superiority of force, he hoped to 
 annihilate. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th Cordova 
 came in sight of the enemy he sought. 
 Sir John Jervis, the English admiral, 
 had only fifteen sail of the line, but re- 
 solved, nevertheless, to give battle, and 
 endeavoured to compensate his great 
 disparity of numbers by a manoeuvre 
 somewhat analogous to those by which 
 Buonaparte gained his victories on 
 land. He bore down with his whole 
 force upon the Spaniards before their 
 line was formed, cut off one large divi- 
 sion of their fleet, and thus engaging 
 upon less unequal terms, defeated Cor- 
 dova, took four large ships, and drove 
 the rest into the port of Cadiz. He was 
 ably assisted in this bold attack by com- 
 modore Nelson. 
 
 In Cadiz, Jervis (created Lord St. 
 Vincent, in honour of his victory) block- 
 aded the Spanish fleet, still far more 
 numerous than his own, and, whilst he 
 lay off the harbour, greatly harassed 
 the coasting trade of Spain. He like- 
 wise bombarded the town, but though 
 he thus did a good deal of damage, pro- 
 duced no material result. Lord St. 
 Vincent thought to follow up his ad- 
 vantage in another direction, by sending 
 Nelson with a squadron to seize, if 
 possible, both the town of Santa Cruz, 
 in the island of Teneriffe, and a valuable 
 register ship then lying in the port of 
 that island. 
 
 The attack was made with the daring 
 intrepidity that characterized all Nel- 
 son's actions ; but the admiral had been 
 led to form the scheme by false informa- 
 tion as to the strength of the place. 
 The attempt failed, and cost as many 
 lives as the preceding battle. Nelson 
 lost his arm. The Spaniards defended 
 the fort with great gallantry, and when 
 the English abandoned their enterprise, 
 displayed towards them all the kindness 
 and courtesy that used to soften and 
 embellish the hostility of civilized na- 
 tions, before the French revolution exas- 
 perated the minds of men, and breathed 
 a spirit of envenomed bitterness alike 
 into its champions and its antagonists. 
 
 In the West Indies, also, the Spa- 
 niards suffered for incurring the enmity 
 of England. An expedition under admi- 
 ral Harvey and general Sir Ralph Aber- 
 crombie sailed from Martinique to at- 
 tack the island of Trinidad, the chief 
 importance of which lay in its situation 
 near the main land, but which the 
 court of Madrid had latterly made some 
 
 exertion to colonize and bring into cul- 
 tivation. The commandant made none 
 to defend it. Four sail of the line were 
 voluntarily burnt to prevent their falling 
 into the hands of the English, and the 
 governor capitulated the next day (the 
 18th of February), surrendering the 
 island, and agreeing that the garrison 
 should be considered as prisoners of 
 war. Encouraged by their success, 
 Abercrombie and Harvey next attempted 
 the stronger island of Porto Rico, but 
 failed, with considerable loss. 
 
 In the summer of this year the Eng- 
 lish cabinet made a third 
 attempt to negotiate with Fo f ' gn , 7 b q 7 ates 
 
 ji T-* i -I- rm A.U. l/y/. 
 
 the French directory. Ihe 
 first two had broken off upon the question 
 of the Austrian Netherlands, of which 
 England required the restoration to the 
 emperor, in exchange for her restitution 
 of all her own conquests in the East and 
 West Indies. In the month of June, 
 1797, Lord Malmesbury, who had con- 
 ducted the second negotiation, was sent 
 to Lisle, where he met two French 
 diplomatists ; and, notwithstanding con- 
 siderable irritation on both sides, pro- 
 duced by the directory's demanding, 
 as preliminaries, concessions which 
 should naturally have formed points 
 for discussion, amidst the other con- 
 ditions of the treaty, the negotiation at 
 first proceeded with some prospect of a 
 happy result. 
 
 The commerce of Portugal had 
 suffered much from French priva- 
 teers since the peace of Basle had 
 opened the Spanish ports to such ves- 
 sels. The prince of Brazil's 
 cabinet was neither united ^JuflS. 
 in its views, nor composed 
 of able men. The duke of Lafoens was 
 a partizan of France. Most of his col- 
 leagues adhered to the English alliance, 
 and Don John himself was confirmed 
 in his horror of the French revolution 
 by his confessor, and by Pino Manique, 
 minister of police, who, to strengthen 
 his own influence, incessantly terrified 
 his master with real or pretended con- 
 spiracies. But still the duke of Lafoens, 
 an illegitimate descendant of Pedro II., 
 was supported against this overwhelm- 
 ing superiority of the Anti-Gallican 
 party, by the prince's natural desire to 
 live in friendship with his father-in-law, 
 Charles IV. An opportunity now 
 seemed to offer for combining this 
 object with fidelity to England, and the 
 prince despatched Don Antonio de 
 Araujo de Azevedo to Paris to nego- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 245 
 
 tiate a separate peace. No difficulties 
 whatever existed that could embarrass 
 this negotiation; and on the 10th of 
 August a treaty was signed, by which 
 Portugal stipulated for the most perfect 
 neutrality, in case the war should con- 
 tinue between France and England, 
 even for permission to continue that 
 preference to England in commercial 
 questions to which she was bound by 
 existing treaties ; and the directory, it is 
 said, stipulated for a large sum of money, 
 to be appropriated to their private use. 
 Two months were allowed for the ratifi- 
 cation of this treaty. 
 
 But all prospect of peace, if any had 
 
 really opened, was overclouded by a 
 
 change which, on the 4th of September, 
 
 occurred in the French 
 
 position to treat which 
 the directory had discovered, had pro- 
 bably been, in a great measure, produced 
 by the royalist influence, infused into 
 their own body as well as into the 
 legislature, at the late elections, and by 
 the consequent alarm of the republican 
 majority of the directory for their own 
 safety. Assisted by Augereau, whom 
 Buonaparte had sent from Italy to their 
 support, and by Hoche, the directory, 
 on the 4th of September, got the better 
 of their opponents. About seventy per- 
 sons, including the director, Barthelemi, 
 and the presidents of both councils, 
 Willot and Pichegru, were transported, 
 as royalists, to the unhealthy swamps of 
 Cayenne, in South America, whither a 
 party of the terrorist Jacobins had been 
 previously exiled. 
 
 Republican supremacy thus re-esta- 
 blished at Paris, the triumphant di- 
 rectors recalled from Lisle the commis- 
 sioners who had been negotiating with 
 at least a show of friendliness, substi- 
 tuting in their place two new plenipo- 
 tentiaries, who immediately set on foot 
 a captious inquiry into the extent of 
 lord Malmesbury's powers that is to 
 say, whether he had power to restore all 
 English conquests whatsoever, including 
 those from Spain and Holland. It should 
 be stated that the Spice islands, and 
 almost all the Dutch possessions in 
 the east, were already comprehended 
 under this description. The British 
 ambassador objected (perhaps with 
 needless pertinacity) to questions which, 
 he observed, were at least unnecessary, 
 after he had stated generally that he 
 had full powers, and an answer to which 
 might, in some measure, betray the 
 
 nature of his instructions with respect 
 to concession. Upon this dispute the 
 negotiation was broken off, and lord 
 Malmesbury quitted Lisle upon the 
 18th of September. 
 
 In consequence of this rupture the 
 prince of Brazil hesitated to 
 ratify his own treaty with the /J^nr 
 French government, where- 
 upon the directory at once declared the 
 treaty null and void, and ordered the 
 Portugueze ambassador out of France. 
 He delayed his departure beyond the 
 day specified, and was, in consequence, 
 seized, and thrown into prison a 
 breach of the customs of civilized na- 
 tions, even supposing that by his delay 
 he had forfeited his legal title to the 
 character of ambassador, which was 
 certainly not calculated to conciliate 
 Portugal. Hostilities were renewed, or 
 rather continued ; but France had now 
 no enemy save Great Britain and Por- 
 tugal, and as the two mighty antago- 
 nists carried on their operations at that 
 time chiefly upon different elements, 
 whilst Portugal barely acted as an 
 auxiliary, the war seemed to languish, 
 although France made two attempts to 
 invade Ireland (or rather to profit by 
 the rebellion there raging), both of 
 which were easily defeated. 
 
 In the month of November general 
 Stuart attacked Minorca, and after a 
 short resistance, the governor, Quesada, 
 surrendered the island, upon 
 condition of being sent with ^ D P ra7 
 his garrison to the nearest 
 Spanish port. This was pretty much 
 the whole Spanish share in the war this 
 year, beyond the usual contribution of 
 troops to the French armies ; for the 
 demand of a passage for French troops 
 through Spain to invade Portugal, which 
 created as much alarm in the country to 
 be traversed, as in that menaced, ap- 
 pears to have been^ merely a stratagem 
 to conceal the real destination of the 
 armament assembling at Toulon. 
 
 The terror excited by this demand in 
 Portugal was however great. 
 The prince of Brazil applied /J rt J? 
 to England for assistance, 
 and Sir Charles Stewart, with a 
 body [of eight or ten thousand men, 
 chiefly emigrants, and other foreigners 
 in English pay, was immediately dis- 
 patched to the Tagus. Pinto, secretary 
 of state for foreign affairs, to whose 
 department all military matters be- 
 longed, had, from the moment the 
 negotiations at Paris were broken ofti 
 
246 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. , 
 
 exerted himself to recruit, reorganize, 
 and discipline the native army, inviting 
 foreign veterans, the prince of Waldeck 
 and count Golz in succession, to take 
 the command. About forty thousand 
 men were now in arms, and Don John, 
 himself, who had till then seldom been 
 publicly seen except in religious cere- 
 monies, appeared frequently in uniform, 
 and reviewed the troops in person. The 
 efficacy of these exertions was not put 
 to the test. Buonaparte sailed for Egypt 
 with the Toulon armament, and the 
 fears of Portugal subsided. Part of the 
 auxiliaries went forward to assist in be- 
 sieging Malta, which Buonaparte had 
 taken in his way to Egypt by treachery 
 in the garrison ; and a squadron of Por- 
 tugueze ships cruizing in the Mediter- 
 ranean, joined in blockading the island. 
 But whilst Buonaparte sought in 
 Egypt, a province belong- 
 
 Foreign^States j nff to an o \& an( J un- 
 
 1798 ^799. offending ally of France, 
 Turkey, the means of 
 penetrating to India, in order to attack 
 the British empire in the east, the di- 
 rectory did not permit the continent of 
 Europe to enjoy the peace which many of 
 its sovereigns had so dearly purchased. 
 Advantage was taken of a popular 
 commotion at Rome, in which the 
 French general Duphotwas accidentally 
 slain, to overthrow the Papal govern- 
 ment ; and on the 15th of February, 
 1798, the restoration of the ancient 
 Roman republic was solemnly proclaimed 
 by the French general Berthier. The 
 Pope, Pius VI., left Rome, and retired 
 to a Carthusian monastery near Flo- 
 rence. 
 
 The Swiss confederation, which had 
 boasted their republican freedom, when 
 every other nation in Europe was sub- 
 jected, in some form or other, to arbi- 
 trary power, was the next object of 
 French ambition. Switzerland was in- 
 vaded upon some frivolous pretext of 
 breach of neutrality, and after a stre- 
 nuous resistance, compelled to abandon 
 the various constitutions to which the 
 different Cantons were passionately at- 
 tached, to receive the French model of 
 a republic, one and indivisible, and, 
 under the name of an ally, to become a 
 vassal of France. 
 
 Towards the end of the year the di- 
 rectory found some cause of quarrel 
 with the King of Sardinia, and gladly 
 accepted the King of Naples' declaration 
 of war. In the very beginning of 1799 
 the former was compelled to surrender 
 
 the whole of Piedmont fo the French, 
 and retire with his family and court to 
 Sardinia. About the same time, the 
 Neapolitans having been repeatedly de- 
 feated with considerable loss, the King 
 of Naples fled with his family to Sicily. 
 Naples was taken by storm, after a stout 
 resistance from the rabble, called Laz- 
 zaroni; and on the 25th of January, 
 1799, the kingdom of Naples was trans- 
 formed into the Parthenopean republic.' 
 
 The Courts of Naples and Turin had 
 been principally encouraged to plunge 
 into a war, that had terminated so fa- 
 tally for them, by the splendid victory 
 which Admiral Nelson had gained, on 
 the 1st of August, 1798, at Aboukir, 
 over the French fleet, taking or destroy- 
 ing all but two ships of the line, and 
 two frigates. This victory, by depriving 
 the army of Egypt of its means of com- 
 munication with France, appeared to 
 render the conquest of that distant 
 country, which Buonaparte had by this 
 time completed, of little moment in 
 European politics, and incited other 
 more formidable potentates to seek to 
 profit by the absence of the best army 
 and best general of the republic. Paul, 
 Emperor of Russia, declared war against 
 France, and sent his northern troops, 
 under his moiher Catherine's favoured 
 General^Suwarrow, to free Switzerland 
 and Italy from French thraldom. The 
 German States, assembled in Congress 
 at Rastadt, were then labouring to settle 
 the complicated affairs of the German 
 empire, conformably to the treaty of 
 Campo Formio, which, being concluded 
 with the emperor separately, did not 
 bind them. Indignant at the exorbitant 
 demands of the French directory, they 
 now dissolved the Congress, and gladly 
 joined with Francis II. in renewing the 
 war. 
 
 The moment was judiciously chosen 
 for commencing hostilities, and the new 
 coalition seemed likely to set bounds to 
 the restless and ever-growing ambition 
 of the French republic. Suwarrow fully 
 maintained upon this occasion the high 
 reputation he had formerly acquired in 
 his Turkish campaigns. Notwithstand- 
 ing the utmost exertions of the ablest 
 republican generals, he drove the French 
 troops out of the whole north of Italy, 
 and began the deliverance of Switzer- 
 land. The Archduke r Charles, whose 
 genius seemed subdued only by Buona- 
 parte's, cleared the right bank of the 
 Rhine from all invaders. Insurrections, 
 provoked by the oppression and rapacity 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 247 
 
 of the directory, broke out in the Ne- 
 therlands ; and Holland was notoriously 
 dissatisfied both with the government 
 imposed upon her, and with the inter- 
 ruption of her trade. A combined Eng- 
 lish and Russian army landed in Hol- 
 land ; where, upon their first appear- 
 ance, the Dutch admiral, compelled by 
 his sailors, surrendered the Dutch fleet 
 to the British admiral, Lord Duncan. 
 
 The royalists throughout the new 
 Parthenopean State rose against the 
 Republicans, as soon as the French re- 
 verses in Lombardy obliged the real 
 governor of the republic, the skilful 
 French general, Macdonald, to lead his 
 troops northwards, to the assistance of his 
 countrymen; and the king, returning 
 from Sicily, resumed his authority. But 
 his triumph was for ever disgraced by 
 the inhumanity with which, in violation 
 of a capitulation signed by Commodore 
 Foote, the English officer commanding 
 in the Bay of Naples, to whom the city 
 had surrendered for Ferdinand IV., the 
 king revenged his expulsion upon such 
 Neapolitans as had joined the French. 
 The infamy of this conduct is rendered 
 more painful in the eyes not only of 
 Britons, but of all who feel the interest 
 of men in the high character of those 
 whose great qualities reflect lustre upon 
 their species, by Nelson's having sanc- 
 tioned this violation of a British officer's 
 plighted word. 
 
 The fall of the Parthenopean was soon 
 followed by that of the Roman republic. 
 Rome itself was still garrisoned by 
 French troops ; but the provinces were 
 full of insurrections in favour of their 
 old ecclesiastical rulers. An English 
 squadron, under Commodore Trow- 
 bridge, blockaded Civita Vecchia at the 
 mouth of the Tiber. Trowbridge sum- 
 moned the city ; and, on the 27th of 
 September, Rome surrendered to the 
 arms of Great Britain. 
 
 Whilst the coalition was thus wresting 
 some of her conquests from France, and 
 the French nation, exasperated at such 
 reverses, and at the government to whose 
 imbecility they attributed them, ap- 
 peared ripe for a new revolution, Buo- 
 naparte was battling in Africa and Asia. 
 Having, as it seemed, firmly established 
 his sovereignty over Egypt, he quitted 
 it to invade Syria. Here, too, for a 
 while victory attended him ; but he was 
 foiled before Acre by the co-operation 
 of Sir Sidney Smith with the Turks, and 
 compelled to raise the siege of that 
 town. Immediately abandoning his 
 
 Syrian enterprise, he returned to Egypt ; 
 but not with any purpose of remaining 
 there. Egypt was subdued, but the ex- 
 tensive and splendid schemes its con- 
 queror had contemplated as the fruits of 
 its acquisition had vanished upon his 
 failure in Syria, and the state of France 
 invited his return. On the 23rd of 
 August he embarked on board a French 
 frigate, avoided the English squadrons 
 by following a circuitous route, and 
 other manoeuvres, and landed in France 
 on the 9th of October. 
 
 At the very moment of Buonaparte's 
 arrival, and before he had avowedly taken 
 any part in public affairs, the fortune of 
 war became rather more favourable to 
 France. In Holland, the duke of York, 
 after some success, encountered such 
 vigorous opposition, that he was com- 
 pelled, not only to abandon his enter- 
 prise, but to evacuate the country by 
 convention ; and Massena, by a series of 
 brilliant manoeuvres defeating the Aus- 
 trians and Russians, regained posses 
 sion of Switzerland. But this was not 
 sufficient to reconcile the French nation 
 to their government, and Buonaparte, 
 the most successful of their generals, 
 who now appeared amongst them re- 
 splendent with the conquest of Egypt, 
 found no difficulty in overturning the 
 directory, and the constitution of which 
 that body formed part. On the 9th of 
 November this was effected by the aid of 
 the military, and on the following day 
 Buonaparte, under the title of First 
 Consul, assumed the executive au- 
 thority. 
 
 With the military transactions of this 
 year Spain had no concern, 
 although a diplomatic inter- Spain 
 course with Russia, begun 17981799. 
 by an exhortation from Paul 
 to Charles to unite with the sovereigns 
 confederated against France, ended in a 
 formal declaration of war by the Russian 
 Czar against the Spanish king. A 
 Spanish fleet again escaped from Car- 
 thagena, under Admiral Mazarredo, and, 
 more fortunate than its predecessor, 
 effected a junction with the French 
 under Brueys, at a moment when the 
 English force in the Mediterranean did 
 not exceed sixteen ships. But the only 
 advantage derived by the united fleets 
 from the immense superiority in num- 
 bers they had thus gained, and which 
 created an alarm in England productive 
 of unexampled exertions in the various 
 dock-yards to reinforce the admirals on 
 their several stations, was, together and 
 
248 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 unmolested, to reach Brest, whence 
 Brueys had sallied, availing himself of a 
 fog to elude Lord Bridport's vigilance. 
 For this success, if it deserves the name, 
 Spain paid dearly in her merchant 
 ships, which were everywhere captured 
 by British cruizers, as were the few- 
 armed vessels necessarily sent to sea 
 singly, or in small detachments. 
 
 The attempts to revolutionize Spain, 
 which had been formerly instigated or en- 
 couraged by the French directory, were 
 now abandoned, and every effort was 
 made to captivate the good will of the 
 Court ,of Madrid. The hostile designs 
 which, since the rupture of the negotia- 
 tion for peace, had been entertained at 
 Paris against Portugal, are said to have 
 been laid aside at the intercession of 
 Charles, who naturally wished to pre- 
 serve the future inheritance of his 
 daughter's husband and children. 
 In point of fact his son-in-law was 
 
 already in possession of the 
 Portugal Portugueze sceptre, and in 
 17981199. the month of July had even 
 
 assumed the title of regent, 
 in consideration of the queen's state 
 of confirmed and hopeless insanity. 
 In name only did this measure pro- 
 duce any change. The Prince-regent 
 continued to govern, as he had long 
 done, though with somewhat more 
 of authority, perhaps, than when he 
 was only Prince of Brazil. His en- 
 deavours to prepare for the threatened 
 French invasion, by increasing and dis- 
 ciplining his army and navy, have been 
 already described. They were conti- 
 nued, but with how little success will be 
 too plainly seen, when the day of real 
 trial shall come to be related. With 
 respect to the internal improvement 
 of the country, he is said to have 
 done something towards facilitating 
 communication,:-: by making roads and 
 canals; and he established a Public 
 Library and Cabinet of Natural History ; 
 but he counteracted any effect which 
 these establishments might have wrought 
 in enlightening the Portugueze, by 
 transferring the duties of the Board of 
 Censure to the Inquisition. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Buonaparte s second expedition to Italy 
 Battle of Marsngo Battle of Ho- 
 henlinden Treaty of Luneville 
 Spain cedes Louisiana to France 
 Buonaparte gives the Kingdom of 
 Etruria to the Prince of Parma in 
 
 lieu of his heritage Spain declares 
 war against Portugal Invasion of 
 Portugal Treaty of Bad^joz Not 
 allowed by Buonaparte Treaty of 
 Madrid Portugueze Guiana ceded 
 to France Olivenza to Spain 
 Peace of Amiens England restores 
 Minorca Keeps Trinidad Por- 
 tugal recovers part of Portugueze 
 Guiana State of Spain Godoys 
 absolute power Saavedra and Jo- 
 vellanos Ministers Saavedra re- 
 signs Jovellanos disgraced and im- 
 prisoned Marriage of the Prince of 
 Asturias Extension of French 
 power Rupture of the peace of 
 Amiens Spain and Portugal neutral 
 Bickerings between Spain and 
 England Portugal purchases the 
 continuance of her neutrality and 
 commerce with England*. 
 
 DURING the year 1800, Spain and Por- 
 tugal had little to do but to observe the 
 change in the fortunes of France and 
 her enemies, resulting from the return 
 of Buonaparte, and his exaltation to the 
 head of the government. Those were 
 great. By dexterously taking advantage 
 of the irritation which 
 the reverses of the Rus- Foreign states 
 sian and Austrian armies 
 in Switzerland had ex- 
 cited in the capricious temper of Paul, 
 the First Consul managed not only to 
 detach the Czar from this coalition, but 
 to inspire him with a fervent devotion to 
 himself. 
 
 Being thus freed from the most for- 
 midable of his continental antagonists, 
 Buonaparte took the field in person, 
 crossed the Alps, traversing the Great 
 St. Bernard by ways till then deemed 
 hardly passable for single foot travellers, 
 but over which he actually transported 
 his whole army, even artillery, and, by 
 the splendid victory of Marengo, reco- 
 vering at once all losses in Italy, re- 
 established his Cisalpine republic. By 
 the powerful reinforcements he sent to 
 Moreau, he enabled that skilful general 
 to gain, if not equal, yet great advan- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Scott, Bigland, Belsbam, Foy, 
 Bourgoing, Sempere, Bernardo, Blanco White, 
 the Queen of Etruria, Annual Register, Memoirs 
 of Ferdinand VII,, king of Spain, by Don * * *, 
 Advocate of the Spanish Tribunals, translated 
 from the original Spanish MS., by Michael Quin, 
 8 ;o., London, 1824. The authority of this 
 anonymous memoir rests of course entirely upon 
 the translator's word; but as Mr. Quin lias been 
 much in Spain, and the tenor of the narrative 
 agrees with other documents, it may, with some 
 allowance for prejudice, be trusted. 
 
 A.JJ. 
 
 18001801. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 249 
 
 tages in Germany, and by the victory of 
 Hohenlinden, on the 3rd of December, 
 to determine the Court of Vienna upon 
 making every sacrifice requisite for the 
 attainment of peace. 
 
 A treaty was accordingly negotiated 
 at Luneville, and signed on the 9th of 
 February, 1801, the conditions of which 
 proved more lenient than might have 
 been anticipated. In most respects it 
 confirmed the previous treaty of Campo 
 Formio. The whole left bank of the 
 Rhine was ceded to France, and it was 
 agreed that the princes of the empire, 
 whom this cession despoiled of their 
 patrimony, should be indemnified from 
 the territories of the three Ecclesiastical 
 electorates, which were to be secularized, 
 or, in other words, struck out of the 
 German federation. The emperor had 
 neither right nor power thus to dispose 
 of electorates, and he avowed his ina- 
 bility to do so. But Buonaparte's will 
 was a stronger law than the Golden 
 Bull of the empire. Francis yielded, 
 and the Diet of the Empire, under si- 
 milar constraint, ratified his illegal act. 
 In this humiliating treaty, Francis was 
 likewise compelled to surrender his 
 brother's grand-duchy of Tuscany, and 
 take a compensation for him out of the 
 condemned electorates. The freedom 
 and independence of the new Batavian, 
 Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Ligurian re- 
 publics (the last being Genoa) was re- 
 cognized and confirmed by this treaty. 
 
 The grand-du6hy of Tuscany thus ac- 
 quired was destined in its turn to com- 
 pensate two other spoliations. The 
 first consul had already, in a secret 
 treaty, extorted from his ally Charles IV. 
 the cession of Louisiana ; and he now 
 required from Charles's 
 Spam kinsman, the duke of 
 18001801. Parma, the reversion of 
 his duchy at his death to 
 the French republic. In return, he be- 
 stowed Tuscany, under the title of the 
 Kingdom of Etruria, upon the duke's 
 eldest son, Lewis, prince of Parma, who, 
 it will be remembered, had married a 
 Spanish Infanta. In April, 1801, the 
 king and queen of Etruria left Madrid, 
 vvhere they had resided since their mar- 
 riage, to take possession of their newly 
 assigned dominions. They were directed 
 by Godoy to pass through Paris ; 
 and thus two Bourbon princes were the 
 first of the many sovereigns who, dur- 
 ing Buonaparte's reign, were required 
 to present their personal homage at the 
 Tuilenes. 
 
 But Tuscany seems to have been 
 judged more than compensation for 
 Parma and Louisiana ; and Charles was 
 expected to pay a yet higher price for 
 the kingdom bestowed upon one daughter 
 and son-in-law, by assisting to despoil 
 another daughter and son-in-law of their 
 patrimony. Affection for the princess 
 of Brazil and her children had urged 
 the king of Spain to make unusual 
 exertions for the sake of warding off 
 from Portugal the effects of French 
 enmity ; and his troops, his fleets, and 
 his American gold had been found so 
 useful, that he had enjoyed suffi- 
 cient influence to render his media- 
 tion effectual with the directory. But 
 the peace of Luneville rendered the 
 friendship of Spain less important ; and 
 Buonaparte's hatred of England was far 
 more implacable than that of his direc- 
 torial predecessors. The first consul 
 could not forgive Portugal's fidelity to 
 her old ally ; and now insisted upon 
 Charles's declaring war against his son- 
 in-law. A convention was concluded 
 between Charles and Buonaparte, by 
 which the seaports, fortresses, and one 
 quarter of the territories of Portugal 
 were to be occupied by French and 
 Spanish troops, until peace should be 
 made with England. The obstinate re- 
 fusal of the Court of Lisbon to comply 
 with the solicitations of the Court of 
 Madrid, detach itself from England, 
 and accept the alliance of France, was 
 the ground of hostility alleged in the 
 Spanish manifesto. 
 
 This declaration was answered by a 
 counter declaration from the 
 prince of Brazil ; but for a 
 while both parties seemed 
 to rest content with this 
 paper war ; and there can be no doubt 
 but that during their constrained hos- 
 tilities, a perfectly good understanding 
 existed between the unwilling bellige- 
 rents. The first consul was not to be 
 thus deceived, and he informed his ally 
 that if Spain were not prepared to invade 
 Portugal, French troops should be sent 
 to her assistance. To avoid receiving 
 such aid, if possible, the prince of the 
 Peace took the field at the head of 
 between thirty and forty thousand 
 men, and entered the Portugueze pro- 
 vince of Alemtejo. The prince of Brazil 
 thereupon summoned the whole popula- 
 tion of Portugal to arm in defence of 
 the country, and in person led an army 
 against, the invaders, but offered scarcely 
 any opposition to their progress. In 
 
 Portugal 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1800-1801. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 250 
 
 little more than a fortnight the Spaniards 
 reduced several fortified towns, and 
 drove the Portugueze beyond theTagus. 
 
 It should be observed, that, upon the 
 first declaration of war, the English 
 ministry offered to send additional troops 
 to Portugal, provided an experienced 
 officer, recommended by them, were 
 substituted for the duke de Lafoens, 
 who, at the age of eighty-two, acted as Por- 
 tugueze commander-in-chief, and was 
 totally incapacitated by the infirmities of 
 declining life, for the activity and ener- 
 getic exertion required upon an emer- 
 gency, even had his known predilection 
 for France not exposed him to suspicion. 
 To this condition the Prince-regent, not 
 anticipating much mischief, probably, 
 from his father-in-law's enmity, objected, 
 unless the army to be sent should amount 
 to twenty-five thousand men. The 
 Cabinet of St. James's had not yet 
 learned to attempt military expeditions 
 upon an effective scale, and refused to 
 risk such a body of troops. England 
 afforded her faithful ally little succour, 
 therefore, beyond a subsidy of300,000/., 
 and her permission and advice to make 
 peace upon the best terms obtainable. 
 The forces that had been destined for 
 the defence of Portugal were despatched 
 upon an enterprise yet more vitally im- 
 portant to Great Britain, viz. the reco- 
 very of Egypt for the Porte out of the 
 hands of the French; and although 
 Lafoens actually was displaced in the 
 course of this short campaign, no se- 
 cond change was made in the destination 
 of the English army. 
 
 The plan of operations laid down by 
 the first consul had been, that Spain 
 should invade the southern, and France 
 the northern provinces of Portugal ; and 
 a French army was now advancing to 
 execute its allotted task. This was 
 what Charles and John almost equally 
 dreaded ; and trusting they must now 
 have done enough to persuade Buona- 
 parte that they had been in earnest, they 
 hastened to sign a treaty of peace at 
 Badajoz, upon the 6th of June, by which 
 Portugal ceded the frontier town, for- 
 tress, and district of Olivenza to Spain, 
 and consented to shut her ports against 
 England. This treaty was immediately 
 notified to the first consul; but was 
 proposed to be kept secret, until the 
 regent's eldest son, the duke of Beira, 
 could be sent with a body of French 
 troops to Brazil, to protect that colony 
 against English invasion. 
 
 The treaty of Badajoz contained no 
 
 stipulation for the intrusting the sea- 
 ports and fortresses of Portugal to 
 French garrisons ; a measure repre- 
 sented by Buonaparte as indispensable 
 to the coercion of England for the com- 
 mon good. On account of this omission 
 he rejected it, and ordered his troops 
 into Portugal. On the 28th of June, 
 his brother-in-law, General Leclerc, 
 having traversed Spain, crossed the 
 frontiers at the head of thirty thousand 
 men, and laid siege to Almeida; St. 
 Cyr followed him with another corps. 
 This was an invasion of a different cha- 
 racter from the last, and the regent made 
 more vigorous efforts for defence. He 
 now earnestly solicited the help of Eng- 
 land, and her troops took possession of 
 the island of Madeira to hold for him. 
 But his best resource was another treaty 
 of peace, negotiated at Madrid between 
 France and Portugal by the French and 
 Portugueze ambassadors to Spain, the 
 consul's brother, Lucien Buonaparte, 
 and Cipriano Ribeiro Freire. By this 
 treaty, Don John submitted to pay a 
 million sterling to France, and to sur- 
 render a considerable district in the 
 north of Brazil, the province called Por- 
 tugueze Guiana, as far as the mouth of 
 the Amazons, in order to give extent 
 and compactness to French Guiana or 
 Cayenne. No mention was made of the 
 fortresses which had been the pretext 
 for this last French invasion. 
 
 Such a temporary occupation of Por- 
 tugal's strongholds by French troops 
 had ceased to be an object, by the oc- 
 currence of the event upon which it was 
 to terminate. This was the general 
 pacification of Europe. One of Buona- 
 parte's first measures, 
 upon seizing the reins of Foreign states 
 government, had been to j so 1^1802. 
 make advances towards a 
 negotiation with England. That he was 
 sincere in those advances there can be 
 little doubt ; but as little that he neither 
 would have concluded an equitable 
 peace, nor wished one that should be 
 lasting. By treaty only could he hope 
 to recover those French colonies which 
 the naval superiority of Great Britain 
 had wrested from the republic; and a 
 peace fraught with the advantages of 
 conquest, whilst it cast as much addi- 
 tional splendour upon his name as new 
 victories, would have given him time 
 to consolidate and increase his recently 
 acquired power. The English ministry 
 refused even to enter into negotiation ; 
 Buonaparte gained all the credit of an 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 251 
 
 honest wish for the restoration of an 
 equitable peace, and gathered new laurels 
 in the prosecution of a war, by which 
 he recovered all that the directory had 
 lost of the republic's previous continental 
 conquests. 
 
 Since the treaty of Luneville he had, 
 at the request of Paul, granted peace to 
 the king of the Two Sicilies, upon con- 
 dition of that monarch's ceding the isle 
 of Elba to France, and closing his ports 
 against English trade. He had restored 
 Rome and the Church patrimony to the 
 Pope, and was at peace with all Europe 
 except England. Circumstances had 
 occurred since January, 1800, which 
 removed some of the obstacles to a 
 treaty with this country. Mr. Pitt, the 
 great and steady antagonist of the 
 French revolution, had resigned office 
 upon a question of domestic policy, and 
 his successors were not pledged like 
 him to inveterate hostility against all 
 the changes that revolution had brought 
 forth in France. 
 
 The English nation had grown weary 
 of the war, and clamorous for peace ; 
 and the expulsion of the French troops 
 from Malta and Egypt obviated one 
 main difficulty, since it was certain that 
 neither could the first consul ever have 
 consented to give back conquests so 
 connected with his own fame, nor Eng- 
 land have suffered them to remain in 
 the hands of France. Malta, after a two 
 years' blockade, had surrendered in 
 September, 1800 ; and the victory of 
 Alexandria, which Sir Ralph Aber- 
 crombie, on the 21st of March, 1801, 
 purchased with his life, had compelled 
 the French to evacuate Egypt by capitu- 
 lation. 
 
 England having thus nothing to ask 
 of France in exchange for the number- 
 less colonies, in conquering which she 
 had lavished the blood that would 
 have been more usefully and honourably 
 shed in co-operating with her always 
 vanquished continental allies, or with 
 the unfortunate Vendeans, the only 
 difficulty that impeded the negotiation 
 related to the disposal of Malta, which 
 the knights of St. John were no longer 
 able to defend, and which neither France 
 nor England would allow the other to 
 retain. It was at length agreed to re- 
 store it to the Order of St. John under 
 the guarantee of some third power to 
 be named in the definitive treaty. 
 
 That point being settled, preliminaries 
 were signed on the 1st of October, 1801, 
 by which England restored every con- 
 
 quest except the islands of Trinidad 
 and Ceylon. The only changes or ad- 
 ditions made to these articles by the 
 definitive treaty, signed at Amiens on 
 the 27th of March following, related to 
 Malta, Spain, and Portugal. It was 
 determined that neither French nor 
 Englishmen should be knights of St. 
 John ; the king of Naples was the po- 
 tentate selected to give security, with- 
 out risk of subjugation, to the island, 
 by sending thither a body of his troops ; 
 and the independence of the Order, 
 and their residence, was to be guaranteed 
 by France, England, Russia, Austria, 
 Spain, and Prussia. The cession of 
 Portugueze Guiana to France was to be 
 narrowed by about fifty miles, the river 
 Arowari being substituted to the Ama- 
 zons as the boundary between the 
 French and Portugueze colonies. But 
 the cession of Olivenza to Spain, stipu- 
 lated by the treaty of Badajoz, was 
 renewed and confirmed. The republic 
 of the Seven Ionian Islands was recog- 
 nized as an independent state. 
 
 By the treaties of Amiens and Lune- 
 ville, the king of Spain re- 
 covered Minorca, and saw ^J^jL 
 the Parma branch of his 
 family raised from the ducal to the 
 royal rank, whilst the future heritage of 
 his eldest daughter's children, Portugal, 
 was redeemed from impending subju- 
 gation at the price of some little spo- 
 liation, in which he himself shared. 
 But the greatest advantage the resto- 
 ration of peace afforded him, was the 
 cessation of the enormous drain upon 
 his resources, naval, military, and above 
 all, financial, which had lately reduced 
 his dominions to a state of lamentable 
 exhaustion. The expenditure during 
 the war had amounted to four times the 
 revenue; and only a long period of 
 peace, together with the most judicious 
 system of economy and fiscal regulation, 
 could have reinstated Spain in anything 
 like prosperity. Of this there could be 
 no hope, under the sway of Charles IV., 
 or rather of his favourite Godoy. 
 
 The king's attachment to his wife's 
 paramour bore almost as much the cha- 
 racter of passion as the queen's. Godoy's 
 influence over the former was not to 
 be shaken by representations of his in- 
 capacity, or by court cabal ; and over the 
 queen it remained undiminished either 
 by jealousy or infidelity on either side, 
 to the end of her life. To her jealousy 
 he owed an alliance with the royal fa- 
 mily. He had formed a criminal con-- 
 
252 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 nexionwith a young lady of noble birth ; 
 and the queen, to prevent his marrying 
 her rival, persuaded the king to give 
 him a princess for his wife. For this 
 purpose an illegal marriage, con- 
 tracted by the king's uncle, Don 
 Lewis, a cardinal and archbishop of 
 Toledo, with a lady of the name of 
 Vallabriga, was sanctioned, and its 
 issue, a son and two daughters, were 
 recognized as Infantes of Spain. The 
 son succeeded his father as archbishop 
 of Toledo, and was made a cardinal ; 
 and the eldest daughter was bestowed, as 
 an Infanta, upon the Prince of the Peace. 
 
 So splendid a marriage had no more 
 effect than his intrigue with the queen 
 in restraining Godoy's libertinism. It 
 equalled his rapacity; and the latter 
 vice being almost glutted by the pro- 
 fusion of the royal pair, his favour 
 was most surely propitiated by those 
 who had a handsome sister, wife, or 
 daughter, to sacrifice to his appetite. 
 The queen, finding it impossible to rid 
 herself of these innumerable rivals, 
 sought consolation in emulating his 
 inconstancy. But her transient fan- 
 cies were as unavailing as the cabals 
 of those who sought to take advantage 
 either of them, or of her majesty's mo- 
 mentary fits of jealous resentment, to 
 weaken Godoy's hold upon her heart ; 
 it never required more than a word 
 from him to overthrow his rivals, and 
 entangle his political opponents in their 
 own snares. 
 
 Scenes of licentiousness such as it has 
 unfortunately been requisite to depict, 
 could not be daily exhibited at court, 
 without producing the most noxious 
 effect upon all who came within the 
 poisonous sphere of their influence. 
 The higher orders were well nigh demo- 
 ralized, and a shameless system of cor- 
 ruption pervaded every branch of the 
 administration, from the highest to the 
 lowest throughout Spain; evils com- 
 
 Eared with which the good really done 
 y the prince of the Peace was but as 
 dust in the balance. 
 
 When his connexion by marriage 
 with the royal family raised him above 
 any ministerial office, leaving him merely 
 a sort of viceroy over the whole Spanish 
 monarchy, Godoy introduced some able 
 men in his stead, such as Saavedra and 
 Gaspar Melchior de Jovellanos, though 
 the kingdom was not long permitted to 
 reap the benefit of their talents. Illness 
 afforded Saavedra a fair pretext for 
 resigning an office, which his difference 
 
 in opinion from Godoy would scarcely 
 have suffered him to retain, and would 
 certainly have prevented his exercising 
 according to his judgment and con- 
 science. Jovellanos incurred the hatred 
 of the queen, by opposing her constant 
 interference in public affairs ; that of 
 Godoy, by joining in a plot for the 
 abridgment, if not overthrow of his 
 power ; he was in consequence not only 
 dismissed, but rigorously immured in a 
 Carlhusian monastery in Majorca. 
 
 The prince of the Peace affected, in 
 compliance with the fashion of the day, 
 to be a patron of the arts, of learning, 
 and of modern improvements. He com- 
 manded Pestalozzi's new system of edu- 
 cation to be adopted in Spain ; he re- 
 commended the general practice of 
 vaccination, and despatched vessels to 
 all the colonies for the purpose of in- 
 troducing that preventive against the 
 ravages of a fatal disease, said to have 
 been unknown in America until carried 
 thither by the Europeans : and he en- 
 couraged to the utmost of his power the 
 patriotic or economical societies esta- 
 blished under the name of Friends 
 of the Country, in order to promote 
 agriculture, by diffusing the knowledge 
 of improved methods of tillage amongst 
 the farmers, and assisting with small 
 loans such as were cramped in their 
 operations by indigence. The first of 
 these societies had been founded by 
 some public spirited individuals in 
 Biscay as early as the year 1775 ; and 
 under Godoy's administration, they had 
 increased, in 1804, to the number of 
 sixty-three. 
 
 These merits were, however, as has 
 been said, nothing to counterbalance the 
 evils under which Spain laboured, and 
 most of which were ascribed to the pro- 
 fligate corruption of the court. The 
 yellow fever, which in the years 1800 
 and 1801 ravaged, and partially deso- 
 lated the south of Spain by the misery 
 it occasioned, increased the prevailing 
 dissatisfaction ; and the detestation of 
 Godoy was excessive and universal. 
 
 By no one was the extent of his 
 power more bitterly felt, or his person 
 more abhorred than by Ferdinand, 
 prince of Asturias. The education of 
 this prince had been purposely intrusted 
 by the favourite to incapable persons ; 
 the queen hated and persecuted a son 
 upon whom she, perhaps, looked as a 
 future rival for power ; and the heir of 
 the Crown was totally without interest 
 or influence in his father's court. As 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 253 
 
 he advanced to manhood, the adver- 
 saries of Godoy gathered around him, 
 and Don John Escoiquiz, canon of 
 Toledo, the only man of any ability who 
 had been placed about him, became the 
 head of a sort of party in favour of the 
 prince of Asturias. In 1802 all these 
 persons, and indeed the country at large, 
 looked impatiently to Ferdinand's ap- 
 proaching marriage with Maria Antonia, 
 daughter of the king of Naples, as the 
 era of some effective change in the court, 
 and consequently in the government. 
 
 The princess of Asturias is said to 
 have been endowed with superior powers 
 of mind, which had been cultivated by 
 a far better education than continental 
 princesses usually enjoy. It was certain 
 that she had received that most valuable 
 of all educations, experience of the 
 vicissitudes of human life, during the 
 reverses her parents had suffered in their 
 wars with France. Upon her, therefore, 
 all eyes were fixed, as destined to work 
 the alterations desired ; but the virtues 
 and talents of Maria Antonia were alto- 
 gether unavailing] against .the arts of 
 her mother-in-law, and the influence of 
 Godoy. She remained as insignificant 
 as her husband ; and the utmost result 
 of her efforts was limited to exciting in 
 him a stronger disgust to his situation, 
 and a more vehement desire to emanci- 
 pate himself from the favourite's control. 
 
 Meanwhile the peace that had mo- 
 mentarily tranquillized Europe, was 
 evidently upon the point 
 of ceasing. Even whilst 
 the negotiations for the 
 treaty of Amiens were pending, Buona- 
 parte had prodigiously increased his 
 power, by compelling the Cisalpine re- 
 public, with which Piedmont, and pro- 
 spectively Parma, Placentia, and Guas- 
 talla, were incorporated, to elect him its 
 President ; and by the recovery, as it 
 was then confidently believed, of the 
 island of St. Domingo, and the complete 
 subjugation of the revolted Negroes ; the 
 English ministry having, in proof of 
 their friendly disposition, allowed him 
 to despatch to the West Indies one of 
 the armaments so long blockaded in 
 French ports. 
 
 Since the signature of the definitive 
 treaty, the ambitious views of the first 
 consul, and his determination to sink 
 Great Britain to the rank of a subordi- 
 nate power, had been yet more apparent. 
 He had again overthrown the ancient 
 federal constitution of Switzerland, which 
 the hardy mountaineers had, in virtue 
 
 of the treaty of Luneville, endeavoured 
 to re-establish, and, assuming the title 
 of Grand Mediator of the Helvetic 
 republic, had reduced the long free 
 republics of the Alps to complete 
 dependence upon himself; whilst the 
 interposition of the English ministry 
 in behalf of a country, once deemed 
 the very stronghold of liberty, had 
 been noticed only by a contemptu- 
 ous remark, in the French official 
 newspaper (the Moniteur), that Eng- 
 land could not be suffered to inter- 
 fere in the affairs of the continent. 
 The German indemnities had been ar- 
 ranged by French dictation, so as to en- 
 large and strengthen every state hostile 
 to the emperor, whilst scarcely the 
 shadow of a compensation was granted 
 to himself or the grand-duke of Tus- 
 cany ; and the election of Buonaparte, 
 as First Consul for life, insured the con- 
 tinuance of this vast power in the hands 
 that rendered it formidable. 
 
 Towards England a bitterly inimical 
 spirit was betrayed, by the enforcement 
 of absurd laws, passed against English 
 merchandise during the most extrava- 
 gant fury of the Jacobins, (even to con- 
 fiscating the knives and forks on beard 
 merchant vessels,) by the refusal of 
 redress to aggrieved individuals, by the 
 delayed execution of all favourable sti- 
 pulations, and by the sending naval or 
 military men as consuls to all English 
 sea-ports, with instructions to procure 
 correct plans of the harbours, works, &e. 
 at their respective posts ; whilst the 
 nature of the mission upon which he 
 despatched general Sebastiani to Egypt 
 and Syria plainly indicated that Buona- 
 parte had not abandoned his former 
 designs upon, and through those coun- 
 tries. 
 
 He had moreover by various acts 
 rendered nugatory the arrangements 
 touching Malta. By seizing upon all the 
 possessions and revenues of the knights 
 of St. John in France, and inducing 
 Charles IV. to do the same in Spain, 
 he had completely annihilated those re- 
 sources which might have enabled the 
 Order to exercise "the rights and duties 
 of sovereignty. By the direct subjection 
 to himself of the greatly enlarged Cisal- 
 pine, now called, the Italian republic, as 
 if to indicate its future extension over 
 the whole peninsula, he had so thorough- 
 ly destroyed the very appearance of the 
 independence of Naples, that to have 
 garrisoned the island with Neapolitan 
 troops would in fact have been to sur- 
 
254 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 render it to France. In consequence of 
 these encroachments, and other suspici- 
 ous symptoms, the English cabinet de- 
 layed the stipulated evacuation of Malta, 
 and sought to retain it in compensation 
 of the recent acquisitions of France. 
 A burst of passion on the first consul's 
 
 Eart against Lord Whitworth, the Eng- 
 sh ambassador, on the 13th of March, 
 1803, astonished the diplomacy of 
 Europe. It was intended, probably, to 
 compel submission by intimidation, as 
 there seems reason to believe that such 
 ebullitions of temper were often preme- 
 ditated. Upon the occasion in question 
 the effect was to hasten the rupture ; the 
 negotiations were, indeed, continued a 
 few weeks longer, but evidently without 
 a hope of adjustment. On the 12th of 
 May Lord Whitworth left Paris, and on 
 the 18th, the king of England declared 
 war against France. 
 
 The war thus begun between France 
 and England did not appear immediately 
 destined to embroil the whole continent. 
 The British Cabinet in the first instance 
 proposed that Holland, Spain, and Por- 
 tugal should be allowed to observe a 
 strict neutrality. The first consul posi- 
 tively rejected this proposition with 
 respect to Holland, upon whose fleets 
 and sailors he relied for assistance in 
 putting down that constant object of his 
 envy and hostility, the naval supremacy 
 of Great Britain, and for co-operation 
 in his schemes of invasion. But he 
 readily admitted it with regard to Spain 
 and Portugal ; and the English mi- 
 nisters, induced either by a desire to re- 
 lieve themselves from the burden of 
 defending a somewhat helpless ally, or 
 by fears of the commercial inconveni- 
 ence and clamour that might follow the 
 loss of the Spanish market, assented 
 to this modification of their proposition. 
 These forbearing statesmen did not 
 even make the abandonment or sus- 
 pension of Spain's engagement to furnish 
 a certain amount of naval and military 
 succours to France, a condition of their 
 assent ; but contented themselves with 
 requiring that the succours afforded 
 should be strictly limited to the terms of 
 the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and that in 
 every other point the Spanish 
 * 5 p ?LnQ government should display 
 
 A.I>. lauo. > . . . 4 ..' 
 
 perfect impartiality, especially 
 riot suffering French troops to enter 
 Spain. This strange concession is said 
 to have been made partly in consequence 
 of the earnest desire which the prince 
 of the Peace had expressed, perhaps 
 
 truly, to disentangle himself from his 
 engagements with the first consul, and 
 free his country from the control of 
 France. 
 
 Buonaparte's concurrence in the ar- 
 rangement proceeded from his feeling, 
 for the moment, more need of Spain's 
 American gold (the influx of ; which 
 was checked by war with England) 
 than of her ships and troops ; and he 
 accordingly very soon required money 
 in lieu of the stipulated auxiliaries. To 
 this alteration the English ministry like- 
 wise assented, provided the sums trans- 
 mitted to France should not exceed the 
 estimated expense of the men and ships 
 for which they were substituted. Such 
 a provision of course led to ever-renew- 
 ing disputes between the English envoy, 
 Mr. Frere, and the prince of the Peace, 
 who haughtily refused either to state 
 the precise sums transmitted to Paris, 
 or to show the convention by which the 
 substitution of money for other succours 
 was regulated. 
 
 Portugal, as has been said, was like- 
 wise permitted to remain 
 neutral, but she was com- p rt V?a'! 
 
 i A.D. louj 
 
 pelled to purchase that per- 
 mission by heavy sacrifices of both her 
 wealth and her dignity. The first consul 
 presently required that the Portugueze 
 ports should be closed against English 
 commerce ; and his ambassador, general 
 Lasnes, originally a private soldier, and 
 who retained in his new station the 
 rough -manners of his early condition, 
 rendered the demand more offensive by 
 his mode of enforcing it. The regent 
 of Portugal refused to take a step so 
 hostile to Great Britain, and the French 
 ambassador as positively refused to 
 hold any further intercourse with his 
 minister, Don John d' Almeida, formerly 
 ambassador in England, and now con- 
 sidered the head of the English party. 
 
 The prince yielded to the overbearing 
 diplomatist, and dismissed Almeida, 
 whereupon DonRodrigo de Souza, who 
 had, in effect, if not in name, been 
 prime minister, resigned. Lasnes and 
 his master seem to have been propi- 
 tiated by this humiliating concession ; a 
 compromise was effected ; and Por- 
 tugal was suffered to continue her com- 
 merce with England, upon condition of 
 paying the first consul 40.000/. sterling 
 monthly, so long as the war should last, 
 with a private understanding that further 
 occasional pecuniary requisitions were 
 not to be resisted. 
 
HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL.' 
 
 255 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Military operations of France and Eng- 
 l(wd France sells Louisiana to the 
 United States Godoy overawed by 
 Buonaparte Exceeds the stipulated 
 limits in the money sent to France 
 English seize the Spanish treasure- 
 ships Spain declares war against 
 England French' Ambassador's fa- 
 vour with the Prince of Brazil 
 Buonaparte Emperor Seizure and 
 execution of the Duke of Enghien 
 War between France and Russia 
 Nelson pursues the French and Spa- 
 nish fleets to the West Indies And 
 back The united fleets defeated by 
 Colder Reinforced Battle of Tra- 
 falgar Austria declares war 
 Mack capitulates at Vim Battle of 
 Austerlitz Peace of Presburg 
 King of the Sicilies expelledfrom Italy 
 Joseph Buonaparte King of Naples 
 Lewis Buonaparte of Holland 
 Principalities allotted to Napoleon's 
 sisters Confederation of the Rhine*. 
 IN consequence of the various negotia- 
 tions and arrangements narrated in the 
 last chapter, France took 
 the field in 1803 with 
 the Batavian and Hel- 
 vetic republics for her only allies ; and 
 England altogether without any. Buo- 
 naparte had always boasted that Great 
 Britain could not stand against him 
 single-handed, and it almost seemed as 
 though her government had wished to 
 make his words good. Upon the resto- 
 ration of peace they had hastened to 
 relieve the finances by reducing the 
 army and navy, and the country had 
 in consequence seldom been so ill-pre- 
 pared for war. 
 
 The military operations of the year 
 were confined, on the part of France, to 
 the subjugation of Hanover, the occu- 
 pation of the Neapolitan and Roman 
 ports on the Adriatic (which the first 
 consul professed to hold as pledges for 
 the evacuation of Malta by the English), 
 and some violations of the neutrality of 
 the Hanse towns, tending to the ex- 
 tortion of loans; the unprecedented 
 seizure and detention of peaceable Eng- 
 lish travellers cannot be called a military 
 operation or measure on that of Eng- 
 land, to the West Indian conquest of 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Upland, Scott, Foy, Quin,Iiourgoing, 
 Annual Register. 
 
 the French islands, St. Lucie and To- 
 bago, and of the Dutch settlements, 
 Berbice and Demerara. The pecuniary 
 contributions drawn by Buonaparte 
 from Spain and Portugal, or wrung 
 from the Hanse towns^ together with 
 the produce of the sale of Louisiana to 
 the United States of North America, 
 were applied to the building and equip- 
 ping the gun-boats with which he pro- 
 posed to invade England. 
 
 In the course of this year the tyranny 
 of the French governor, and other per- 
 sons in authority in St. Domingo, pro- 
 voked another rebellion of the negroes, 
 who, assisted by the baneful climate, so 
 reduced the French army sent thither to 
 subdue them, that the remainder was 
 glad to escape by surrendering to a 
 British squadron. That wealthiest of 
 the French West Indian colonies was 
 thus finally lost to the mother country. 
 
 The following year put an end to the 
 neutrality of Spain. At first 
 it appeared as though she A * P 5go 4 
 would once more take part 
 against France, for the court of Madrid 
 vehemently objected to the sale of 
 Louisiana to the United States, as con- 
 trary to the secret conditions upon which 
 that province had been ceded to France. 
 But the Prince of the Peace was over- 
 awed or bribed by Buonaparte. He 
 contented himself with objecting, and 
 immediately returned to his former sub- 
 serviency. 
 
 Mr. Frere now saw reason to believe 
 that the pecuniary contributions to 
 France had amounted to 3,000,000/. 
 sterling, a sum out of all proportion to 
 the naval and military services stipu- 
 lated by the treaty of St. Ildefonso. He 
 was informed by the British admirals 
 cruizing off the Spanish coast, that an 
 armament was fitting out at Ferrol, and 
 that indications of activity appeared in 
 other ports, whilst French soldiers and 
 sailors were permitted to pass through 
 Spain to recruit a French fleet lying in 
 a Spanish harbour. These two last 
 subjects of complaint were of a kind 
 which, it had always been stated to the 
 Spanish Government, would be consi- 
 dered by England as direct acts of hosti- 
 lity, and, as such, must at once put an end 
 to the neutrality of Spain. The Spanish 
 secretary of state endeavoured to justify 
 the armament at Ferrol, upon the 
 ground of an insurrection in Biscay, to 
 quell which it was intended. 
 
 This statement was considered by 
 
256 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Mr. Frere as a mere evasion, inasmuch 
 as small and unarmed vessels would 
 have sufficed to convey troops to Biscay. 
 Upon this, and the other points, a tone 
 of great acrimony began to reign in the 
 correspondence between the Spanish 
 minister and the English envoy, with 
 whom the Prince of the Peace would no 
 longer hold any intercourse, and sus- 
 picions were entertained, apparently by 
 no means unfounded, that the cabinet of 
 Madrid, in obedience to that of the 
 Tuileries, only waited for the safe arrival 
 of the American treasure- ships to de- 
 clare war against England. The result 
 of these suspicions was, that the British 
 ministry determined upon the very ex- 
 traordinary step of ordering, without 
 any previous declaration of war, the 
 seizure of four Spanish frigates, then 
 bringing home freights of the precious 
 metals, and other valuable merchandise. 
 These ships were not, it is averred, to 
 be captured as prizes, but in order to be 
 held as security for the future more 
 impartial neutrality of Spain. This 
 measure, more in accordance with 
 Buonaparte's treatment of neutrals than 
 with the principles of international law, 
 which England professed to defend, 
 was executed as feebly, as it was, per- 
 haps, unwarrantably conceived. 
 
 Captain Moore was detached, as upon 
 a service wherein no difficulty was anti- 
 cipated, -with four frigates only ; and, 
 that being the precise amount of the 
 Spanish force he was ordered to seize, 
 the Spanish commander, Admiral Busta- 
 mente, judged submission derogatory to 
 his character. On the 5th of October 
 an engagement ensued, that ended by 
 the blowing up of one of the Spanish 
 vessels, on board of which were several 
 passengers of high rank, and the sur- 
 render of the others. This attack and 
 capture during the nominal continuance 
 of peace enraged the Spanish nation 
 beyond all further show of neutrality, 
 and afforded too fair a colour to French 
 declamation against England's naval 
 tyranny. 
 
 On fhe 12th of December the court 
 of Madrid declared war against England 
 in a virulent manifesto ; and the Prince 
 of the Peace, now created generalissimo 
 of his Catholic majesty's forces (a title 
 devised to give him the supreme com- 
 mand), published an address, calling 
 upon every individual Spaniard to assist 
 in avenging the insults of the tyrants of 
 the sea. 
 
 Spain, since the restoration of peace, 
 and the cessation of the yellow fever, 
 had enjoyed some little portion of pros- 
 perity. Unpopular as was Godoy, his 
 administration was, as yet, quietly en- 
 dured by a people now accustomed to 
 bear with despotism, and who patiently 
 looked to the accession of Ferdinand as 
 the era of the favourite's overthrow, 
 and of the punishment of all the 
 oppressions and extortions practised 
 by himself and his creatures. An 
 attempt at conspiracy by Ferdinand's 
 partizans had been detected ere it was 
 mature, and severely punished. The 
 prince of Asturias was, in consequence, 
 placed under restrictions that made him 
 a state prisoner. The internal tran- 
 quillity of the country had remained un- 
 troubled, except by the insurrection in 
 Biscay already mentioned. This had 
 broken out on account of a new tax, 
 imposed, as the Biscayans asserted, 
 illegally. The disturbance was allayed 
 without the employment of troops or 
 ships (a proof of the falsehood of the 
 allegation touching the Ferrol arma- 
 ment), by the court giving way, as it 
 always did, to the resistance of those 
 untamed mountaineers. The trade of 
 Spain with the colonies had prodigiously 
 augmented since the slight relaxations 
 introduced, not into her monopoly, but 
 into her harassing mode of exercising 
 that monopoly, and the condition of the 
 colonies, as well as the produce of their 
 mines, had proportionably improved. 
 
 Portugal was still permitted to enjoy 
 her disgracefully purchased 
 neutrality, and the only al- Jj^jjjj 
 teration apparent in that 
 country was in her ministry. Pinto was 
 dead. Don Diego de Noronha, count 
 of Villaverde, a nobleman universally 
 despised for his dissolute life, was ap- 
 pointed prime minister, and exercised 
 over the prince-regent an ascendency, 
 such as none of his predecessors had 
 boasted. Don Lewis de Vasconcellos e 
 Souza and Don Antonio de Araujo de 
 Azevedo had respectively succeeded to 
 Don Rodrigo de Souza and Don John de 
 Almeida, but were wholly subordinate to 
 Villaverde, whose influence could only be 
 balanced by that of Lasnes ; the French 
 ambassador, to the astonishment of the 
 whole court, after giving so much seem- 
 ingly unpardonable offence, having, by 
 some unexplained means, acquired the 
 especial affection and favour of the 
 prince he had so grossly insulted. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 257 
 
 The war produced no event this year 
 
 beyond the capture of Su- 
 
 Foreign ,nf M rinam by an English expe- 
 
 A.I). iuU 1 *. I.,- i .1 ^ / . . 
 
 dition, and the defeat ot a 
 French fleet by the English East India 
 merchantmen ; but various political oc- 
 currences foreboded more active hostili- 
 ties. In England the Addington minis- 
 try was overthrown, and Mr. Pitt once 
 more placed at the head of affairs. 
 
 In France Buonaparte accomplished 
 the transmutation of his office of consul 
 of a republic into the dignity of empe- 
 ror ; still, indeed, affecting to preserve 
 the name of a republic, and those de- 
 mocratic forms by which he at once 
 deluded the French people into believing 
 themselves free, because they seemed to 
 be equal, and exempted himself from 
 the control of any body of nobles, whose 
 wealth, power, and hereditary influence 
 could have given weight to their occa- 
 sional resistance to the sovereign's will. 
 The emperor of the French, thus un- 
 trammelled by conflicting authorities, 
 easily rendereid his power absolute, and 
 the French throne seemed permanently 
 assured to his family. 
 
 Napoleon loudly menaced England 
 with subjugation, and urged on his pre- 
 parations for invasion with his accus- 
 tomed energy. But his violations of the 
 neutrality of different states of the em- 
 pire in the forcible seizure of a Bourbon 
 prince, the duke d'Enghien, and of the 
 British envoy, Sir George Rumbold, on 
 German neutral ground, together with 
 the unprecedented trial and execution of 
 the former, were again rousing the 
 sovereigns of Europe against French 
 ambition. 
 
 Austria and the insulted empire, in- 
 deed, looked on in awe-stricken silence, 
 whilst Prussia still hoped to augment 
 the benefits she had already derived 
 from her professed attachment to France, 
 and had not yet learned that rivalry with 
 Austria ought no longer to be the ruling 
 principle of her policy. In the north 
 the case was different. The court of 
 Denmark had previously made an at- 
 tempt to protect the neutrality of Ham- 
 burgh, which, being unsupported, failed. 
 The king of Sweden was ambitious of 
 repeating the lofty part which his illus- 
 trious predecessor, Gustavus Adolphus, 
 had played in Europe, without per- 
 ceiving that the changes produced by 
 the subsequent lapse of years were such 
 as must have rendered even the talents 
 of that great king nearly unavailing with 
 
 such feeble means as those of Sweden ; 
 and Alexander, who had succeeded 
 Paul on the throne of Russia, felt, 
 like a young high-spirited monarch, as 
 well the flagitious murder of a prince of 
 an old royal line, as the infraction of 
 .treaties which Russia had guaranteed, 
 in the violation of the neutrality of the 
 states of the empire, and in the occupa- 
 tion of the Neapolitan sea-ports. 
 
 The czar exhorted the Emperor Fran- 
 cis and the Imperial Diet to resent the 
 violation of the German territory. And 
 though the Germans still held back, a 
 correspondence took place between the 
 courts of St. Petersburgh and the Tuile- 
 ries, which ended by tne Russian envoy 
 demanding his passports, and quitting 
 France. A close alliance was immedi- 
 ately concluded between England and 
 Russia, of which the professed objects 
 were to procure the evacuation of Italy, 
 Hanover, and the north of Germany by 
 the French, and to establish the real 
 independence of the Batavian and Hel- 
 vetic republics. 
 
 The year 1805 was rich in memorable 
 battles by sea and land. Napoleon's 
 object in requiring Spain to renounce 
 her neutrality, and take an active part 
 in the war, had been to assemble such 
 a fleet as should, by its numbers, over- 
 power, at least temporarily, Great 
 Britain's, and thus obtain the com- 
 mand of the channel, in order to trans- 
 port across it the army encamped at 
 Boulogne, and bearing the name of 
 the army of England. But the French, 
 Spanish, and Dutch squadrons were all 
 blockaded in different ports by English 
 ships, and one difficulty attending the 
 execution of the emperor's scheme was 
 the effecting their junction. 
 
 The first squadron that eluded the 
 vigilance of the blockading 
 force was that from Roche- 
 fort, which made its way to 
 the West Indies, spread great alarm 
 throughout the English islands, and 
 committed some ravages. But it was 
 repulsed in every serious attempt; and, 
 uponlearning that Admiral Cochrane had 
 been sent out with reinforcements, the 
 French commander hastened back to 
 Rochefort, content to have evaded the 
 fleets of England. 
 
 Admiral Villeneuve's escape with 
 twelve sail of the line and a large body of 
 troops from Toulon , and from the watch- 
 fulness of lord Nelson, threatened more 
 formidable consequences. Nelson, con- 
 
 Navul Affairs 
 A.D. 1805. 
 
258 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 ceiving the French object to be Egypt, 
 traversed the Mediterranean in search 
 of his enemy, whilst Villeneuve passed 
 the Straits of Gibraltar unmolested ; by 
 his superior numbers obliged Admiral 
 Orde, who commanded the small squa- 
 dron blockading Cadiz, to retreat ; and, 
 augmenting his own fleet by six Spanish 
 ships from that port, under Admiral 
 Gravina, proceeded to the West Indies. 
 This was in the beginning of April, and 
 it was the middle of the month before 
 Nelson was apprized of Villeneuve's 
 having even quitted the Mediterranean. 
 He followed, took in water and other 
 necessaries at Tetuan, and having ob- 
 tained information, from which he 
 rightly judged the West Indies to be 
 Villeneuve's destination, pursued him 
 thither with a force of only ten sail. 
 
 On his arrival Nelson found that his 
 powerful adversaries had made no use 
 of the three weeks they had gained upon 
 him, owing, it is conceived, to some dis- 
 agreement betwixt the French and 
 Spanish commanders touching the em- 
 ployment of their forces. In the West 
 Indies Nelson was joined by Admiral 
 Cochrane with two ships, and sought his 
 foes to give battle. But either their trip 
 across the Atlantic was intended only to 
 draw the British to a distance from 
 home, or we must conclude that Nel- 
 son's very name filled Gravina and 
 Villeneuve with terror ; for, as though 
 they deemed their eighteen ships no 
 match for his twelve, they returned with 
 all speed to Europe, whither he again 
 pursued, and, in point of fact, preceded 
 them, despatching sloops, moreover, to 
 the different stations of British squa- 
 drons, to give notice of the allied fleet's 
 supposed movements. 
 
 Villeneuve and Gravina did not, like 
 the Rochefort squadron, make a friendly 
 port unmolested. On the 22nd of July, 
 three days after lord Nelson had reached 
 Gibraltar, they were met by sir Robert 
 C alder off Cape Finisterre. The allied 
 fleet now consisted of twenty sail of the 
 line, three large fifty-gun ships, and five 
 frigates ; the English, of fifteen sail of 
 the line and two frigates. The engage- 
 ment was short, but sharp. Calder de- 
 feated his enemies, and took two ships 
 of the line. He was, nevertheless, 
 severely censured for not gaining a more 
 decided victory, and for suffering the 
 remainder of the combined squadrons, 
 still very superior to himself in number, 
 to reach Ferrol in safety. 
 
 At Ferrol Villeneuve and Gravina 
 obtained reinforcements that raised 
 their numbers to twenty-seven sail of 
 the line and eight smaller vessels ; but 
 from the length of time required to refit 
 the ships that had been nearly disabled 
 in the action with Calder, they could not 
 prosecute their voyage to Cadiz until 
 late in August. This delay afforded 
 time to collect such a British force in 
 that quarter as enabled lord Nelson to 
 confront the formidable numbers of the 
 French and Spaniards. 
 
 On the 21st of October, off Trafalgar, 
 Villeneuve and Gravina, with thirty- 
 three sail of the line and seven frigates, 
 encountered Nelson, who had lured 
 them out of Cadiz, by persuading them 
 that his force amounted only to twenty- 
 one sail of the line. They found him 
 with twenty-seven and three frigates. 
 It was too late to retreat, and they en- 
 gaged. The battle was one of the hardest 
 contested and most decisive ever fought 
 at sea. Lord Nelson fell, but survived 
 long enough to know that the victory 
 was gained ; and Collingwood, who suc- 
 ceeded to the command, took nineteen 
 sail of the line. The remainder fled ; 
 and one division of the fugitives falling 
 in with Admiral Strachan, was captured 
 by him. This splendid victory seems to 
 have nearly annihilated the fleets of 
 France and Spain, and to have com- 
 pletely repressed Napoleon's schemes 
 for obtaining any naval superiority over, 
 or equality with, Great Britain. From 
 that time he appears to have really 
 abandoned the idea of invading Eng- 
 land, how much soever he still 
 threatened. 
 
 The maritime triumphs of the latter 
 country were fearfully balanced by the 
 reverses of her continental allies. In 
 the course of this year the French em- 
 peror had converted the 
 Ligurian republic into a Fo f r r e ^ n A st D a . te3 
 province of France, and isos 1806. 
 the Italian republic into 
 the kingdom of Italy, of which he as- 
 sumed the crown. These fresh usurpa- 
 tions, joined to the exhortations of the 
 courts of London and St. Petersburgh, 
 and to the apparent strength of a coali- 
 tion supported by the innumerable 
 armies of Russia, encouraged the Empe- 
 ror Francis again to try the chance of 
 war. Unfortunately, when he did take 
 this resolution, he put it into execution 
 with a rashness proportionate to his 
 previous hesitation. Instead of, pro- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 259 
 
 trading the angry correspondence be- 
 tween Paris and Vienna, upon the sub- 
 ject of the infraction of the treaty of 
 Luneville by the late measures, until the 
 Russian forces, then making south- 
 wards, should be within reach of co- 
 operating: with him, Francis sent his 
 armies into Bavaria in the month of 
 September, insisted upon the elector's 
 joining the confederation against France, 
 and, when that prince entreated permis- 
 sion to remain neutral, drove him by vio- 
 lence into an alliance with Napoleon. 
 The Austrians thereupon occupied his 
 electorate, whence they advanced into 
 Swabia to meet the French. 
 
 The campaign that ensued was, per- 
 haps, the most brilliant Napoleon ever 
 made. With incredible rapidity the 
 army of England (its name now changed 
 into ihe great army) was transported to 
 Germany, and reinforced by all the troops 
 occupying Hanover, Holland, &c., the 
 march of these last divisions being fa- 
 cilitated, or at least hastened, by vio- 
 lating the neutral territories of Prussia. 
 On the 29th of September Napoleon 
 was on the German bank of the Rhine 
 at the head of one hundred and forty 
 thousand men. After various engage- 
 ments, which must be called small in 
 comparison with the mighty battles that 
 habitually decided Buonaparte's cam- 
 paigns, the emperor surrounded the 
 Austrian commander-in-chief, General 
 Mack, in Ulm, where he had taken post 
 with thirty thousand men. On the 19th 
 of October Mack capitulated, surrender- 
 ing that well-fortified town, and consti- 
 tuting its immense garrison prisoners of 
 war. 
 
 The Austrian forces, which, from the 
 first, had been too much dispersed, were 
 now more so than before. The Arch- 
 duke Charles was at the head of an 
 army in Italy ; theArchduke John with 
 a corps in the Tyrol. The Archduke 
 Ferdinand had retreated, with the cavalry 
 of Mack's army, into Bohemia, and 
 Napoleon advanced upon Vienna. An 
 attempt to defend Ihe capital could only 
 have occasioned its destruction : Francis 
 withdrew into Moravia, and the French 
 took possession of Vienna on the 13th of 
 November. 
 
 The czar, with the first division of his 
 hosts, now reached Moravia, where the 
 remainder of Mack's army had collected 
 about the person of their emperor. 
 Other forces were preparing to co- 
 operate with them. The Archduke 
 Charles, who had been defeated by 
 
 Massena, hearing of his brother's dis- 
 asters, made no further effort to main- 
 tain the north of Italy ; but, retreating 
 into the hereditary states, marched to- 
 wards Hungary, joined by Archduke 
 John, who had been similarly defeated 
 by Ney. 
 
 Regardless of the approach of the 
 brothers with numbers still considerable, 
 Napoleon advanced against the Rus- 
 sians, and on the 2nd of December the 
 celebrated battle of Austerlitz finally 
 decided the war, as far, at least, as 
 Austria was concerned. The victory of 
 the French was complete. Alexander 
 agreed to evacuate Germany, and the 
 Austrian and Prussian portions of Po- 
 land, upon condition of his homeward 
 march being unmolested. Francis signed 
 at Presburg, on the 26th of December, 
 the most humiliating and ruinous treaty 
 of peace ever concluded by an emperor 
 of Germany, or, according to his prouder 
 designation, an emperor of the Holy 
 Roman empire. He ceded his Venetian 
 dominions to the kingdom of Italy, which 
 he acknowledged as then constituted. 
 He ceded the Tyrol and Vorarlberg, 
 almost the oldest possessions of his 
 family, to Bavaria ; some detached Swa- 
 bian towns to Wirtemberg ; and he 
 acknowledged the royal dignity con- 
 ferred by Napoleon upon the electors of 
 Bavaria and Wirtemberg. By these 
 cessions Austria gave up two millions 
 and a half of subjects, and twenty thou- 
 sand square miles of territory. 
 
 An attempt made by the allies to 
 operate a diversion in the north of Ger- 
 many, proved, partly from Francis's pre- 
 cipation, too late to be of any use; and an 
 Anglo-Russian armament, sent to clear 
 the Neapolitan territories of French in- 
 truders, served only, after the disasters 
 of Ulm and Austerlitz, as a pretext for 
 the second expulsion of Ferdinand IV. 
 from his Italian dominions. In com- 
 pliance with the verbal convention, in 
 virtue of which the Russians, after the 
 battle of Austerlitz, retreated quietly into 
 Poland, Alexander recalled his troops 
 from the south of Italy. The English, 
 deserted by them, were too weak to de- 
 fend the kingdom against the advancing 
 French army, and withdrew into Sicily, 
 in order at least to secure that island 
 from subjugation. Ferdinand immedi- 
 ately quitted Naples with his queen, and 
 followed his allies to Sicily, after appoint- 
 ing his eldest son, the duke of Calabria, 
 regent. 
 
 The duke made a fruitless attempt to 
 
260 
 
 I HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 negotiate with the invaders before he left 
 the capital, and an equally fruitless 
 attempt afterwards to resist them in 
 arms. On the 9th of March, 1806, he 
 was defeated, and his whole army dis- 
 persed ; upon which he abandoned the 
 contest, and rejoined his father. On 
 the 30th of the same month Napoleon 
 proclaimed his brother, Joseph Buona- 
 parte, king of Naples, and it was only 
 the active intervention of England that 
 prevented his adding the insular to the 
 continental half of the kingdom. The 
 efforts made by Sir John Stuart, in 
 obedience to the wishes of the court of 
 Palermo, to recover the Neapolitan pro- 
 vinces, were wholly unavailing, except 
 as they were the occasion of the glorious 
 battle of Maida, in which four thousand 
 eight hundred English put to flight up- 
 wards of seven thousand French troops. 
 This was not the only sovereignty 
 bestowed, at the beginning of the year 
 1806, by the French emperor, upon his 
 own family. He made his younger 
 brother, Louis, king of Holland ; he be- 
 stowed Lucca, as a principality, upon his 
 eldest sister, Eliza, Madame Bacciocchi ; 
 and Guastalla, in the same form, upon his 
 youngest sister, Pauline, the widow of 
 General Leclerc, and now remarried to 
 Prince Borghese. His second sister, 
 Caroline, he provided for by creating her 
 husband, [Joachim Murat, grand-duke 
 of Berg. 
 
 The duchy required for Murat, Napo- 
 leon obtained from Bavaria, in exchange 
 for the Prussian provinces of Bareith and 
 Anspach, ceded by^the king of Prussia 
 in exchange for the electorate of Hano- 
 ver, by a treaty concluded at Vienna 
 immediately after the battle of Austerlitz ; 
 when Frederic William was not only at 
 peace with the legitimate elector of Ha- 
 nover, George III. of England, but had 
 recently entered into close alliance with 
 him and Alexander, who were at that 
 very time expecting the King of Prussia 
 to join the coalition against France, as, 
 indeed, he had intended to do but for his 
 friends' defeat. Frederick William even 
 took advantage of the confidence which 
 the czar and the king of Sweden reposed 
 in his professions, to facilitate his occupa- 
 tion of Hanover, which they were led to 
 believe a friendly act towards the lawful 
 sovereign. 
 
 Napoleon procured additional illustra- 
 tion for his family and connexions, by 
 marrying Josephine's son, Eugene Beau- 
 harnais, whom he had appointed viceroy 
 of Italy, to a Bavarian princess; and 
 
 Stephanie Beauharnais, the niece of her 
 first husband, to the hereditary prince 
 of Baden. 
 
 The emperor next compelled or in- 
 duced a number of German princes to 
 sever themselves from the empire, and 
 form the Confederation of the Rhine, re- 
 cognizing him as their head and pro- 
 tector. That accomplished, he declared 
 the old federal empire dissolved, and re- 
 quired Francis to renounce the title he 
 bore as its federal head. Francis, unable 
 to resist, complied, changing his title to 
 emperor of Austria ; as such, but as a 
 younger emperor than himself, N apoleon 
 Buonaparte acknowledged him. He 
 further revived the order of nobility in 
 France ; permitted the returned emi- 
 grants to resume their titles; created 
 his generals and ministers princes, 
 dukes, counts, &c., taking their titles, 
 for the most part, from places without 
 the French empire, where he also gave 
 them estates, which, as held by them, 
 became French. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Negotiations between France and Eng- 
 land Napoleon threatens Portugal 
 Prince-regent of Portugal hypo- 
 chondriac Court cabals Regent re- 
 covers Charles IV. alarmed at Na- 
 poleons measures Secret negotia- 
 tions between Spain, Portugal, and 
 Russia War between France and 
 Prussia Rupture of negotiations 
 between France and England Eng- 
 lish surprise Buenos Ay res Span- 
 iards recover the town Godoy betrays 
 hostility towards Napoleon Battle 
 of Jena Godoy endeavours to deny 
 his hostile demonstrations New 
 honours bestowed on Godoy Napo- 
 leon's winter campaign in Poland 
 Peace of Tilsit English repulsed at 
 Buenos Ayres*. 
 
 WHILST a soldier of fortune was thus 
 transforming the face of- Europe, a poli- 
 tical alteration in the councils of Eng- 
 land offered him the opportunity of con- 
 firming, perhaps finally, his conquests 
 and usurpations. The death 
 of Mr. Pitt, who, worn out 
 with the fatigues and anxi- 
 eties of office, appears not to have had 
 slrength remaining to endure the disap- 
 pointment of his cherished plans and 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Foy, Scott, Jiigland, Quin, Annual 
 Register. 
 
 Foreign States 
 A.D. 1806. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 261 
 
 hopes in the catastrophe of the late cam- 
 paign, transferred the administration of 
 the country to the Honourable Charles 
 James Fox. This able statesman had 
 always been the advocate of peace ; and 
 negotiations were, very soon after his 
 accession to power, opened between the 
 cabinets of St. James's and the Tuileries. 
 They did not proceed smoothly or pro- 
 misingly. 
 
 Napoleon proposed taking the treaty 
 of Amiens as a basis, which Mr. Fox 
 at once rejected, inasmuch as the dis- 
 putes that had arisen upon that treaty 
 proved its vagueness. The basis of the 
 uti possidetis, or all parties retaining 
 what they actually possess, was at length 
 agreed upon, with the single exception 
 of Hanover, the restitution of which was 
 deemed by Mr. Fox indispensable to the 
 honour of England, and was apparently 
 agreed to by the French emperor as a 
 personal compliment to the king of Eng- 
 land. The next difficulty regarded Rus- 
 sia: Napoleon wished to conclude a 
 separate peace with England, and Fox 
 refused to treat without his allies. This 
 obstacle was removed by the Russian 
 ambassador, d'Oubril, who entered into a 
 separate negotiation for his court, which 
 he brought to a conclusion on the 20th 
 of July, by acceding to the French plan 
 of abandoning every question not directly 
 affecting Russian interests. 
 
 But now the French negotiators 
 changed their tone, and demanded the 
 cession of Sicily to King Joseph, pro- 
 posing to indemnify the king of Sicily 
 at the expense of Spain, by giving him 
 the Balearic isles as a kingdom. Mr. 
 Fox is said to have been convinced by 
 this demand that no fair peace could be 
 made with Napoleon. He nevertheless 
 did not forego the attempt to procure so 
 great a blessing for the world ; but, con- 
 tinuing the negotiation, endeavoured, as 
 one of the last acts of his administration 
 and life, to give it a more regular form. 
 
 The first overtures had been made 
 through a correspondence betwixt him- 
 self and Talleyrand, the French minister 
 for foreign affairs, originating in Mr. 
 Fox's communication of a proposal made 
 him for assassinating Napoleon. The 
 negotiation was continued through Lord 
 Yarmouth, one of the travellers de- 
 tained at the breaking cut of the 
 war, and released at Mr. Fox's especial 
 request ; and now Fox's friend, the earl 
 of Lauderdale, was sent ambassador to 
 Paris. 'Mr. Fox's illness and death pro- 
 duced no change in the views of the 
 
 English cabinet. He was succeeded by his 
 colleague Lord Howick, afterwards Earl 
 Grey, the negotiation was continued in 
 the same spirit, and Alexander's refusal 
 to ratify d'Oubril's separate treaty, 
 seemed likely again to moderate Napo- 
 leon's demands. But Sicily still remained 
 an insuperable difficulty, respecting 
 which neither party would give way. 
 
 The emperor sought to subdue the 
 firmness of the English ministers by 
 threatening the conquest of Portugal, 
 which had long incurred his especial ill 
 will, and was now more than usual 
 incapable of resistance. The prince- 
 regent's submission to the 
 threats of Lasnes, and sub- f ^ tu f^ 
 sequently the influence of that i805 1806. 
 ambassador, and of the con- 
 temptible Villaverde, had robbed his coun- 
 cils of his ablest, boldest, and honestest 
 statesmen ; and Araujo, whose principles 
 were esteemed doubtful, was now the only 
 man jn office who enjoyed any character 
 for talent. The prince himself had, in 
 the course of the preceding year, sunk 
 into a sort of melancholy, that appeared 
 to forebode the approach of hereditary 
 insanity. He had given up his favourite 
 amusement, the chase, suppressed his re- 
 gular levees, secluded himself altogether 
 from the public, and latterly had been 
 inaccessible even to his ministers. 
 
 The court became a scene of cabals 
 relating to the expected change in the 
 regency, which all those who were dis- 
 contented with the late conduct of af- 
 fairs, or with their own exclusion from 
 power, wished to transfer to the prince's 
 consort. Of these partisans of the Spa- 
 nish infanta, princess of Brazil, Don 
 Pedro d' Almeida, marquess of Alorne, was 
 the chief. In the contest of individual, 
 or at least party concerns, the general 
 interests and government of the country 
 were neglected ; and the army, especially, 
 was suffered to fall back into its worst 
 state. Indeed, from the time Portugal 
 had consented to pay tribute to France, 
 other means of defence seem to have 
 been thought altogether superfluous. 
 
 In the spring of 1806, however, Don 
 John had gradually recovered. He was 
 now again in his usual state of health, 
 mental and corporeal ; and being informed 
 of the political intrigues that had been 
 carried on during his illness, he banished 
 the marquess of Alorne and many others 
 of the party from court. Villaverde even 
 issued orders for a judicial investigation 
 of their Conduct, which was dropped 
 upon his death. 
 
262 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 The danger now impending over Por- 
 tugal from France was immediately 
 imparted by the English cabinet to the 
 court of Lisbon. Lord St. Vincent was 
 ordered to anchor within the Tagus, 
 with six ships, the utmost number al- 
 lowed by treaty to remain stationary 
 there at a time. An army was assem- 
 bled at Plymouth, ready to be sent off at a 
 moment's warning, but was kept waiting 
 until the necessity should become more 
 imminent, lest the presence of British 
 troops in Portugal should serve as a 
 pretext for the threatened invasion ; and 
 Lord Rosslyn, the officer appointed to 
 command them, was despatched in a fast- 
 sailing vessel to join Lord St. Vincent, 
 that they might together concert the 
 measures to be adopted, should the in- 
 vasion actually take place. 
 
 Lord Rosslyn's instructions were to 
 offer the whole force of England to as- 
 sist in the defence of Portugal, if she 
 were able and willing to resist; or a 
 British fleet to transport the royal family 
 to Brazil if resistance were deemed 
 hopeless. But should he find prince and 
 country ready to submit to the con- 
 queror, he and the admiral were then to 
 give notice that they would not suffer 
 the Portugueze ships and sailors to aug- 
 ment the naval resources of England's 
 enemy. The regent expressed the warm- 
 est gratitude for the friendly solicitude 
 of England ; and his cabinet, however 
 feeble, appeared well disposed to profit 
 by her otters. All eyes remained fixed 
 upon the French army assembling at 
 Bayonne. 
 
 A negotiation was at this time set on 
 foot for detaching Spain from France; 
 and the court of Madrid 
 fi-miT^D snow ed itself well disposed to 
 18051806. concur in the requisite ar- 
 rangements. Napoleon's 
 yoke pressed too heavily to be ever 
 voluntarily borne; and although Charles 
 IV. had, in the first instance, joyfully 
 hailed the accession to power of an indi- 
 vidual able to control and terminate the 
 revolution, all such kindly disposition 
 had been forcibly crushed by the bar- 
 barous and illegal execution of a prince 
 of his own Bourbon blood. To this 
 feeling of resentment was added fear, 
 nearly equal to that inspired by the 
 revolution itself, when the conqueror Oi 
 Europe began to dethrone sovereigns, 
 and to distribute crowns amongst his 
 own kindred. 
 
 The fears thus excited were speedily 
 discovered by the French Diplomatists ; 
 
 and an attempt was made to remove 
 them by assurances that the French 
 emperor, whatever might be his repug- 
 nance to the Bourbon race, would never 
 injure his faithful ally, Charles IV. 
 These assurances did not indeed extend 
 to his probable successor, Ferdinand ; 
 but although the heir of the Spanish 
 monarchy was less an object of jealousy 
 since the death of his ambitious and 
 clever princess, Maria Antonia, who 
 was very generally believed to have 
 been poisoned by the queen, he still was 
 not beloved by his father, and was de- 
 tested as he was feared by his mother 
 and her favourite. His interests were 
 therefore little considered ; and as Napo- 
 leon promised, in case of the worst, to 
 provide amply for the queen and the 
 prince of the Peace, the apprehensions of 
 the court of Madrid were temporarily 
 allayed. 
 
 But Charles, notwithstanding his fears 
 of Napoleon, had still delayed to acknow- 
 ledge the usurper of half his brother 
 Ferdinand's kingdom ; and when he un- 
 derstood that, in his negotiation with 
 England, the emperor insisted upon Sicily 
 likewise for Joseph, and proposed to 
 dismember Spain of Minorca, Majorca, 
 and Iviza, by way of compensation to 
 the despoiled king of Naples, Charles's 
 indignation burst forth, and Godoy's im- 
 perfectly appeased fears revived. A 
 plan of future operations was concerted 
 between the prince of the Peace in per- 
 son, and the Russian and Portugueze 
 ambassadors, the secret of which was 
 carefully kept even from the Spanish 
 ministers. It was arranged that Spain 
 and Portugal should arm under colour 
 of hostilities against each other ; and 
 that, at the moment when Russia should 
 take the field, their united armies, sup- 
 ported by the fleets of England, should 
 invade the south of France. 
 
 Meanwhile the present danger threat- 
 ening Portugal was averted, or rather 
 delayed, and the Spanish schemes baf- 
 fled, by circumstances in the north, 
 which must now be related. 
 
 The negotiations were still in progress 
 at Paris, though they daily 
 offered less prospect of a Fo [j^ ea 
 happy result ; and Napo- 
 leon's proposals, as they became known, 
 gave as much offence in Germany as in 
 Spain. When the kin^ of Prussia heard 
 that the electorate of Hanover, which he 
 considered as permanently united to Prus- 
 sia, and for which he had actually bartered 
 three small detached provinces, might, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 263 
 
 as the price of peace, be restored to the 
 king of England, his indignation at what 
 he deemed robbery, added to various 
 minor causes of dissatisfaction, was so 
 violent, that he at once resolved upon 
 war. He made overtures for an alliance 
 to the czar, and to the very monarch to 
 whom he must as a preliminary resign 
 the electorate, the possible loss of which 
 so incensed him : and without waiting 
 for the necessarily slow advance of the 
 expected Russian auxiliaries, he so 
 plainly discovered his temper and his 
 purpose, that Napoleon sent his troops 
 forward into Germany, called upon the 
 Confederation of the Rhine for the sti- 
 pulated contingents, and set out on the 
 24th of September to put himself at the 
 head of his army, leaving Lord Lauder- 
 dale still at Paris. 
 
 The negotiations did not continue 
 many days longer. The French minis- 
 ter positively refused to admit the uti 
 possidetis principle with respect to Sicily, 
 or to accede to the Russian demand of 
 evacuating the Illyrian provinces. The 
 new war with Prussia was deemed no 
 token of an honest desire for peace ; and 
 on the fth of October Lord Lauderdale 
 finally quitted Paris. 
 
 The war with Prussia diverted the 
 French emperor's attention from Portu- 
 gal. The troops marching 
 Zi)?i806. upon Bayonne were recalled, 
 and the invasion was at least 
 postponed. English assistance was 
 therefore, for the present, judged unne- 
 cessary. Lord Rosslyn returned to Eng- 
 land, the troops were otherwise em- 
 ployed, and Lord St. Vincent resumed 
 his ordinary station off the mouth of the 
 Tagus. But the court of Lisbon was 
 convinced by this menace of the folly of 
 relying upon its pecuniary sacrifices for 
 safety from Napoleon's insatiate ambi- 
 tion ; and strove to prepare, as far as 
 might be, for a struggle which it was 
 evident could only be considered as 
 deferred. Some reforms were introduced 
 into the financial department, and endea- 
 vours were made to replace the army in 
 the condition from which it had been 
 suffered to decline. 
 
 The negotiations with the court of 
 Madrid, respecting future combined 
 operations against France, went on, 
 meanwhile, with redoubled ardour. 
 Spain bitterly felt the consequences of 
 war with England in 
 
 pa ".t idSr c ' the loss of her fleets, and 
 
 the consequent interrup- 
 
 ion to her intercourse with her colonies. 
 
 Their tribute in gold and silver was 
 indeed mostly brought home under the 
 Portugueze neutral flag ; and the Eng- 
 lish cabinet, from deference to the jea- 
 lous apprehensions of the emperor of 
 Russia, had abandoned the idea of 
 American conquest. But still the inter- 
 course, particularly with regard to the 
 conveyance of troops, was inconveniently 
 harassed by English cruizers ; and the 
 plans for either subjugating different 
 colonies, or exciting them to assert their 
 independence, which had once been en- 
 tertained, led, perhaps, to the unautho- 
 rized expedition undertaken by Sir 
 Home Popham against the river de la 
 Plata, with the forces that had just taken, 
 and were destined to garrison, the Cape 
 of Good Hope. 
 
 On the 27th of June that officer sur- 
 prised and seized Buenos Ayres. The 
 enterprise was in every way rash and ill- 
 advised. He had not troops sufficient 
 to maintain his conquest, and it was re- 
 covered by the Spaniards as soon as, 
 having shaken off their first stupor 
 of confusion, they could collect their 
 numbers. But the English, if driven 
 out of Buenos Ayres, were not ex- 
 pelled from the country. The troops 
 remained in possession of Maldo- 
 nado, a small fortress lower down the 
 river ; and upon the river itself the Bri- 
 tish flag still floated in triumph. The 
 momentary capture of the colonial capi- 
 tal, together with the continued occu- 
 pation of an important position, and 
 the command of the river, alarmed the 
 Spanish government for its transatlantic 
 empire. Similar anxiety was created by 
 the Spanish exile, General Miranda's 
 attempt to create a revolt in the Caracas, 
 which appears to have failed only from 
 want of external assistance. 
 
 Spain had clearly good reason to 
 shrink from the nominal friendship of 
 France, and from the enmity of Eng- 
 land ; but Godoy, in his endeavours to 
 replace his country in her 
 natural connexion, showed AVISOS. 
 more than ever his utter un- 
 fitness for the post to which, in such 
 difficult times, he had so unworthily 
 risen. Sympathizing in the anger and 
 terror awakened in Charles's mind by 
 the words Napoleon had uttered whilst 
 stepping into his carriage to set 
 off for the Prussian frontiers, 'If 
 Charles IV. will not acknowledge my 
 brother as kin of the Two Sicilies, his 
 successor shall;' and elated with the 
 tidings of the new German war, Godoy 
 
264 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 lost sight of the secrecy and caution in 
 whiclT his hostile designs had hitherto 
 been wrapped. Without waiting for the 
 proposed co-operation of either England 
 or Russia, he flung aside the mask. He 
 did not, indeed, announce that France 
 was the enemy with whom he contem- 
 plated a war, but he published a pro- 
 clamation, in which he summoned the 
 nation to arms ; appealed to the patriot- 
 ism of the people, and declared that the 
 poor would be called upon for their per- 
 sonal service, the rich for their money ; 
 and that nothing should be neglected in 
 order to enter gloriously upon the career 
 about to be run. A decree for a levy of 
 sixty thousand men was at the same time 
 sent to the governors of all the different 
 provinces, together with a circular letter 
 in the spirit of the proclamation. 
 
 This proclamation was dated the oth 
 of October, 1806 ; and on the 14th of 
 the same month Napoleon, in the terrible 
 battle of Jena, so com- 
 Fo ll g . D i806. teS P lete] y routed, dispersed, 
 and destroyed the Prussian 
 army, which lost twenty thousand men 
 killed or wounded, and from thirty to 
 forty thousand prisoners, that the fate of 
 the kingdom of Prussia was at once de- 
 cided. The king fled to Konigsberg at 
 the eastern extremity of his dominions ; 
 the strongest fortresses were surrendered 
 as soon as invested ; the French took 
 possession of Berlin; and Buonaparte 
 there paused to consider what use he 
 should make of his conquests. In the 
 palace of the Prussian sovereigns at 
 Berlin, Napoleon read the imprudent 
 manifesto of the prince of the Peace : and 
 if the destiny of the Bourbon kings of 
 Spain had been previously doubtful, it 
 was thenceforward sealed. 
 
 The mere issuing of the proclamation 
 had terrified Portugal into making every 
 demonstration that could exonerate her 
 from suspicion of participation in a step 
 so uselessly offensive to a potent foe. 
 The news of the battle of Jena struck 
 the prince of the Peace and his infatuated 
 sovereigns with affright pro- 
 A.D P iso6 portionate to their recent pre- 
 sumption ; and they strove 
 to obviate the effects of their impru- 
 dence by various means, which, con- 
 tradicting each other, proved the 
 bad faith against the French emperor 
 which they endeavoured to deny. The 
 French and Spanish newspapers were 
 tilled with paragraphs, in some of 
 which the manifesto was alleged to be 
 a forgery by the enemies of the prince of 
 
 the Peace ; whilst in others it was avowed 
 as directed against either England or the 
 emperor of Morocco. The decree for 
 levying troops was immediately revoked, 
 and a second circular ordered the go- 
 vernors to disregard the former. Godoy 
 did not, however, rely upon the effects of 
 these artifices. He is believed to have 
 lavished his ill-gotten treasures upon the 
 agents of French diplomacy, and to have 
 purchased at a high price the good offices 
 of the grand duke and duchess of Berg, 
 whilst he sent a private envoy of his own, 
 distinct from the king's, Don Eugenio 
 Izquierdo, to Berlin, humbly to confess 
 and implore forgiveness for the heinous 
 fault of taking any step of the least mo- 
 ment without the permission of Na- 
 poleon. 
 
 The French emperor was now master 
 of the greater part of the Prussian mo- 
 narchy ; but the king had not submitted. 
 The broken remnants of his army were 
 collecting round him at Konigsberg, and 
 the countless hosts of Russia were ad- 
 vancing to his support. Napoleon felt 
 that this was not the season for engaging 
 in a new war, and he suffered the hostile 
 demonstration of the court of Madrid to 
 pass unnoticed. But he sought yet fur- 
 ther to weaken Spain by requiring that 
 sixteen thousand of her best troops, 
 under her best general, the marquess de 
 la Romana, should be sent into Prussia 
 as reinforcements of the northern army ; 
 and he similarly drew off the Spanish 
 troops hitherto stationed in Etruria, for 
 the protection of that kingdom. It was 
 at this period that the famous Berlin de- 
 cree was published, declaring the British 
 islands in a state of blockade ; and Spain 
 was of course required fully to concur in 
 the execution of this fantastic measure. 
 
 Charles IV., overjoyed at his seeming 
 escape from certain destruction, strove 
 to express his gratitude to Godoy, to 
 whose address he ascribed his supposed 
 safety, by new honours and rewards. 
 The favourite was appointed high admi- 
 ral, when scarce aship remained, with im- 
 mense emoluments ; he received the title 
 of most serene highness, never before 
 borne in Spain but by the two Don 
 Johns, the illegitimate sons of Charles V. 
 and of Philip IV. ; and he was named 
 protector of commerce and the colonies. 
 Adorned with these new dignities, Go- 
 doy made a sort of triumphal entry into 
 Madrid that offended the people, and 
 both alarmed and irritated the prince of 
 Asturias ; but to their son's feelings 
 neither king nor queen paid any regard. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 265 
 
 They endeavoured to conciliate Napo- 
 leon by strict obedience to his will. 
 Orders were given for the burning of all 
 English manufactures, conformably to 
 the injunctions of the Berlin decree ; 
 Joseph Buonaparte was acknowledged 
 as king of the Two Sicilies, and Ferdi- 
 nand IV. 's name inserted in the Court 
 Almanach merely as a prince of the 
 blood, the eldest of the king's brothers ; 
 and king, queen, and favourite remained 
 satisfied that they had fully appeased 
 and satisfied the master of the conti- 
 nent. 
 
 Napoleon meanwhile leaving Spain 
 and Portugal for future leisure, was 
 occupied with an enemy more for- 
 midable than any of those 
 Foreign states hitherto vanquished, and 
 
 A.I). lov/ .* , . ft 
 
 almost new to him. He 
 had advanced through Prussian Poland 
 into the kingdom of Prussia, the eastern 
 portion of the monarchy, whence the 
 whole takes its name. There he en- 
 countered both the Russian army, and 
 a climate to which his own soldiers were 
 unaccustomed. A battle was fought at 
 Pultusk on the 26th of December, in 
 which a Russian army, under general 
 Bennigsen, decidedly gained the advan- 
 tage, although the incapacity or disease 
 of the commander-in-chief, Kamenskoi, 
 prevented its being duly followed up ; 
 and the French emperor finding his 
 troops unable to bear the severity of the 
 weather, suspended his operations, and 
 went into winter quarters. 
 
 The chief command of the Russians 
 was about this time transferred from 
 Kamenskoi to Bennigsen, and this 
 general, clearly perceiving that if Napo- 
 leon's troops, accustomed to milder 
 climates, needed repose and shelter 
 during the winter months, that was pre- 
 cisely the season when his hardy Rus- 
 sians possessed some superiority over 
 them, attacked, and forced them again 
 into the field. Many slight skirmishes 
 and some pitched battles were fought, 
 in which, as both parties claimed the 
 victory, and no important consequence 
 adjudged it to either, we may fairly con- 
 clude that the success was nearly ba- 
 lanced, and a tremendous loss of human 
 life the chief result. Certainly the 
 emperor of the French had never before 
 encountered such obstinate resistance ; 
 his troops had never before suffered so 
 severely. But at length the fall of 
 Dantzig and Ko'nigsberg, whence the 
 king and queen of Prussia fled to Memel, 
 attested that the advantage remained 
 
 with the French. Alexander, alarmed 
 or discouraged, agreed to meet Napoleon 
 at Tilsit, in order to arrange the pacifica- 
 tion of the continent in a personal in- 
 terview. 
 
 Upon this occasion Napoleon exerted 
 all those powers of fascination with 
 which he was eminently gifted ; and he 
 appears to have succeeded in either 
 captivating the fancy of the northern 
 potentate, and gaining his personal 
 friendship, or seducing him to divide 
 the world with his late enemy. The two 
 emperors had nothing to demand of each 
 other, and it was at the expense of their 
 feebler allies that they settled their 
 disputes. 
 
 On the 7th of July a treaty was signed 
 at Tilsit, by which Alexander ratified all 
 Napoleon's changes of European sove- 
 reigns ; Prussia was reduced to the rank 
 of an inferior power, her Polish pro- 
 vinces being allotted, the larger part to 
 Saxony, as the duchy of Warsaw, the 
 smaller to Russia, Alexander thus pro- 
 fiting by the spoils of his ally ; whilst 
 Hanover, and the remainder of the 
 Prussian provinces on the Rhine, formed 
 the groundwork of the kingdom of 
 Westphalia, created for Jerome, the 
 youngest of the Buonapartes. Dantzig, 
 and other sea-ports of distant neutral 
 or friendly powers, were to be occupied 
 by France until the conclusion of a ma- 
 ritime peace ; and to bring about this 
 desirable event, Alexander offered his 
 mediation, which was accepted by Na- 
 poleon. 
 
 These were the public articles of the 
 treaty of Tilsit ; but it was afterwards 
 ascertained that, by consenting to Alex- 
 ander's despoiling his own ally, Sweden, 
 of Finland, and hereafter conquering 
 Napoleon's ally, Turkey, when E^ypt 
 was to be allotted to France, Buona- 
 parte bribed the czar to promise that, 
 in case of peace not being concluded 
 with England through his mediation, he 
 would join in what the French emperor 
 termed his continental system namely, 
 the exclusion of English commerce and 
 manufactures. Napoleon, at the same 
 time, obtained his new friend's assent to 
 his own designs upon the western 
 Peninsula. 
 
 The lavish price at which he pur- 
 chased Alexander's concurrence in these 
 projects (for Finland and Turkey were 
 evidently more essential as well as more 
 easy acquisitions to Russia than Spain 
 to France) has been variously ascribed 
 to either his passionate desire of injuring 
 
266 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 England, or his wish to prepare the way 
 for his marriage with a grand-duchess. 
 It does not appear that any overture 
 towards such a marriage was made, 
 but the French emperor, convinced that 
 the czar was inalienably his friend, 
 returned to Paris towards the end of 
 July, and devoted his meditations to the 
 punishment of Charles IV., and the 
 subjugation of Spain and Portugal. 
 
 Whilst Buonaparte was triumphing 
 over the north of Europe, the conquest 
 of Buenos Ayres had intoxicated the 
 British public with dreams of American 
 wealth, which, combining with the dis- 
 appointment of all hopes of peace, seem 
 to have determined the ministry no longer 
 to abstain from a field so inviting as 
 South America. Sir Home Popham was 
 indeed recalled, tried, and reprimanded, 
 for withdrawing the forces appointed to 
 defend the Cape of Good Hope, in order 
 to make an unauthorized attack upon 
 Buenos Ayres. But his successor, sir 
 C. Stirling, took out sir S. Auchmuty, 
 with a considerable body 
 Spanish America of troops, to maintain 
 
 A)D. loU/. ., i j i 
 
 the place, the re-capture 
 of which was not yet known in Eng- 
 land. Sir Samuel judged the posses- 
 sion of Monte Video, on the northern 
 bank of the river, indispensable to the 
 operations of an invading army. With 
 four thousand men he besieged that 
 fortress, and, after a gallant defence, 
 having made a practicable breach, took 
 it by storm on the 2nd of February, 
 1807. 
 
 He found the province extremely im- 
 patient of the tyranny of the mother- 
 country, and bent upon establishing an 
 independent republic, like the North 
 Americans ; but in his opinion the in- 
 habitants were totally unfit to govern 
 themselves. He thought, however, they 
 would, if persuaded that independence 
 was unattainable, prefer the English to 
 the Spanish government, provided they 
 were assured they should not be re- 
 stored to Spain at the conclusion of 
 peace. These views were not destined 
 to be acted upon. Prior to their commu- 
 nication to the British cabinet General 
 Whitelock had been sent out with rein- 
 forcements, and he superseded Auch- 
 muty on the llth of May. 
 
 The new commander, who, unfortu- 
 nately, possessed neither experience nor 
 talent adequate to his situation, pro- 
 ceeded, at the head of about eight thou- 
 sand men, to attempt recovering Buenos 
 Ayres. He had taken no steps to gain 
 
 over the inhabitants of town or province, 
 and the attack is universally allowed to 
 have been most injudiciously arranged. 
 The assault took place on the. 5th ot 
 July. Notwithstanding the undaunted 
 courage of the troops it completely 
 failed, and General Whitelocke entered 
 into a convention with the commandant, 
 General Liniers, a French officer in the 
 Spanish service, for evacuating Monte 
 Video, and the river de la Plata itself, 
 upon the liberation of the British pri- 
 soners taken by the Spaniards. 
 
 By this time another change had oc- 
 curred in the English ca- 
 binet, from Which might Foreign States 
 u i_ i- i. i A ' D> 1807. 
 
 have been anticipated a 
 more vigorous prosecution of the war 
 against the Spanish colonies. Those 
 ministers who had shown a desire for 
 peace, had, in the month of March, 
 quitted office, in consequence of a dif- 
 ference of opinion with the king upon 
 the same question of domestic policy 
 that had formerly driven Mr. Pitt 
 from the cabinet, and were succeeded 
 by lord Hawkesbury, Mr. Canning, 
 and their friends, all professedly dis- 
 ciples of Mr. Pitt, at least in his 
 foreign policy. The attention of the 
 new ministers was, however, in the first 
 instance, drawn from American expedi- 
 tions, and directed to the north of 
 Europe, where they endeavoured, by 
 the seizure of the Danish fleet, to dimi- 
 nish the evils likely to ensue from the 
 confederation there forming against 
 England, under the dictation of Napo- 
 leon. And soon afterwards the mea- 
 sures pursued by that restless conqueror 
 put an end to the war between England 
 and Spain. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Prince-regent of Portugal required to 
 join in the continental system Offers 
 to join in part French and Spa- 
 nish ambassadors recalled from Lis- 
 bon, and Portuguese ambassadors 
 dismissed from Paris and Madrid 
 Regent submits implicitly Treaty 
 of Fontainebleau for the division 
 of Portugal Junot invades Por- 
 tugal Royal family fly to Brazil 
 Junot occupies Lisbon Spanish 
 troops occupy northern and southern 
 provinces Maria Louisa and her son 
 expelled from Etruria Dissensions 
 in the Spanish royal family Prince 
 of Asturias privately appeals to Na- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 267 
 
 poleonIs accused of conspiracy, 
 and imprisoned Makes ample con- 
 fession, betraying his friends Is 
 reconciled to king and queen Junot 
 dissolves the council of regency, de- 
 claring Portugal annexed to the 
 French empire Seizure of Spanish 
 citadels by French troops Tumults 
 at Madrid and AranjuezGodoy de- 
 prived of all his offices Charles IV. 
 abdicates *. 
 
 ONE of the first steps taken by Napo- 
 leon, after his return to Paris, in execu- 
 tion of his designs upon the Penin- 
 sula was, in the month of August, to 
 order the French and Spanish ambas- 
 sadors conjointly, to declare to the 
 prince-regent of Portugal, 
 Portugal that he must concur i n the 
 
 A.D. lOu/. . i_ A. 
 
 continental system, viz. shut 
 his ports against English commerce, 
 confiscate all English property, and im- 
 prison all English subjects to be found 
 within his dominions, or they were in- 
 structed immediately to leave Lisbon. 
 
 The prince and his ministers dared 
 not openly resist the French emperor's 
 will, even whilst the wiser part of the 
 cabinet were convinced that the very 
 existence of the country depended upon 
 British commerce. In this extremity, 
 and relying upon the friendly forbear- 
 ance of England, they strove to pursue 
 a middle course. Don John professed 
 his readiness to exclude British ships of 
 all descriptions from his ports, but de- 
 clared that his religious principles would 
 not allow him to seize the subjects and 
 property of a friendly state in the midst 
 of peace, and that prudence forbade his 
 offending England until a Portugueze 
 squadron, then at sea, should have re- 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Foy, Scott, Bigland, Qnin, Blanco 
 White, Sempere, Bernardo, Queen of Etruria, An- 
 nual Register. History of the Peninsular War, by 
 Bobert Southey, 3 vols. 4to. London, 1823 KS:-2. 
 History of the War in the Peninsular and the South 
 of France, from the year 180? to the year 1814, by 
 W. F. P. Napier, C.B. Lieut.-Col. half-pay, 4,'ird 
 regiment, 3 vols. 8vo. London, 1828, &c. These 
 two histories, compared with each other and \vith 
 Foy's, may be held to afford a satisfactory account 
 of the transactions in the Peninsula, the political 
 prejudices of Southey, and his enthusiasm for the 
 Spaniards, offering a counterpoi.se to Napier's pro- 
 fessional prejudices, and excessive admiration of 
 Napoleon, whom he seems, somewhat oddly, to 
 consider as the friend of liberty. Observations on 
 some passages in Lieut.-Col. Napier's History of 
 the Peninsular War, by Percy, Viscount Strang- 
 ford, 8vo. London, 1828. Though the point in 
 dispute between Lord Strangford and Col. Napier 
 scarcely regards this history, the English envoy's 
 littie pampniet has been consulted as the best au- 
 thority concerning the intentions of the court of 
 Lisbon. 
 
 turned safely home. He was, however, 
 well aware that the utmost he could 
 hope from this answer was, to gain 
 time ; and notice was forthwith given to 
 the British residents, that they would 
 do well to dispose of their property, and 
 leave the country. 
 
 Napoleon punished this imperfect 
 obedience, by seizing all Portugueze 
 vessels in ports under his control, and 
 ordering the French and Spanish lega- 
 tions to leave Lisbon. The Portugueze 
 ambassadors were, at the same time, 
 dismissed from Paris and Madrid. A 
 French army was, by this time, assem- 
 bled near the foot of the Pyrenees, 
 bearing the singular title of army of 
 observation of the Gironde ; and Gene- 
 ral Junot, who had succeeded Lasnes, 
 as ambassador to Portugal, but had long 
 since left his diplomatic duties to a 
 charge d'affaires, in order to pursue his 
 more congenial military avocations, was 
 appointed to its command. 
 
 The Portugueze ambassador at Paris, 
 Don Lourei^o de Lima, and the cabinet 
 of Lisbon, were alike terrified by these 
 demonstrations, but did not quite de- 
 spair of averting their country's fate by 
 prompt and entire submission, aided by 
 the paternal intercession of Spain. The 
 prince-regent, on the 8th of November, 
 signed an order to seize such British 
 subjects and property as still, notwith- 
 standing his warning, remained in Por- 
 tugal, and despatched the marquess of 
 Marialva, as ambassador extraordinary, 
 to bear the tidings of his implicit obedi- 
 ence to Napoleon. Don John had been 
 informed that the king of England, in 
 consideration of his distressed condition, 
 would tolerate the closing of the Por- 
 tugueze ports, but that any further hos- 
 tile steps would be deemed a declaration 
 of war. Viscount Strangford, the Eng- 
 lish envoy, therefore, upon the issuing of 
 this order, withdrew from Lisbon, and 
 went on board sir Sidney Smith's 
 squadron, which had just arrived oh? 
 the mouth of the Tagus, and now 
 blockaded it. 
 
 There is little likelihood that earlier 
 submission could have prevented the 
 invasion and projected subjugation of 
 Portugal, which had been decided from 
 the moment when her ships assisted 
 those of England to blockade Malta, 
 and delayed only till opportunity should 
 favour. Her hesitation at once to obey 
 the imperious mandate afforded, how- 
 ever, a sort of pretence for hostility 
 which Napoleon eagerly seized, and 
 
268 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Spain 
 
 A.D. 180". 
 
 submission, at all events, came too late. 
 Neither could Spain's mediation be 
 hoped. 
 
 The fears or the ambition of Godoy 
 had prevailed over the parental feelings 
 of the now nearly imbecile 
 Charles IV., and Spain was 
 endeavouring to share in the 
 spoil, not to protect the victim. A 
 treaty, the shameless iniquity of which 
 can be paralleled only by the treaties 
 between Austria, Russia, and Prussia 
 for the partition of Poland, had been 
 signed at Fontainebleau, on the 27th of 
 October, by Marshal Duroc, for the 
 French Emperor, and by Izquierdo, 
 Godoy's agent, a man without any 
 acknowledged diplomatic character, for 
 Charles IV. It had been negotiated so 
 secretly, that it is averred to have been 
 concealed from both Prince Mazerano, 
 the Spanish ambassador, and from the 
 ministers of either sovereign. 
 
 By this treaty Charles surrendered to 
 Napoleon his infant grandson's king- 
 dom of Etruria (King Lewis I. had been 
 dead some years), over which he had no 
 right whatever, and bargained to receive 
 for him in its stead the small northern 
 provinces of Portugal Entre Minho e 
 Douro and Tras os Monies, under the 
 name of the kingdom of Northern 
 Lusitania, which kingdom the young 
 monarch was to hold in vassalage of 
 the crown of Spain. The much larger 
 southern provinces, Alemtejo and Al- 
 garve were to constitute the principality 
 of the Algarves, for Godoy, under a 
 similar tenure. And the middle pro- 
 vinces were to be occupied by Napoleon 
 until a general peace, when, in ex- 
 change for Gibraltar, Trinidad, and any 
 other Spanish possession conquered by 
 England, ihey might be restored to the 
 family of Braganza, upon like terms of 
 dependence. "The Portugueze colonies 
 were to be equally divided between 
 France and Spain. In execution of this 
 nefarious treaty, ten thousand Spanish 
 troops were to seize upon the northern, 
 and six thousand upon the southern 
 state. The army of the Gironde (now 
 called the army of Portugal) was to 
 march upon the central provinces, in 
 conjunction with eleven thousand Spa- 
 niards; and another French army of 
 forty thousand men was to be assembled 
 in all haste in the district whence the 
 present army of Portugal was to march, 
 in case England should send succours 
 to her ancient ally, otherwise, the first 
 army only was to cross the Pyrenees. 
 
 Neither Napoleon nor Godoy had 
 waited for the actual signature of this 
 treaty to commence their operations 
 for carrying it into effect, so impatient 
 were both to secure their prey. On the 
 18th of October, Junot, in obedience to 
 his master's orders, crossed the Pyre- 
 nees, and, being kindly received by the 
 Spaniards, began his march towards 
 the Portugueze frontiers, whilst the 
 Spanish troops were equally put in mo- 
 tion towards their respective destina- 
 tions. Those intended to co-operate 
 with Junot awaited him at Alcantara, 
 under General Caraffa; General Taranco 
 concentrated at Tuy those destined to 
 invade Northern Lusitania, and Don 
 Francisco Solano, marquess of Socorro, 
 captain-general of Andalusia, sissembled 
 at Badajoz the corps that was to occupy 
 the principality of his patron, Godoy. 
 
 Neither the helpless court of Lisbon, 
 nor even Napoleon, seem to have been 
 aware of the facilities afforded by nature 
 for the defence of Portugal. The 
 former, in their fond trust to preserve 
 peace by implicit though 
 late obedience, had neg- *$$ ' 
 lected to take any mea- 
 sures for profiting by their almost path- 
 less mountains, and impassable roads ; 
 and Napoleon, who expected Nature 
 herself to bend to his will, had ordered 
 Junot to press forward, without losing a 
 single day under pretence of providing 
 for the subsistence of the troops. His 
 maxim was, that an army of twenty 
 thousand men can always provide fur 
 itself. 
 
 The object of so much haste was, to 
 secure the persons of the royal family, 
 whose removal to Brazil had not only 
 been talked of from the beginning of 
 these hostile discussions, but was now 
 in preparation, and matter of public 
 notoriety, although the prince, whose 
 
 Erevious determination had been shaken 
 y the French party in the cabinet, hesi- 
 tated as to the necessity of so painful a 
 sacrifice. The reckless haste enjoined 
 by the emperor, and which cost almost 
 as many lives as a pitched battle, was 
 very near attaining its end. Junot 
 joined Caraffa at Alcantara on the 
 1 7th of November, and thence issued a 
 proclamation, telling the Portugueze he 
 came to deliver them from the intole- 
 rable tyranny of England, and required 
 that his army should be received as 
 friends. On the 19th he passed the 
 frontiers, whilst the court of Lisbon was 
 still awaiting, with some anxiety but 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 269 
 
 little apprehension of immediate danger, 
 the result of the prince-regent's adhe- 
 sion to the emperor's continental 
 system. 
 
 " For five days the French army pressed 
 on, over rugged, barren, and nearly 
 trackless mountains, amidst an almost 
 incessant rain, and crossing rivers 
 swollen to torrents, always without 
 bridges, and frequently without boats. 
 They brought no provisions, and suf- 
 fered severely from extreme want, whilst 
 the necessary search after food well nigh 
 disorganized the army, and completely 
 exasperated the peasantry. Their ad- 
 vance through what Junot affected to 
 consider as a friendly country, was 
 marked with havoc, desolation, burning 
 villages, and all the horrors that usually 
 attend hostile invasion. They reached 
 Abrantes, little more than ninety miles 
 from Lisbon, on the 24th, and the prince- 
 regent was still ignorant of an enemy's 
 intrusion into his dominions. 
 
 The secresy with which the treaty of 
 Fontainebleau had been negotiated had 
 not prevented its transpiring. The Bri- 
 tish government obtained information of 
 its tenor, and lost no time in trans- 
 mitting that information to lord Strang- 
 ford. On the same day that Junot 
 reached Abrantes the envoy, from on 
 board the English fleet, solicited an au- 
 dience of the prince-regent, to commu- 
 nicate the intelligence just received. But 
 the tidings of the advance of the French 
 troops, combined, perhaps, with the 
 announcement in the Moniteur, that 
 the house of Braganza had ceased to 
 reign, had put an end to all further 
 doubt or deliberation. Even the French 
 party could no longer urge the prince to 
 rely upon Napoleon's clemency, and 
 Don John determined upon embarking 
 for Brazil, with the haste now neces- 
 sary, preferring, as he expressed him- 
 self to lord Strangford, the noble enmity 
 of England to the false and insidious 
 friendship of France. 
 
 The resolution to abandon the con- 
 test being adopted, the prince and his 
 ministers took every measure requisite 
 to prevent a useless effusion of blood. 
 A regency, consisting of five persons, 
 the marquess of Abrantes being presi- 
 dent, was appointed to conduct the go- 
 vernment, and negotiate with Junot. 
 On the 26th a proclamation was put 
 forth, explaining to the people that, as 
 Napoleon's enmity was rather to the 
 sovereign than the nation, the prince- 
 regent, in order to avert the calamities 
 
 of war from his faithful subjects, would 
 transfer the seat of government to 
 Brazil, till the existing troubles should 
 subside, and strictly charging the Por- 
 tugueze, more especially the Lisbonians, 
 to receive the French as friends. 
 
 On the 27th the whole royal family 
 proceeded to Belem, to embark for 
 flight, on the spot whence, about three 
 centuries back, Vasco de Gama had 
 sailed upon his glorious enterprise. It 
 was a melancholy procession, consisting 
 of the old insane queen, who had not 
 been seen for sixteen years, and who 
 appeared to have just recovered reason 
 sufficient to feel the humiliation of the 
 step she was compelled to take, of her 
 sisters, of the princess of Brazil with 
 her children, and of the prince himself. 
 They were accompanied by all the mi- 
 nisters, and great numbers of nobles. 
 
 During that day, and the following, 
 adverse and tempestuous winds detained 
 the fugitives within the river. And 
 the rapid advance of Junot, with 
 the five or six thousand men whom he 
 had been able to collect at Abrantes out 
 of his fine army, excited the more terror, 
 from the circumstance of a Russian 
 squadron, under Admiral Siniavin, 
 having entered the Tagus so nearly at 
 the time that Junot crossed the frontier, 
 as to create apprehensions of a pro- 
 jected co-operation. Accident alone had, 
 however, brought Siniavin to the scene 
 of action, and he remained an appa- 
 rently unconcerned spectator of the 
 course of events. 
 
 The swollen state of the river Zezere 
 had impeded Junot's progress, by ren- 
 dering it indispensable to repair the 
 bridge, and this circumstance alone 
 saved the royal fugitives. On the morn- 
 ing of the 29th the wind abated, and 
 changed to a favourable point. The 
 ships set sail and crossed the bar, almost 
 as the French advanced guard was en- 
 tering Lisbon. Sir Sidney Smith es- 
 corted the royal family, with four men- 
 of-war, safely to Rio Janeiro, the capital 
 of Brazil, leaving the remainder of his 
 squadron to blockade the mouth of the 
 Tagus. 
 
 The inhabitants of Lisbon and the 
 British admiral had wished to defend the 
 city, but the prince-regent and his mi- 
 nisters, deeply impressed with the im- 
 possibility of permanent resistance, had 
 expressly forbidden the attempt. Sir 
 Sidney, on sailing with the queen and 
 her iatnily, had left orders conformable 
 to the wishes of the prince, and the 
 
270 
 
 HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 regency followed their instructions. The 
 people were without leaders, and their 
 dissatisfaction evaporated in murmurs. 
 Junot took possession of the city with 
 barely an escort of weary grenadiers, 
 and was received with respect. His 
 army followed, arriving in straggling 
 detachments, and order and discipline 
 were gradually restored. The treaty 
 of Fontainebleau remained a secret ; no 
 change was made in the regency beyond 
 adding to its numbers, with the title of 
 imperial commissary, one M. Hermann, a 
 Frenchman, belonging to the legation 
 which had supplied the place of the 
 absent ambassador Junot; and for a 
 while Lisbon was tranquil. The Spa- 
 nish divisions under Taranco and Solano 
 as quietly occupied the provinces allotted 
 them. 
 
 The Portugueze were indeed rather 
 stunned and bewildered than really sub- 
 dued ; but the only time that their dis- 
 satisfaction appeared during the first 
 lew months of their subjugation, was 
 on the 13th of December, when upon 
 occasion of a grand review of the French 
 troops, the arms of Portugal were taken 
 down from the old Moorish fort, and 
 those of France hoisted in their stead. 
 The populace was deeply agitated. On 
 all sides cries of ' Portugal for ever !' 
 and ' Death to the French !' resounded. 
 But the military array of the conquerors 
 was formidable ; and Junot, having 
 assembled all the men of distinction in 
 Lisbon to dinner, kept them as hostages 
 for their countrymen. The people were 
 therefore still without leaders, and their 
 rage produced only tumults, easily 
 quelled by the French soldiers, and the 
 loss of some few lives. 
 
 The first steps towards the execution 
 
 of the treaty of Fontainebleau being thus 
 
 taken, the prince of the Peace became 
 
 impatient for its publication, 
 
 Sp ?L n r and his own installation in 
 his allotted dominions. But 
 it is very doubtful whether Napoleon 
 ever meant that treaty for more than a 
 means of facilitating his ulterior designs ; 
 if he did, his purpose was now changed, 
 and he no longer intended to admit of 
 any partnership in his new acquisition. 
 But even whilst he was negotiating the 
 treaty with Godoy, his ambassador, 
 Beauharnais, was artfully fomenting the 
 dissensions existing in the Spanish royal 
 family. 
 
 By the overbearing favourite a second 
 marriage had been' arranged for the 
 prince of Asturias, which could hardly 
 
 be called derogatory, since the selected 
 bride was his own cousin, the youngest 
 daughter of the Infante Don Lewis, but 
 was, nevertheless, peculiarly repugnant 
 to him, inasmuch as she was likewise 
 sister-in-law to the detested prince of 
 the Peace. He had given his consent, 
 but, as was generally known, contrary to 
 his inclination ; and Beauharnais sug- 
 gested either to him, or to his advisers, 
 the idea of releasing himself, at least 
 from ties so irksome, perhaps from the 
 state of thraldom in which he was held, 
 by the potent interference of the French 
 emperor, who was conceived to be per- 
 sonally irritated against Godoy, by his 
 hostile demonstrations of the preceding 
 year. Ferdinand caught at the idea, and 
 on the llth of October secretly ad- 
 dressed a letter to Napoleon, in which 
 he solicited both his paternal protection 
 against the wicked favourite who de- 
 ceived the king and queen, and the high 
 honour of an alliance with the imperial 
 house of France, by marriage with some 
 princess of the Napoleon dynasty. 
 
 Of this letter the French emperor 
 took no notice whatever, and soon after 
 the signature of the treaty of Fontaine- 
 bleau, he set off for Italy, with a degree 
 of pompous preparation that 
 attracted all eyes thither. Ita /J 
 
 _- , i . , ^ , . A.D. lOU/ 
 
 Yet he did nothing cor- 
 respondent to those preparations, or even 
 for which it seemed worth while to have 
 taken the journey ; the chief transac- 
 tion being the seizure of the kingdom of 
 Etruria, for which assuredly his per- 
 sonal intervention was unnecessary. 
 
 The queen-regent Maria Louisa's ad- 
 ministration had been prosperous from 
 the moment she had obtained the sub- 
 stitution of Spanish for the French 
 troops that occupied all the strongholds 
 of Etruria, when she and King Lewis 
 took possession of the kingdom. The 
 subsequent withdrawal of the Spanish 
 troops had not disturbed the public tran- 
 quillity ; and the queen and people ap- 
 peared satisfied with each other. Maria 
 Louisa was therefore overwhelmed with 
 surprise and affliction when, on the 23rd 
 of November, she was abruptly informed 
 that her lather had surrendered her son's 
 dominions to France ; nor was her 
 grief much lessened by the further in- 
 telligence that his loss was to be com- 
 pensated with a portion of her sister's 
 realm. But even had she still had the six 
 thousand Spanish troops at her command, 
 resistance would have been manifestly 
 idle. As it was, her discretion was 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 271 
 
 spared the trial, for she was wholly de- 
 fenceless. With an aching heart she 
 took leave of her son's subjects, and re- 
 turned with him and a daughter to 
 Madrid, to await the issue of the treaty 
 that had despoiled them. 
 
 She found the dissensions in her 
 father's court more violent than ever. 
 Whether Napoleon caused any com- 
 munication concerning Fer- 
 A ^ pa j" 07 dinand's letter to be made 
 to Godoy is as uncertain as 
 whether Ferdinand was or was not en- 
 gaged in a conspiracy against either his 
 lather or the prince of the Peace ; but 
 it should seem, that Beauharnais blew 
 the flames of discord, and if a plot there 
 were, he was probably its instigator. 
 What is known upon the subject may be 
 told in few words. 
 
 On the 29th of October Godoy in- 
 formed Charles that he had discovered 
 a conspiracy of the prince of Asturias 
 and his friends to seize the crown, 
 putting the king and queen to death. 
 The old king, horror-stricken at the tale 
 of guilt, placed himself at the head of 
 his guards, and proceeded to his son's 
 apartments, where he disarmed Ferdi- 
 nand, seized his papers, and constituted 
 him a close prisoner. On the 30th, a 
 proclamation announced to the nation 
 the atrocious designs imputed to the 
 prince against his parents ; and Charles 
 wrote to Napoleon a similar statement, 
 to which he added, that in consequence 
 of Ferdinand's crimes, a younger son 
 would be substituted in his place as heir 
 to the monarchy. 
 
 On the 3 1st all the councils of state 
 were assembled to investigate the affair, 
 and Ferdinand's papers were laid before 
 them. The tenor of the papers is not 
 well ascertained ; nor does it much 
 signify, considering that they had been 
 two days in the custody of his enemy, 
 Godoy. They do not, however, appear 
 to have contained anything very cri- 
 minal ; for the person of highest official 
 dignity present, the president of the 
 council of Castile, openly took the part 
 of the accused prince. Public opinion 
 declared loudly in his favour, and Godoy 
 shrank from following up the course 
 upon which he had entered. He only 
 affected to persevere so far, that he or- 
 dered a solemn thanksgiving throughout 
 Spain, on the 3rd of November, for the 
 king's deliverance from a cruel plot; 
 and then assumed the character of a 
 mediator. 
 
 On the 5th the prirjee of the Peace pre- 
 
 vailed upon the weak Ferdinand to write 
 letters of contrition to his parents, and to 
 denounce his accomplices, whether merely 
 in his letter to Napoleon, or in any really 
 criminal design, is equally unknown. 
 These professions of penitence, and the 
 accompanying disclosures produced a 
 second proclamation, announcing that 
 Charles, at the queen's entreaty, had 
 pardoned his son. Ferdinand was re- 
 leased, and apparently reconciled to his 
 parents ; whilst numbers of his friends 
 and adherents were arrested. 
 
 The French emperor answered the 
 king of Spain's letter from Italy, whither 
 he seems to have gone chiefly to be 
 out of the way of inconvenient re- 
 ferences. He disclaimed any inter- 
 course with the prince of Asturias, and 
 professed great indignation at his am- 
 bassador's being suspected of complicity 
 in any plot; still greater at the name 
 of any princess of his dynasty being in 
 any way implicated. To Ferdinand he 
 likewise wrote, acknowledging the receipt 
 of his letter, but expressing himself so 
 vaguely as to keep alive his hopes of 
 imperial protection, without giving him 
 positive encouragement. The letter to 
 Charles produced an immediate request 
 on the part of the receiver, that Na- 
 poleon would honour him by bestowing 
 upon his son and heir a princess of the 
 imperial house of France. To this re- 
 quest the emperor assented ; and it was 
 understood, that a daughter of his eldest 
 brother Lucien was destined to be the 
 future queen of Spain. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs in the 
 Peninsula at the opening of the year 
 1808, a year fated to behold the com- 
 mencement of that awful series of events 
 which terminated in sending the master 
 of three-fourths of Europe to pine in sick- 
 ness and in sorrow amidst tiie rocks of 
 St. Helena. This series began with the 
 preparations for the most flagrantly 
 iniquitous of Napoleon's many acts of 
 usurpation and spoliation. He had now- 
 reaped all the advantages which the 
 often-named, nefarious treaty of Fon- 
 tainebleau was calculated to afford him. 
 He was master of Etruria and Portugal ; 
 and the subjugation of the latter country 
 had stripped Spain of nearly ail the 
 troops that his previous requisitions had 
 left her ; whilst her northern provinces 
 were full of French troops, poured into 
 them professedly on their way to Por- 
 tugal, but in utter disregard of the sti- 
 pulation prohibiting a second French 
 army from crossing the Pyrenees, unless 
 
272 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Portugal should be actually invaded by 
 England. Nothing was wanting to lay 
 the whole Peninsula at Napoleon's feet, 
 except the seizure of the Spanish for- 
 tresses ; and this the emperor ordered 
 the commanders of the second army 
 of observation of the Gironde to effect, 
 either by force or fraud. At the same 
 time discarding all further semblance of 
 respect for the treaty of Fontainebleau, 
 he directed Junot, "whom he created 
 duke of Abrantes, to assume the go- 
 vernment of Portugal in his name, as 
 imperial lieutenant. 
 The latter order was first obeyed. On 
 the 1 st of February, 1808, the 
 f ort VS new duke of Abrantes went 
 
 A.D. loOo. . , 
 
 in state to the palace of the 
 Inquisition, where the regency held its 
 sittings, and announced to the deputies of 
 the prince of Brazil that their functions 
 had ceased, the emperor of France 
 having graciously devolved upon him 
 the task of providing for the happiness 
 of Portugal. The regency was accord- 
 ingly dissolved. A proclamation in- 
 formed the people that, the prince-regent 
 having forfeited all title to their allegi- 
 ance by his flight to Brazil, the house 
 of Braganza had ceased to reign ; and 
 the felicity of Portugal was insured by 
 her transference to the sceptre of the 
 omnipotent Napoleon, who had ap- 
 pointed Junot to administer the govern- 
 ment as his imperial vicegerent. In 
 proof of this fortunate incorporation, the 
 Portugueze arms were everywhere taken 
 down and destroyed, and the French 
 set up in their stead ; all the offices of 
 government were conferred upon French- 
 men ; a heavy contribution was levied ; 
 and the remains of the Portugueze army, 
 which Junot had previously reduced 
 as much as possible, were sent into 
 France, under the Marquess of Alorne, a 
 nobleman who conceived he had he- 
 reditary cause of resentment against 
 the reigning sovereigns of Portugal, in 
 addition to the personal offence given 
 him by his banishment from court on 
 account of his intrigues on behalf of the 
 princess of Brazil: Alorne attached him- 
 self, heart and soul, to the conqueror. 
 
 Godoy now plainly saw that he had 
 been deluded with a phantom of sove- 
 reignty, and that Napoleon, 
 D P ilo8 whatever he might have 
 pledged his word to do, had 
 no intention of" bestowing any part of 
 Portugal upon either the despoiled king 
 of Etruria or himself. Enraged at his 
 disappointment, and alarmed at the 
 
 increasing numbers of the French forces 
 in Spain, he recalled the Spanish troops 
 from Portugal; but Solano's division 
 only had the power of obeying ; the rest 
 were forcibly detained by Junot. Had 
 they all returned, they could have done 
 little to oppose the progress of the 
 French. 
 
 A third army had now crossed the 
 Eastern Pyrenees, and entered Catalonia, 
 which could not even profess to be on 
 its way to Portugal. The court of 
 Madrid, without means of resistance, 
 and bewildered with terror, endeavoured 
 to propitiate Napoleon by ordering his 
 legions to be received into all the 
 strongest towns of Catalonia, Navarre, 
 and Biscay. They thus placed them in 
 the very positions that would have ren- 
 dered them complete masters of the 
 country, had they equally been in pos- 
 session of the citadels as of the towns. 
 But these citadels were still in the hands 
 of native troops, whom the imperial 
 leaders were ordered to expel. 
 
 This could not be well done by force, 
 whilst friendship even nominally sub- 
 sisted between the two nations ; stra- 
 tagem was therefore employed. At St. 
 Sebastian and atFigueras, a very simple 
 one, which might be termed a downright 
 falsehood, answered the purpose. The 
 French generals quartered in the towns, 
 asked leave to secure their refractory 
 conscripts in the citadels. The court 
 had ordered that all wishes of the em- 
 peror's officers should be complied with, 
 and the governors would not therefore 
 refuse. The supposed refractory con- 
 scripts were the best men that could be 
 selected, and their numbers were gra- 
 dually augmented till they could over- 
 power the garrison, and admit their 
 comrades. 
 
 The governor of Pamplona refused a 
 similar request, but he permitted sixty 
 men to enter the citadel daily, unarmed, 
 there to receive rations for their respec- 
 tive divisions. General Duhesme had 
 chosen his own quarters close to the cita- 
 del, and one night he secretly filled his 
 house with armed grenadiers. The next 
 morning sixty picked men, with arms con- 
 cealed under their cloaks, went too early 
 for their rations ; and under colour of 
 waiting for their quarter-master, loitered 
 about ; some sauntered into the Spanish 
 guard-house, whilst others, by a sportive 
 scuffle on the bridge, prevented its 
 being raised, and drew the attention of 
 the Spaniards. At a signal the arms 
 of the Spaniards were seized, the gre- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 273 
 
 nadiers ambushed in Duhesme's quar- 
 ters rushed forward, the bridge and 
 gate were secured, and the other French 
 troops hurrying 1 to join their comrades, 
 the citadel was won. 
 
 At Barcelona a review was held, 
 under the works of the citadel. The 
 garrison assembled to look on. The 
 IVench general Lecchi, an Italian by 
 birth, rode on to the drawbridge with 
 his staff, professedly to pay a farewell 
 visit to the Spanish commander ; and 
 while the garrison watched some batta- 
 lions that were manoeuvring, others 
 stole to the drawbridge, and held it 
 until their companions could join them. 
 
 All this was achieved in the course of 
 February ; and the French were masters 
 of the north of Spain, as also of the 
 road to Madrid. The grand-duke of 
 Berg next appeared on the scene, with 
 the title of the emperor's lieutenant in 
 Spain, and took the command of the 
 armies ; and thenceforward the treaty of 
 Fontainebleau was no longer mentioned. 
 Negotiations however still went on ; 
 Napoleon still professed friendship for 
 Charles IV., and proposed to give him 
 Portugal in exchange for the Spanish 
 provinces north of the Ebro ; thus to 
 avoid any necessity for the passage of 
 French troops through Spanish territo* 
 ries. The French emperor likewise 
 talked of visiting Madrid, in order to 
 settle the affairs of the Peninsula in a 
 personal interview with his good ally. 
 
 Godoy was now thoroughly frightened 
 for the fate of the kingdom, and yet more 
 for his own. The king and queen 
 shared in his terrors, and it was resolved 
 to follow the example of the Portugueze 
 royal family, and emigrate to America. 
 This was in all likelihood the very step 
 to which Napoleon, who saw how well 
 it had answered his purpose at Lisbon, 
 wished to drive them. The requisite 
 preparations for removing were made 
 with the utmost secrecy and despatch, 
 but the design was nevertheless disco- 
 vered or betrayed. It was understood 
 that the council and Ferdinand had se- 
 verally remonstrated with great vehe- 
 mence against it ; and the inhabitants 
 of Madrid and of Aranjuez, where the 
 court was then making its spring resi- 
 dence, angry at the proposed desertion, 
 exasperated at Godoy, to whose influ- 
 ence they ascribed it, and probably ex- 
 cited by the partizans of the prince of 
 
 Asturias, rose in tumultuary insurrection 
 on the 17th of March. But the fury of 
 the people was directed wholly against 
 Godoy. His mansions both at Madrid and 
 Aranjuez were broken into ; they were 
 plundered, and he saved his life only by 
 concealment. But the rich booty was 
 scrupulously burnt; the splendid in- 
 signia of his orders were preserved, with 
 all their jewels, and delivered up to the 
 king ; and the princess of the Peace and 
 her daughter were escorted, unharmed, 
 to the palace. The troops made common 
 cause with the mob ; and although, on 
 the morning of the 18th, the interposition 
 of Ferdinand restored the appearance of 
 tranquillity, the agitation of the people 
 continued. 
 
 The king now sought to allay the 
 popular feelings, which he despaired of 
 subduing, by announcing that he had 
 dismissed the prince of the Peace from 
 his offices of generalissimo and high 
 admiral, allowing him to depart from 
 court. This step was too obviously dic- 
 tated by the desire of rescuing the 
 favourite from the effects of public 
 hatred, to give the expected satisfac- 
 tion. Next .day Godoy was found in 
 his hiding-place, and it was with diffi- 
 culty that Ferdinand, obeying his father's 
 express injunctions, could rescue him 
 alive from the populace, for the avowed 
 purpose of committing him to prison, 
 there to be tried by course of law. 
 
 It is scarcely possible so far to develop 
 recent political intrigues as to ascertain 
 what share the son really had in these 
 machinations against his father ; but his 
 innocence is more improbable than on 
 the former occasion ; and the disorders 
 ended exactly as he might have dictated, 
 had he been their regulator. On the 
 morning of the 20th, Charles IV., 
 wearied with the struggles of the last 
 few days, disappointed that the sa- 
 crifice of his favourite had failed to 
 appease the insurgents, heart-sick and 
 broken-spirited at the loss of the idol of 
 his affections, of the counsellor upon 
 whose advice he implicitly relied, be- 
 wildered by the arts and the urgency 
 of his son's partizans, and terrified by 
 the rapid advance of the French upon 
 Madrid, publicly abdicated, and de- 
 clared the prince of Asturias king of 
 Spain. This step produced the desired 
 effect, and the whole nation seemed 
 delirious with joy. 
 
274 
 
 HISTORY OP SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Ferdinand's accession Not recognized 
 by the French Ambassador Savary 
 persuades Ferdinand to meet Napo- 
 leon on his way to Madrid Lures 
 him on to Bayonne Ferdinand re- 
 quired to abdicate Refuses Napo- 
 leon sends for Charles IK, Louisa 
 Maria, and Godoy to Bayonne 
 Charles abdicates in favour of Na- 
 poleon Extorts Ferdinands resig- 
 nation of the crown to himself 
 Tumult at Madrid Sanguinary ex- 
 ecutions Madrid submits Risings 
 in the provinces Juntas established 
 Risings in Portugal Juntas es- 
 tablished Napoleonproclaims Joseph 
 Buonaparte king of Spain Spanish 
 Notables assembled at Bayonne 
 Joseph enters Spain Battle of Rio 
 Seco Joseph enters Madrid Battle 
 ofBaylen Joseph evacuates Madrid 
 Siege of Saragossa Raised*. 
 
 FERDINAND VII., notwithstanding the 
 neglect of his solicitations 
 ADISOS f r Napoleon's protection, 
 seems to have felt no mis- 
 trust of the emperor's good will towards 
 himself. His first act of sovereignty 
 bespoke his full confidence; it was stop- 
 ping the homeward march of Solano 
 and his troops, sending them back to 
 their Portugueze quarters, and placing 
 them altogether at Junot's disposal. 
 
 Ferdinand next settled his adminis- 
 tration ; he retained several of his 
 father's ministers, especially Cevallos, 
 although allied by marriage to Godoy ; 
 but he likewise raised the chief of those 
 who had been imprisoned as his accom- 
 plices in the conspiracy of the preceding 
 October, to high posts. Of these he 
 appointed Azanza to the financial, and 
 O'Farrel to the war department, and 
 gave the command of the Spanish guards 
 to the duke del Infantado. He released 
 Jovellanos from prison ; confiscated the 
 property of the prince of the Peace, 
 without awaiting his trial; repealed 
 some vexatious taxes ; ordered the 
 wolves and foxes, preserved to indulge 
 his father's passion for the chase, to be 
 destroyed; and abolished some police 
 regulations, peculiarly obnoxious to the 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are, Sotuhey, Napier, Scott, Foy, Ber- 
 nardo, Bigland, Blanco White, Quiu, Queen of 
 Etruria, Annual Register. 
 
 people, ^as thwarting their old habits 
 and prejudices. 
 
 The nation was delighted with their 
 new monarch ; but their exultation, and 
 Ferdinand's joy in his accession, and 
 trust in the supposed favour of Na- 
 poleon, were alike short-lived. The 
 French ambassador who had been so 
 deeply in his counsels, offered no con- 
 gratulations upon their success. Murat, 
 to whom Ferdinand amicably and re- 
 spectfully notified his accession, gave 
 no answer, except announcing the em- 
 perors approach ; and the new king 
 hardly knew what to expect. 
 
 In fact Napoleon himself seems to 
 have been momentarily perplexed by the 
 tumults at Aranjuez, and the old king's 
 abdication. He had hoped probably to 
 find the kingdom deserted by its rulers, 
 and open to the first occupant. He 
 paused upon his journey to await what 
 should next occur ; whilst Murat, under 
 pretence of besieging Gibraltar, pressed 
 forward with such celerity, that on the 
 23rd of March, before the new king 
 had yet had time to visit his capital, the 
 grand-duke of Berg, after reviewing his 
 troops under the walls of Madrid, en- 
 tered the town, and established himself 
 in the magnificent palace of the prince 
 of the Peace. The French soldiers were 
 generally received as friends, a strong 
 belief prevailing that Napoleon's enmity 
 was personal to Godoy. This hope was 
 somewhat damped the next day, when 
 upon Ferdinand's arrival, Murat paid 
 him neither military nor personal ho- 
 nours, alleging the necessity of learning 
 Napoleon's decision upon the late trans- 
 actions, ere the prince of Asturias could 
 be acknowledged as king of Spain. 
 
 With a French army in Madrid, Fer- 
 dinand saw that the stability of his throne 
 depended upon his recognition by the 
 emperor of France. He therefore ad- 
 dressed a justificatory account of the 
 recent events to Napoleon, and renewed 
 his solicitations for the hand of an im- 
 perial princess. Evidently Napoleon 
 never meant to acknowledge Ferdinand 
 as king ; but it was essential to his 
 schemes, since he could not frighten the 
 whole Spanish royal family away, to get 
 them all into his own hands; and 
 Charles's vacillating conduct afforded 
 him the means of so doing. Charles 
 wrote to the French emperor, protesting 
 against his abdication as forced. The 
 old queen, and her daughter the queen 
 of Etruria, wrote to Murat, begging him 
 to save the life of his and their Jriend, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 275 
 
 the prince of the Peace, and declared 
 that they wished only for competence in 
 some safe asylum, where they and he 
 might all spend the remainder of their 
 lives together. Murat promised his 
 support to the two queens, and his pro- 
 tection to Godoy. 
 
 Napoleon required more information 
 to enable him to judge between contra- 
 dicfory statements. Again he delayed 
 his journey, and dispatched his aide-de- 
 camp Savary to Madrid. The professed 
 object of Savary's mission was, however, 
 to inquire whether Ferdinand designed 
 to pursue his father's line of policy, and 
 adhere to the French continental system ; 
 in which case Savary said the emperor 
 would at once recognize him. Fer- 
 dinand gladly agreed ; when the mili- 
 tary envoy told him that the emperor 
 was already in Spain, on his way to 
 Madrid, and that it would be but a 
 proper mark of respect if he should go 
 forward to meet him. Anxious to pro- 
 pitiate him upon whose protection he 
 depended, and fearful that this arbiter of 
 his fate might adopt the cause of the 
 abdicated king, Ferdinand immediately 
 sent forward his brother, the Infante 
 Charles ; and on the llth of April, after 
 appointing his uncle, the Infante An- 
 tonio, president of a council of regency 
 during his absence, he left Madrid in 
 person, and set out upon his inauspicious 
 journey. 
 
 As far as Vitoria, Ferdinand was lured 
 on by Savary with the hourly expecta- 
 tion of meeting his imperial visitor, and 
 being at once recognized as king. At 
 Vitoria he paused, having professed his 
 determination not to pass the frontiers. 
 But there he received a letter from Na- 
 poleon, written in vague terms, mixing 
 praise and blame, and promising to re- 
 cognize him if he could prove his fa- 
 ther's abdication to have been volun- 
 tary ; Savary, who had gone forward to 
 Bayonne and returned, assured him 
 that he would be recognized in the very 
 first interview ; and a letter from Prince 
 Charles, who is said to have penetrated 
 Napoleon's intentions, warning him not 
 to proceed, was intercepted. The po- 
 pulace attempted to prevent Ferdinand's 
 departure by force ; and some discarded 
 statesmen waited upon him to advise 
 against it ; but he was now resolved, 
 and on the 19th of April prosecuted his 
 journey. Indeed, it may be doubted 
 whether at Vitoria, or even at Madrid, 
 Ferdinand really had a choice of going 
 or staying, In both places he was com- 
 
 pletely in the power of the French 
 troops ; but Napoleon wished to ac- 
 complish the transference of the Spa- 
 nish crown to his brother's head quietly, 
 if not with some shew of legality, and 
 the forcible abduction of Ferdinand must 
 have produced tumult and bloodshed. 
 
 Upon his arrival at Bayonne, Fer- 
 dinand was courteously re- 
 ceived, and invited to dine 
 
 ii - 1 -r-fc A 
 
 with the emperor. But 
 no sooner had he returned home to the 
 house allotted him, than he was in- 
 formed by Savary of Napoleon's deter- 
 mination that the Bourbons should 
 cease to reign in Spain, and required to 
 make a formal cession of the Spanish 
 monarchy. He was promised in ex- 
 change the kingdom of Etruria, so lately 
 torn from his nephew, and the hand of 
 one of the emperor's nieces. If he did 
 not immediately comply, he was assured 
 that the desired cession would be ob- 
 tained from his father, and he should 
 then receive no compensation. 
 
 Ferdinand resisted, and his chief 
 counsellors, Escoiquiz, Cevallos, and 
 Labrador were successively employed 
 to treat with Napoleon or his ministers, 
 and endeavour to change the emperor's 
 decision. Some days were consumed 
 in these negotiations; and the pro- 
 vinces north of the Ebro, or one of the 
 American colonies, were vainly prof- 
 fered. Ferdinand declared he would 
 return to his own kingdom, but found 
 that both his brother and himself were 
 prisoners. The emperor had anticipated 
 less difficulty in extorting the desired 
 cession from Ferdinand, and now ordered 
 Murat to send the old king and queen 
 to Bayonne, together with Godoy. 
 
 Upon their arrival at Bayonne, Na- 
 poleon immediately released Godoy and 
 reinstated him as minister to Charles IV. 
 The particulars of the negotiation with 
 the infatuated king and queen and their 
 contemptible favourite are not known; 
 but it appears that they were found much 
 more tractable than Ferdinand, whose 
 conduct upon this trying occasion gave 
 birth to hopes which have since been 
 grievously disappointed. On the 4th of 
 May, Charles, without adverting to his 
 abdication, addressed an edict to the 
 council of Castile, nominating Prince 
 Murat lieutenant-general of the king- 
 dom, directing his orders to be obeyed 
 as emanating from the king in person, 
 and dilating on the power and goodness 
 of his great ally, the emperor Napoleon. 
 On the 5th, Godoy andDuroc concluded 
 T 2 
 
276 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 and signed a convention, by which 
 Charles ceded Spain and the Indies to 
 Napoleon, who in return settled upon 
 him a handsome pecuniary allowance 
 for himself, his queen, and their chil- 
 dren, together with the castle of Cham- 
 bord and its estates, and gave him the 
 use, for his own life, of the palace, park, 
 and forest of Compiegne. The follow- 
 ing day Ferdinand (who had addressed 
 several firm but respectful remonstrances 
 to his father, and offered to restore the 
 crown to the old king before the Cortes 
 assembled in Spain) was summoned to an 
 interview with his parents, in the pre- 
 sence of Napoleon. The circumstances 
 of this interview are too revolting for 
 detail. The old king overwhelmed Fer- 
 dinand with virulent reproaches; the 
 queen is even said to have so completely 
 and inconceivably lost sight of all wo- 
 manly feelings as to have actually told her 
 son, in hearing of her husband, that he 
 had no right to the throne, being the off- 
 spring of her guilt. The young king 
 was overpowered with the scene, and 
 resigned his crown unconditionally to 
 his father : he was of course not aware 
 of Charles's having already given it 
 away. 
 
 A further renunciation, in the names 
 of himself, his brothers and uncle, of all 
 rights, in favour of Napoleon, was re- 
 quired of him ; and, after four days' 
 struggle, the unhappy prince signed 
 it on the 10th. Ferdinand, his bro- 
 ther, and his uncle were then trans- 
 ferred to Valencay, in France, where 
 they were kept as state prisoners. It 
 is observable, that the claims of the 
 princesses are not even alluded to. 
 Napoleon was so partial to the Salic 
 law, which he everywhere established, 
 that he acted as though it had been ac- 
 knowledged in Spain, where the na- 
 tional laws and customs were most ad- 
 verse to such an exclusion of females ; 
 and its modified introduction by the Bour- 
 bons confirmed the rights of daughters 
 upon the extinction of male heirs. 
 
 Whilst this scene of perhaps unex- 
 ampled perfidy and violence was acting 
 at Bayonne, great changes were taking 
 place at Madrid. In various parts of 
 
 . Spain the good understand- 
 &4>?1008. m between the natives and 
 the French troops, whom the 
 former at first believed to have come only 
 to free the country from Godoy, had 
 been interrupted by the overbearing tem- 
 per of the soldiery, and the innate pride 
 of Spaniards. But nowhere had the 
 
 disposition of the people so much altered 
 as at Madrid. In addition to the gene- 
 ral causes of dissatisfaction, Murat's de- 
 portment towards Ferdinand and the old 
 sovereigns, as Charles and Louisa Maria 
 were called, had both given offence and 
 provoked suspicions. These were in- 
 creased by Ferdinand's detention at 
 Bayonne, even whilst its cause was un- 
 known ; the sending Godoy, whose exe- 
 cution they were impatiently anticipat- 
 ing, out of the country, exasperated the 
 whole population ; and the appointment 
 of a French governor of the city, and of 
 French patrols, galled the pride of Cas- 
 tilians. 
 
 Of the whole royal family there now 
 remained in the capital only Don Anto- 
 nio, the regent, Don Francisco, Ferdi- 
 nand's youngest brother, and the queen 
 of Etruria with her children. Napoleon 
 chose to have these likewise within his 
 grasp ;' and ordered the grand-duke to 
 send Don Francisco,the queen of Etruria, 
 and her children to Bayonne. It is said 
 that the council of regency earnestly ad- 
 vised their leaving Madrid by night, to 
 avoid irritating the people; but that 
 Murat, whose instructions were to inti- 
 midate the capital and the country, and 
 who was consequently watching for an 
 explosion to punish, fixed upon nine 
 o'clock in the morning as the time, in 
 expectation of the tumult that actually 
 ensued. In the morning of the 2nd of 
 May preparations were accordingly 
 made for their departure ; and at this 
 sight the long-gathering storm of Cas- 
 tilian fury burst forth. 
 
 An attempt on the part of the people 
 forcibly to prevent the departure of some 
 of the royal carriages, from which they 
 seem to have desisted on being assured 
 that Don Antonio at least would still re- 
 main amongst them, gave rise to the 
 first collision between the foreign troops 
 and the people. How the strange and 
 desperate encounter began, between 
 twenty-five thousand well appointed 
 French soldiers (for so many were 
 quartered in and near Madrid) and a 
 populace, armed only with such wea- 
 pons as they could find, is not quite 
 certain ; but the assembled crowd is 
 said to have been inflamed to madness 
 by the sudden appearance of a French 
 officer amongst tnem, and to have imme- 
 diately fallen upon him. Three thou- 
 sand Spanish troops were shut up in 
 their barracks waiting for orders, and 
 took no part in the conflict, except at 
 the arsenal, where two officers and 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 277 
 
 twenty men, with a single gun, long re- 
 sisted the attempts of the French to 
 secure that important post. 
 
 The mob, it is said, massacred many 
 French soldiers, who were surprised 
 scattered about the city, ere the troops 
 were prepared for action ; and this is the 
 chief ground on which Murat is acquitted 
 of having wished for or foreseen the 
 tumult. When the troops were ready, 
 and the artillery swept the principal 
 streets and squares, whilst the infantry 
 poured volleys into the cross streets, the 
 scene necessarily changed, and by noon 
 the populace was routed and dispersed. 
 The victors pursued the vanquished 
 into their houses, and continued the 
 slaughter for hours. Tranquillity being 
 at length restored, an amnesty was pub- 
 lished at the prayer of the council of 
 regency; but Murat (who either thought 
 enough had not been done for his object, 
 or resented the loss of some hundreds 
 of French soldiers), excepted from its 
 benefit all men found bearing arms ; and 
 as the clasp knives worn by all Spanish 
 peasants and artizans were held to come 
 under this description, great numbers 
 were sentenced to death by a military 
 tribunal, and shot in the course of the 
 night. The sum total of Spaniards who 
 fell in this massacre is not accurately 
 known, and has been variously estimated 
 from three hundred to nearly three thou- 
 sand, according to the views of the 
 computers. 
 
 The first effect of the scene of blood 
 just described, was to intimidate the in- 
 habitants of Madrid, and more espe- 
 cially the higher orders, who indeed 
 throughout the Peninsula displayed far 
 less courage and patriotism than the 
 labouring classes. These last were less 
 contaminated by the vices and corrup- 
 tion of the court ; they were less aware 
 of the magnitude of the danger to be 
 braved in opposing the pleasure of Na- 
 poleon ; and in the end, the bold and 
 honest impulse of their uncalculating de- 
 termination, swept away like a torrent 
 the prudential reasonings of their more 
 cautious superiors. At first, however, 
 all Madrid breathed submission. Don 
 Antonio, it is said, voluntarily followed 
 the rest of the royal family to Bayonne ; 
 Murat took his place in the council of 
 regency, and the several constituted au- 
 thorities, professing their regret for, and 
 their disapprobation of, the sedition of 
 the 2nd, published exhortations to all 
 Spaniards to submit freely to the will of 
 the great and good Napoleon. A few 
 
 days afterwards Murat's appointment as 
 lieutenant-general arrived, then the ab- 
 dications of C harles and Ferdinand. The 
 latter, prior to giving his signature, had 
 sent full authority and instructions to 
 the council to disregard his public acts, 
 as the result of force, to govern at their 
 own discretion, and to convoke the 
 Cortes. These despatches being sent 
 secretly, travelled by a circuitous road, 
 and thence arrived a day or two later 
 than the abdications, when the council 
 deemed itself already dissolved. Murat 
 assumed the government, committed its 
 various offices to Frenchmen, ordered 
 such remaining Spanish troops as he 
 did not incorporate with his own army, 
 to be sent out of the country, and as- 
 serted that the 2nd of May had given 
 Spain to Napoleon. 
 
 In the provinces the consequences of 
 that day were far different from his anti- 
 cipations. The slaughter of Madrid, and 
 the treatment of Ferdinand at Bayonne 
 were as the spark of fire to the mine, and 
 the explosion, beginning in the original 
 cradle of Spanish liberty, the Asturias, 
 spread in the course of the month over all 
 Spain. Juntas, or councils, composed 
 of the most influential, and generally of 
 the most enlightened persons of their 
 respective neighbourhoods, were formed 
 in every province, and most large towns. 
 These juntas governed the several pro- 
 vinces, raised troops, appointed officers, 
 and took such steps as they judged 
 fitting for organizing the resistance 
 against an enemy, whose treachery and 
 violence had provoked a burst of resent- 
 ment, that would not, perhaps, have 
 been felt against an open foe ; at least, 
 had his declaration of war preceded 
 Charles's abdication. 
 
 In most places the governors endea- 
 voured to quell these tumultuary risings, 
 but always in vain ; and where they per- 
 sisted in their endeavours, their lives 
 generally paid the forfeit of their sub- 
 mission to foreign usurpation. Amongst 
 these victims was Solano, who had re- 
 turned from Portugal, and, as captain-ge- 
 neral of Andalusia, taken up his abode 
 at Cadiz, where he perished by the hands 
 of the populace. Many other excesses 
 and crimes were committed ; many per 
 sons fell sacrifices to the suspicions, 
 justly or unjustly excited by their own 
 conduct, of being agents and partizans 
 of the French ; and many were pointed 
 out as such by individuals who wished 
 to make the generous passions of the 
 multitude instruments for attaining pri- 
 
278 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 vate ends. Such atrocities are but too 
 commonly the fruits of great popular 
 excitement ; but this revolutionary state 
 did not last. The Spaniards sought 
 national independence, not exemption 
 from the restraints of law ; and when 
 the first effervescence of passion sub- 
 sided, the people cheerfully submitted 
 to the rule of the juntas they had them- 
 selves chosen. 
 
 These juntas were independent of each 
 other, and the circumstance of the capi- 
 tal's being in the hands of the enemy, 
 and the legitimate national government 
 dissolved, threatened to produce a mis- 
 chievous anarchy. Patriotic zeal for a 
 while prevented or remedied every evil. 
 All co-operated cordially to one end; 
 and when Seville, as next in importance 
 to Madrid and Barcelona, and therefore 
 first of the unsubdued cities of Spain, 
 claimed for her junta the title of su- 
 preme, and a degree of authority over 
 the others, those other juntas frankly ac- 
 knowledged her pretensions. In the name 
 of Ferdinand VII., the supreme ju?ita of 
 Seville, on the 6th of June, declared war 
 against Napoleon and France. 
 
 The juntas of Asturias and Galicia 
 had already sent envoys to England, 
 who by means of an open fishing- boat 
 got on board an English privateer. 
 Their mission was to communicate the 
 determination of Spain to resist ; and to 
 ask for peace with Great Britain, and 
 assistance against the common enemy. 
 This step was approved and sanctioned 
 by the supreme junta, and General Cas- 
 tanos, who commanded the camp before 
 Gibraltar, and was appointed by the su- 
 preme junta to the command of the 
 forces of Andalusia, opened a friendly 
 communication with Sir Hew Dalrym- 
 ple, governor of that fortress. 
 
 The supreme junta, over which pre- 
 sided Saavedra, the former minister, 
 made every exertion for carrying on the 
 war thus boldly declared. Orders were 
 issued for enrolling the whole male po- 
 pulation of Spain ; combined with judi- 
 cious instructions to the Spanish leaders 
 to avoid risking their raw ^soldiers in 
 pitched battles against the disciplined 
 veterans of France. Messengers were de- 
 spatched to Portugal to recall (he Spanish 
 troops, announce the general insurrec- 
 tion of Spain, and invite the co-operation 
 of Portugal; and fast-sailing vessels were 
 sent to the colonies, to warn them against 
 the designs of France and claim obe- 
 dience to the supreme junta, as lawfully 
 exercising the authority of Ferdinand. 
 
 In Portugal the tidings of the Spanish 
 insurrection were received with enthu- 
 siasm. There, as in Spain, 
 a spirit of dissatisfaction A.D IS. 
 and irritation, provoked by 
 the conduct of the French, had for some 
 time been growing; and Junot, like 
 Murat, had thought to repress it by the 
 sanguinary chastisement of a popular 
 tumult, though upon a smaller scale. 
 The higher orders, indeed, had aban- 
 doned all idea of resistance ; and, deem- 
 ing themselves absolved from their alle- 
 giance by the court's desertion, sent a 
 deputation to Bayonne, to implore that 
 Napoleon w r ould either incorporate them 
 with his own empire, or give them a 
 prince of his family for their king. But 
 they had received only vague answers ; 
 and had even been, as they deemed it, 
 insulted by the question, " Would they 
 be Spaniards?" To which the count de 
 Lima, president of the deputation, 
 answered " No !" in a tone so loud and 
 so impressive, as seems to have inspired 
 Napoleon himself with some respect for 
 the old noble. 
 
 The wishes expressed by the deputa- 
 tion, however conformable to the French 
 emperor's views, thwarted those of 
 Junot, who himself aspired to the crown 
 of Portugal; and he was further pro- 
 voked by the proceedings of a junta of 
 the three estates, summoned to confirm 
 the wishes expressed by the deputation, 
 and to improve them by asking expressly 
 for Junot as their sovereign ; but which 
 occupied itself in preparing a con- 
 stitution, to be sworn to by the new 
 monarch. The movers of this last 
 scheme were punished by the duke of 
 Abrantes, and the exasperation of the 
 people increased. 
 
 Such was the state in which the 
 Spanish emissaries found the sister 
 kingdom. Bellesta, who upon the death 
 of Tarranco had succeeded to the com- 
 mand of his body of troops, prepared to 
 obey the mandate that recalled him to 
 Spain; but ere beginning his march he 
 assisted the inhabitants of Oporto to 
 seize upon the French who were resident 
 or quartered there, and proclaim the 
 house of Braganza. After his departure, 
 indeed, the timidity of the governor pre- 
 vailed, and he again professed his devo- 
 tion to Junot. But the news of his first 
 step spread : the example of Oporto was 
 immediately followed throughout the 
 north of Portugal, and a little later in 
 the south. Oporto itself made a new 
 and more successful attempt: the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 279 
 
 governor was thrown into prison ; the 
 bishop placed at the head of the Oporto 
 junta, which was acknowledged as su- 
 preme by all others, and a communica- 
 tion was opened with the English 
 cruizers. Junot disarmed and made pri- 
 soners of the Spanish troops in his army ; 
 and sent detachments into the disturbed 
 districts, who defeated, and in many 
 places, cruelly massacred the insurgents, 
 but could not everywhere make head 
 against so general an insurrection. 
 
 Napoleon was accustomed to wage 
 war against armies, often of mere mer- 
 cenaries uninterested in the cause for 
 which they fought, and he set no value 
 upon national feeling. Indeed, he seems 
 to have neither understood nor appre- 
 ciated the higher emotions of man's 
 nature. The universal insurrection of 
 the peninsular nations, was, in his eyes, 
 a mere ebullition of the anger of an idle 
 rabble, altogether absurd and insignifi- 
 cant. He ordered his generals, Murat 
 and Junot, to disperse and chastize the 
 rebels, and proceeded with his political 
 measures. 
 
 The crown of Spain he is said to have 
 originally destined for Lucien Buona- 
 parte, the ablest of his bro- 
 *u thers - But Lucien was 
 a republican upon principle ; 
 he had besides accumulated in the pub- 
 lic service a large fortune, which he was 
 enjoying at Rome in the pleasures of 
 taste and literature; and, in addition 
 to the sacrifice of his principles and his 
 tastes, Napoleon required from him that 
 of his affections. Lucien had mar- 
 ried a woman of inferior birth and not 
 unimpeached character. But she had 
 been a faithful wife to him, and he would 
 not comply with Napoleon's desire that 
 he should repudiate the mother of his 
 children in order to wed a princess. He 
 is believed to have refused the crown 
 of Spain ; and Napoleon assigned it to 
 Joseph, already king of Naples. Joseph 
 would fain have continued to govern 
 his Neapolitan subjects, whose good will 
 he had gained ; and though he obeyed 
 the imperial call to Bayonne, he went 
 with the intention of declining the pro- 
 posed exchange. But Lucien was the 
 only one of the brothers who could re- 
 sist the supreme will of Napoleon. 
 Joseph submitted, and was received at 
 Bayonne as king of Spain. 
 
 A sort of Spanish assembly, meant as 
 a substitute for the Cortes, and called 
 by the French name of the Notables, 
 was summoned thither, to meet, and ac- 
 
 knowledge Joseph, and to accept the new 
 constitution to be conferred upon them 
 with their new king. The archbishops of 
 Seville and Burgos, several bishops, and 
 about twenty of the lower clergy, most 
 of the grandees, and some of the inferior 
 nobles as representatives of the nobility, 
 were invited byname; a few great towns 
 were ordered to elect deputies to repre- 
 sent the commercial interests; and de- 
 puties were named for the American 
 governments and viceroyalties ; about 
 one hundred and fifty in all. Of these 
 some were already at Bayonne, having 
 attended Ferdinand or Charles thither. 
 Many obeyed the call, some from be- 
 lieving resistance to the power of Napo- 
 leon impossible; some preferring re- 
 forms imposed by the hand of a foreign 
 conqueror to the vices of their late go- 
 vernment ; and more, it is to be feared, 
 from motives of personal interest. About 
 ninety-one thus assembled on the 15th 
 of June, the day appointed ; the others 
 either refused to attend an assembly 
 illegally convoked by a foreign usurper, 
 or were prevented from obeying by the 
 people. Don Joseph Palafox who had 
 accompanied Ferdinand to Bayonne, and 
 was named as one of the Notables, made 
 his escape thence into his native pro- 
 vince, Aragon, where upon his arrival 
 he was proclaimed captain- general. 
 
 The best-intentioned of the Notables 
 had flattered themselves that in accept- 
 ing a new dynasty they should be per- 
 mitted to do so upon their own terms. 
 But they were ordered to Bayonne to 
 adopt Napoleon's constitution, not to 
 frame one for themselves. That which 
 he gave them was fashioned upon the 
 model of the French, with illusory forms 
 of freedom and representative govern- 
 ment, but without any effective check 
 upon the power of the crown. The 
 Notables attempted to object to one or 
 two points curtailing their own power, 
 but found it useless, and subscribed the 
 constitution as it was given them. 
 
 Joseph then selected his ministers, 
 the great officers of his household, &c. 
 Urquijo, who had succeeded to Saavedra 
 under Charles IV., and been like him 
 displaced by Godoy's jealousy, was ap- 
 pointed secretary of state ; Cevallos 
 minister for foreign affairs ; Jovellanos 
 for the interior, Cabarrus of finance; 
 Pinuela of justice ; Azanza of the Indies ; 
 Mazarredo of the marine ; O'Farrel of the 
 war department. The duke del Parque 
 was made captain of the body-guards ; 
 the duke del Infantado colonel of the 
 
280 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Spanish, and the prince de Castel Franco 
 of the Walloon guards; the duke of 
 Hijar, the marquess of Ariza, and the 
 counts of Fernan-Nuriez and Santa 
 Coloma were named to high posts in the 
 household. Of these persons only 
 Jovellanos and Cabarrus were absent ; 
 and Jovellanos alone firmly and per- 
 severingly refused to hold office under 
 the intrusive king. But of those present 
 some appear to have accepted the places 
 offered them merely because they saw 
 no other means of getting back to their 
 own side of the Pyrenees. 
 
 The Portugueze deputation could nei- 
 ther obtain from Napoleon a decisive 
 answer, nor any information touching 
 their future destiny. Perhaps he re- 
 served their crown for the general who 
 should best merit it by quelling the 
 peninsular insurrection ; perhaps he 
 intended to incorporate Portugal with 
 Spain, and felt the moment unpropitious 
 for announcing this purpose. That he 
 looked upon the two peninsular kingdoms 
 in different lights is apparent. The 
 Spanish Notables were permitted to re- 
 turn home with Joseph. The Portu- 
 gueze deputies, who had spontaneously 
 sought him, were sent to Bourdeaux, and 
 there detained as hostages or prisoners. 
 
 The affairs of the Peninsula thus set- 
 tled, the brothers parted. Quitting 
 Bayonne, the emperor returned tri- 
 umphantly to Paris, and transferred 
 the kingdom of Naples to his brother- 
 in-law, Murat. Then, as though nothing 
 remained to be done in the south, he re- 
 paired to Erfurth in Germany, there to 
 meet the emperor Alexander, and decide 
 with him the fate of the rest of Europe. 
 The new king of Spain entered his 
 allotted kingdom on the 9th of July, and 
 issued proclamations inviting 
 
 D P T'X)8 ^ s su bjects to submission by 
 the fairest promises of good 
 government. But he found it requisite 
 to pause at Vitoria, until his imperial 
 brother's generals should have com- 
 pelled those reluctant subjects to make 
 \vay for his progress to his capital. 
 
 This did not seem likely to be an 
 affair of any great difficulty, for the in- 
 surgents were as yet unsupported from 
 abroad. Their deputies had indeed 
 been received with enthusiastic sympa- 
 thy in England ; supplies of all they re- 
 quested, arms, clothing, and money, 
 were liberally furnished; military men 
 were sent by government to various 
 points, to consult with the juntas, 
 observe the spirit of the people, and 
 
 their means of defence, and report the 
 result of Iheir observations for the 
 regulation of future measures ; the Spa- 
 nish prisoners in England were released, 
 clothed, and sent home, and the war 
 between England and Spain was declared 
 to be at an end. 
 
 Further, although the Spanish depu- 
 ties asserted that they needed no auxili- 
 aries, the ministry resolved to send out 
 an army to co-operate with the natives in 
 the liberation of the Peninsula. But the 
 strength of England was then, as usual, 
 frittered away in various remote expedi- 
 tions ; and the only immediately disposa- 
 ble force consisted of about nine thou- 
 sand men, who had been assembled at 
 Cork for an attack upon South America. 
 All hostile measures against the Spa- 
 nish colonies were now out of the ques- 
 tion; and Sir Arthur Wellesley, to whom 
 the command of this small body of men 
 was given, was directed to proceed with it 
 to the assistance of Spain and Portugal. 
 The indispensable preparations for the 
 sailing of this expedition, however, re- 
 quired some time, and Sir Arthur was 
 still in Ireland when Joseph crossed the 
 Bidassoa. 
 
 On the first symptoms of resistance, 
 Murat had fortified the palace of Buen 
 Retire, nearly adjoining Madrid, made 
 dispositions for defending the capital 
 (which his successor, Savary, followed 
 up), and sent generals of merited repu- 
 tation, with considerable divisions of 
 the army, in several directions, to sup- 
 press the rebellion, as it was termed, and 
 control the country. Dupont, with 
 twelve thousand men, entered Anda- 
 lusia; Moncey marched with as many 
 against Valencia; Lefebvre was in 
 Aragon ; and Bessieres, with forty thou- 
 sand men, maintained the communica- 
 tion between Madrid and Bayonne. The 
 success of the adverse parties in these 
 different situations had been various. 
 
 At Cadiz, notwithstanding the incon- 
 testable lukevvarmness of Don Thomas 
 Morla, the new governor, a French squa- 
 dron had been compelled to surrender, 
 and that, nominally, without the aid of the 
 British fleet, which, however, lying off 
 the mouth of the harbour, prevented 
 Admiral Rosilly from escaping to sea. 
 Moncey had been repulsed with con- 
 siderable loss from before Valencia, 
 which its inhabitants defended with a 
 bravery calculated to atone, in some 
 measure, for the atrocities committed 
 at their first rising, and far exceeding 
 those that stained any other place. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 281 
 
 Duhesme had failed in an attempt upon 
 Gerona; but Lefebvre had defeated the 
 Aragonese under Palafox, and laid siege 
 to Saragossa; and the generals under 
 Bessieres' command had defeated Cuesta 
 and many of his colleagues, making 
 themselves masters of Valladolid, St. 
 Ander, and other important towns. 
 
 But the greatest battle that had yet 
 occurred in this war, was now to be 
 fought for the purpose of opening 
 Joseph's road to Madrid, whither Na- 
 poleon had enjoined him to repair with 
 all speed. Cuesta, with the army of 
 Castile, and Blake with that of Galicia, 
 had united at Rio Seco, where their 
 combined forces amounted to thirty 
 thousand men. Bessieres attacked them 
 on the 14th of July with little more 
 than fifteen thousand. The Spaniards 
 fought bravely, but their position was 
 bad, and the superior skill and disci- 
 pline of the French very soon prevailed 
 over their courage and numbers. They 
 lost five or six thousand men, killed and 
 wounded, and twelve hundred prisoners. 
 The two generals threw the blame on 
 each other, and separated in mutual dis- 
 gust, Blake retiring upon Galicia, and 
 Cuesta into Leon. This victory cost 
 Bessieres less than four hundred men. 
 Joseph pursued his journey; and on the 
 20th made his triumphant entry into 
 Madrid. 
 
 But if the spirits of the new king were 
 elated by the triumph obtained at Rio 
 Seco, the circumstances of his entrance 
 into his capital were not calculated to 
 confirm his hopes of a long and pros- 
 perous reign. Orders had been given 
 that the streets through which the pro- 
 cession was to pass should be decorated, 
 according to Spanish custom, by hang- 
 ing tapestry, &c., from the windows, 
 and that the church bells should be rung. 
 The inhabitants obeyed ; but the tapestry 
 they hung out was old, dirty, and ragged, 
 and the bells tolled as lor a funeral. 
 The meanest of the populace scorned to 
 pick up the money scattered amongst 
 them as the king passed, leaving it to 
 the French soldiers; and the theatres, 
 which were opened gratis in honour of 
 the day, were filled only by Frenchmen. 
 Lisbon had displayed a similar spirit, 
 when only three 'houses obeyed the 
 order to illuminate, upon Junot's pro- 
 claiming Portugal to be under Napo- 
 leon's sceptre. In both instances the 
 demonstration of feeling was so general, 
 that it was impossible to think of imme- 
 diate punishment. The council of Cas- 
 
 tile, which had previously seemed dis- 
 posed to submit, refused to take the oath 
 required of them to the new sovereign 
 and constitution, alleging that both must 
 first receive the sanction of the nation 
 through the Cortes; and the Spanish 
 soldiers who did duty jointly with the 
 French, deserted by whole guards at a 
 time, leaving not a single sentinel at his 
 post. The first tidings received by 
 Joseph at Madrid were in harmony with 
 the character of his reception. 
 
 Dupont had advanced prosperously, 
 defeating all who opposed him, as far 
 as Cordova, which he took by storm, 
 but almost without resistance. He there 
 found himself unsupported, whilst Anda- 
 lusia was in arms all around him, and 
 retreated as far as Andujar, where he 
 fortified'himself to await the reinforce- 
 ments he had solicited from Savary. 
 A body of eight thousand men was sent 
 to him. But Andujar was a badly 
 chosen position, to occupy which he was 
 obliged to scatter his small army in de- 
 tachments ; and it is alleged that anxiety 
 to preserve the immense booty collected 
 in the plunder of Cordova further 
 crippled his movements. 
 
 However that were, Castanos, an old 
 soldier, possessed sufficient military skill 
 to take advantage of Dupont's errors. 
 He attacked him with about double his 
 numbers, and gained a victory so com- 
 plete, that at Baylen, whither four days of 
 engagement had drawn the French main 
 body, and upon the very day of Joseph's 
 entrance into Madrid, Dupont, with 
 nearly twenty thousand men, surrendered 
 upon condition of being sent with his 
 whole corps to France. The terms of 
 the capitulation were afterwards broken 
 by the vindictive rage of the peasantry, 
 whom their generals could not control. 
 Numbers were put to death, and the 
 rest, instead of being sent to France, 
 were confined in the hulks in the Bay of 
 Cadiz, where they suffered every kind 
 of misery, and the greater part perished. 
 This, however, applies to the French 
 only, the Germans, Poles, and Swiss in 
 Dupont's army mostly entering the 
 Spanish service. Morla justified the 
 breach of the convention on two grounds : 
 one, the French having endeavoured to 
 carry off church plate as private bag- 
 gage, the other, the impossibility of find- 
 ing vessels to transport so many men. 
 
 The effect of the victory of Baylen 
 upon the hopes and fears of both parties 
 was far beyond what would have been 
 its intrinsic; value in ordinary wars. 
 
282 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 The triumph of any number of undis- 
 ciplined levies over the dreaded veterans 
 of France was so unexpected, except 
 by Spanish arrogance, that whilst it 
 created in the friends of the Spaniards 
 an unreasonable reliance upon their 
 prowess, it struck Joseph and his par- 
 tizans with terror, and filled Napoleon 
 himself with rage. Madrid, upon which 
 the victorious Andalusian army could 
 now advance unopposed, was no longer 
 deemed a residence for Joseph ; and on 
 the 31st of July, afler a residence of ten 
 days, having summoned Bessieres from 
 the pursuit of Blake and Cuesta to pro- 
 tect his retreat, the king and his party 
 evacuated the capital, and withdrew to 
 Vitoria. Before leaving Madrid, Joseph 
 gave free permission to all those who had 
 accepted office under him, in the expec- 
 tation of the immediate submission of 
 Spain, to leave him if they thought fit. 
 The permission was congenial to the 
 kindly disposition of the man, but in 
 truth he could hardly have compelled 
 any one to stay with him. The dukes del 
 Infantado and del Parque had previously 
 made their escape in disguise, and joined 
 their countrymen. Cevallosand Pinuela, 
 as well as most of the great household 
 officers availed themselves of the king's 
 otter, and remained at Madrid. The other 
 ministers and some courtiers followed 
 Joseph, still believing that Napoleon's 
 brother must, in the end, carry the day. 
 
 Another triumph obtained soon after- 
 wards by the Spaniards, raised, and de- 
 servedly, yet higher the admiration now 
 felt for them throughout Europe, but 
 unhappily at the same time increased 
 that haughty self-confidence which so 
 nearly caused their ruin, by deceiving 
 themselves and their allies, and counter- 
 acting the measures undertaken for their 
 relief. This triumph was the successful 
 defence of Saragossa. Lefebvre had at- 
 tacked that capital of Aragon on the 15th 
 of June, thinking to carry a town, protec- 
 ted only by a wall, at the first assault. He 
 was repulsed, after some hard fighting, 
 and encamped out of reach of the city guns, 
 to await reinforcements. By the 2/th 
 he obtained them, and invested the town. 
 
 The resistance of Palafox and the 
 Saragossans shows what determined re- 
 solution can effect, under the most 
 disadvantageous circumstances. The 
 French bombarded the town, and the 
 people contrived to place beams end- 
 ways against the houses, so as to afford 
 some shelter from the shells. As their 
 houses were destroyed, they retired into 
 
 their cellars. When the French, by the 
 power of their numbers and their artil- 
 lery, had forced their way into the city, 
 the Saragossans still defended them- 
 selves, street by street and house by 
 house. This lasted nearly two months ; 
 during the whole of which time the 
 women, at the suggestion and by the 
 example of the young and beautiful 
 Countess Burita, formed themselves into 
 companies, and, led by the ladies of 
 highest rank, were seen in the midst of 
 the hottest fire, carrying provisions to 
 the combatants, and relief to the 
 wounded, or removing these last to the 
 hospitals. One young woman of low 
 birth gained a celebrity which has 
 eclipsed that of her countrywomen. In 
 the discharge of her appointed and 
 regular female duty she one day chanced 
 to find the battery, to which she was 
 conveying meat and wine, deserted by 
 those serving it; so many had fallen 
 that the survivors had shrunk back. 
 Snatching a match from the hand of a 
 dead artilleryman, she fired a gun, and 
 then vowed never to quit it alive whilst 
 a Frenchman remained before Sara- 
 gossa. Shamed by her courage the 
 men returned to their post, but she 
 nevertheless faithfully kept her vow, and 
 is known by the name of Augustina 
 of Saragossa. 
 
 At length, when the brave citizens 
 hoped little more than to die amidst the 
 ruins of their city, the enemy, dis- 
 couraged as well by their invincible 
 obstinacy as by tidings of the capitula- 
 tion of Baylen, and the evacuation of 
 Madrid, resolved to raise the siege. It 
 was on the morning of the 14th of 
 August, that the Saragossans, awaking 
 to their melancholy tasks, were agreeably 
 surprised by seeing the besieging army 
 in full retreat. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sir Arthur Welles ley sails with an 
 English army Lands in Portugal 
 Battle of Roliza Battle of Vimeiro 
 Convention of Cintra Junot eva- 
 cuates Portugal Re-establishment of 
 the Prince-Regent" s authority Dis- 
 sensions of the Juntos in Spain Cen- 
 tral Junta elected Proclaims Ferdi- 
 nand VII. Proposed co-operation of 
 Sir John Moore with the Spanish 
 army Baird lands at Coruna Na- 
 
 poleon enters Spain Defeats suc- 
 cessively Blake, Belvedere, Castanos, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 283 
 
 
 Palafox, and San Juan Occupies 
 Madrid Threatens Spain with an- 
 nexation to France Preparations 
 against Portugal and South of Spain 
 
 Moore enters Spain Accomplishes 
 his junction with Bairdfrom Coruna 
 
 Marches against Soult Peaches 
 Sahagun Napoleon leaves Madrid 
 to attack him Moore retreats A 7 a- 
 poleon returns to France Battle of 
 Coruna Re- embarkation of the 
 English*. 
 
 AT this period of the war a new actor 
 appeared upon the stage, upon whom, 
 thenceforward, the fortune of the Penin- 
 sula mainly depended. Upon the 12th 
 of July the British expedition sailed 
 from Cork ; and its commander, sir 
 Arthur Wellesley, as 
 soon as the whole was 
 fairly under weigh, pre- 
 ceded it in a frigate, in order to gather 
 the information requisite for regulating 
 its destination. 
 
 He landed at Coruna on the 20th, 
 and learned the event of the battle of 
 Rio Seco. But although, in consequence 
 of that defeat, Galicia, at the moment 
 of sir Arthur's visit, lay at the mercy 
 of Bessieres, the self-confident junta de- 
 clined the aid of his troops. They still 
 affirmed that they had men enough, and 
 needed only money and arms. Nay, 
 they even undertook to send an army 
 into the north of Portugal, to assist in 
 clearing that country of the French; 
 and they strongly advised the British 
 general to land his forces on the banks 
 of the Douro. At Oporto sir Arthur 
 again held a consultation with the 
 national authorities, and the bishop, who 
 here reigned paramount, declaring him- 
 self to be strong enough in the north, 
 urged that the landing should be effected 
 nearer to Lisbon, where the principal 
 body of French lay with Junot; and to Sir 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are Southey, Napier, Scott, Foy, Bigland, 
 Annual Register, Narrative of the Peninsular War 
 from 1808 to 1813, by Lieutenant-General the Mar- 
 quess of Londonderry, 4to., London, 1828. An- 
 nals of the Peninsular Campaigns from 1808 to 
 1*11, by the author of Cyril Thointon, 3 vols., 
 T.'u.o., Edinburgh, 18i>9. Life of the Most Noble 
 Arthur Duke of Wellington, from the period of 
 his first achievements in India, down to the Inva- 
 sion of France, and the Peace of Paris in 1814, 
 by G. Elliott, Esq., 8vo., London, 1815. Military 
 Memoirs of Field Marshal the Duke of Wellington, 
 by Captain Moyle Sherer, for Dr. Lard tier's Cabi- 
 net Library, 2 vols., 8vo., London, 1830. These 
 works, mostly by eye-witnesses and sharers in the 
 scenes they describe, have been consulted as addi- 
 tional checks upon those already quoted, and upon 
 each other. 
 
 Arthur himself, from all the information 
 he could collect, this appeared to be the 
 most advisable plan. The bishop freely 
 promised the co-operation of a Portu- 
 gueze corps of five thousand men, under 
 the insurgent commander-in-chief, Don 
 Bernardim Freire de Andrada, and 
 cattle for draught and food. 
 
 With these promises General Wel- 
 lesley returned on board; despatched 
 orders to General Spencer (who having 
 been sent from Gibraltar to support 
 Castanos, was left disposable by the 
 surrender of Dupont), to join him, and 
 proceeded to land in Mondego Bay. 
 The operation was very much facilitated 
 by the students of Coimbra having 
 seized the fortress of Figueiras, that 
 commands the part of the shore most 
 convenient for this purpose. It was the 
 5th of August before all the troops were 
 on shore. Spencer having arrived 
 during the landing, his junction raised 
 the numbers of the little army to thirteen 
 thousand; and with them sir Arthur 
 began his march towards Lisbon. 
 
 The British commander had an early 
 interview with the Portugueze general 
 Freire, when it was at 
 once apparent how lit- ,,. Portugal, 
 tie aid hewasto expect **Z?$? 
 from the bishop's pro- 
 mises, or in any way from the allies he 
 had come to serve. Freire refused to act 
 in conjunction with Wellesley, unless the 
 latter would undertake to feed the Por- 
 tugueze troops from his own stores. 
 This, besides its unreasonableness, was 
 impossible upon a coast, the dangers of 
 which make the communication between 
 an army and its ships very uncertain ; 
 but sir Arthur's remonstrances were un- 
 availing ; and he was glad to accept, by 
 way of compromise, a battalion of in- 
 fantry and two hundred and fifty horse, 
 whom, as he incorporated them with his 
 own army, he of course undertook to 
 feed ; and to dispense with Don Bernar- 
 dim's co-operation. 
 
 The insurrection had compelled Junot 
 to disperse his troops, now amounting 
 to about twenty-five thousand men, 
 through the country, in order to garri- 
 son the different fortified towns, and put 
 down various bands of insurgents. He 
 himself still occupied Lisbon with the 
 main body of his army ; but the popu- 
 lation of the capital had long displayed 
 an inclination to follow the example of 
 their insurgent countrymen, which could 
 only be repressed by a powerful military 
 force ; and this temper being of course 
 
284 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 heightened by the appearance of an 
 English armament upon the coast, ren- 
 dered it inexpedient that he should either 
 take the field in person, or materialiy 
 weaken his means of coercion. Upon 
 receiving intelligence of sir Arthur's 
 landing, he sent Laborde, one of the 
 ablest of the French generals, from Lis- 
 bon, with three thousand foot and five 
 hundred horse to check the progress of 
 the British ; and calling in his various 
 detachments, he ordered them severally 
 to effect their junction with Laborde. 
 Under these circumstances, the English 
 commander's object was to prevent the 
 junction of the several detachments, an 
 object which the skill and celerity of 
 his movements enabled him, in the most 
 important instance, to effect. 
 
 Laborde was upon the direct line be- 
 tween the British army and Lisbon, his 
 force having been increased by junc- 
 tions that could not be prevented, to 
 about six thousand men ; and Loison, 
 with seven or eight thousand men, 
 was hurrying by forced marches from 
 the south to join him. The rapidity of 
 Wellesley's advance, before which La- 
 borde retired, disconcerted their plans. 
 Loison found Leiria, where he expected 
 to join Laborde, in the possession of the 
 English. He retreated to Santarem ; 
 and the exhausted state of his troops 
 compelled him to give them some re- 
 pose ere he again set forward upon a 
 new line. 
 
 "Wellesley was thus enabled to attack 
 Laborde at Roliza on the 17th of Au- 
 gust, with great numerical superiority. 
 He drove him from his position with 
 comparative facility; but Laborde fell 
 back about a mile to much stronger 
 ground, where he again awaited the 
 English, and here the battle was san- 
 guinary. The corps ordered to turn the 
 French position lost their way ; the im- 
 petuosity of the troops, and, perhaps, of 
 the general, precipitated the attack 
 without waiting for the delayed flank 
 movement ; and the difficulty of the 
 ground allowed not more than four 
 thousand to get into action. Every 
 obstacle was, however, surmounted by 
 the determined courage of the troops; 
 the division that had strayed appeared 
 upon the right flank of the French, and 
 Laborde, after displaying both skill and 
 intrepidity, abandoned the contest, re- 
 treating in good order. 
 
 After the victory was gained, sir 
 Arthur understood that Loison's divi- 
 sion, which Junot himself had now 
 
 joined, was not above five miles distant, 
 and that the English fleet, expected with 
 the brigades of generals Anstruther and 
 Acland, was in sight. He, therefore, 
 proceeded to Vimeiro in order to protect 
 their landing; and, thus reinforced to 
 about sixteen thousand men, proposed 
 turning the left flank of the position 
 now occupied by Junot and his united 
 forces, about fourteen thousand men, 
 and endeavouring to cut him off from 
 Lisbon. But, unfortunately, sir Ar- 
 thur Wellesley was no longer com- 
 mander-in-chief. 
 
 The English ministry had not known 
 how to appreciate the man, whose extra- 
 ordinary talents had as yet only been 
 tried in India, a military field which it 
 is the fashion to contemn, and three 
 senior officers had been appointed to 
 supersede him, and, as it proved, each 
 other. The nomination of one of these 
 could not be blamed, for sir John Moore 
 then certainly ranked higher in public 
 estimation as a general than sir Arthur 
 Wellesley ; but sir Harry Burrard and 
 sir Hew Dalrymple had never been in 
 situations to display military capacity, if 
 they possessed it, that could be put into 
 competition with either of the two for- 
 mer, who were both, as junior officers, 
 placed under their command. 
 
 Sir Harry Burrard arrived on the 
 very day that the reinforcements joined 
 sir Arthur ; and with all the caution of 
 old age, and of a military system now 
 obsolete, refused to sanction the advance 
 of an army deficient in cavalry and artil- 
 lery horses, especially as ten thousand 
 men were daily expected with sir John 
 Moore. The British army accordingly 
 remained at Vimeiro ; but sir Harry had 
 not yet landed, and the command, sub- 
 ordinately, remained with the victor of 
 Roliza. The difference produced by the 
 caution of the superior officer was, that 
 the intended assailants were themselves 
 assailed in a position not selected for 
 receiving an attack. 
 
 On the morning of the 21st, Junot fell 
 upon the British army, with the impe- 
 tuosity characterizing his countrymen 
 and Napoleon's warriors. They were, 
 however, repulsed in every attack ; the 
 defects of the position, and the almost 
 total want of cavalry, were immediately 
 remedied by the ability of the general, 
 and the loss was far greater on the side 
 of the French, and less on that of the 
 British, than at Roliza. The battle was 
 over by noon ; a considerable portion of 
 the army had not been engaged, and sir 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 285 
 
 Arthur proposed to follow up his vic- 
 tory, pursue the retreating enemy, cut 
 him off from Lisbon, and thus deliver 
 the capital from the French yoke. 
 
 Again Burrard's caution checked the 
 successful general, whose hold ness of 
 enterprise alarmed him. He had landed 
 during the battle, but refused to take 
 the direction from him who had so ably 
 begun it. When the day was won, how- 
 ever, the same reasons that previously 
 induced him to forbid the projected ad- 
 vance prevailed to forbid the pursuit, 
 and still the army remained at Vimeiro. 
 The great advantages which might have 
 been derived from the victory were thus 
 lost ; but it must be observed, in justi- 
 fication of sir Harry, that his deter- 
 mination was formed upon generally 
 admitted sound military reasoning, and 
 that it is no great depreciation of any 
 officer to say that he was inferior in 
 military genius or judgment to sir Ar- 
 thur Wellesley. The fault lay in the 
 successive appointments. 
 
 Sir Harry Burrard's authority ex- 
 pired almost as soon as he had thus 
 unfortunately used it ; and on the 22nd 
 sir Hew Dalrymple landed to take the 
 supreme command. On the evening of 
 the same day, before he could well make 
 himself master of the state of affairs, 
 General Kellermanwas sent byJunot to 
 the British camp to propose an armistice, 
 and the evacuation of Portugal by the 
 French troops upon conditions. The 
 favourable moment for advance had now 
 been lost ; Junot occupied the strong 
 position of Torres Vedras ; another bat- 
 tle, fought on disadvantageous ground, 
 would have been requisite for obtaining 
 possession of Lisbon, and that fair city 
 might probably have been utterly de- 
 stroyed by the enemy ere they quitted it. 
 Under these circumstances sir Arthur 
 "Wellesley himself saw no objection to a 
 convention that, besides delivering the 
 whole kingdom of Portugal from the 
 foes who tyrannized over the unhappy 
 country, and still held all the strongest 
 fortresses, should leave the English army 
 free to proceed to the assistance of 
 Spain. 
 
 Whether better terms might have been 
 obtained than those to which Dalrymple 
 agreed, it is not the business of this his- 
 tory to inquire. The great advantages 
 specified were gained ; and it is to be 
 remembered that Junot, although de- 
 feated, had been allowed time to resume 
 a position incompatible with his sub- 
 mitting to disgraceful conditions. In. a 
 
 word, that the convention of Cintra was 
 not the result to be expected from the 
 victories of Roliza and Vimeiro cannot 
 be disputed, but the extravagant repro- 
 bation it encountered was the offspring, 
 partly, of the equally extravagant elation 
 of spirit produced by Dupont's surren- 
 der in fact, upon similar terms had 
 they been as faithfully executed and 
 partly of Portugueze clamour. This 
 clamour, again, had a 
 two-fold origin. The , * ortu & a1 -. 
 people were Snraged at ^SSlS^ 
 being disappointed of 
 their revenge both upon the French 
 troops, by whom, after having received 
 them as friends, they had been oppressed, 
 plundered, and grossly outraged, and 
 upon those of their own countrymen 
 who had joined with the foreign enemy ; 
 and the intriguing bishop of Oporto, 
 who aimed at rendering the junta he 
 ruled supreme in Portugal, bitterly re- 
 viled a measure which, by at once eman- 
 cipating Lisbon, replaced the capital 
 and the provincial city in their natural 
 relative situations. 
 
 Such as it was, the convention of 
 Cintra was signed, and Portugal deli- 
 vered from her conquerors, on the 30th 
 of August, within a month of General 
 Wellesley's landing. Much difficulty 
 and wrangling arose from the attempts 
 of the French to carry away public 
 plunder as their private and lawful pro- 
 perty ; these attempts were at length 
 resisted and prevented, and the lives of 
 the offenders preserved from the vindic- 
 tive fury of the Portugueze by the energy 
 of the British officers and soldiers. The 
 Spanish troops that Junot had disarmed 
 and made prisoners were released, their 
 arms were restored to them, and they 
 were sent by sea to Catalonia, at the 
 express desire of Castanos. 
 
 The authority of Queen Maria and the 
 prince-regent was now restored through- 
 out Portugal. Sir Hew Dalrymple, dis- 
 regarding the Oporto cabals, reinstated 
 the council of regency appointed by the 
 prince at his departure, supplying the 
 place of those who had deserted to the 
 French with two persons named by the 
 prince in case of vacancies, and with the 
 bishop of Oporto, whom he hoped thus 
 to conciliate, and the marquess das 
 Minas. Then, committing the govern- 
 ment of the country to them, he began 
 his preparations for entering Spain. He 
 was, however, recalled to stand a sort of 
 trial for concluding the convention of 
 Cintra ; sir H. Burrard and sir A. Wei- 
 
286 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 lesly returned home to give evidence 
 upon the subject, and the command de- 
 volved upon sir John Moore. 
 
 Little more than sixty thousand French 
 troops were now left in Spain; and had 
 there been either real energy and union 
 in the Spanish councils, or an English 
 army in the field of the strength that 
 England could, and, in wisdom, ought 
 to have sent thither, under him who was 
 first selected for the command, the Pe- 
 ninsula might even then have been 
 cleared of invaders. But the British 
 army with all its reinforcements did not 
 exceed twenty-five thousand men. Sir 
 John Moore was of a temperament ra- 
 ther desponding than sanguine: although 
 a brave and able officer, he had not the 
 self-reliance characteristic of a master- 
 mind, and the conduct of the Spaniards 
 abundantly justified his mistrust of the 
 allies, in co-operation with whom he was 
 required to risk an army too valuable to 
 be rashly hazarded, but too small singly 
 to engage the French forces now con- 
 centrated upon the Ebro. 
 
 The several once unconnected states, 
 constituting the king- 
 Spain, dom of Spain, had 
 V J08 U nS ' "ever been thoroughly 
 blended into one whole 
 by a uniform free constitution, a com- 
 mon participation in the blessings of 
 which might have created a common 
 interest and sympathy amongst all Spa- 
 niards. Their recollections of liberty 
 were associated with their existence as 
 separate states, and as they started up 
 simultaneously, but without concert, to 
 repel foreign aggression and usurpation, 
 each province stood alone with its own 
 governing junta, jealous of every other 
 province : and, from the arrogance and 
 ignorance peculiar to the Spanish cha- 
 racter, each deemed itself singly able to 
 vanquish the French armies. The juntas, 
 delighted with the novel enjoyment of 
 power, were especially jealous of their 
 authority. All sought to exercise an 
 absurd control over the generals chosen 
 by themselves to command their several 
 armies ; and as none would hear of their 
 general being subject to any authority 
 but their own, there could be no com- 
 mander-in-chief. 
 
 During the first burst of national re- 
 sentment a sense of common danger, 
 and a common detestation of the insi- 
 dious conqueror had, as we have seen, 
 averted the evil effects of such feelings. 
 But now that Spanish energy had driven 
 the intrusive king and his foreign troops 
 
 almost to the foot of the Pyrenees, Spa- 
 nish pride deemed all accomplished, and 
 the restraints that had compelled union 
 were no more. Provincial ambition, local, 
 and even individual, interests, jealousy, 
 and intrigue tainted the patriotism of the 
 juntas. They counteracted each others 
 views, whilst the plans of Castanos, 
 who possessed judgment and experience, 
 were thwarted by generals endowed with 
 courage only, and by commissioners 
 from juntas which, keeping out of dan- 
 ger, had not even the merit of boldness, 
 when they urged foolhardy measures. 
 The junta of Seville, apprehensive of 
 Madrid's assuming the supremacy natu- 
 rally belonging to the capital, forbade 
 Castanos from advancing upon that 
 city for upwards of six weeks after the 
 surrender of Dupont, and thus was the 
 opportunity of striking a perhaps deci- 
 sive blow lost. 
 
 Meanwhile discussions were going on 
 as to the mode of government to be 
 adopted. Florida Blanca, the president of 
 the Murcisun junta, and the council of 
 Castile (which, on the evacuation of 
 Madrid, had there assumed the reins of 
 government) strongly pointed out the 
 necessity of some central executive 
 power, and the evils resulting from the 
 existing anarchy of independent juntas. 
 The convocation of the Cortes, or the 
 choice of a Sicilian prince as regent, 
 were proposed, amongst other expedi- 
 ents. At length it was agreed that each 
 junta should send two deputies from its 
 own body to form a central and sove- 
 reign junta, each separate junta, how- 
 ever, still governing its own province. 
 
 This central junta consisted of thirty- 
 five members, a body far too numerous 
 for wielding the executive power of the 
 state; and hence even more than the 
 weakness usually inherent in federative 
 governments prevailed in Spain, at a 
 moment when the utmost vigor and 
 unanimity were indispensable to her 
 very existence. The Central Junta was 
 installed at Aranjuez on the 26th of 
 September. Florida Blanca, one of the 
 Murcian deputies, was chosen presi- 
 dent(Jovellanos was the only other mem- 
 ber of much reputation), and its first 
 measure was a solemn proclamation of 
 Ferdinand VII. 
 
 During the time that these arrange- 
 ments had been under 
 discussion or in pro- . , 4 Spain, 
 
 ^ . ^ L j Military Operations 
 
 gress, Castanos had A . D . fao 8 . 
 
 at length obtained 
 
 leave to advance to Madrid; but his 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 287 
 
 most earnest remonstrances, and repre- 
 sentations, that every army ought to be 
 considered as national, not provincial, 
 failed to extort the Seville junta's per- 
 mission for his proceeding to the northern 
 provinces. There Blake was prevented 
 from acting against the enemy by want 
 of cavalry, with which the intractable 
 though patriotic Cuesta refused to sup- 
 ply him, in resentment of their previous 
 dissensions. Cuesta was soon after- 
 wards removed from his army in conse- 
 quence of a quarrel with the Leonese 
 and Central juntas, which obliged him 
 to visit Aranjuez in order to justify him- 
 self. The auspicious moment was al- 
 ready lost. France was now pouring 
 one hundred thousand additional men 
 into Spain, Ney, duke of Elchingen, 
 temporarily holding the command until 
 the emperor should arrive from Erfurth 
 to rule the war in person. 
 
 The French army was, however, still 
 waiting Napoleon's arrival to make a 
 forward movement, when the Spaniards, 
 to the number of one hundred and thirty 
 thousand men, formed in a crescent 
 around them. Blake and Azevedo, with 
 the Galician and Asturian armies, con- 
 stituted the north-western extremity of 
 the crescent, occupying a line from 
 Bilboa to Burgos. The count of Belve- 
 dere with the Estremaduran levies, the 
 Walloon guards, and some volunteer- 
 battalions of students from Salamanca, 
 was stationed for the protection of Bur- 
 gos. Castanos, who, by the superior 
 authority of the Central Junta, had, at 
 length, been allowed to join his assem- 
 bling countrymen with his Andalusian 
 troops, lay at Soria, at the head of what 
 was now termed the central army. And 
 Palafox, with the armies of Aragon and 
 Valencia, extended from Saragossa to 
 Sanguessa, at the north-eastern point of 
 the crescent. The English army was ex- 
 pected from Portugal to join the collected 
 strength of Spain. 
 
 The nation, proud of the forces thus 
 brought together, clamoured for a 
 pitched battle, that should drive the 
 enemy and the intrusive king over the 
 Pyrenees. The Central Junta shared 
 this unwise impatience, and urged the 
 generals to engage, notwithstanding the 
 remonstrances of Castanos, who was 
 almost accused of treachery for his pro- 
 crastinating policy, notwithstanding 
 the English army had not yet crossed the 
 Portuijueze frontiers, notwithstanding 
 la Romana, with ten thousand of the 
 veteran Spanish troops, incorporated by 
 
 Napoleon with his own army, was 
 hourly expected upon the coast. 
 
 Those troops had been detained in 
 the north of Germany, and were sta- 
 tioned in Denmark, when the English 
 admiral in the Baltic with great diffi- 
 culty communicated to them the recent 
 events in Spain. La Romana and his 
 men had reluctantly sworn allegiance to 
 Joseph, and upon hearing of the Spa- 
 nish insurrection, he and they became 
 impatient to return and aid in the deli- 
 verance of their country. By seizing 
 the Danish small craft they contrived to 
 possess themselves of one of the many 
 islands lying between Denmark and 
 Sweden, where they maintained them- 
 selves until taken off by British vessels. 
 They were intended to land at Santan- 
 der, and form the nucleus of a more dis- 
 ciplined army than any yet in Spain, and 
 Castanos anxiously looked for the arrival 
 and support both of such troops, and of 
 a general of la Romana' s experience. 
 
 One of sir Arthur Welle sley's rea- 
 sons for approving the convention of 
 Cintra had been, that it immediately set 
 the English army at liberty to enter 
 Spain. But this advantage was either neg- 
 lected or lost in the care of investigating 
 the circumstances of that convention. 
 It was not till the beginning of October 
 that sir John Moore received orders to 
 enter Spain, and co-operate with the 
 armies assembled around the French. 
 Sir David Baird was, at the same time, 
 sent to Coruiia with ten thousand men, 
 to act under Moore, who appointed 
 Salamanca for their junction. Deceived 
 by false reports as to the condition of 
 the roads leading directly from Lisbon 
 to that town, and which, though very 
 bad, proved not to be impracticable for 
 wheel carriages, he unfortunately sent 
 his artillery and one column of his army 
 round by Badajoz, thus, of course, ma- 
 terially delaying his operations. 
 
 Further obstructions arose from the 
 situation of Baird's corps. Although 
 previous notice had been given of their 
 coming, when they reached Coruna on 
 the 13th of October, they were not suf- 
 fered to land until leave was obtained 
 from the Central Junta, and were thus 
 detained a needless fortnight on board. 
 Neither food nor means of transport 
 had been provided ; Baird was unfur- 
 nished with pecuniary resources, and 
 Moore's own military chest was reduced 
 so low that he could not afford him more 
 than 8000., whilst the Galician and 
 Asturian juntas, though so abundantly 
 
288 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 supplied by the profuse munificence of the 
 English ministry, refused the troops of 
 their benefactors every kind of succour. 
 Indeed, most of the juntas appear to 
 have misapplied the money sent by Eng- 
 land to their own purposes, and often to 
 have made no use whatever of the arms 
 and stores. It was at length, by a loan 
 from the funds which Mr. Frere, the 
 British plenipotentiary, was bringing 
 over to place at the disposal of the Cen- 
 tral Junta, and of which he took upon 
 himself thus to appropriate a small por- 
 tion, that sir David Baird was enabled 
 to begin his march. November was 
 considerably advanced before he could 
 quit Coruiia. Moore did not cross the 
 frontiers till the 1 1th of that month ; and 
 the absurd precipitation of the Central 
 Junta, and of those inexperienced, gene- 
 rals, who were equal in authority to 
 Castanos, had already brought the 
 Spanish forces into collision with the 
 French. 
 
 This unfortunate collision began on 
 the part of Blake. Unacquainted with 
 the amount of force opposed to him, 
 and eager to secure Bilboa, and raise 
 Biscay, he, on the 24th of October, be- 
 gan a series of operations intended to 
 cut off Marshal Ney. After many days 
 skirmishing and manoeuvring, he was 
 defeated, on the 30th, by Lefebvre, duke 
 of Dantzig, but retreated, rallied his 
 men, and being joined by some of la Ro- 
 mana's troops, who were now landing, 
 he again made head. 
 
 But Napoleon himself entered Spain 
 on the 8th of November, and the influence 
 of his genius was immediately apparent. 
 On the 10th Soult, duke of Dalmatia, 
 attacked, defeated, and utterly routed 
 Belvedere. He then turned upon the line 
 of retreat of Blake, whom Victor, duke 
 of Belluno, defeated at Espinosa on the 
 llth, and Soult finally annihilated at 
 Reynosa on the 13th. The greater part 
 of the veterans brought back from the 
 Baltic were destroyed in Blake's succes- 
 sive defeats, all having landed during 
 this series of disasters, and joined the 
 Galician army in detachments. Blake 
 fled to the Asturian mountains, where he 
 reunited the relics of his army, and met 
 la Romana, who, though disappointed 
 in all his schemes, assumed the com- 
 mand of these routed troops, and ex- 
 erted himself strenuously to re-organize 
 and reinforce them. 
 
 The emperor now moved his head- 
 quarters forward from Vitoria to Bur- 
 gos. He ascertained that Moore, with 
 
 the main body of the British army, had 
 but just arrived at Salamanca, that 
 Baird had advanced no further than 
 Astorga, and that Hope, with the artil- 
 lery, in consequence of the lengthened 
 road he had followed, was far distant at 
 the Escurial Then, feeling himself as 
 yet secure on his right, he turned his 
 forces against Castaiios and Palafox, 
 whilst his cavalry swept the plains of 
 Leon and Castile. On the 23rd, Lasnes 
 attacked Castaiios and Palafox at Tu- 
 dela, and completely routed them. The 
 latter fled to Saragossa, the former 
 retreated towards Madrid, rallied what 
 troops he could at Calatayud, and 
 marched to defend the pass of the Somo- 
 sierra. That he was able so to do is 
 ascribed to the three days spent at Soria 
 by Ney, who was ordered to cut off his 
 retreat ; a delay variously attributed to 
 envy of Lasnes, to the desire of plun- 
 dering Soria, and to ignorance of the 
 value of time in warlike operations. 
 Ney was without science, and is said to 
 have been good for nothing as a general 
 till the balls were whistling about his 
 ears. 
 
 Napoleon now advanced upon Madrid, 
 and on the 30th reached and attacked 
 the Somosierra. Castanos had been 
 deprived of the command of his army, 
 which was still distant ; but the pass was 
 defended by General San Juan, with the 
 remains of the army of Estremadura. 
 He had posted his troops judiciously, 
 but they fled after firing one volley, and 
 afterwards sought to excuse their panic 
 by accusing their unfortunate com- 
 mander of treachery, and murdering 
 him. The French crossed the mountains 
 almost unopposed, and appeared before 
 Madrid. 
 
 In the moment of danger the ineffi- 
 ciency of the Central Junta became ap- 
 parent. . The former energies of Florida 
 Blanca had withered under the chilling 
 influence of extreme old age ; and those 
 of Jovellanos were, like his health, some- 
 what impaired by the effects of his cruel 
 imprisonment. What remained to them 
 were further wasted in the dissensions 
 naturally arising between the able mi- 
 nister of a despotic sovereign, and the 
 philosophic advocate of liberal opinions. 
 On the approach of the French armies 
 the whole body fled towards Badajoz. 
 
 During this time sir John Moore was 
 in a state of the most painful uncer- 
 tainty. The armies with which he had 
 thought to co-operate were no more, and 
 his own was stiil incomplete. Hope 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 289 
 
 and the artillery had joined him, but 
 Baird had not yet passed Astorga. His 
 own cautious and desponding temper 
 inclined him to fail back, and secure 
 Portugal. But he was assured by Mr. 
 Frere that Madrid would emulate Sara- 
 gossa ; he was urged to assist the 
 heroic self-devotion of the people, and 
 he was willing to do so as far as he 
 deemed consistent with prudence. He 
 despatched Colonel Graham to ascertain 
 the real state of affairs at Madrid, and 
 awaited his return himself at Sala- 
 manca, and Baird at Astorga. 
 
 Napoleon had appeared before Ma- 
 drid on the 2nd of December, and sum- 
 moned the city to surrender, with fearful 
 threats in case of resistance. The in- 
 habitants and the garrison really were 
 bent upon emulating Saragossa, and 
 had made preparations for defence. But 
 they had no leaders. The Cenlral 
 Junta had fled, and Morla, who held 
 the chief command, was, if not a traitor, 
 at least no Palafox. He either despaired 
 of success, or was already preparing to 
 desert his country's cause. He opened 
 a treaty with the French, and checked 
 and chilled the zeal of the people. Re- 
 sistance soon became evidently hopeless. 
 On the night of the 4th, the marquess 
 of Chastelar with the troops evacuated 
 the town, and retired to join the rem- 
 nants of the routed armies that were 
 reassembling on the Tagus. On the 
 morning of the 5th Morla surrendered 
 Madrid. 
 
 The emperor took possession of the 
 palace of the kings of Spain ; and in his 
 proclamations threatened the Spaniards, 
 that, unless by their conduct they earned 
 Joseph's pardon, he would find another 
 kingdom for his brother, and make Spain 
 a French province. Such threats were 
 not adapted to conciliate the haughty 
 Spaniards ; and the really beneficial de- 
 crees he promulgated, diminishing the 
 exorbitant power of the clergy, and the 
 number of monks and nuns, by exas- 
 perating the whole ecclesiastical body, 
 confirmed the nation in its enmity to 
 him and his dynasty. Regardless of this 
 enmity, however, Napoleon prepared to 
 overrun and subjugate Portugal and the 
 south of Spain with his grand army, 
 whilst a division of thirty five thousand 
 men again besieged Saragossa. The 
 Central Junta continued its flight to 
 Seville, and the troops, which the differ- 
 ent generals had rallied in considerable 
 numbers, prepared to defend the Sierra 
 Morena and the Tagus. Such were 
 
 the tidings Colonel Graham brought 
 back to Salamanca on the 9th of De- 
 cember. 
 
 Moore's situation was unquestionably 
 one of great difficulty. 
 The French are stated . . s P ain . . 
 to have had two hun- M ^SSgf^ 9 
 dred thousand men in 
 Spain ; he could not bring into the 
 field above twenty-five thousand ; Ma- 
 drid had fallen ; and of the Spanish 
 armies nothing remained within bis 
 reach but the few thousands, half clothed 
 and half armed, that laRomana was en- 
 deavouring to organize. He had lost 
 all confidence in Spanish professions, 
 and was convinced that Mr. Frere, who 
 still vehemently urged him to attempt 
 something, was deceived by his zeal in the 
 Spanish cause, and his ignorance of the 
 Spanish character. Nevertheless Moore 
 resolved to make such a diversion as 
 should recall Napoleon from the south 
 and from Portugal, and, if possible, to 
 destroy Soult, who was within his reach 
 with inferior numbers, before he could 
 be reinforced. But he undertook this 
 bold and generous enterprise with a 
 heavy heart, and, as appears from his 
 own letters, as sacrificing his own judg- 
 ment to what he knew were the expecta- 
 tions of the British public. Nay, so- 
 convinced was he that he should be 
 compelled, not merely to retreat,, but 
 also to evacuate the Peninsula, that he? 
 is said to have refused the offered com- 
 mand of the Spanish armies, which 
 would have been most useful had he 
 meant even to defend Galicia. 
 
 Moore began his movement on the- 
 llth, effected his junction with Baird, 
 and reached Sahagun on the 21st of 
 December. There he halted two days 
 for his supplies, meaning to attack 
 Soult on the 24th. But on the 23rd he re- 
 ceived information from la Romanathat 
 Napoleon, upon hearing of his advance,, 
 had suspended all his operations in the 
 south and west, and was marching in 
 full force against the English. The- 
 projected diversion was thus accom- 
 plished ; and as twenty-five thousand 
 men could not confront between one*, 
 and two hundred thousand, who were? 
 at the emperor's command, he begam 
 his retreat towards Galicia, where he 
 proposed embarking, and carrying his 
 army southwards to join the Spanish 
 forces collecting in Andalusia. 
 
 The retreat was most disastrous. 
 Officers and men disliked it ; the bonds 
 of discipline were early /eJaxed, and ali 
 
290 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 the calamities,~only to be prevented by 
 its strict observance, were the conse- 
 quence. La Romana had promised to 
 defend Leon ; and, if obliged to abandon 
 that town, to retreat into the Asturias, 
 avoiding the intended line of the British 
 march. But even la Romana could not 
 control Spanish insurgent troops ; they 
 evacuated Leon immediately, and when 
 Moore reached Astorga, where he had 
 considerable magazines, and where he 
 proposed to refresh and re-organize his 
 army, re-establishing its discipline, he 
 found the place occupied by la Romana' s 
 six thousand men. A scene of undescrib- 
 able disorder ensued. No regular dis- 
 tribution of rations could be made; the 
 troops got possession of the wine- 
 stores ; and from this hour the bulk of the 
 army was a mere drunken mob, never 
 resuming any semblance of order or 
 propriety except when there appeared a 
 prospect of a battle. Then all were 
 again found British soldiers. 
 
 On the 1st of January, 1809, the day 
 after Moore quitted Astorga, Napoleon 
 entered it at the head of eighty thousand 
 men and two hundred pieces of artillery, 
 and, it is said, was eye-witness to one of 
 those cavalry skirmishes so frequent 
 during this retreat, and in which the 
 British were uniformly successful. Upon 
 the present occasion a corps of English 
 horse defeated a much larger corps of 
 the cavalry of the imperial guard, and 
 took many prisoners, including general 
 Lefebvre. At Astorga Napoleon re- 
 ceived tidings that Austria was again 
 arming, and deeming Spain conquered, 
 and the English army in the toils, 
 he judged his own personal exertions 
 no longer necessary. He committed 
 the further pursuit of Moore to the duke 
 of Dalmatia, the ablest of his generals, 
 assisted by the duke of Elchingen, the 
 two divisions amounting to about sixty 
 thousand men, and he himself hastened 
 to Paris. 
 
 At. Lugo sir John offered Soult battle 
 on the 7th, but the Marshal showed no 
 inclination to engage till he should be 
 joined by Ney ; and Moore continued his 
 retreat. On the llth he reached Co- 
 runa, but the transports he expected, de- 
 tained by adverse winds, did not arrive 
 until the 15th. Their delay gave occa- 
 s on to the battle of Coruna, wherein 
 the English army, on the 16lh, redeemed 
 whatever disgrace had attended their 
 retreat; and sir John Moore, falling in 
 the field, and dying at the very moment 
 Jiis aimy had gained the victory, ended 
 
 his life as a soldier wishes to do, and 
 escaped the bitter censures with which 
 a disappointed public, justly or unjustly, 
 always loads an unfortunate general. 
 The French were completely repulsed, 
 and sir John Hope, upon whom the 
 command had devolved, embarked his 
 troops the next day unmolested. In con- 
 sequence either of their distressed con- 
 dition, or of Hope's being unacquainted 
 with Moore's plans and instructions (he 
 was third in command, Baird, the 
 second, having been severely wounded 
 in the battle), they immediately returned 
 to England. 
 
 It is painful to censure a brave officer 
 who fell gloriously, and perhaps none 
 but military men are competent to judge 
 of military operations. We will not 
 pretend to criticize Moore's general plan 
 of campaign ; but when, at this distance 
 of time, we reflect upon what British 
 troops have done under a different ge- 
 neral, it is difficult not. to believe that a 
 little more alertness might have enabled 
 Moore to crush Soult ; and by thus rid- 
 ding himself of one enemy, to conduct 
 his retreat, more leisurely, and conse- 
 quently with less suffering, if not to 
 maintain himself upon the frontiers of 
 Galicia, or at least in Coruna or Ferrol, 
 or both, and thus to save from the French 
 the Spanish squadron lying in the latter 
 harbour. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Second siege of Saragossa Joseph re- 
 enters Madrid Saragossa Jails 
 Soult invades Portugal Command 
 of Portuguese troops given to Ge- 
 neral Beresford He remodels the 
 army, appointing British officers 
 War between France and Austria 
 Wellesley returns to Portugal 
 Expels Soult from Portugal Joins 
 Caesta Battle of Talavera Sir 
 Arthur separates from Cuesta 
 Vanegas and Blake defeated Battle 
 of IVagram Peace of Schonbrunn 
 
 Watcher en expedition Aretzaga 
 defeated Fall of Gerona Guerrillas 
 Progress of the French Central 
 Junta flies to Cadiz Appoints 
 a regency Their injudicious con- 
 duct Viscount Wellingtons mea- 
 sures for the defence of Portugal 
 Counteracted by Lisbon regency 
 F,/l r f Ciudad Rodrigo Massena 
 invades Portugal Fall of Almeida 
 
 h tiling ton retreats Battle of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 Ttumco Lines of Torres Vedras 
 Trant surprises the French hospital 
 at Coimbra Supreme authority in 
 Portugal given to Wellington Mas- 
 senet takes post at Santarem*. 
 
 THE Spaniards did not suffer the respite 
 thus dearly purchased for them to 
 pass altogether unprofitably. The south 
 
 bank of the Tagus was still 
 JPlsog theirs; and the duke del 
 
 Infantado collected the frag- 
 ments of some of the dispersed armies 
 at Cuenca, with which he even hoped 
 to recover Madrid. But his lieu- 
 tenant, Vanegas, was defeated by their 
 joint rashness and improvidence, and he 
 retreated into Valencia, whence he was 
 summoned to Seville by the Junta, de- 
 prived of his command, and like Gas- 
 taiios, remained under suspicion. The 
 armies of Cuesta and of the marquess 
 of Palacio were now the chief protection 
 of Andalusia. 
 
 In Catalonia an attempt to recover Bar- 
 celona was defeated by St. Cyr, who like- 
 wise took Rosas. In Aragon Moncey had 
 laid siege to Saragossa. In Galicia la 
 Romana sheltered himself and his little 
 band amidst the mountains, whilst Soult 
 overran the province; Coruna sur- 
 rendered to him as soon as the English 
 troops were safe on board, and Ferrol 
 followed its example, delivering up the 
 squadron in its port. 
 
 On the 22nd of January, Joseph re- 
 turned to Madrid. His second entrance 
 does not appear to have called forth the 
 same demonstrations of national feeling 
 as the first. The municipality and the 
 several councils received him with loud 
 professions of loyalty, and all the popu- 
 lation took the oath of allegiance; 
 trusting, it should seem, to judge by 
 their subsequent conduct, to the power 
 of dispensing with oaths, which ignorant 
 and bigoted Catholics believe that their 
 priests possess. Joseph instituted mi- 
 litary tribunals for the immediate and 
 severe punishment of all persons con- 
 victed or suspected of disaffection to his 
 government. 
 
 ' The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Southey, Napier, Scott, Marquess of 
 Londonderry, Elliot, Sherer,Bigland, Annals of the 
 Peninsular Campaigns, Annual Register, Memoirs 
 of the late War, comprising the Personal Narrative of 
 Captain Cooke, the Campaign of 1809 in Portugal, 
 by the Earl of Munster, and the Campaign of 
 1814, in Holland, by Lieutenant Moodie, 2 vols.. 
 12mo., London, 1831. Alemuires du Mareckal 
 bucket, Due d'Albufera, sur ses Cnmpaanes en 
 Espagne, depuis 1808 jusqu'en 1814, ecrits par 
 luimeme, 2 torn., Paris, 1828, works of the same 
 character as those before referred to. 
 
 291 
 
 Saragossa had been invested by Mar- 
 shals Moncey and Mortier, on the 20th 
 of December, and summoned to sur- 
 render; Palafox gave the answer that 
 might be expected from his conduct in 
 the former siege, and with his brave 
 townsmen prepared to stand a second, 
 yet more destructive. They deemed 
 themselves better prepared for it, having 
 raised some fortifications, and being re- 
 inforced by numbers of armed peasants 
 and part of the army defeated atTudela, 
 whilst Palafox's brothers were seeking 
 assistance for the city in every direc- 
 tion. Their efforts to relieve it were un- 
 successful ; the convoys they collected 
 falling into the enemy's hands. It was 
 only in defending towns that the 
 Spaniards offered effective resistance to 
 the French. 
 
 For a while the siege languished ; 
 Mortier and his division were recalled, 
 and dissension existed amojigst the be- 
 sieging generals. But, on the 22nd of 
 January, Lasnes assumed the command, 
 and urged on the operations with re- 
 doubled vigour. On the 1st of Fe- 
 bruary the besiegers forced their en- 
 trance into the town, and for three 
 weeks was the struggle, street by street 
 and house by house, again maintained, 
 with all the circumstances of affecting 
 heroism recorded on the former occa- 
 sion. But the numbers that had 
 thronged to defend Saragossa were her 
 bane : pestilence was engendered in the 
 crowded cellars, and proved a yet more 
 deadly foe than the French. The posts 
 were manned by hospital patients, sit- 
 ting, because they could not stand; 
 Palafox was in his bed delirious ; and on 
 the 22nd of February the Junta capitu- 
 lated. Lasnes violated the capitulation 
 in many points, and sent Palafox, whose 
 liberty had been stipulated, prisoner to 
 France. The Central Junta loaded the 
 city and all its inhabitants and defenders 
 with praises, honour, and rewards. 
 
 The re-conquest of Portugal was now 
 the object of the French. 
 Soult was appointed governor J^* 1 ]^ 
 of that kingdom, and ordered 
 to invade it from the north, whilst Victor 
 and Lapisse were to co-operate with 
 him, the former in the south, and the 
 latter from Ciudad Rodi igo. Soult pro 
 posed to cross the Minho near its 
 mouth, and march straight upon Oporto : 
 this plan was foiled by the bold re- 
 sistance of the armed peasantry to his 
 passage of the river, on the 15th of Fe- 
 bruary, and he was obliged to take a con- 
 U 2 
 
292 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 siderable circuit, defeating la Romana's 
 few troops in his way : a delay most 
 important at a moment when the weak- 
 ness of the regency, and the reduced 
 numbers of the British at Lisbon, ren- 
 dered Portugal little capable of resistance. 
 From these hindrances, it was the 10th 
 of March before Soult entered by the 
 western province of Tras os Montes. In 
 his progress to Oporto he experienced 
 sufficient opposition from the peasantry 
 and disorderly regular troops under 
 Silveira, to form a plea for a severity 
 of military execution, and an indulgence 
 of military licence and outrage which, 
 if it produced momentary submission, 
 inflamed the Portugueze detestation of 
 the French, to a degree that produced 
 the bloodiest retaliation whenever the 
 fortune of war gave the injurers into the 
 hands of the injured. During this in- 
 vasion Bernardim Freire fell a victim 
 to the unfounded suspicions of the pea- 
 santry. 
 
 Soult took Oporto by storm on the 
 29th of March, fixed his head-quarters 
 there, and seems to have meditated 
 becoming king of northern Lusitania, 
 if not of Portugal. With this view, 
 he now sought to conciliate the na- 
 tives, [and obtained many addresses 
 inviting him to assume the sovereignty. 
 But Oporto was the limit of his con- 
 quest. Behind him la Romana, who had 
 rallied his constantly-increasing army, 
 found Ney full employment, and Silveira 
 was again master of Tras os Montes. 
 In the south Victor could not invade 
 Alemtejo till he should have defeated 
 Cuesta and the Estremaduran army ; and 
 Lapisse could not make himself master 
 of Ciudad Rodrigo, which was defended 
 chiefly by Sir Robert Wilson with his 
 Lusitanian legion. 
 
 This legion was the first attempt, in 
 the course of the war, to improve the 
 Portugueze soldiers, by placing them 
 under British officers ; it was begun by 
 Sir Robert, with the concurrence of the 
 bishop of Oporto, :and proved so suc- 
 cessful, that the prince of Brazil was 
 induced to send General Beresford a 
 commission as field-marshal andgeneral- 
 in-chief of the Portugueze army. With 
 this commission, Beresford landed early 
 in March, and immediately proceeded 
 to train the troops, to place over them 
 as many effective English officers as he 
 thought national jealousy would bear, 
 (always however nominally commanded 
 by a native colonel), and to improve the 
 temper and spirit of the army, by re- 
 
 forming innumerable abuses, and doing 
 justice impartially between officers and 
 privates. Some reinforcements about 
 this time arrived from England, and Sir J. 
 Cradock, then commanding in Lisbon, 
 had under him about fourteen thousand 
 men. Colonel Trant, who held the com- 
 mand of Coimbra, his very name, proba- 
 bly, inducing in the enemy a belief that 
 he had a body of English there, found 
 means with his battalion of volunteer 
 students, and a medley of militia peasants 
 and two Portugueze regiments, that 
 joined him against the will of their 
 officers, to awe Soult from advancing un- 
 supported by his colleagues from Spain. 
 
 Buonaparte is calculated to have had 
 at this time about two hundred and 
 seventy thousand men in the Peninsula. 
 These he deemed amply sufficient for 
 its subjugation, and at the moment 
 could not well reinforce them. His 
 alarms touching Austria had proved 
 just. The Emperor Francis judged the 
 moment favourable for at- 
 tempting to recover the Fo j5 n l 5Jj te- 
 dominions he had lost, 
 and began the war in April, with five 
 hundred and fifty thousand men, in nine 
 different divisions. Of these, six divi- 
 sions were in Germany under the im- 
 mediate command of the Archduke 
 Charles; two were destined to invade 
 Italy under the Archduke John; and 
 the Archduke Ferdinand, with one, was 
 stationed in Galicia to oppose any Rus- 
 sian troops that might appear as 
 auxiliaries. Napoleon had not at the 
 moment an equal host to confront the 
 Austrians; but he had turned back the 
 troops marching upon Spain, he called 
 for the contingents of the Rhenish con- 
 federates, and he made his skill and 
 rapidity supply the place of numbers. 
 
 On the 9th of April the archduke 
 crossed the Inn, and successfully in- 
 vaded Bavaria. On the 20th the French 
 emperor defeated him at Abensberg ; 
 again, on the 22nd, atEckmiihl, and the 
 next day, drove his troops out ofRa- 
 tisbon. Charles retreated into Bohemia, 
 and Napoleon, instead of following him, 
 advanced upon Vienna. The royal fa- 
 mily withdrew into Hungary ; and on the 
 12th of May, Napoleon, for the second 
 time, occupied the capital of Austria. 
 But the war was not thus terminated, 
 and both parties only paused to prepare 
 for the renewal of the contest. 
 
 If Napoleon was successful as ever 
 in Germany, his generals were not 
 equally prosperous in the Peninsula. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 293 
 
 Victor had, indeed, defeated Cuesta, and 
 subsequently, uniting with Lapisse, 
 threatened to begin his operations in 
 Portugal. But he had allowed Cuesta 
 time to rally his troops, and again the 
 stout-hearted old Spaniard showed too 
 menacing a front to be neglected. And 
 what was of yet more conse- 
 quence, on the 22nd of April, 
 
 A.D. loUif. J . . . TIT i i m 
 
 sir Arthur Wellesley arrived 
 in the Tagus, bearing the character of 
 general-in-chief of the English and Por- 
 tugueze troops. The transport of joy 
 with which he was received at Lisbon 
 spoke the nation's sense of his former 
 services. 
 
 There was no hesitation in sir Ar- 
 thur's measures. He resolved first to 
 clear Portugal of invaders, then to 
 assist Spain. On the 6th of May, leav- 
 ing a body of British and Portugueze 
 on the Tagus to watch Victor, he began 
 his march from Coimbra with about 
 thirteen thousand British troops, three 
 thousand Germans, and nine thousand 
 of Beresford's new levies, to effect the 
 first of these objects. The French troops 
 who had ventured to take post south of 
 the Douro, were everywhere out-ma- 
 noeuvred and driven back. Soult, having 
 broken the bridges and secured the boats 
 upon the Douro, a broad and rapid 
 stream, believed the English could only 
 cross by their ship-boats at the mouth 
 of the river. But on the 12th, Sir 
 Arthur contrived to procure four barges 
 at a point where a wood concealed the 
 river, and a hill his army, from the 
 town, whilst his guns could play on the 
 point at which the men were to land ; 
 and before the French suspected so dar- 
 ing an attempt, some companies were 
 passed over who made good their foot- 
 ing, until, the townspeople hastening to 
 carry the boats across from the French 
 side, they were gradually supported by 
 their comrades, and by the cavalry that 
 had similarly passed at a distant ferry. 
 
 Soult, after a short contest, evacuated 
 Oporto, and precipitately retreated. 
 The pursuit was continued for five days, 
 till the French marshal, sacrificing his 
 artillery, stores, baggage, and even his 
 sick and wounded, escaped with the 
 remnant of his troops, by mountain paths 
 through which no regularly equipped 
 and appointed army could attempt to 
 follow. Sir Arthur then abandoned the 
 chace, appointed Trant military governor 
 of Oporto, (the bishop had fled to 
 Lisbon, where he was thenceforward a 
 
 leading member of the regency), and 
 leaving the protection of the northern 
 provinces to Silveira and his Portu- 
 gueze, returned southwards, to seek 
 Victor. The behaviour of the Portugueze 
 in Wellesley's army on this expedition 
 already ?. showed that their previous 
 failures had been more the fault of the 
 officers than of the men. 
 
 When the troops, who had suffered 
 much from sickness, were refreshed, 
 and a small reinforcement had been re- 
 ceived from England, sir Arthur marched 
 into Spain to assist Cuesta against 
 Victor. The utter impracticability of 
 this brave, zealous, and up- 
 right, but narrow-minded, pre- A ^mg 
 judiced, and obstinate old 
 man, thwarted every scheme proposed, 
 and thus wasted much valuable time. 
 When at length the British commander, 
 giving up his more enlarged and bene- 
 ficial views, agreed merely to act with 
 him against Victor, he found it impos- 
 sible to obtain from his Spanish coad- 
 jutor either provisions, or means of 
 transport for his artillery and stores. 
 Notwithstanding all these difficulties, 
 the allied armies came up with Victor 
 whilst he was inferior to them in num- 
 bers, and General Wellesley wished to 
 have taken the opportunity of crushing 
 him. But Cuesta objected and delayed, 
 either from natural slowness, or from a 
 religious scruple as to fighting upon a 
 Sunday, until Victor had retreated, and 
 effected his junction with Joseph and 
 Sebastiani, whom, according to the con- 
 certed plan, Vanegas, at the head of 
 twenty-five thousand men in La Mancha, 
 was to have occupied by threatening 
 Madrid: a co-operation forbidden by 
 the Central Junta, without giving notice 
 to the generals, who relied thereon. 
 
 The French now returned with su- 
 perior numbers, under the command of 
 the king, aided by his major-general, 
 Marshal Jourdan. Upon the 27th and 
 28th of July they attacked the allies at 
 Talavera. The battle, long, obstinately 
 contested, and sanguinary, ended in the 
 complete defeat of the assailants; but 
 the destitute and exhausted condition of 
 the English troops, who were without pro- 
 visions for man or horse, prevented their 
 pursuing the discomfited enemy, who was 
 consequently enabled to retreatjin good 
 order. The good that should have re- 
 sulted from the victory was further coun- 
 teracted by an alarm from the north, 
 and Cuesta's perverse temper, 
 
294 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 La Romana had rallied and increased 
 his little army, and having at length 
 roused the whole population of Galicia, he 
 had so harassed Soult and Ney, that they, 
 considering likewise the greater import- 
 ance of the transactions then taking 
 place in the south, resolved to evacuate 
 the province. They did so, and Galicia 
 remained thenceforward unmolested by 
 invaders. In their progress southwards 
 the two marshals were joined by Mortier, 
 and Soult received from Napoleon the 
 command of the combined corps, with 
 orders to march upon the English and 
 Cuesta. The Spaniards stationed to se- 
 cure the mountain passes fled; and sir 
 Arthur led the British army against this 
 new foe, intrusting to Cuesta the mainte- 
 nance of the post of Talavera. 
 
 An apprehension of Victor's advan- 
 cing anew induced Cuesta to evacuate 
 Talavera, and he hastened after Wel- 
 lesley, leaving fifteen hundred British 
 wounded to the enemy, whilst it is said 
 many of his own carts were removed 
 empty. This step, and Soult' s advance 
 in unexpected strength, exposed Sir 
 Arthur to be cut oft' from Portugal. 
 His troops were starving; and as the 
 protection of Portugal was the point 
 chiefly insisted upon in his instructions, 
 he retreated to a frontier position on the 
 Guadiana. Cuesta's injudicious mea- 
 sures had exposed Vanegas with the 
 army of La Mancha unsupported, and 
 he was defeated at Almonacid. Blake's 
 army of Aragon and Valencia had been 
 beaten and dispersed; and the fall 
 of Spain appeared to be inevitable. 
 Vanegas's repeated defeats had now 
 made him so unpopular, that the com- 
 mand of his army was taken from him ; 
 but his servile obedience to the Central 
 Junta was rewarded with the viceroyalty 
 of Mexico. 
 
 To increase the despondency with 
 which the prospects of Spain were 
 viewed, by all but the Spaniards them- 
 selves, the fortunes of Austria, after the 
 gleam of hope afforded 
 
 Foreign States by the victo which the 
 
 Archduke Charles had 
 gained at Aspern on the 21st and 22nd 
 of May, were, as it seemed, finally over- 
 clouded by the far more decisive victory 
 which Napoleon gained ever him at 
 Wagram on the 6th of July. Further 
 contest was abandoned, and an armis- 
 tice immediately concluded. The ne- 
 gotiations for peace lasted till the 14th 
 of October. New sacrifices were wrested 
 
 from Francis, but less 'than had been 
 anticipated, owing, it is believed, to the 
 arrangement of Napoleon's marriage 
 with the Archduchess Maria Louisa, so 
 soon as he should have repudiated the 
 Empress Josephine. 
 
 An English army, larger than had 
 yet taken the field, which in the Penin- 
 sula might have rendered sir Arthur in- 
 dependent of Spanish co-operation, was 
 destined at one and the same time to 
 make a division in favour of Austria, 
 and to destroy Napoleon's boasted naval 
 preparations at Antwerp. It did not 
 reach its destination until the] 30th of 
 July (when Austria's fate was already 
 decided), entirely failed of its especial 
 object, and was almost destroyed by the 
 marsh fever, peculiar to the unhealthy 
 islands at the mouth of the Scheldt. 
 
 Meanwhile the Central Junta was 
 neither dismayed by 
 the reverses of the Military Sp o ai p n erations, 
 Spanish arms, nor in- A .D. 1809. 
 
 structed by experi- 
 ence. They exerted themselves to re- 
 inforce Cuesta's army, which had .been 
 surprised and half destroyed by _ the 
 enemy since its separation from the 
 English ; and they thought of removing 
 the unmanageable general. A paralytic 
 stroke saved them that trouble, by com- 
 pelling him to resign. But it was in 
 vain sir Arthur Wellesley (created 
 viscount Wellington, in recompense for 
 his victory at Talavera), recommended 
 the duke of Alburquerque, a nobleman 
 of high birth and considerable military 
 talent, in whom the Spanish troops 
 placed unbounded confidence, as his suc- 
 cessor. The Central Junta was jealous 
 of the duke's popularity, and either kept 
 him in a subordinate situation, or dimi- 
 nished the separate army to which he 
 was appointed. The command of the 
 principal army of fifty thousand men 
 was given to Areizaga, an officer who 
 had been praised by Blake. 
 
 The Junta ordered Areizaga to march 
 against the French, and free Madrid, 
 before the reinforcements, set at liberty 
 by the end of the Austrian war, could 
 reach Spain ; and they assured him of 
 the co-operation of the British, although 
 they knew that the English army was 
 nearly disabled by sickness, and that 
 lord Wellington had positively refused 
 to comply with their entreaties, unless 
 satisfactory arrangements were previ- 
 ously made for the subsistence of his 
 troops. The same peculiarity of the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 295 
 
 Spanish character, namely, assuming: as 
 done whatever is promised, or even 
 wished, seems to have convinced the in- 
 experienced statesmen of the Central 
 Junta that the general they had sent to 
 conquer could not he beaten, and that a 
 decree, ordering: the English army to be 
 well supplied, must answer every pur- 
 pose, though they took no measures 
 for procuring: the provisions or the cattle 
 required. Lord Wellington remained 
 in his cantonments ; and on the 17th of 
 November, Areizaga was totally de- 
 feated at Ocana. The French now 
 menaced Portugal : the British general 
 was prepared for its protection. 
 
 The. French were masters of nearly 
 all Spain north of the Sierra Morena, 
 with the exception of Galicia, Valencia, 
 and Catalonia ; and in this last province, 
 although s it resisted most stoutly, the 
 French army, under St. Cyr, held the 
 field, and Gerona, one of the most im- 
 portant fortresses not in their hands, 
 fell in December, after emulating the 
 glory of Saragossa during a seven 
 months' siege. But their garrisons were 
 distressed, and their communications 
 were harassed both by the British 
 cruizers on the coast, and by the Catalans 
 themselves, who were almost all in arms, 
 as miquelets or guerrillas, displaying 
 the same indomitable spirit they had 
 shown in former wars. 
 
 In the course of the year 1809, as the 
 regular armies were defeated and di&- 
 persed, the example of the Catalans was 
 followed throughout Spain ; and bands 
 of guerrillas, consisting of peasants, de- 
 serters, outlaws, of individuals, in short, 
 of all classes were everywhere esta- 
 blished, the command of which was as- 
 sumed by men of talent and resolution, 
 likewise of all classes, officers, monks, 
 physicians, yeomen, or smugglers. This 
 was a mode of warfare to which the 
 climate was favourable, the vindictive 
 Spanish character peculiarly adapted, 
 and habits of discipline unnecessary. 
 They appeared in force wherever a blow 
 was to be struck ; when pursued, they 
 dispersed and vanished; and although 
 it is idle to assert that the guerrillas 
 alone could have expelled the French 
 from Spain, they probably afforded 
 more useful assistance to. the English 
 general than pretended regular armies, 
 which, in fact, only thwarted his mea- 
 sures. The guerrillas, amongst other 
 services, harassed the enemy's commu- 
 nications, cut off his convoys and sup- 
 plies, and, by intercepting couriers, both 
 
 procured intelligence, and defeated hos- 
 tile schemes requiring any concert. 
 They at length compelled the employ- 
 ment of a very considerable portion of the 
 French troops as escorts. A few of the 
 guerrilla leaders, as Juan Diaz Martin, 
 better known as the Empecinado, Julian 
 Sanchez, Juan Diaz Porlier, D. Mariano 
 de Renovalos Longa, and last, and far 
 the greatest, the two Minas, uncle and 
 nephew, acquired a celebrity that renders 
 the record of their names indispensable 
 in Spanish history. 
 
 M. Frere, and the marquess Wel- 
 lesley, who came out as ambassador 
 extraordinary, had earnestly pressed the 
 Central Junta to convoke the national 
 Cortes as the only le- 
 
 S tim , ate ? U : e0 J' a J- Civil Traction. 
 
 thority in the king sab- A.D. 1810. 
 
 sence. Florida Blanca, 
 who loved the despotic power he had 
 so long administered wisely, had opposed 
 this measure; but he was now dead, 
 and Jovellanos had always urged its 
 adoption. Nevertheless, it was only 
 when Joseph announced his intention of 
 assembling the Cortes, that the Junta, 
 reluctantly yielding, issued a decree 
 convoking the Cortes, and appointing 
 them to meet at Cadiz : thus hoping, it 
 should seem, to prevent any appearance 
 of flight from attaching to their own 
 removal to that sea-port, for which they 
 were becoming anxiously impatient, in- 
 asmuch as the French had forced the 
 passes of the Sierra Morena ; and the 
 Seville populace, growing once more 
 tumultuously unruly, on the approach 
 of danger, fiercely threatened vengeance 
 on the Central Junta, whose incapacity 
 they termed treachery. 
 
 Previous to quitting Seville, they sent 
 a variety of inconsistent orders to Al- 
 burquerque, whose small corps was the 
 only disposable force remaining for the 
 defence of Cadiz. They bade him aban- 
 don Badajoz, withdrawing its garrison ; 
 they bade him march now in one di- 
 rection, now in another, neither leading 
 towards Cadiz, and each order contra- 
 dicting the last. The duke boldly took 
 upon himself the responsibility of dis- 
 obeying these futile instructions. He 
 reinforced, instead of weakening the gar- 
 rison of Badajoz; and by a march of 
 two hundred and sixty miles, as skilful 
 as it was rapid, he reached Cadiz on the 
 2nd of February, 1810, just in time to 
 anticipate the duke of Belluno, and 
 secure it against a surprise. He was 
 immediately appointed governor of 
 
2.96 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Cadiz and president of the Local Junta; 
 and with the aid of the British sailors 
 in the harbour, he applied himself dili- 
 gently to the improvement of the forti- 
 fications. 
 
 Upon their arrival at Cadiz, the Central 
 Junta, opposed by the Local Junta, and 
 alarmed at their own unpopularity, were 
 prevailed upon to transfer their authority 
 to a regency of five persons, whom they 
 seem to have selected judiciously and 
 honestly. These were the venerable 
 bishop of Orense, who had refused to 
 attend the Bayonne Notables, Castanos, 
 Saavedra, Escano, formerly minister of 
 marine, and Lardizabal, a Creole from 
 New Spain. This last appointment 
 seemed to promise a more liberal and 
 conciliatory system of colonial govern- 
 ment, which was earnestly recommended 
 by lord Wellesley, as the only means 
 of securing to Spain a prolonged parti- 
 cipation in the wealth of America. And 
 so fair a promise appeared to be con- 
 firmed, when the regency issued two 
 decrees, one throwing open the colonial 
 trade, and the other summoning Ame- 
 rican deputies to the Cortes.\ 
 
 In other respects the regency, instead 
 of devoting their time and thoughts to 
 calling fortrfthe resources and energies 
 of the country, or even to the defence of 
 Cadiz, began their administration by a 
 vehement attack upon the measures of 
 the Central Junta, accused that body of 
 usurpation and peculation, '.threw some 
 of the members into prison, and banished 
 even the excellent Jovellanos to his 
 native province, where his conduct was 
 ordered to be watched. In these harsh 
 steps the regents perhaps yielded to 
 popular clamour, difficult in such cir- 
 cumstances to be resisted, as they did to 
 the violence of the Junta of Cadiz, con- 
 sisting of the wealthy merchants of that 
 flourishing sea-port which had thriven 
 upon the monopoly of colonial trade, 
 when they revoked their decree for 
 thro wing that trade open. Alburquerque, 
 incurring the dislike of this seitish com- 
 mercial Junta, was deprived of the go- 
 vernment of Cadiz and sent ambassador 
 to England, where he soon died, of mor- 
 tification, it is said, at his ill usage. 
 Whilst the regency were persecuting 
 their predecessors, or occupied with 
 commercial interests, Andalusia and 
 Granada submitted at once to ihe con- 
 queror, who met resistance only from 
 Cadiz. 
 
 The war with' Austria was now over, 
 and it, was generally expected that the 
 
 dreaded Napoleon would return to the 
 Peninsula, to bear down all resistance 
 by the energy of his own mighty genius. 
 But he seems to have been temporarily, 
 at least, ingrossed by the plan of dis- 
 solving the marriage to which he had 
 been indebted for the first step in his 
 wonderful career, and uniting himself to 
 a daughter of the imperial house of 
 Hapsburg. Jf he was thus prevented 
 from personally conducting the only war 
 in which he was, for the moment, en- 
 gaged, he amply reinforced the armies 
 employed in the subjugation of Spain ; 
 appointed Soult Joseph's major-general 
 instead of Jourdan ; and sent his fa- 
 vourite general, Massena, whom he had 
 surnamed the spoiled 
 child of Victory, to 
 conquer Portugal, A .' D . mo. 
 
 drive the English into 
 the sea, and, it was supposed, receive 
 the crown of Portugal as his reward. 
 
 The Spaniards had now no army on 
 foot deserving the name, and central 
 Spain, from the Pyrenees to the lines 
 before Cadiz, was nominally in the pos- 
 session of king Joseph; Galicia and 
 Estremadura, on the western, and 
 Murcia, Valencia, and Catalonia on the 
 eastern side, with a few fortresses, being 
 all that yet remained unconquered ; and, 
 in Catalonia, Suchet was slowly making 
 formidable progress. But the temper 
 of the people never was less subdued, 
 and the war had assumed a character of 
 extraordinary ferocity. 
 
 Napoleon deemed that professional 
 soldiers only had a right to fight ; and 
 instead of respecting the patriotic feel- 
 ing that roused the whole nation to 
 struggle for independence, he considered 
 the armed peasantry as mere licentious 
 rebels against their lawful king. Hence 
 whilst the ordinary courtesies of war 
 were observed towards the British, 
 nearly all the Spaniards and the irregular 
 Portugueze troops were treated with 
 wanton cruelty, and their women ex- 
 posed to the grossest outrage from the 
 French soldiery, until almost every in- 
 dividual in the Spanish guerrilla bands, 
 and the Portugueze irregulars, had a 
 private injury to revenge ; and even 
 sympathy in their resentments can barely 
 palliate the sanguinary temper in which 
 that revenge was sought. And to these 
 personal motives of exasperation was 
 added a deep sense of religious horror, 
 since the French emperor had seized 
 upon the estates of the Church, upon 
 Rome itself, and carried Pope Pius V1I. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 297 
 
 who refused to sanction his unprovoked 
 spoliation, a prisoner to France. From 
 the influence of so many various feel- 
 ings, the whole of Spam was now over- 
 run by fierce guerrillas, and Joseph, 
 in fact, was only master of the places 
 actually occupied by French soldiers. 
 
 Eight thousand English and Portu- 
 gueze troops had been sent to Cadiz, 
 under sir Thomas Graham, and were 
 now gladly received as a welcome addi- 
 tion "to the garrison. The siege pro- 
 ceeded but slowly, it was little more 
 lhan a blockade, and even thus oc- 
 cupied quite as large a force as could 
 be spared from other objects. For as 
 Cadiz stands in an island (the Isle of 
 Leon) in a considerable bay, the lines 
 of the besiegers were necessarily ex- 
 tended round the whole circuit of that 
 bay, and required great numbers for 
 their defence. 
 
 As soon as the French movements 
 threatened Portugal, lord Wellington, 
 quitting his position on the Guadiana, 
 distributed his army within and along 
 the frontier, to await and watch the 
 enemy. But it was not upon the fron- 
 tier that he could hope, with 
 twenty-seven thousand Bri- 
 tish, and thirty thousand 
 nearly untried Portugueze troops, to 
 defend Portugal against eighty thousand 
 French veterans, led by an able general, 
 and supported by bodies of thirty or 
 forty thousand men, acting as a rear- 
 guard, and destined to join the main 
 army as soon as they should have sub- 
 dued the Asturian and Biscayan insur- 
 gents. 
 
 The British commander was even 
 then directing the construction of those 
 military works, known as the lines of 
 Torres Vedras, by which the naturally 
 strong ground covering Lisbon was ren- 
 dered nearly impregnable ; and his 
 main object upon the frontier appears 
 to have been retarding the enemy's ad- 
 vance, until those lines should be per- 
 fected, and the harvest gathered in. He 
 intended that the inhabitants should then 
 evacuate the intermediate district, with 
 all their provisions and moveable pro- 
 perty; and that he himself retreating 
 to his lines, should draw Massena into 
 a desert country, where the French 
 marshal could not subsist his troops, 
 and would find himself confronted by a 
 strong army, in an impregnable position, 
 whilst his rear and communications 
 were harassed by militia and ordenanzas, 
 
 the proper name of the Porfugueze 
 armed peasantry. 
 
 This plan had been communicated by 
 lord Wellington to lord Wellesley (who 
 is supposed to have accepted a seat in 
 the English cabinet, partly to insure his 
 brother efficient support), and it had 
 been submitted to the prince of Brazil as 
 the only feasible mode of defending Por- 
 tugal; lord Wellington demanding con- 
 ditionally, in case the prince approved, 
 that his own authority as marshal gene- 
 ral should be independent of the local 
 government, and absolute over the Por- 
 tugueze forces, whether regulars, mi- 
 litia, or ordenanzas. The prince did 
 approve, and acceded to his demand, 
 giving corresponding orders to the re- 
 gency. In virtue of this authority lord 
 Wellington required the regents to en- 
 force more vigorously the old laws, by 
 which every man in Portugal, not in the 
 regular troops or the militia, must bear 
 arms in the ordenanza ; to command the 
 destruction of mills, the devastation of 
 fields, and the timely removal of families 
 with their property; to provide means of 
 conveyance for the corn, &c. ; and to 
 make the indispensable arrangements 
 for the support, as well of the Portu- 
 gueze army as of the helpless and dis- 
 tressed persons thus to be collected in 
 the neighbourhood of Lisbon. 
 
 But the Portugueze Regency was 
 nearly as injudicious and self-willed as 
 the Spanish Central Jwwfa. The bishop 
 of Oporto, now patriarch, and Don An- 
 tonio, or Principal Souza, as he is deno- 
 minated, appear to have aimed at appro- 
 priating the w^hole authority of the body ; 
 and they were supported by a strong 
 faction, that bore impatiently the autho- 
 rity of a sovereign, now deemed Bra- 
 zilian, and by three brothers of Souza' s, 
 the eldest, count of Linhares, minister in 
 Brazil, the other two ambassadors in 
 England and at Cadiz. These men, im- 
 pelled either by a superlative conceit 
 that preferred their own judgment upon 
 military questions to his who had twice 
 delivered their country from its conque- 
 rors, or by a criminal ambition that de- 
 termined them not to hazard their own 
 private ends, by incurring the unpopu- 
 larity necessarily attending the measures 
 recommended, opposed and thwarted the 
 British commander at every step. The 
 time that should have been employed in 
 executing lord Wellington's directions 
 was wasted in arguing against them, and 
 ^urging hjin to defeat Massena, recently 
 
298 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 created by his Imperial master Prince 
 of Essling, upon the frontiers. 
 
 The prince of Essling allowed them 
 leisure for both occupations. He dedi- 
 cated the spring to assembling his army, 
 and making preparations, 
 'AD P i8iO nor was it until he besran 
 the siene of Ciudad Rodrigo 
 that the line by which he proposed to 
 invade Portugal was ascertained. That 
 town was gallantly defended by its go- 
 vernor, Herrasti, assisted by the guerrilla 
 chief, Julian Sanchez, from the 4th of 
 June till the 10th of July. When the 
 place was no longer tenable, Sanchez 
 and his band, breaking through the be- 
 siegers, escaped, and Herrasti capitu- 
 lated. Lord Wellington's plan required 
 that he should hazard no attempt to 
 relieve the besieged, but his menacing 
 position had long kept Massena's usually 
 enterprising temper in check, and con- 
 tinued to do so ; for upwards of a month 
 was suffered to elapse, after the fall of 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, ere the French general 
 proceeded to lay siege to the neighbour- 
 ing Portugueze fortress, Almeida. 
 The allied army, falling back as he 
 advanced, ottered no inter- 
 ruption. But an English 
 ofhcer commanded the Por- 
 tugueze garrison in Almeida, and a de- 
 fence yet longer than Ciudad Rodrigo's 
 was confidently expected. Unfortu- 
 nately an accident caused the explosion 
 of the principal powder magazine on the 
 26th of August, when, through the panic 
 of some, and the treachery of others, 
 the garrison flung down their arms, and 
 forced the mortified governor to capitu- 
 late. Massena, upon entering the 
 place, compelled the militia to serve 
 him as pioneers, and invited the gar- 
 rison to enter the French service, 
 through the marquess of Alorne, who 
 accompanied Massena, as one of his 
 generals. To a man they did so, but 
 only, as they alleged, to avoid being sent 
 prisoners into France. Accordingly, 
 upon the first opportunity they all de- 
 serted back ; and Marshal Beresford had 
 some difficulty in making them under- 
 stand that such conduct, especially in 
 the officers, was dishonourable. The 
 militia likewise deserted. 
 
 Massena now concentrated his forces, 
 and, about the middle of September, 
 prepared to drive, as he hoped, the Bri- 
 tish to their ships. The country within 
 reach of lord Wellington's control, from 
 Almeida to Coimbra, had been laid 
 
 waste, and the helpless part of the popu- 
 lation had withdrawn to a distance, or 
 sought concealment in the mountains ; 
 and the allied army retreated before the 
 French with an order and deliberation 
 that prevented the loss even of a strag- 
 gler, or a baggage mule. But lord Wel- 
 lington was painfully aware that between 
 Coimbra and Lisbon not a step had been 
 taken towards the execution of his de- 
 signs, and he found himself under the 
 necessity of giving battle in order to gain 
 time for that important object. 
 
 With this view he arranged his army 
 upon the ridge of Busaco, and awaited 
 the enemy. Massena, contemning alike 
 the British troops and their general, 
 exulted in the anticipation of certain 
 victory, and ordered the position to be 
 attacked at day-break of the 27th. The 
 French troops scaled the steep ascent 
 with daring alacrity, but British guns 
 and British bayonets met them upon the 
 summit, and after a sharp struggle they 
 were driven down again with heavy 
 loss. The French killed and wounded in 
 this battle are estimated at from five 
 to six thousand, those of the allies 
 at twelve hundred : but perhaps not the 
 least important event of the day was, that 
 the Portugueze troops displayed a stea- 
 diness of courage which had scarcely 
 been as yet expected from their training. 
 On the following day Massena, learning 
 that there was a mountain road by which 
 he could turn the left of his adversary's 
 position, filed off his troops in that di- 
 rection, vainly hoping to reach Coimbra 
 the first. On the 29th lord Wellington 
 prevented him, by retreating upon that 
 city along the direct road. 
 
 Even the days thus arduously gained, 
 the perverse i'olly of the regents suffered 
 to pass unprofitably. Scarcely any pro- 
 gress was made in devastating the coun- 
 try, and Coimbra was unevacuated by 
 either people or provisions. It was not 
 till they actually saw the allied army re- 
 treating before the invaders that the in- 
 habitants prepared to obey lord Wel- 
 lington's proclamation, and forsake their 
 homes. And now it was too late to at- 
 tain the end for which the order had been 
 given. The provisions were left behind, 
 the mills were scarcely damaged; whilst 
 the helpless and desolate crowds that, 
 flying from the enemy, accompanied the 
 troops, encumbered their march, and 
 gave birth to the usual disorders of a 
 retreat. 
 
 Such disorders were, however, re- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 299 
 
 pressed by the vigour with which lord 
 Wellington punished, and the precau- 
 tions he took to prevent them ; whilst 
 Massena's negligence indulged his 
 troops in a licence that rendered the 
 disorder of the pursuing far greater than 
 even now was that of the retreating 
 army. At Coimbra alone the French 
 troops, during the three days they spent 
 there, wasted and destroyed stores that 
 might have supplied two months' sub- 
 sistence. But at Coirnbra the prince of 
 Essling was still ignorant of the existence 
 of the lines of Torres Vedras ; and still 
 believing that he was merely chasing the 
 British to their ships, he, probably, 
 saw no need of restraining his troops, or 
 of providing against famine. 
 
 On the 10th of October the allied 
 army took up its position within those 
 extraordinary lines, of which one end 
 rested upon the sea, and the other upon 
 theTagus, extending in length twenty-nine 
 miles, at about thirty-five miles average 
 distance from Lisbon. The utmost skill 
 of the engineer had been exerted to im- 
 prove the natural strength of this moun- 
 tain line, and to supply its deficiencies. 
 A second line of fortifications had been 
 prepared some ten miles nearer Lisbon, 
 in case the first should be lost, or prove 
 too extensive for the numbers occupying 
 it; and a third to protect a possible 
 forced embarkation. 
 
 But this danger was happily gone by. 
 Reinforcements arrived from England, 
 additional Portugueze corps were assem- 
 bled, and la Romana, at lord Welling- 
 ton's request, brought in two Spanish 
 divisions. Before the end of the month 
 seventy thousand regular troops were 
 within the lines, ready to be moved, along 
 convenient roads, to whatever points 
 might be threatened, whilst sixty thousand 
 Portugueze militia manned the different 
 forts and redoubts that commanded the 
 approaches. The regency had made no 
 provision for the support of the multitude 
 of troops and of peasants thus brought 
 upon Lisbon. But the wealthy inha- 
 bitants, delighted with their security, 
 showed great kindness to the forlorn 
 fugitives ; Alemtejo and Algarv<$ were 
 free behind Lisbon ; the boats of the Bri- 
 tish fleet, preserving the command of the 
 Tagus, kept the communication open 
 with those provinces, and copious sup- 
 plies were poured in by sea. Lisbon 
 was gay and tranquil as in profound 
 peace, and a visit to the lines became 
 the ordinary party of pleasure. 
 
 Massena halted in disagreeable sur- 
 
 prise betore the stupendous fortress ; 
 and after an assiduous examination, and 
 various attempts upon its outworks, de- 
 cided that it was unassailable with the 
 force then under his command, and that 
 he must think only of finding means to 
 feed his army until Soult should come to 
 his assistance from Andalusia, or Na- 
 poleon send him another army from. 
 France. This, had the regency done its 
 duty, would have been manifestly impos- 
 sible, since he could not, in that case, have 
 supported his troops even for a week. 
 As it was, he procured provisions, but 
 was obliged to send foraging detach- 
 ments to great distances in search of 
 them, which were cruelly harassed, and 
 sometimes cut off by the Portugueze 
 militia and ordenanzas. Of the effici- 
 ency of these irregular troops Massena 
 had an early proof, even before he 
 reached the British lines. On the 7th, 
 Colonel Trant, with a body of militia and 
 ordenanzas, surprised, and carried off to 
 Oporto, the French hospital, which had 
 been left at Coimbra, with three thou- 
 sand five hundred men to guard it. 
 
 At length, too late to effect his first 
 purpose, but in time to save Portugal, 
 the remonstrances and threats of lord 
 Wellington, aided by his brother's mi- 
 nisterial influence, overthrew the Souza 
 faction in Brazil. The prince-regent 
 gave Admiral Berkeley, commander of 
 the British fleet in theTagus, full autho- 
 rity over the Portugueze navy, analogous 
 to Beresford's over the army, added Mr. 
 Stuart, the English envoy, to the council 
 of regency, and empowered lord Wel- 
 lington to retain or displace any member 
 of that body at his pleasure. Wellington 
 made no use of the power thus intrusted 
 to him ; but its possession overawed his 
 adversaries, and gave him the weight he 
 had wanted. 
 
 Towards the middle of November, 
 Massena withdrew from before the lines, 
 and took up a strong position at Santa- 
 rem, upon the Tagus. Wellington, to 
 observe him, stationed himself in ad- 
 vance of his lines, upon which he could 
 fall back at a moment's warning. ^ 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Desultory warfare between French and 
 Spaniards Cortes assembled 
 Their faulty constitution Injudi- 
 cious measures Offend the clergy 
 And the colonies The colonies pro- 
 fess loyalty to Ferdinand tieject the 
 
300 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 authority of the Central Junta and 
 the Cortes Battle of Barrosa Soult 
 besieges Badajoz Massena retreats 
 Wellington pursues Drives him 
 out of Portugal Badajoz surrenders 
 Battle ofFuentes de Onor Badajoz 
 invested Siege raised Battle of 
 Albuera Second siege of Badajoz 
 Raised Birth of the king of Rome 
 Holland, and part of northern Ger- 
 many incorporated with France 
 Fall of Tarragona Suchet master of 
 Catalonia and Aragon Invades Va- 
 lenciaDefeats Blake Takes Mur- 
 viedro and Valencia Transactions in 
 the Cories Colonies assert their in- 
 dependence and equality Welling- 
 ton besieges Ciudad Rodrigo Takes 
 it by storm Is created a grandee, 
 and duke of Ciudad Rodrigo Again 
 besieges Badajoz Takes it by storm 
 Napoleon sets out on his Russian 
 campaign Operations of Spanish 
 leaders*. 
 
 THROUGHOUT the greater part of Spain 
 meanwhile a desultory warfare had been 
 carried on, in which the French were 
 
 generally successful. 
 Spain, Suchet, by a judicious 
 
 . tl0nS ' administration of his 
 
 province, and by min- 
 gling a somewhat conciliatory treatment 
 of those who submitted with unrelenting 
 severity towards those who resisted, had 
 given his authority a degree of stability 
 in Aragon. He failed in an attempt upon 
 Valencia, but materially aided his coun- 
 trymen's progress in Catalonia, where 
 the exploits of O'Donnell had brought 
 discredit upon several successive French 
 generals. Augereau superseded St. Cyr, 
 and was superseded in his turn by Mac- 
 donald, who imitated, though with less 
 success, the policy of Suchet. Both 
 these marshals were entirely indepen- 
 dent of Joseph, and it was generally 
 conceived that Napoleon meant to de- 
 tach their provinces from Spain, and 
 unite them to France. Soult was em- 
 ployed in tranquillizing Andalusia, re- 
 pulsing the still unconquered Murcians, 
 and quelling the insurgent Granadans. 
 Victor was conducting the siege of 
 Cadiz, an operation that proceeded lan- 
 guidly on both sides, from want of num- 
 bers on Victor's, and the usual causes 
 on that of the Spaniards. 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter are, Southey, Nitpier, Scott. Marquess of 
 Londonderry, Suchet, Sherer, Elliott, Miller, 
 Annals of the Peninsular Campaigns, Memoirs of 
 the Late War, Annual Register. 
 
 The assembling of the Cortes was 
 looked to as the period, and as the means, 
 of the regeneration of Spain. These 
 hopes were confirmed, and the peculiar 
 character of the Spanish resolution was, 
 at the same time, curiously illustrated, 
 by the mode in which the elections were 
 carried on, even in the provinces most 
 thoroughly occupied by the French. 
 Considerable bodies of armed peasants, 
 or of guerrillas, sometimes temporarily 
 drove the French from the town where 
 an election was appointed to take place, 
 sometimes merely held them at bay, 
 whilst the suffrages were collected. And 
 thus, almost everywhere, deputies were 
 elected who, sooner or later, found their 
 way to Cadiz. 
 
 On the 24th of September the Cortes 
 were solemnly opened, mass being said 
 by the cardinal de Bourbon, archbishop 
 of Toledo, the only 
 male of the royal fa- Mrr s P ain ' .. 
 
 ., , e , . <-, X rf. Civil Transactions 
 
 mily left m Spain. The A .U.. 1310. 
 assembly immediately 
 decreed a new levy of one hundred and 
 fifty thousand men, together with pro- 
 vision for the support and equipment of 
 all the Spanish armies. But then, as if 
 this decree had sufficed for expelling the 
 enemy, who held the whole country in 
 subjection, they dedicated their whole 
 attention to framing a constitution. 
 Lord Wellesley, when he urged the con- 
 vocation of the Cortes, had advised the 
 immediate passing of a law, analogous 
 to the English bill of rights, drawn up 
 upon liberal and conciliatory principles. 
 But this was too dull and practical a 
 process for the Cortes, who proceeded to 
 establish sweeping theories, resembling 
 those adopted by the French National 
 Assembly, and equally democratic in 
 their tenor. The fault lay in their 
 own composition. The measure adopted 
 by Charles V. for increasing the mo- 
 narchical power by lessening the influ- 
 ence of the Cortes namely, the exclu- 
 sion of the nobles and ecclesiastics, as 
 separate Orders, from the assembly of 
 the national representatives, now re- 
 newed its injurious effect, though in a 
 more circuitous fashion. 
 
 The Central Junta, by the advice of 
 Jovellanos, had intended to balance the 
 popular assembly by a second chamber, 
 composed of grandees and church dig- 
 nitaries. But since those Orders had 
 ceased to form part of the Cortes, they 
 had lost that character of powerful, 
 and therefore useful, restraints upon the 
 arbitrary prerogatives of the crown. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 which can alone temper the envy ex- 
 cited in the minds of the lower classes 
 by the sight of superior wealth and 
 splendour. There was no longer any 
 community of feeling between the patri- 
 cian, and even the higher ranks of the 
 plebeian, portions of the nation : hence 
 the nobles and church dignitaries were 
 considered only as the probable perti- 
 nacious defenders of those feudal privi- 
 leges which, even more than the royal 
 despotism, had provoked whatever de- 
 sire of reform existed in Spain. The 
 project for a second chamber, resembling 
 the British House of Peers, failed, there- 
 fore ; and although many nobles and 
 ecclesiastics were chosen as deputies, 
 thus disseminated through a popular 
 assembly, their use, as a check upon the 
 headlong impulse of democratic and 
 speculative innovation, was destroyed. 
 The result might have been foretold 
 from the experience of France. 
 
 The Cortes proceeded rashly in their 
 career of reform. The spirit of their mea- 
 sures and discussions was offensive to 
 the regency, which endeavoured to con- 
 trol them, by inviting the duke of 
 Orleans, then in Sicily, to visit Spain, 
 and exercise, as a prince of the blood, 
 considerable authority. The duke ac- 
 cepted the invitation ; but the jealous 
 Cortes compelled him immediately to 
 leave the country again ; and the disputes 
 that ensued between the Cortes and the 
 regency, ended in the dissolution of the 
 latter body, for whom was substituted an 
 Executive Council of three. 
 
 This council was composed of the 
 brave, but always unsuccessful, General 
 Blake, of Cisgar, governor of Cartha- 
 gena, and Agar, a naval officer. But 
 the executive council was as ill-dis- 
 posed as the regency, to the innovating 
 course of the Cortes; and an intrigue 
 was carried on with its members by 
 Souza, the Portugueze ambassador, to 
 procure the acknowledgment of the 
 princess of Brazil, who, according to 
 the old laws of Spain, was next heir to 
 her imprisoned brothers, as of right sole 
 regent of Spain. The success of this 
 cabal is said to have been prevented by 
 the interference of lord Wellington and 
 Mr. Wellesley, who had taken the place 
 of the marquess as ambassador. 
 
 The next body whom the Cortes of- 
 fended was the clergy. By attacking 
 the Inquisition, and attempting other 
 ecclesiastical reforms for which the 
 country was unripe, they exasperated 
 
 301 
 
 the whole church, and sowed the seeds 
 of the i'atal subsequent reaction, that 
 has robbed Spain of all the internal 
 benefits she ought to have derived from 
 the restoration of her representative 
 legislature. If a more immediate evil 
 was not produced, and the unbounded 
 influence exercised by the Spanish 
 clersry over their flocks was not turned 
 against the cause of national independ- 
 ence, the reason is probably to be found 
 in the bitter spirit of individual ven- 
 geance, provoked by the brutal conduct 
 of the invaders, and in the detestation 
 entertained by the clergy as well as 
 laity for the professed infidelity of the 
 French. 
 
 In another insiance the measures of 
 the Cortes produced more sudden ill 
 consequences, an instance in which 
 their conduct does not admit of the ex- 
 cuse of being a mere injudicious appli- 
 cation of liberal and rational principles. 
 The evil here resulted from the incon- 
 sistent selfishness (unhappily but too 
 common) that impelled them, whilst 
 claiming for themselves a rather extra- 
 vagant degree of liberty, to tyrannize 
 over others. Although they had allowed 
 the colonies to send deputies to the 
 Cortes, they were not willing to treat 
 the colonists as brethren. 
 
 The colonies, upon the first intelli- 
 gence of the seizure of the royal family 
 by Napoleon, and of the 
 consequent insurrection Sp *jjjJ Colonies 
 of the universal Spanish isoE-ifib. 
 nation, had unanimously 
 professed their loyalty to Ferdinand, and 
 their adhesion to the national cause. 
 The emissaries employed by Napoleon 
 and Joseph to seduce them had been 
 everywhere derided and punished ; and 
 the American revenues, regularly con- 
 veyed to the mother-country by English 
 vessels, ought, if fairly applied, to have 
 done much towards supporting the war. 
 In return for their frank assistance, the co- 
 lonies expected the relaxation, at least, of 
 those oppressive restrict ions under which 
 they had so long laboured ; and when they 
 found that, although their rights were 
 theoretically acknowledged, the evils of 
 which they complained were rather in- 
 creased than diminished, a very general 
 sense of ill usage and resentment was 
 excited. Their loyalty to their captive 
 king remained unshaken, but it was now 
 mingled with irritation against, and jea- 
 lousy of, the temporary governments 
 that ruled in his name. 
 
302 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 In this temper the American pro- 
 vinces were found by the intelligence of 
 the surrender of Seville, the subjugation 
 of Andalusia, and the flight and disper- 
 sion of the Central Junta. The pro- 
 vince of Caraccas now assumed that 
 Spain was conquered ; and, declaring 
 that they never would submit to Joseph, 
 cast off the authority of the mother- 
 country whilst proclaiming inviolable 
 fidelity to Ferdinand. This example 
 was followed by the other provinces of 
 Terra Firma, as the north coast of the 
 southern continent was called, and on 
 the 19th of April, 1810, the Vene- 
 zuela Confederation proclaimed its inde- 
 pendent existence under Ferdinand VII. 
 They refused to acknowledge the Cadiz 
 regency and Cortes, with whom they 
 carried on a paper war ; and those bodies, 
 vehemently resenting this daring asser- 
 tion of independence, divided the forces 
 that should have been dedicated to the 
 expulsion of the enemy from Spain, in 
 order to compel colonial submission. 
 
 At home, whilst the attention of the 
 Cortes and the executive was thus dis- 
 tracted by schemes either intrinsically 
 wrong or premature, the same intrigue 
 and negligence that had hitherto lamed 
 all the exertions of the nation were still 
 suffered to prevail. From the inju- 
 dicious appointment to the chief com- 
 mand of the worst of all the 
 AD pa i8il Spanish generals, Lapena, 
 and the weakness of the de- 
 fensive measures adopted by the Cadiz 
 Junta, the Executive Council, and the 
 Cortes, Cadiz must have fallen, if Soult 
 had not been ordered by Napoleon to 
 quit Andalusia, and co-operate with 
 Massena against Portugal. Graham 
 wished to take advantage of his absence, 
 and, by a movement, on the rear of the 
 French lines, force Victor to raise the 
 siege. The plan was approved, and the 
 troops landed in a convenient place. 
 But Lapena, to whom Graham, as a 
 measure of conciliation, gave up the su- 
 preme command, after baulking the de- 
 sign by his vacillating folly, stood inac- 
 tive in a safe and distant post, with 
 eleven thousand Spaniards, whilst at 
 Barrosa, Graham, with little more than 
 four thousand English and Portugueze, 
 fought, and defeated nearly nine thou- 
 sand French. By the Spanish general's 
 refusal even to pursue the beaten enemy, 
 the benefit of this hardly-won success 
 was lost. The Council and Cortes ap- 
 proved of Lapena' s conduct: he 
 
 claimed' the merit of the victory, and 
 Graham, in disgust, resigning his com- 
 mand to General Cooke, joined lord 
 Wellington. 
 
 Owing to Spanish procrastination this 
 operation did not take place till the be- 
 ginning of March, although Soult had, 
 early in January, led his army into 
 Estremadura, and proceeded to secure 
 his rear by reducing the fortresses which 
 the Spaniards still held there, before 
 he should enter Portugal. Those for- 
 tresses, notwithstanding lord Welling- 
 ton's repeated warnings of their danger, 
 were unprovided fora siege ; and la Ro- 
 mana, just as he was going to undertake 
 their defence, upon the plan recom- 
 mended by the British commander, died 
 on the 24th of January. Olivenza had ca- 
 pitulated on the 22nd, and the French laid 
 siege to Badajoz. La Romana's second 
 in command and successor, Mendizabal, 
 took his own course, and was defeated 
 by Soult; but Don Raphael Menacho, 
 the governor of Badajoz, defended the 
 place stoutly, and Soult remained be- 
 fore it. 
 
 In Portugal the winter had passed 
 with little alteration. Wel- 
 lington and Massena had Jj$fi{ 
 spent it in watching each 
 other, and strengthening their respective 
 positions ; but whilst the English gene- 
 ral was improving the discipline of his 
 Portugueze troops, that of the French was 
 almost ruined by the incessant distant 
 marauding expeditions ; and the rough 
 handling that, the troops employed in 
 them suffered from the Portugueze mi- 
 litia and ordenanzas, and from the 
 British cavalry, began to tell upon the 
 numbers of the French. Towards the 
 end of December, Massena had been 
 joined by Drouet, with the corps left be- 
 hind on entering Portugal ; but his losses 
 had been so heavy, that this accession of 
 strength did not enable him to undertake 
 offensive measures. He knew that 
 Soult was besieging, Badajoz, but from 
 the difficulty of correspondence, knew 
 not when to expect his advance. 
 
 By the end of February the provi- 
 sions, which the obstinacy of the regents 
 had left to the French, were exhausted. 
 Massena learned from his partizans in 
 Lisbon that English reinforcements had 
 landed on the 2nd of March, and on the 
 6th he had evacuated Santarem, and 
 begun his retreat. He conducted it 
 with great skill, stained, however, with 
 as great and wanton cruelty. In fact, 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 303 
 
 this retreat, though highly honourable 
 to the general's abilities, remains one of 
 the foulest blots upon the moral cha- 
 racter of the French army. But the 
 pursuit was conducted by lord Wel- 
 lington with yet greater ability, every 
 strong position taken by the French 
 army being immediately turned by the 
 British; and on the 5th of April the 
 prince of Essling was finally driven 
 across the frontiers of Portugal. This 
 retreat cost the French about six thou- 
 sand men, and the allies a tenth of that 
 number. Massena's previous losses are 
 estimated at twenty-five or thirty thou- 
 sand men. 
 
 Beresford had been detached at the 
 very beginning of this movement to 
 raise the siege of Badajoz, and informa- 
 tion of Massena's retreat 
 A pB i8ii an( * ^ e approaching relief 
 had been conveyed to that 
 town. But the brave Menacho had 
 fallen in a sally, and the command had 
 devolved upon a man of a different 
 character, though of previously high 
 reputation, Don Jose de Imas. He re- 
 ceived the important intelligence, and, 
 immediately capitulating, imparted the 
 tidings to Soult. The duke of Dalmatia 
 garrisoned Badajoz, and was now master 
 of Estremadura. But Massena's retreat 
 having, for the present at least, put an 
 end to the scheme arranged for the con- 
 quest of Portugal, he hastened back to 
 Andalusia to press forward the siege of 
 Cadiz, and prevent the ill consequences 
 he apprehended from the battle of 
 Barrosa. 
 
 Lord Wellington, having now again 
 delivered Portugal, and proved the wis- 
 dom of his own views, asked for such 
 reinforcements as might enable him to 
 undertake the deliverance of Spain, with- 
 out beins;, as before, dependent upon 
 the obstinate generals and feeble coun- 
 sels of that country. But to the feasi- 
 bility of his future schemes, and even 
 to the maintenance of Portugal and of 
 Cadiz, the recovery of Almeida, Ciiuiad 
 Rodrigo, and Badajoz was indispensable. 
 The first of these fortresses Wellington 
 immediately blockaded, and directed 
 Marshal Beresford to lay 
 siege to the last, which, 
 from the meanness of the 
 governor, he had been too late to save. 
 
 Alassena hnvingrefreshed, re-equipped 
 and re-organized his army in Spain, 
 marched to relieve Almeida. His ad- 
 vance produced the battle of Fuentes 
 de Onor, fought on the 5th of May, in 
 
 Portugal 
 A. D. 1811. 
 
 which, after an obstinate and sanguinary 
 contest, the prince of Essling was re- 
 pulsed, and again retreated. Brennier, 
 the governor of Almeida, then despair- 
 ing of relief, blew up the fortifications 
 of the place, and, by the injudicious 
 arrangement of the officer to whom the 
 conduct of the blockade had been com- 
 mitted, made his way, with little loss, 
 through the British lines, and rejoined 
 Massena. Ciudad Rodrigo was next 
 blockaded, but lord Wellington's num- 
 bers were inadequate to the occupation 
 of all the necessary positions. The 
 French easily introduced convoys, and 
 the blockade was abandoned. 
 
 Little progress was made in the south. 
 Some smaller places Marshal Beresford 
 recovered ; but he had scarcely invested 
 Badajoz when the approach of Soult, 
 with a powerful army, obliged him to 
 raise the siege. Afterwards, yielding to 
 the clamour of his troops, and to the 
 urgency of Blake, who had joined him, 
 he fought a battle at Albuera on the 
 16th of May, although the only object of 
 engaging could have been to cover the 
 siege that he had already raised. In 
 the battle he and his English troops 
 displayed great personal bravery, and by 
 dint of hard fighting repulsed the duke 
 of Dalmatia. But the victory was pur- 
 chased by the loss of four thousand five 
 hundred British, killed and wounded, 
 out of six thousand, and of two thou- 
 sand six hundred Germans, Spaniards, 
 and Portugueze. Lord Wellington ar- 
 rived in Beresford's camp soon after the 
 battle, and Badajoz was besieged a 
 second time under his own direction. 
 
 The British army was, unfortunately, 
 so deficient in all the requisites for 
 sieges, especially soldiers acquainted 
 with the duties of sappers and miners, 
 that its able general never undertook 
 any such operation that could be avoided 
 'without detriment to his ;reat objects. 
 Upon the present occasion the deficiency 
 was the more sensibly felt from the ne- 
 cessity of despatch. The army of Por- 
 tugal, as it was still called, was known 
 to be marching southwards, in order to 
 co-operate with Soult in raisins the 
 siege. On the night of the 5th of June, 
 after seven days of open trenches, a 
 breach being reported practicable, an 
 attempt was made to storm. It failed; 
 was repeated two nights later, and again 
 failed, both times with heavy loss. Upon 
 this second repulse, as the combined 
 French armies, to the amount of seventy 
 thousand men, were approaching, lord 
 
304 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL, 
 
 Wellington, who had but fifty-six thou- 
 sand, and was particularly inferior to his 
 adversaries in cavalry, raised the siege, 
 and withdrew the troops to a strong; 
 position, limiting himself, for the pre- 
 sent, to the defence of Portugal. 
 
 The Portugueze regency had not yet 
 learned the importance of regularity in 
 paying and feeding their troops, and 
 their usual negligence was now, per- 
 haps, increased, from the extreme dis- 
 tress to which Massena's invasion had 
 reduced the country. Partly from the 
 irregularity still prevalent in these mat- 
 ters, and partly from the loss of Beres- 
 ford's immediate superintendence, since 
 he had held a separate command, the 
 Portugueze troops had retrograded in 
 their discipline. Fortunately General 
 Hill, about this period, returned from 
 England, when the command of the 
 army in Alemlejo was given to him, and 
 Beresford resumed those highly-im- 
 portant duties for which he seemed more 
 particularly qualified. 
 
 During the very many months in 
 which the series of military events just 
 narrated were in progress, the arrival of 
 Napoleon in the Peninsula had been 
 anxiously expected, as well by the 
 French armies, bitterly conscious how 
 incapable were his best marshals of 
 supplying his place, as by those who, 
 with opposite wishes, deemed it so im- 
 possible for a British general to make 
 head against the mighty master of war, 
 that his presence must needs decide the 
 struggle, and send the English armies 
 discomfited home. The hopes and fears 
 of both parties were alike disappointed. 
 No other war raged to distract the 
 attention of the French emperor; but he 
 did not again take the command of the 
 peninsular armies, and it is difficult to 
 assign a valid reason for his conduct. 
 * During the preceding year it may be sup- 
 posed that anxiety for an heir, who should* 
 blend his blood with that of the house of 
 Austria, might render Napoleon un- 
 willing to leave his young 
 Foreign states wife or to hazard the con- 
 
 A.l>.loll. e , , 
 
 sequences of her alarms 
 for his personal safety. But on the 20th 
 of March, 1811, Maria Louisa gave birth 
 to a son, who received the proud title of 
 king of R,ome a title that pretty dis- 
 tincily announced the permanent incor- 
 poration of the kingdom of Italy with 
 France, notwithstanding all laws and 
 treaties to the contrary. But though 
 the succession to his throne was now 
 assured, still Napoleon remained in 
 
 France, leaving the execution of those 
 military plans, which he sent from Paris, 
 to marshals who, from mutual jealou- 
 sies and other causes, fulfilled their in- 
 structions imperfectly, and offered op- 
 portunities to their opponents, of which 
 one, at least, never failed to profit. 
 
 It has been conjectured, that the at- 
 tention of Napoleon was now engrossed 
 by those incipient dissensions with 
 Russia, which originated in Alexander's 
 dissatisfaction at the great additions 
 recently made to the French empire, 
 namely, the incorporation of Holland 
 (consequent upon Lewis's abdication 
 and the transference of his son and heir 
 from the Dutch throne to that of the 
 grand-duchy of Berg) and of great part 
 of the northern coast of Germany, and 
 in the reluctance of the great land- 
 owners of Russia, to submit to the dimi- 
 nution of their incomes consequent upon 
 the interdiction of commerce with Eng- 
 land, the chief purchaser of the hemp 
 and tallow which constitute the prin- 
 cipal produce of their estates. These 
 dissensions as yet, however, only threat- 
 ened hostilities. Napoleon might at 
 once have put an end to them by a 
 trifling relaxation in his continental 
 system with respect to Russian com- 
 merce ; and if he had resolved against 
 concession, it should seem that his 
 policy was to terminate the Spanish 
 war, if possible, by his own vigorous 
 personal intervention, ere he engaged in 
 a new war with Russia, which, besides 
 requiring the exertion of all his power 
 and resources, must call him out of 
 reach of even directing the peninsular 
 campaigns. He did not adopt, this plan, 
 but contented himself with sending re- 
 inforcements to the extent of fifty thou- 
 sand men, naming Marmont, duke of 
 Ragusa, to supersede Massena, whose 
 conduct of the invasion of Portugal he 
 of course blamed; and placing Cata- 
 lonia, like Aragon, under Suchet's com- 
 mand, and Valencia when he should 
 have conquered that province. 
 
 Suchet had deserved this confidence : he 
 had done more than any other French ge- 
 neral both to conquer 
 Spain and to bend Militar ^; ations> 
 her to the yoke. Ara- A.D. 1811. 
 
 gon was tolerably 
 submissive; Tarragona, the last fortress 
 of Catalonia, fell in June ; the garrison, 
 after a gallant defence, fled from the 
 assault, and Suchet juslified the atro- 
 cities of all kinds, of which he seems 
 even to have encouraged the perpetra- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 305 
 
 tion, upon the grounds of his desire, by 
 one dreadful example, to terrify the 
 people from resistance. 
 
 Considering his work done in Cata- 
 lonia, although guerrilla bands still oc- 
 cupied the mountain fastnesses, and the 
 bold and able Sarsfield watched every 
 opportunity of directing them upon the 
 French, Suchet next invaded Valencia. 
 He defeated several detachments of the 
 Spanish army, and on the 16th of 
 October laid siege to Murviedro. Here 
 his situation appears to have been cri- 
 tical, had his adversaries known how 
 to use their advantages. Murviedro 
 defended itself valiantly; Blake, who 
 remained at the head of the Valencian 
 and Murcian armies, leaving his duties 
 as a member of the executive council 
 to be discharged by the Marquess of 
 Chastelar as his deputy, Blake lay with 
 a still numerous army in his front ; and 
 Mina, the Empecinado, and Duran, 
 another guerrilla chief, having entered 
 Aragon, were cutting off French de- 
 tachments in his rear. But mutual 
 jealousies hindered the guerrilla leaders 
 from acting in concert : Blake as usual 
 grew weary of caution and procrastina- 
 tion, gave battle on the 25th of October, 
 and, although the Spaniards fought with 
 more persevering gallantry than they 
 had lately displayed in the field, was 
 defeated. 
 
 Upon this disaster, Murviedro capi- 
 tulated, and Blake took another strong 
 position to protect the capital, Valencia, 
 where Suchet did not attempt to molest 
 him until he had received considerable 
 reinforcements. Then, on the 26th of 
 December, he attacked and again de- 
 feated him, driving him with the re- 
 mainder of his army into Valencia. 
 There Suchet besieged him, and com- 
 pelled him to capitulate on the 8th of 
 January, 1812. This campaign, the 
 most successful the French had made in 
 Spain since the first, Napoleon re- 
 warded by creating Suchet duke of 
 Albufera, and granting him the royal 
 domain of that name in Valencia, as an 
 inalienable fief of the French empire. 
 
 Valencia and Estremadura were thus 
 subdued, in the campaign of 1811 ; but 
 everywhere the French detachments and 
 communications were more and more 
 harassed by the guerrillas. A Spa- 
 nish army, under Eroles, still held the 
 mountain fastnesses of Catalonia ; and 
 even dared to penetrate into France, 
 where it levied contributions. Dorsenne's 
 invasion of Galicia had been prevented by 
 
 Lord Wellington's demonstrations against 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, which had compelled 
 Marmont to recall that general. Victor 
 made no progress with the siege of 
 Cadiz ; and Ballasteros, at the head of 
 a small army, aided by colonel Skerrett, 
 with a few British, and protected, when- 
 ever pressed, by the guns of Gibrallar, 
 so often foiled, and at last so thoroughly 
 defeated a division of Soult's army, that 
 its leader, General Godinet, committed 
 suicide rather than meet the reproaches 
 of his commander. 
 
 In Cadiz meanwhile the Cortes were 
 almost entirely occu- 
 pied with metaphysical Spain, 
 discussions, thV con- 
 struction of their con- 
 stitution, and the wrangling in which 
 they were involved with the Executive 
 Council, by their decrees for the aboli- 
 tion of many feudal privileges, most of 
 which, certainly, it was highly desirable 
 to abolish, had the moment been more 
 propitious. The want of a commander- 
 in-chief, who might prevent the ill 
 effects of the squabbles and jealousies 
 of the different generals, was sensibly 
 felt ; but those very jealousies increased 
 the difficulty of making such an appoint- 
 ment, and accordingly none was made. 
 A proposition for placing the western 
 provinces under the authority of lord 
 "Wellington, made when the British 
 army had reached the frontier in pur- 
 suit of Massena, provoked such a tem- 
 pest of Spanish pride, and such sus- 
 picions as to the ultimate designs of 
 England, that Mr. Wellesley was obliged 
 formally to disavow, in the name of his 
 government, any desire of territorial 
 acquisition, and in that of his brother, 
 any desire of exercising authority, save 
 as it was indispensable to the common 
 object of expelling the French from the 
 Peninsula. 
 
 The dissensions with the colonies 
 likewise diverted both the attention and 
 the resources of the Spanish government 
 from the vigorous prosecution of the 
 war. Those dissensions were further 
 inflamed by an unseasonable specula- 
 tively-liberal decree of the Cortes, ex- 
 tending to the aboriginal Americans all 
 the rights and privileges of Creoles, 
 whilst to these last they still refused 
 those of native Spaniards. In every 
 American province insurrection now 
 raged. 
 
 In Mexico, after a severe struggle, 
 by the help of .some of the best Spanish 
 regiments recently sent over, the Spa- 
 .X. 
 
306 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 niards regained the ascendency, and the 
 authority of the Cortes 
 Spa A.D h Sii? ie9 was acknowledged. In 
 South America the 
 insurgents everywhere prevailed. In 
 Venezuela, where Miranda had now be- 
 come a leading man, the Spaniards, not- 
 withstanding their reinforcements from 
 home, were completely subdued. Peru 
 and Chili were in a state of revolu- 
 tionary convulsion. Buenos Ayres had 
 proclaimed its independence, (still, how- 
 ever, acknowledging Ferdinand,) and 
 Elio, the new viceroy, sent out by the 
 Cortes with troops to quell the existing 
 disturbances, could proceed no farther 
 than Monte Video, whence he waged war 
 upon the capital of his viceroyalty. 
 
 Both parties importuned the British 
 naval officers upon that station for as- 
 sistance, but they were strictly forbidden 
 to interfere in these internal hostilities 
 amongst the subjects of an ally. Lord 
 Strangford, indeed, now English am- 
 bassador at Rio Janeiro, proffered the 
 mediation of England to settle the ex- 
 isting differences, which Buenos Ayres, 
 claiming at least equality with the 
 mother country, declined, as dreading 
 the partiality of England to Spain. The 
 Prince-Regent of Portugal, less scrupu- 
 lous, and more interested than England 
 in the dispute, sent a body of troops 
 to assist the viceroy. Whilst the Spa- 
 nish government, painfully feeling the 
 loss of American revenue, and checked 
 in their efforts to enforce the submission 
 of the colonies, by the mutiny of the 
 troops ordered for America, and their 
 refusal to leave Spain, implored the in- 
 tervention of England, making it, how- 
 ever, a condition of such mediation, 
 that if the colonies could not be induced 
 to own the authority of the Cortes, 
 England should break off all intercourse 
 with them. 
 
 The only military operation of the 
 British troops of any 
 Spain, moment that occurred 
 
 MilUar Au perati " S in the autumn of 1 81 1, 
 18111812. was a daring enter- 
 prise of Sir Rowland 
 Hill's. By an able and rapid march, 
 he surprised, at Arroyo de Molinos, a 
 body of five thousand French, who 
 materially hampered Castaiios in his 
 endeavours to re-organize an Estrema- 
 duran army ; he made great slaughter 
 of them, and completely dispersed the 
 survivors, taking fifteen hundred pri- 
 soners, with ail their artillery, stores, 
 and baggage. 
 
 The year 1812 opened with an exploit, 
 the brilliant rapidity of which seems 
 equally to have confounded the French, 
 and enraptured the Spaniards. Lord 
 Wellington had long been silently for- 
 warding every preparation for the siege 
 of Ciuclad Rodrigo ; whilst Marmont, 
 lulled into perfect tranquillity with re- 
 gard to that important place by the ease 
 with which the blockade had been 
 raised in the preceding summer, had 
 taken up his quarters upon the Tagus, 
 made detachments from his army to 
 assist Suchet, and to quell the Biscayan 
 andAsturian insurgents, and seeming to 
 think but little of Lord Wellington, be- 
 stowed his chief care upon watching 
 Hill, who was ordered thus to attract 
 his attention. 
 
 His means being thus prepared, and 
 his enemy unobservant, Lord Wel- 
 lington resolved to carry Ciudad Rodrigo 
 before Marmont could even attempt 
 anything for its relief. On the 8th of 
 January, 1812, he suddenly appeared 
 before the place, invested it, carried a 
 principal redoubt by force, and opened 
 his trenches the same evening. By 
 talent, assiduity, and labour, all defects 
 and deficiencies in the besieging troops 
 were obviated ; the siege was urged on 
 with the utmost possible vigour ; and 
 the cantonments of the different divi- 
 sions of the army were so arranged, 
 that a powerful covering force could at 
 any moment be drawn together to op- 
 pose Marmont, should he present him- 
 self. This last precaution proved unne- 
 cessary. On the 19th two breaches 
 were reported practicable, and the town 
 was stormed the same night. The 
 plunder and licence incident to taking 
 towns by assault could not be repressed 
 for some hours ; but it is averred, to 
 the credit of the British troops, that so 
 immediately did they abstain from the 
 work of slaughter upon the cessation 
 of resistance, that out of a garrison of 
 two thousand seven hundred men, the 
 prisoners amounted to seventeen hun- 
 dred. The siege cost the allies thirteen 
 hundred men in killed and wounded. 
 
 Marmont no sooner heard of the 
 siege, than he made energetic exertions 
 to assemble an army sufficient to raise 
 it ; and for this purpose again recalled 
 Dorsenne from the north. The place 
 was taken before his troops were col- 
 lected ; a rapidity of success, of which 
 Marmont, in his official report, speaks 
 as incomprehensible. The northern pro- 
 vinces continued their usual guerrilla 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 course of warfare, but made no effort 
 for the common cause. All Spain was, 
 however, delighted at. the recovery of a 
 town, the loss of which had been so 
 bitterly deplored ; and the Cortes created 
 Lord Wellington a Grandee of the 
 first class by the title of duke of Ciudad 
 Rodrigo; whilst in England he was 
 raised to the dignity of an earl. 
 
 The victor "meanwhile was again 
 making preparations with the same 
 secrecy that had already so happily 
 succeeded. Estremadura was then 
 nearly free from French troops ; and by 
 disguising his designs, lord Wellington 
 hoped to master Badajoz like Ciudad 
 Rodrigo, before Soult and Marmont 
 should have time to hear of the siege, 
 and unite their forces to raise it. The 
 heavy artillery was put on board large 
 ships at Lisbon, with a professed dif- 
 ferent destination ; trans-shipped out at 
 sea, into small craft, and brought up the 
 river Sadao, to a point whence its con- 
 veyance through the Alemtejo was likely 
 to escape the enemy's observation. All 
 preliminary measures being conducted 
 with similar caution, the troops broke 
 up from the neighbourhood of Ciudad 
 "Rodrigo to march southwards on the 
 6th of March, and on the 16th, Badajoz 
 was invested, whilst Graham (now 
 second in command) and Hill, with the 
 main body of the army, took up a po- 
 sition to cover the siege. 
 
 The works were hurried on with the 
 diligence already practised, and on the 
 24th an important fort was carried by 
 assault. On the 30th information was 
 received that Soult was advancing with 
 his whole disposable force to raise the 
 siege; that Graham and Hill were re- 
 treating before him towards Albuera; 
 that Marmont, taking advantage of the 
 allied army's removal, had crossed the 
 frontier, blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, 
 masked Almeida, and marched south- 
 wards, plundering and ravaging the 
 country, as far as Castel Branco; and 
 that the cavalry and militia, left to ob- 
 serve him, had fallen back, the latter 
 upon the mountains, the former towards 
 the Tagus. In consequence of this 
 threatening intelligence, the siege was 
 pressed with increased ardour; on the 
 6th of April three sufficient breaches 
 were made ; and on the night of that 
 day they were stormed. The gallantry 
 of the garrison, and the obstacles op- 
 posed by the skill of the French engi- 
 neers to the passage of the breaches, ren- 
 dered the assault difficult and sanguinary. 
 
 307 
 
 All the leading officers, including Ge- 
 ntrals Picton, Colville, Kempt, Walker, 
 and Bowes, were wounded so severely 
 as to be disabled; but the undaunted 
 resolution of the troops finally* over- 
 powered all resistance, and Badajoz was 
 taken, the governor, General Philippon, 
 and four thousand men being made pri- 
 soners. The fall of Badajoz seems to 
 have surprised the French yet more 
 than that of Ciudad Rodrigo, and as 
 they themselves said, in intercepted let- 
 ters, disappointed all their calculations. 
 One result of this triumph was 
 the immediate and final retreat of the 
 French from Estremadura and Portugal. 
 Soult lost no time in returning to Se- 
 ville, harassed by the cavalry of the 
 allies ; and Marmont, retracing his 
 steps, raised the blockade of 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, and fell back /*$& 
 to Salamanca. This plunder- 
 ing inroad was the only damage sus- 
 tained by Portugal after the evacuation 
 of Almeida. That country was already 
 beginning to recover from its suf- 
 ferings. Agriculture was reviving, and 
 the Regency issued a proclamation, in 
 which the improvements effected were 
 announced ; at the same time, that the 
 people were warned to hold themselves 
 in readiness for carrying into execution, 
 in case of necessity, those measures for 
 distressing an invader, which had been 
 so unfortunately neglected previous to 
 Massena's invasion. 
 
 The news of the unexpected fall of 
 Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz reached 
 the French emperor when his armies 
 were assembling in the duchy of Warsaw, 
 and he was preparing to begin his fatal 
 campaign against Russia. 
 The tidings seem to have 
 awakened a desire in his 
 breast to leave peace behind him ; 
 and he directed pacific overtures to be 
 made to the British court. In these the 
 uti possidetis was proposed as the basis 
 of negotiation, of course considering 
 Joseph as the actual king of Spain. 
 The prince of Wales now governed 
 England as regent, in consequence of 
 the confirmed mental derangement of 
 George III. But he had retained his 
 father's ministers, and adopted his 
 father's system of foreign policy. He 
 refused to attend to any treaty that in- 
 cluded the abandonment of his Spanish 
 allies. 
 
 Napoleon made no further attempt at 
 negotiation; but calculating, probably, 
 that his immense hosts of nearly two 
 X2 
 
'30% 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 millions of men, gathered from France 
 and all her subject states, would afford 
 an abundant sufficiency of effective 
 troops to carry on two wars at the 
 south-western and north-eastern extre- 
 mities of Europe simultaneously, he 
 committed the subjugation of the Pe- 
 ninsula and Lord Wellington to the 
 dukes of Dalmatia, Albufera, and 
 Ragusa, with about one hundred and 
 eighty thousand men, and on the 9th of 
 May left Paris for Dresden. There he 
 held a court attended by his father-in- 
 law, the Emperor of Austria, and all the 
 vassal kings and princes of Germany. 
 But as soon as his armies had reached 
 the Russian frontiers, he quitted a scene 
 that merely flattered his vanity, and 
 hastened to direct in person a new in- 
 vasion as unjust as it was impolitic. 
 In Spain, the native leaders meanwhile 
 continued their desultory war- 
 
 A.S?uS*. fare ' Lac y Sarsfield ' Rovira, 
 Mina, and Porlier in the 
 north, the Empecinado and Sanchez in 
 the Castiles, and Ballasteros in the south, 
 gained trifling advantages over the 
 enemy in divers engagements ; but for 
 want of concert no material result was 
 obtained from their successes, whilst 
 Suchet, following up his blow, made 
 himself master of the whole kingdom of 
 Valencia, with the single exception of 
 Alicant. That place, with the usual 
 resolution of Spanish towns, repulsed 
 an attack made by Montbrun with a 
 division of the army of Portugal, which 
 Marmont, in the very beginning of 
 January, during the presumed inactivity 
 of his own immediate antagonist, Wel- 
 lington, had sent to co-operate with the 
 duke of Albufera, In Tarifa, a town 
 defended only by an old wall, eighteen 
 hundred English and Spanish troops, 
 commanded by Colonel Skerrett, re- 
 pulsed ten thousand French led by the 
 duke of Belluno in person. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Cortes appoint a new Regency and 
 Council of State New constitution 
 proclaimed and sworn to Too demo- 
 cratic Wellington advances into 
 Spain Battle of Salamanca Joseph 
 evacuates Madrid Wellington enters 
 MadridIs appointed Commander- 
 in- Chief of the Spanish armies 
 Siege of Cadiz raised Ballasteros 
 refuses to obey a foreigner Cortes 
 displace and imprison him Wel- 
 
 lington fails before Burgos Re- 
 treats to Portugal Joseph re-enters 
 Madrid Napoleon invades Russia 
 Moscow burnt Napoleons disastrous 
 retreat Colonial War Wellington's 
 arrangements with Spanish and 
 Portugueze Regencies Napoleon 
 leads a new army into Germany 
 His victories Wellington turns the 
 French position on the Douro 
 French retreat to the^ Ebro Joseph 
 evacuates Madrid, and joins the 
 army Position on the Ebro turned 
 Battle of Vitoria Congress of 
 Prague Dissolved Austria de- 
 clares against France Battles of the 
 Pyrenees Storming of St. Sebastian 
 Passage of the Bidassoa Pamplona 
 surrenders Battle of the Nivelle*. 
 
 THE Cortes were by this time weary of 
 their Executive Council, and proceeded 
 to make a new Regency, or rather, to 
 provide a constant supply of successive 
 regencies. They ap- 
 Dinted a Council of CivH T s r S ctions 
 State which was to be A .D. 1812. 
 
 composed of twenty 
 members ; two being grandees, two ec- 
 clesiastics, and the remainder, per- 
 sons who had distinguished them- 
 selves in the military, diplomatic, ma- 
 gisterial, and financial careers; six 
 were to be natives of the colonies. The 
 deposed regents were named members 
 of this council. The duke del Infantado, 
 then ambassador in England, was re- 
 called to assume the presidency, and 
 O'Donnel, count of Abisbal, was named 
 vice-president. From this body, in itself 
 too numerous for the discharge of the 
 executive functions, regencies were to 
 be selected by some established law of 
 rotation. The first regency chosen 
 consisted of four persons, viz. Mos- 
 quera y Figueroa, its president, Villa- 
 vicencio, de Rivas, and Abisbal. It 
 proved more vigorous than its prede- 
 cessors ; and upon assuming the go- 
 vernment, published two addresses, one 
 to the nation, urging the necessity of 
 great sacrifices to achieve the great end 
 of deliverance from a foreign usurper; 
 the other to the colonies, inviting them 
 to concur in the common cause. But 
 still the main object of the Cortes was 
 the new constitution, to framing which 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for 
 this chapter are, Southey, Scott, Marquess of 
 Londonderry, Elliott, Sherer, Suchet, Annals of 
 the Peninsular Campaigns, Memoirs of the late 
 War, Annual Register. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 they devoted nearly all their time and 
 thoughts. 
 
 In the month of March this important 
 task was completed, and solemnly sworn 
 to. The reign of this constitution 
 has, however, been so short, that it is 
 needless to enter into any further detail 
 concerning it than to say, that it was a 
 very limited representative monarchy, 
 with the ordinary securities for personal 
 liberty, but destitute of that invaluable 
 balancing power between king and 
 people, a second chamber, or house of 
 Peers ; and by not assigning to the 
 great and the affluent their natural and 
 just office and interest in the state, it 
 necessarily alienated them, as a body, 
 from the new form of government, with 
 which only a few zealously patriotic, 
 or selfishly ambitious individuals of the 
 formerly privileged orders were satisfied. 
 The Cortes jealously excluded from the 
 succession to the crown, under any pos- 
 sible contingency, the youngest Infante, 
 Don Francisco, the queen of Etruria, 
 and their descendants, as being under 
 the influence of the old king and queen 
 and Godoy, and, through them, of Na- 
 poleon, as also the French empress, the 
 Archduchess Maria Louisa, and her 
 descendants; and among many liberal 
 decrees, only too liberal, for the most 
 part, to accord with the state of public 
 opinion in Spain, they abolished all the 
 inabilities imposed upon the descendants 
 of Moors. 
 
 Whilst the Spanish Cortes and govern- 
 ment were engrossed by these^ highly 
 useful, but somewhat inopportune la- 
 bours, and ere they had produced any 
 powerful and combined effort against 
 the enemy, who still held complete mi- 
 litary possession of the country for 
 which they were legislating, the great 
 English commander upon whom the 
 liberation of Spain really depended, 
 had gained new triumphs over the 
 French. He had ordered General Hill to 
 drive the French from 
 
 Militarisations Almaraz upon the 
 A.D. 1812. lagus, which service 
 
 that officer had gal- 
 lantly performed, and thus obtained 
 possession of the only place through 
 which, so general had been the destruc- 
 tion of bridges, the enemy's armies of 
 Portugal and of the south could conve- 
 niently keep up their communication 
 across the river. The intercourse be- 
 tween Soult and Marmont being thus 
 impeded, and assurance received that 
 an English army, sufficient to effect a 
 
 309 
 
 powerful diversion in the eastern pro- 
 vinces, had sailed from Sicily under 
 General Maitland, the earl of Welling- 
 ton advanced towards Salamanca on 
 the 13th of June. He there, despite the 
 efforts of the duke of Ragusa, reduced 
 several very strong forts before the end 
 of the month. 
 
 Marmont retreated to the Douro, 
 whither Wellington followed him, and 
 where the French marshal was joined 
 by a strong corps under Bonnet. A 
 series of masterly manoeuvres ensued, in 
 which, during six days, the contending 
 generals displayed all the resources of 
 their art. The advantage in this pure 
 trial of skill remained with the Briton, 
 who, on the 22nd of July, seizing upon 
 arash movement of Marmont's, instantly 
 attacked him, and gained the splendid 
 victory of Salamanca, in which the 
 French lost seven thousand prisoners, 
 at least as many killed and wounded, 
 including three generals killed and four 
 wounded, amongst whom was Marmont 
 himself, eleven pieces of artillery, and 
 two eagles. The loss of the allies 
 amounted to five thousand two hundred 
 killed and wounded, the former in- 
 cluding one general, the latter five. 
 
 Clausel, who upon Marmonfs being 
 disabled, succeeded to the command, 
 rallied the routed army, and retreated to 
 Burgos. Wellington pursued him as 
 far as Valladolid, and then turning 
 southwards, marched upon Madrid. 
 Joseph had not above twenty thousand 
 men for the defence of his capital ; he 
 abandoned it at the approach of the 
 allies ; but weakened himself by leaving 
 a garrison of two thousand men in a 
 fortress adjoining the palace of Buen 
 Retiro. They capitulated on the ap- 
 proach of the British army, remaining 
 prisoners of war. 
 
 Lord Wellington entered Madrid on 
 the 12th of August, and was received 
 with every demonstration of the most 
 enthusiastic joy and gratitude, as the 
 deliverer of Spain. The new constitu- 
 tion was proclaimed in the capital, and 
 sworn to with eager zeal. And now the 
 exploits and services of the British 
 general had at length so far conquered 
 Spanishjealousy, that the Cortes named 
 the duke of CiudadRodrigo commander- 
 in-chief of the Spanish forces, during 
 the continuance of the existing war 
 an appointment which promised to re- 
 move many of the impediments that 
 had obstructed the progress of the allied 
 arms, and which was fully warranted 
 
310 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 by the results of his recent triumphs. 
 The French marshals now saw with 
 alarm the dissemination of their troops. 
 Soult raised the blockade of Cadiz on 
 the 25th, and collected his forces east- 
 wards, where he could, if necessary, 
 unite with Suchet. He left, however, 
 a garrison in Seville, which fell into the 
 hands of the English and Spanish 
 troops from Cadiz, who stormed that 
 town on the 27th. Joseph, on the ad- 
 vance of Hill, retreated in the same di- 
 rection, and Andalusia was again freed 
 from the presence of the invaders. 
 
 But the position of lord Wellington 
 at Madrid, which had already produced 
 most of the expected advantages, was 
 becoming dangerous. He was disap- 
 pointed of the diversions upon which 
 he had relied. Maitland's army proved 
 too weak, amounting only to six thou- 
 sand men, to attempt a landing in Ca- 
 talonia. It was therefore directed to 
 Alicant; and O'Donnel, with whom 
 alone it could have co-operated in Va- 
 lencia, having been defeated and driven 
 into Murcia just before Maitland's 
 arrival, the Anglo-Sicilian army ne- 
 cessarily remained in garrison at Ali- 
 cant, where at the utmost it checked 
 Suchet's advance upon Madrid. And 
 Ballasteros, who had the most efficient 
 army in Andalusia, refused to obey 
 lord Wellington's orders, alleging that 
 it was disgraceful to the national cha- 
 racter for a Spaniard to receive orders 
 from a foreigner. 
 
 The Regency energetically supported 
 their own authority. Ballasteros was 
 arrested in the midst of his army, and 
 sent to the African fortress of Ceuta ; 
 the command was transferred to Virues, 
 and the most precise orders were issued 
 to all Spanish officers to obey the duke 
 of Ciudad Rodrigo. But the opportunity 
 was lost. Soult had concentrated his 
 forces, and in conjunction with Joseph 
 was advancing upon Madrid. And the 
 only prospect of co-operation for Wel- 
 lington appeared to be in the north, 
 where a Gallician army of twenty- 
 five thousand men was said to be 
 ready to act against Clausel's troops, 
 now reinforced and reorganized, pro- 
 vided they were put in possession of 
 Burgos. Thus situated, the British 
 leader quitted Madrid on the 1st of 
 September, to march against Burgos, 
 leaving half his army under Hill to 
 observe Soult, and if possible defend 
 Madrid. The English troops that had 
 garrisoned Cadiz now joined the army. ; 
 
 The French retreated as the allies 
 advanced, and at Palencia the Gallician 
 army effected its junction, but consisted 
 only of ten thousand new levies. On the 
 19th lord Wellington occupied Burgos, 
 and laid siege to the castle. Here the 
 deficiency of means already described 
 proved more detrimental than ever, ren- 
 dering it impossible to conquer the 
 science and courage displayed in the 
 defence. A month was spent in daring 
 but unsuccessful attempts to storm the 
 fortifications, during which neither Spa- 
 niards nor the An^lo- Sicilian army could 
 effect a diversion to prevent the approach 
 of Souham with all the disposable French 
 force in the north of Spain. Lord Wel- 
 lington, on the 22nd of October, judged 
 it expedient to raise the siege, and take 
 up his winter-quarters on the Portu- 
 gueze frontier, trusting to make arrange- 
 ments during the season of inaction, in 
 virtue of his new authority, by which a 
 character of more efficiency might be 
 given to the exertions of the Spaniards, 
 against the next campaign. 
 
 About the same time Joseph and Soult 
 advancing upon Madrid, and threatening 
 to turn the position Hill had taken to 
 cover the capital, that, general, in obedi- 
 ence to his instructions, retreated to 
 Salamanca, where, on the 3rd of No- 
 vember, he joined lord Wellington. On 
 the 24th, the troops went into canton- 
 ments along the frontier line, head- 
 quarters being fixed at Freynada. It 
 is mortifying to be compelled to add, 
 that leisurely as was this retreat, and 
 untroubled by aught save very wet wea- 
 ther, the troops, dispirited by their failure 
 before Burgos, discovered much of the 
 disorder and insubordination that had 
 marked sir John Moore's retreat to 
 Coruna. 
 
 The year 1812 saw everywhere the 
 beginning of the reverses which over- 
 threw the colossal empire of Buonaparte. 
 The Russians, imitating, perhaps, lord 
 Wellington's mode of de- 
 fending Portugal, retreated 
 before the invading hosts. 
 Napoleon, relying upon the daring sys- 
 tem of striking at his enemy's metro- 
 polis, by which he had gained so many 
 triumphs, paused not to organize a 
 powerful support in his rear; rejected 
 the earnest prayers of the Poles and 
 Lithuanians to re-establish their inde- 
 pendence, which in itself would have 
 been a support equally firm and glori- 
 ous ; and pressed on to Moscow, gaming 
 the brilliant but sanguinary victory of 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 311 
 
 Borodino in his way. Moscow was 
 burnt, either accidentally or by the self- 
 sacrificing patriotism of its inhabitants ; 
 but Napoleon pertinaciously remained 
 there in the persuasion that his occupa- 
 tion of the capital would compel Alex- 
 ander to accept any peace he should 
 dictate. 
 
 The Russian armies, commanded by 
 the veteran Kutusow, and augmented 
 by all the troops previously employed 
 against Turkey, (with which power 
 Russia had now made peace under 
 English mediation,) were gathering 
 around Moscow during the whole of N a- 
 poleon's imprudently protracted stay. 
 At length, disappointed by Alexander's 
 refusal to treat with an enemy occupy- 
 ing one of his capitals, the French 
 emperor began his retreat on the 19th of 
 October ; and then the Russians, by their 
 overpowering numbers, forced him to 
 follow the very road he had himself de- 
 vastated upon his advance. Hence the 
 usual disorders and consequent disasters 
 incident to a retreat were multiplied an 
 hundred fold ; and they were yet further 
 enhanced by the marauding and licen- 
 tious habits of French soldiers, and by 
 Napoleon's genius not being of that 
 self-controlling character which shines 
 equally in stemming adversity, as in 
 gaining and improving success. Their 
 rear and flanks were incessantly ha- 
 rassed by the Russians, especially by the 
 Cossacks ; and on the 6th of Novem- 
 ber they were overtaken, though they 
 could hardly be surprised, by the setting 
 in of the rigorous winter of northern 
 climates. 
 
 The sick and wounded had already been 
 left behind as the horses of the army sank 
 under their privations; then artillery, 
 ammunition, baggage, and even the 
 spoils of Moscow were abandoned. The 
 rear-guard was constantly engaged with 
 superior numbers, and as the divisions 
 relieved each other in that arduous post, 
 one after another was cut to pieces. 
 Discipline and order were no more ; the 
 army became a mere armed rabble; 
 and had it not been met by reinforce- 
 ments in a better condition, which took 
 the office of rear-guard, not a man could 
 have escaped. As it was, not above fifty 
 thousand men out of the five hundred 
 thousand whom Napoleon had either 
 led into Russia, or summoned thither as 
 reinforcements, recrossed its borders. 
 Two hundred and fifty thousand men 
 had perished indifferent ways, two hun- 
 dred thousand were prisoners. 
 
 The king of Prussia took the oppor- 
 tunity of throwing off the French yoke. 
 He renewed his alliance with Alexander ; 
 and as their united armies advanced 
 into Germany, the attachment of many 
 other states to their conqueror appeared 
 doubtful. 
 
 There was nothing to counterbalance 
 the exultation excited in Spain by these 
 frightful reverses of her unrelenting foe, 
 except the continuance of the dissen- 
 sions with the colonies. 
 All efforts at concilia- s P a D h 1 ^ niM 
 tion had come too late. 
 Civil war raged throughout the whole 
 of Spanish America, as yet with fluctu- 
 ating success. In Buenos Ayres the 
 independents retained the ascendency, 
 although the royalists kept possession 
 of Monte Video, whence Elio had been 
 recalled, Vigodet being sent out in his 
 stead ; and their allies the Portugueze 
 had established themselves in "their 
 neighbourhood at Maldonado, which they 
 were only induced to evacuate by the 
 earnest intervention of the British am- 
 bassador at Rio Janeiro. In Venezuela 
 the royalists had regained the upper 
 hand. A dreadful earthquake that deso- 
 lated Caraccas, seemed to have shaken 
 the constancy of all the provinces ; they 
 were moreover distracted by factions ; 
 and Miranda was delivered up by his 
 own party 1o his adversaries, and sent 
 to Spain, where he was thrown into a 
 dungeon. All the other colonies, with 
 the exception of Cuba, Porto Rico, and 
 the Philippines, were in a state of gene- 
 ral convulsion and disorganization, which 
 rendered useless to the mother-country, 
 even those that were not positively ini- 
 mical to her. 
 
 When his troops were stationed in 
 their cantonments, lord Wellington re- 
 paired to Cadiz, to concert measures 
 with the regency for improving the dis- 
 cipline and efficiency of the 
 Spanish forces. He was A J p jy" 9 
 assured that vigorous exer- 
 tions should be made throughout the 
 kingdom, to take advantage of the op- 
 portunity offered by Napoleon's present 
 difficulties; that the authority of gene- 
 rals of armies should be defined, dis- 
 tinguished from that of civil governors, 
 and confirmed; and that at least fifty 
 thousand men, fully equipped and amply 
 provisioned, should early take the fielc. 
 A large section of the Spanish staff was 
 assigned him as his means of commu- 
 nication with the different Spanish com- 
 manders. 
 
312 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 From Cadiz lord Wellington went to 
 Lisbon, and upon his road through Por- 
 tugal the different towns vied with each 
 other in the display of their gratitude 
 and admiration ; Lisbon being yet more 
 enthusiastic than the rest. Besides the 
 various honours paid him by the go- 
 vernment and municipality, the city was 
 generally and spontaneously illuminated 
 for three following nights. All diffi- 
 culties with the regency were now of 
 course at an end, and every arrangement 
 desired by the liberator of the kingdom 
 was promptly made. The prince of 
 Brazil, who had previously created lord 
 Wellington count of Vimeiro and mar- 
 quess of Torres Vedras, now conferred 
 upon him the title of duke of Victoria, 
 in commemoration of his many victories ; 
 and it might also have seemed in antici- 
 pation of the most decisive of his Penin- 
 sular battles. England had already 
 raised her general to the rank of a mar- 
 quess, and added a liberal grant for the 
 purchase of estates to support the dig- 
 nity of the peerage. From Lisbon the 
 marquess of Wellington returned to 
 Freynada to make his final preparations 
 for the opening of the next campaign. 
 
 The allied armies were now, for the 
 first time, about to take the field under 
 favourable circumstances ; and he, 
 whose genius had hitherto been severely 
 tried in contending with, and surmount- 
 ing, every species of obstacle, might 
 hope to pursue that more dazzling 
 career of glory, which silences the cavils 
 of envy and of ignorance. The resources 
 of the Peninsula, such as they were, 
 were placed at his disposal ; the Anglo- 
 Sicilian army was augmented to the 
 number of sixteen thousand men, with 
 whom, in conjunction with the Spanish 
 army under Elio, sir John Murray 
 gained some advantages over Suchet, 
 in Valencia, and fully occupied his atten- 
 tion : and what was of more consequence, 
 the French emperor, instead of con- 
 stantly pouring reinforcements into 
 Spain in numbers that almost seemed 
 to render lord Wellington's victories 
 barren triumphs, was compelled to with- 
 draw thence as many troops as he 
 deemed more than were necessary for 
 the destruction of the British army; 
 after which the submission of the 
 Peninsula would, he expected, follow as 
 a matter of course. 
 
 It has been remarked that Napoleon 
 was deficient in the self-regulating moral 
 energy, which, stemming the tide of 
 misfortune, lessens the evils that cannot 
 
 be averted. The observation was not 
 intended to describe him 
 as fitted only to shine in 'SRwi?" 
 prosperity, for never were 
 the inexhaustible resources of his won- 
 derful abilities more astonishingly dis- 
 played, than in the power with which he 
 repaired the disasters of the Russian 
 campaign. The conscription of 1814 
 was anticipated ; the most active class 
 of the national guards was converted 
 into troops of the line ; Soult, with 
 thirly thousand veterans, was recalled 
 from Spain ; and towards the end of 
 April, Napoleon had again three hundred 
 and fifty thousand men in arms. 
 
 The northern allies had hitherto been 
 almost uninterruptedly successful. They 
 had been joined by an army of Swedes, 
 under their crown prince, Bernadotte. 
 This French general had been volun- 
 tarily raised to that dignity by Sweden, 
 under the idea of conciliating France ; 
 but, provoked by the insulting treatment 
 of Napoleon, by his increasing demands 
 that every interest of Sweden should be 
 sacrificed to his pleasure that she 
 should act, in short, as a vassal province 
 of France he had broken all old ties 
 to unite with Russia, Prussia, and Eng- 
 land, against the tyrant of Europe. The 
 armies of the allied powers had pene- 
 trated beyond the Elbe; many of the 
 Prussian fortresses were recovered; 
 Hanover was partially evacuated, and 
 its population rising against the French; 
 and the Hanse towns gladly received the 
 allies as their deliverers. 
 
 The appearance of Napoleon at the 
 head of about one hundred and fifty 
 thousand men changed the aspect of 
 affairs, and it seemed as though he must 
 again reign paramount over Europe. 
 He defeated the allies in a hard-fought 
 battle at Liitzen on the 2nd of May, and 
 asain at Bautzen on the 20th and 21st. 
 But his victories now produced no im- 
 portant results. The allies upon both 
 occasions retreated in good order, and 
 his own loss was very heavy : the Saxons, 
 however, who had previously been 
 wavering, now supported their king in 
 adhering to France. Napoleon, on the 
 4th of June, agreed to allow Austria 
 to mediate a peace, and he concluded 
 an armistice in order to afford the nego- 
 tiations the better chance of success. 
 
 The complicated arrangements requi- 
 site to bring so variously composed an 
 army into activity, delayed lord Wel- 
 lington's opening the campaign until 
 the middle of May ; when he took the 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 313 
 
 field at the head ] of nearly seventy 
 
 thousand men, Eng- 
 
 Spain, ]i s h and Portugueze, 
 
 Milit r.lffi t10118 independently of the 
 Spanish army of Gal- 
 licia under Castanos on his left, and ano- 
 ther on his right under Don Carlos de 
 Espana. The French had still one hun- 
 dred and sixty thousand men in Spain ; 
 and as many of these as were not engaged 
 in the eastern provinces under Suchet,or 
 employed in garrison duty, were stationed 
 around Madrid and between the capital 
 and the Douro, where they evidently 
 contemplated making a stand; and, 
 from the rugged character of the banks 
 of that river, and the skill and labour 
 that had been employed in fortifying 
 them, they deemed it impossible they 
 should be forced. 
 
 Lord Wellington ordered General 
 Murray to remove his troops by sea to 
 Catalonia, in order both to relieve 
 Valencia by drawing Suchet northwards, 
 and to l)e nearer the scene of *he prin- 
 cipal operations ; and sent sir T. Gra- 
 ham, with the left \ving of the army, to 
 cross the Douro within the limits of 
 Portugal, and thus turn a perhaps im- 
 pregnable position, whilst he himself 
 with the centre, and sir R. Hill with the 
 right, advanced towards it in front, 
 driving before them all detachments from 
 the army of Portugal, as it was si ill 
 termed, that were stationed south of the 
 Douro. The manoeuvre seems to have 
 confounded the enemy. The army of 
 Portugal retreated. Joseph, and Jourdan 
 who had been sent back to him instead 
 of Soult, collected the army of the 
 centre, and evacuating Madrid, hastened 
 to join the army of Portugal near Bur- 
 gos. Here a battle was expected ; but 
 the French armies, though now esti- 
 mated at seventy or eighty thousand 
 men, continued their retreat, destroying 
 as far as possible the defences of B ur- 
 gos, and taking with them the garrisons 
 of all the fortified towns they left behind 
 them. 
 
 Joseph and Jourdan now proposed 
 defending the passage of the Ebro, and, 
 from the natural and artificial strength 
 of the ground, with every prospect of 
 success. Wellington has been usually 
 contemned by French generals for his 
 great economy of his soldiers' lives ; and, 
 again, upon this occasion, he did not 
 attempt to force a passage that must 
 have cost him dear. Graham was again 
 sent to the left, through a country COH- 
 ceived to be impassable for wheel-car- 
 
 riages; he crossed the Ebro near its 
 source, and returning along its northern 
 bank, Joseph for the second time found 
 the position, on the strength of which 
 he relied, turned. He fell back to 
 Vitoria, the principal depot of the French 
 in the northern provinces ; there he 
 halted, drew up his army in battle array, 
 and prepared to make a last struggle for 
 his crown. It is said that the French 
 occupied the very ground on which, in 
 the fourteenth century, the Black Prince 
 had defeated du Guesclin, and recovered 
 the Castilian crown for Don Pedro. 
 
 Lord Wellington called in his scat- 
 tered divisions, intermixed several 
 brigades of Spanish troops with the 
 British and Portugueze, and on the 
 2 1st of June, attacked king Joseph. 
 The Spaniards fought with a courage 
 that proved their former panics and 
 failures to have been mainly attributable 
 to want of confidence in their com- 
 manders and their comrades. The 
 French wings were first assailed and 
 driven back. Then, when their formi- 
 dably posted centre had been weakened 
 to support the wings, and was, besides, 
 threatened on the flanks, that too was 
 assailed and carried. The French had 
 never before been so utterly routed. 
 The whole army dispersed and fled ; 
 Joseph narrowly escaped being taken 
 prisoner; artillery, baggage, everything 
 upon which the existence of an army 
 depends, fell into the hands of the vic- 
 tors, as well as the wives of many of the 
 French superior officers, and Jourdan's 
 marshal's staff. 
 
 The victory was actively followed up ; 
 most of the French garrisons were taken, 
 or surrendered upon being summoned ; 
 the remaining French detachments, by 
 a series of nearly bloodless manoeuvres, 
 were driven across the Pyrenees; and 
 by the 7th of July no part of Joseph's 
 army remained in Spain except the gar- 
 risons of Pamplona and St. Sebastian. 
 The former of these places was under- 
 stood to be ill provisioned ; it was there- 
 fore blockaded, and that service was 
 assigned to Abisbal, who had now 
 brought up the Andalusian army of 
 reserve. Graham was directed to besiege 
 St. Sebastian in form ; and the allied 
 army took up an extended position in 
 the Pyrenees, to guard the passes of 
 those mountains, and cover the two 
 sieges. 
 
 Suchet's was now the only French 
 army in Spain, and his force remained 
 unbroken in the eastern provinces, op- 
 
314 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 posed to sir John Murray. That gene- 
 ral was conveyed with his troops hy a 
 British fleet from Alicant to the Cata- 
 lonian coast, and landing, on the 3rd of 
 June, near Tarragona, immediately 
 invested that town. He had made little 
 progress with the siege when Suchet's 
 advance from Valencia was announced. 
 The object of relieving Valencia by 
 drawing Suchetinto Catalonia was now 
 accomplished, and it had never been 
 contemplated that Murray with his small 
 and heterogeneous army, of mixed 
 English and Sicilian troops, should 
 actually give battle to the French general 
 with his collected forces. That the siege 
 should be raised was now inevitable; 
 but Murray rather abandoned than 
 raised it ; re-embarking his troops with 
 such precipitation, although Suchet was 
 some marches distant, that he left his 
 artillery and stores behind. 
 
 On the 17th, the general originally ap- 
 pointed, lord William Bentinck.who had 
 been till then unavoidably detained in 
 Sicily, arrived, and took the command. 
 He determined, according to his ori- 
 ginal instructions, upon returning to 
 Alicant, and, in conjunction with the 
 duke del Parque, attacking the French 
 garrisons in Valencia. Suchet returned 
 thither to oppose them ; but the news 
 of the battle of Vitoria and its conse- 
 quences determined the marshal to 
 abandon that province and concentrate 
 his troops in Catalonia. No affair of 
 moment ensued. Suchet was too strong 
 for lord William, but contented himself 
 with remaining on the defensive : and 
 in Catalonia, alone, with the exception 
 of St. Sebastian and Pamplona, was 
 even defence attempted. Aragon was 
 freed, and Mina, the uncle, had the gra- 
 tification of recovering the heroic Sara- 
 gossa from her conquerors. 
 
 Napoleon received the tidings of the 
 battle of Vitoria and its disastrous re- 
 sults to his brother's hopes, during the 
 negotiations for peace; and it was 
 thought to create in him 
 Foreign .e?f tes some" disposition to settle 
 
 A.D. lOiO. ,r - < i \ il 
 
 the arfairs of the north. 
 He certainly did propose greater con- 
 cessions to the separate interests of each 
 of his enemies, than might have been 
 anticipated ; and tried by large offers to 
 tempt his imperial father-in-law to per- 
 severe in his alliance. But his amplest 
 concessions were clogged with condi- 
 tions that prodigiously lessened their 
 value; and he obstinately resisted all 
 idea of such mutual guarantee as should 
 
 authorize one state to support another 
 against his encroachments. In fact, 
 the very essence of his policy was to 
 insulate the different powers of Europe, 
 in order to facilitate his dealing with, 
 and subduing, each singly. The sove- 
 reigns of Europe felt the advantages 
 even now resulting from their union, 
 and would not accept peace upon terms 
 that should dissolve it. On the 10th of 
 August the armistice was broken off, 
 and Austria joined the grand alliance 
 against France. 
 
 Prior to this event the French emperor 
 had sent back Soult to resume"the com- 
 mand from which he had taken him ; to 
 collect reinforcements, 
 re-organize the fugi- Spain, 
 
 ," Military Operations 
 
 tive army, raise the A . D . isis. 
 
 sieges of Pamplona 
 and St. Sebastian, and, in conjunc- 
 tion with Suchet, drive the British 
 out of Spain. To enable him to eifect 
 these objects, he named him imperial 
 lieutenant in Spain, giving him autho- 
 rity far beyond what had ever before 
 been intrusted to any marshal. The 
 duke of Dalmatia took the field at the 
 head of nearly one hundred thousand 
 men ; and with the immense advantage 
 of being able to concentrate his whole 
 force upon any point that he should 
 please to select, whilst the allied troops, 
 in order to cover two sieges, were un- 
 avoidably outspread upon an extensive 
 line, and from the nature of the ground 
 they occupied, (the Pyrenean moun- 
 tains,) the different divisions of the army 
 were stationed in strong and command- 
 ing positions, but cut off from direct 
 communication with each other, by 
 abrupt precipices, inaccessible rocks, and 
 impassable ravines. 
 
 The siege of St. Sebastian was further 
 advanced than that of Pamplona, and 
 the British commander was personally 
 superintending the progress of operations 
 in that quarter, when he was called 
 away by the information that. Soult was 
 endeavouring to break through the other 
 extremity of the British line, in order to 
 relieve Pamplona. The French mar- 
 shal's first measures seemed to promise 
 him success. On the 25th of July, 
 with about fifty thousand men, he 
 attacked two separate posts held by 
 divisions of the right wing under sir 
 Rowland Hill. The assailants were of 
 course greatly superior in numbers, as 
 the points attacked could not well be 
 much reinforced without dangerously 
 weakening others of equal consequence. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 S15 
 
 The allies fought obstinately, but were 
 obliged to give way. On the 26th lord 
 "Wellington arrived on the scenu of 
 action, and immediately resolving to 
 give battle for the protection of the 
 blockade of Pamplona, he ordered Hill 
 to retreat to a position that covered the 
 besieging division, and brought up the 
 centre of his army to strengthen the 
 right wing. On the 28th Soult vigo- 
 rously and perseveringly attacked the 
 troops opposed to him. The struggle 
 was obstinate, and in one point he gained 
 a momentary advantage over a body of 
 Portugueze. It was immediately wrested 
 from him, and he was in the end com- 
 pletely repulsed. 
 
 The duke of Dalmatia now changed 
 his plan of operations ; and manoeuvring 
 upon his right, he effected a junction 
 with Drouet, and endeavoured to gain 
 the rear of the left wing of the allies, 
 and thus to relieve St. Sebastian. His 
 scheme was penetrated, and foiled by 
 the discernment and alertness cf lord 
 Wellington. In this quarter, likewise, 
 troops were ready to oppose him. The 
 French were defeated in two successive 
 engagements on the 30th and 31st, after 
 which Soult abandoned the attempt, and 
 leaving the besieged towns, for the pre- 
 sent, to their fate, retreated into France. 
 On the 1st of August the allied troops 
 resumed their former positions amidst 
 the Pyrenees. 
 
 The two sieges proceeded; but the 
 provisions in Pamplona still held out: 
 the fortifications of St. Sebastian were 
 admirable, the approaches difficult, and 
 the garrison defended itself pertina- 
 ciously. One attempt to storm had been 
 repulsed with great loss ; and it was not 
 till the 31st of August that another 
 breach was reported practicable. Such 
 judicious means had been employed for 
 defending this breach, that the assault 
 was again upon the point of failing, 
 when Graham adopted the bold measure 
 of ordering the artillery to fire close 
 over the heads of his own men. The 
 precision of the English gunners' aim 
 rendered this safe; the breach was 
 cleared of its defenders, the storming 
 party rushed forwards, and the town 
 was taken. The siege, and especially 
 the assault, had cost great numbers of 
 lives, nearly four thousand; and the 
 troops, infuriated by the loss of their 
 comrades and their own danger, could 
 not be restrained by the few surviving 
 officers of the storming party within 
 any bounds, or even taught to discrimi- 
 
 nate between friends and foes, Spaniards 
 and French. Greater outrages are said 
 to have been committed upon the inha- 
 bitants of St. Sebastian than in any 
 other town taken by the allies ; and it 
 was longer ere the exertions of the gene- 
 rals could restore order. 
 
 Upon the very day of St. Sebastian's 
 fall, Soult made another attempt to re- 
 lieve it. He endeavoured to force ihe 
 extreme left of the allied army, where 
 three Spanish divisions were stationed 
 immediately behind the Bidassoa, upon 
 the heights of St. Marcial. They were 
 advantageously posted ; received the 
 attack with firmness, and repulsed, but 
 did not pursue the French. The attack 
 was renewed with greatly increased num- 
 bers ; and whilst the enemies were 
 ascending the heights, lord Wellington 
 unexpectedly appeared in front of the 
 Spanish line. The Spaniards received 
 him with shouts of triumph, and as 
 though his mere presence brought them 
 assured victory, charged the French 
 with the bayonet, drove them down the 
 hill, and pursued them across the river. 
 The duke of Dalmatia, confounded at 
 this discomfiture from troops so long 
 despised, withdrew; and the Spaniards, 
 who had upon the present occasion been 
 entirely without British assistance, re- 
 ceived the highest commendations from 
 lord Wellington. 
 
 Until Pamplona should fall it was 
 impossible for the allied army to advance 
 in force into France ; but after a period 
 of constrained inaction, lord Wellington 
 resolved at least to make good his foot- 
 ing in that country. On the 7th of 
 October, therefore, sir T. Graham % with 
 the whole left wing, including the Spa- 
 nish divisions that had distinguished 
 themselves upon the heights of St. Mar- 
 cial, forced the passage of the Bidassoa, 
 and, after a sharp engagement, driving 
 back the French opposed to them, took 
 possession of the mountain posts and 
 passes previously held by the enemy, 
 and firmly established his camp in a 
 commanding situation upon French 
 ground ; the inviolability of which had 
 been the subject of so much national 
 vaunting. 
 
 Both armies remained in their posi- 
 tions until the end of the month of 
 October, when the surrender of Pam- 
 plona set the allied forces at liberty, and 
 lord Wellington immediately deter- 
 mined to advance into France, leaving 
 Suchet and his corps to the care of the 
 Catalonians, assisted by the Anglo- 
 
316 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Sicilian army. In beginning his opera- 
 tions upon the enemy's territory, one of 
 the first cares of the 
 
 Miiitafy r o n p C e e r'ations Britis! ; commander 
 A.D. 1813. was, to repress the 
 
 ferociously vindictive 
 temper of his Spanish and Portugueze 
 troops, who longed to retaliate upon the 
 French nation the injuries and outrages 
 they had suffered from the French 
 soldiery. At first it was found impos- 
 sible altogether to control this dispo- 
 sition, in which the native officers but 
 too much sympathized with their men. 
 But the firmness and severity with which 
 such offences were punished, the ex- 
 ample of the strict discipline enforced 
 amongst the British regiments, and the 
 friendly intercourse soon established 
 with the peasantry, who, being well 
 paid by their enemies for those provi- 
 sions which their own countrymen took 
 by force, freely and abundantly supplied 
 the invading army, soon introduced a 
 better temper. This Wellington encou- 
 raged, by complimenting the peninsular 
 troops upon their superiority to the 
 French, as well in moral conduct as in 
 military excellence. 
 
 Since his failure in the Pyrenees, 
 Soult had been engaged in fortifying a 
 line of defence upon the river Nivelle, 
 and in training the many thousands of 
 conscripts included in his hundred 
 thousand men. The delay occasioned 
 by the long-protracted resistance of 
 Pamplona had been very useful to him 
 for both these purposes, and he gained 
 yet more time from the violent rains 
 that set in as the place surrendered, and 
 prevented lord Wellington from putting 
 his troops m motion. On the 10th of 
 November, however, Soult's line of 
 defence was attacked, and notwith- 
 standing the great pains bestowed upon 
 strengthening it, was forced ; fifteen hun- 
 dred prisoners and fifty guns fell into 
 the victor's hands, besides quantities of 
 stores, &c. Soult withdrew to the river 
 Nive, where he again took up a strong 
 position, covering Bayonne, and the 
 allied army went into cantonments upon 
 the Nivelle, in which, on account of the 
 excessive inclemency of the weather, 
 they remained for a month. 
 
 On the 9th of December hostilities 
 were renewed. The allied armies drove 
 the French back into the intrenched 
 camp they had prepared close to 
 Bayonne, and Soult afterwards endea- 
 voured to take advantage of their ex- 
 tended line of operation by attacking 
 
 single posts with overwhelming numbers. 
 Everywhere the steadiness and the in- 
 vincible bravery of the allied troops, and 
 the celerity with which other divisions 
 were moved up to strengthen each 
 assailed point, foiled his utmost exer- 
 tions, and after five days of almost 
 incessant fighting, in which the loss was 
 necessarily great (five thousand of the 
 allies, and far more of the French were 
 killed or wounded), Soult retreated into 
 his intrenched camp. The weather was 
 still very severe, and lord Wellington 
 therefore again cantoned his troops, but 
 upon a more advanced line, and both 
 armies passed the remainder of the 
 month in repose. At the conclusion of 
 these five days of hostility, a German, 
 and part of a Dutch regiment deserted 
 to the allies. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Battle of Dresden Battle of Leipzig 
 Subject states throw off Napoleons 
 yoke Napoleon negotiates with Fer- 
 dinand Internal dissensions in 
 Spain Colonial affairs Corre- 
 spondence between Ferdinand and the 
 Cortes France invaded on the eastern 
 side Negotiations at Chdtillon 
 DukeofAngoulemein Lord Welling- 
 ton s camp Battle of Orthez Pas- 
 sage of the A dour Occupation of 
 Bourdeaux Operations on theAdour 
 
 Ferdinand released Returns to 
 Spain Battle of Toulouse Negoti- 
 ations at Chdtillon broken off Napo- 
 leons able manoeuvres Paris taken 
 
 Negotiations at Fontain.eblp.au 
 Napoleon abdicates Louis XVIII. 
 king of France General peace 
 Condition of Portugal Condition of 
 Spain Ferdinand abrogates the new 
 constitution Satisfaction of almost 
 all Spain Colonies proclaim their 
 entire independence Conclusion*. 
 
 WHILST lord Wellington with those 
 forces, for whom, as for their leader, 
 Napoleon had professed such superla- 
 tive disdain, was thus penetrating into 
 France, the situation of 
 the French emperor had Fo ^ g " 8 s 1 t 3 ates 
 undergone many changes. 
 When the armistice was broken off, on 
 the 10th of August, he had assembled 
 
 * The authorities principally consulted for this 
 chapter, are Southey, Scott, Eliott, Sherer, Suchet, 
 Quin, Annals of the Peninsular Campaigns, Me- 
 moirs of the late War, Queen of Etruria, Annual 
 Register. 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 two hundred and fifty thousand men in 
 Saxony and Silesia, besides great num- 
 bers employed in various gprrisons. 
 But Austria had now joined the coali- 
 tion against him: Schwartzenberg 
 brought an army of a hundred and 
 twenty thousand men to co-operate with 
 the forces threatening Dresden, where 
 Napoleon had fixed his head-quarters; 
 and General Moreau came from his 
 exile in America, to take the direction 
 of a war waged against his own personal 
 enemy, whom he likewise deemed the 
 tyrant of his native land. On the first 
 renewal of hostilities Napoleon's star 
 seemed to be again in the ascendant. 
 In the battle of Dresden, fought on the 
 2Gth and 27th of August, he gained a 
 decisive victory ; his most formidable 
 opponent, Moreau, fell in the action, the 
 allies retreated in all directions, and 
 were vigorously pursued. But this was 
 his last triumph ; and even in this 
 triumphant pursuit occurred the first of 
 the disasters lhat thenceforward inces- 
 santly harassed him. 
 
 Vandamme, with a corps d'armee of 
 about thirty thousand men, was con- 
 tending with, and getting the better of, 
 a body of Russians in Silesia, when a 
 division of Prussians, under General 
 Kleist, retreating from the defeat before 
 Dresden, suddenly appeared upon the 
 field, and Vandamme, inclosed between 
 two enemies, was completely over- 
 powered. He himself was made pri- 
 soner with seven thousand men, and all 
 the rest of his army were either slain or 
 put to flight. The crown prince of 
 Sweden and Bliicher severally gained 
 victories over the French marshals 
 Oudinot, Macdonald, and Ney. Napo- 
 leon's own plans were repeatedly foiled 
 by the unwonted activity and the num- 
 bers of his enemies, and their progress 
 at length compelled him to leave Dresden. 
 It was, however, still in Saxony, at 
 Leipzig, that the battle, fatal to his 
 hopes of maintaining his sovereignty 
 over Germany, was fought. 
 
 Napoleon had collected the greater 
 part of his disposable force at Leipzig, 
 but the allied sovereigns were su- 
 perior to him in numbers by eighty 
 or a hundred thousand men. The 
 battle began on the 16th of October, 
 and, notwithstanding the desperate va- 
 lour of the French troops, and the skill 
 of their emperor, the allied sovereigns 
 so decidedly had the advantage, that 
 Napoleon determined again to have 
 recourse to negotiation. He released 
 
 317 
 
 an Austrian prisoner of rank, and 
 despatched him to the allied sovereigns 
 with offers to give up the duchy of 
 Warsaw, the Hanse Towns, Holland, 
 and Spain. During the congress at 
 Prague far less would have insured 
 peace. Now the sovereigns refused to 
 treat until the soil of Germany was 
 cleared of French troops, and on the 
 18th the battle was renewed. 
 
 The French were again unsuccessful ; 
 the Saxon troops deserted during the 
 engagement, and though the French 
 held their ground upon most points, 
 Napoleon saw that to defend Leipzig 
 was impossible. He immediately began 
 his retreat. Like all his retreats it was 
 disastrous, and that from the very be- 
 ginning. The allies pressed hard upon 
 the French. The single bridge, over 
 which lay the army's road, was blown 
 up too early, in consequence, it is 
 alleged, of a panic of the officer there 
 stationed. Immense numbers were slain 
 or drowned in striving to pass the river, 
 and twenty-five thousand men, with all 
 the artillery, were taken, in the imme- 
 diate neighbourhood of Leipzig. Other 
 German states now declared against 
 Napoleon ; the troops that should have 
 protected, harassed the retreating co- 
 lumns ; the remaining Germans in his 
 army deserted, and on the 1st of No- 
 vember he re-crossed the Rhine with 
 little more than seventy thousand men, 
 leaving about eighty thousand distri- 
 buted in several garrisons. Of these 
 the greater part capitulated before the 
 end of the year. 
 
 Every German state, including the 
 whole Confederation of the Rhine, had 
 now thrown off their allegiance to Na- 
 poleon. The kingdom of Westphalia 
 was dissolved, and the fragments of 
 which it had been put together, resuming 
 their original forms and names, recalled 
 their ancient rulers. Holland hoisted 
 the Orange flag, and invited her exiled 
 princes to resume the sovereignty : 
 Eugene Beauharnais was obliged to 
 evacuate the Venetian territories: Mu- 
 rat, offended at the slights he had en- 
 dured from his imperial brother-in-law, 
 entered into treaty with the allied sove- 
 reigns, and these potentates advanced to 
 the banks of the Rhine. There they 
 halted for the remainder of the year, 
 satisfied with their achievements, and 
 willing to give Napoleon, whom they still 
 feared, another opportunity for negotia- 
 tion. Wellington and his army alone, of 
 the hostile forces, wintered in France. 
 
318 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 But Napoleon was willing to nego- 
 tiate only when he could dictate his own 
 terms. He now aroused the whole 
 energy of his nature to renew the con- 
 test, and at no period of his life was he 
 so truly admirable, though our admira- 
 tion is chilled and repressed by the 
 reflection, that even now he might have 
 concluded peace, leaving France far 
 larger and more powerful than she had 
 ever been under the proudest of her 
 ancient kings ; and that it was not to 
 the real interests of his people, or even 
 of his family, but to the insatiable 
 thirst of conquest, domination, and 
 glory, to the overweening arrogance 
 and self-confidence, to the invincible 
 obstinacy of his own character, that 
 Napoleon sacrificed all the blood shed 
 on either side during the remainder, as 
 well as the beginning, of this war. 
 
 These defects of his disposition could 
 but partially dim the piercing clearness 
 of the French emperor's glance. He 
 saw that to recover all he had lost, or 
 even to keep all he yet retained, was, 
 for the moment, at least, impossible ; and 
 he resolved to relax his grasp in that 
 quarter, where renunciation of his now 
 vain pretensions not only need not in- 
 duce the abandonment of real power, 
 but might even tend to embarrass the 
 triumphant career of his enemies. He 
 opened a negotiation with the prince, 
 to whom, as he believed, he could still 
 dictate the terms of the treaty to be 
 concluded namely, the captive of Va- 
 Ien9ay, Ferdinand VII. 
 
 Since the seizure of the Spanish royal 
 
 family at Bayonne, they had pretty 
 
 much vanished from 
 
 Spanish Itoyal^Family public view . The okl 
 
 1808^-1813. king and queen, with 
 
 their favourite, Go- 
 doy, had been transferred to Rome, 
 where they vegetated contentedly upon 
 the ample pension assigned them. The 
 queen of Etruria, whose feelings appear 
 to have been somewhat livelier than 
 those of her kindred, had incurred Na- 
 poleon's anger by an abortive attempt 
 at escaping to England, and was strictly 
 immured in a convent at Rome, with 
 her daughter; her son, the dethroned 
 king, being taken from her, and com- 
 mitted to the care of her parents. 
 
 Ferdinand remained at Valen9ay with 
 his uncle and brother, the Infantes 
 Antonio and Charles. His conduct 
 during his captivity had not been such 
 as to deserve the intense affection borne 
 him by his subjects, or the commisera- 
 
 ting sympathy felt for him by the great 
 bulk of mankind. He had written a 
 letter of congratulation to Joseph Buo- 
 naparte upon his accession to the Spa- 
 nish throne. He repeatedly addressed 
 to Napoleon congratulations on his vic- 
 tories. When a scheme for his libera- 
 tion was devised by the British cabinet, 
 partly through compassion, but chiefly 
 under an idea that the presence of an 
 acknowledged king would put an end to 
 the factions and jealousies that distracted 
 the Spanish councils, thwarted lord 
 Wellington's designs, and impeded his 
 progress, Ferdinand not only refused to 
 escape, but denounced the attempt to 
 Napoleon, and took the opportunity to 
 renew his often rejected request, that he 
 might be adopted into the imperial 
 family, by receiving the hand of a 
 Buonaparte princess. He was further 
 said to employ his time in embroidering 
 a robe for some image of the Blessed 
 Virgin. But Napoleon and his agents 
 were well known not to be scrupulous 
 observers of truth when .they had any 
 object in view. The letters were believed 
 to be forgeries ; the stories were regarded 
 as calumnious inventions, propagated 
 for the purpose of lowering Ferdinand's 
 character in general estimation ; and the 
 imprisoned king remained as before, an 
 object of loyal veneration, of esteem, and 
 
 P^y- 
 Immediately upon reaching Paris, 
 after his calamitous retreat from Leipzig, 
 Napoleon addressed a letter to Ferdi- 
 nand, telling him that England was 
 endeavouring to overthrow the monarchy 
 and nobility of Spain, in order to esta- 
 blish a republic in that country, and 
 offering him his liberty, together with 
 the alliance of France, that he might 
 return to Spain, and put an end, to the 
 disorders now convulsing the kingdom 
 arid further menacing it. Even Ferdi- 
 nand, defective as his understanding 
 appears to be, and insensible as he had 
 shown himself to his captivity, easily 
 discerned that this letter, so inconsistent 
 with past events, was the fruit of Na- 
 poleon's embarrassments, not of his 
 good will. He seems to have appre- 
 hended some snare, and requested per- 
 mission to send one of his attendants to 
 Spain to procure correct information 
 upon the actual state of affairs, advising 
 Napoleon to treat with the Regency and 
 Cortes then governing the kingdom. 
 
 Such measures would not have an- 
 swered the emperor's purpose of detach- 
 ing Spain from England ; and after a 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 319 
 
 little delay and negotiation Ferdinand 
 yielded. On the llth of December a 
 treaty was signed at Valem;ay by the 
 count of la Forest on behalf of Napo- 
 leon, and the duke of San Carlos on 
 Ferdinand's, by which that unjustly 
 dethroned monarch was recognized as 
 king of Spain and the Indies, all old trea- 
 ties and alliances between France and 
 Spain were revived and confirmed, and 
 Ferdinand undertook for the immediate 
 evacuation of Spain and her depen- 
 dencies by the English. Even this 
 treaty, however, Ferdinand referred to 
 the approbation and sanction of the 
 Regency and the. Cortes; and San Carlos 
 was despatched with a copy of it to 
 Madrid, whither the seat of government 
 was now transferred from Cadiz. 
 
 It was fortunate for the success of the 
 
 allied arms that Napoleon did not earlier 
 
 resort to this measure ; 
 
 Spain, f or the over-liberal 
 
 Lwl .transactions . ., r ., /- / 
 
 A.D. 1813. spirit of the Cortes 
 (over-liberal more es- 
 pecially in reference to the temper of 
 the Spanish nation) had provoked such 
 fierce opposition from the clergy, and 
 consequently such bitter factions, as were 
 already sufficiently detrimental to the 
 public service, and might have been 
 rendered yet more seriously so, by the 
 presence "of a bigoted and narrow- 
 minded kins;. The Cones had abolished 
 the inquisition, and ordered the decree 
 of abolition to be read in church by 
 the clergy at the celebration of mass. 
 Many ecclesiastics disobeyed, and some 
 church dignitaries published reasons 
 for this disobedience. The Regency 
 transmitted the clerical memorials to 
 the Cortes, but took no step for punish- 
 ing the memorialists; and the Cortes, 
 resenting their supineness, deposed the 
 Regency, and appointed a new one of 
 three members drawn from the council 
 of state by seniority. They were, the 
 cardinal de Bourbon, and the former 
 Regents, Agar and Cisgar. The papal 
 nuncio, Cardinal Gravina, who, from 
 the beginning of the war, had attached 
 himself to the national government, 
 was discovered to be the instigator of 
 this ecclesiastical rebellion against the 
 legislative body, and upon his perse- 
 verance in his opposition, he was re- 
 spectfully sent out of the country. 
 
 The battle of Vitoria called forth a 
 general burst of delight throughout the 
 nation. The Cortes decreed that a mo- 
 nument should be erected upon the field 
 of battle whenever the finances of the 
 country should allow such an expense 
 
 to be incurred. They conferred the 
 title of duke of Vitoria upon Lord 
 Wellington, and offered him his choice 
 of three estates. He inquired their 
 value, and selected that which yielded 
 the least income, and also happened to 
 possess the greatest natural beauties. 
 It lies in the kingdom of Granada, and 
 was formally bestowed upon him. But 
 the gratitude of the Spanish government 
 did not prevent their constantly inter- 
 fering with his authority to an offen- 
 sive and very inconvenient degree. At 
 one time they even recalled from the 
 army the generals in whom he placed 
 the greatest confidence, Castanos (re- 
 quiring that he should take his seat as 
 a counsellor of state) and Giron. An 
 indignant remonstrance from Welling- 
 ton, accompanied with a menace of 
 throwing up the command of the Spa- 
 nish troops, checked, at least, their 
 annoying measures. 
 
 The extraordinary Cortes which had 
 framed the constitution, had appointed 
 the autumn of 1813 for the assembling 
 of the ordinary Cortes, and their own 
 preliminary dissolution. They had, like- 
 wise, followed the example of the French 
 National Assembly in passing a disin- 
 terested law, that had proved fatal to 
 the welfare of France, but was not 
 allowed time to produce either mis- 
 chievous or beneficial effects in Spain 
 that is to say, they decreed their own 
 ineligibiliry to the next Cortes. 
 
 During this year the cause of Ameri- 
 can independence had 
 made considerable pro- Spanish America 
 gress. In Buenos Ayres, 
 the insurgents, who had always had the 
 advantage, so decidedly prevailed, that 
 they were enabled to conclude a truce 
 with the viceroy, in which their preten- 
 sions were partially, at- least, admitted; 
 and they merited their emancipation, by 
 bestowing upon others some share in 
 the liberty they claimed for themselves. 
 They passed a law, that the children of 
 slaves, born after a certain date, should 
 be free. In Venezuela the struggle was 
 renewed with increased energy : Bolivar, 
 since known as the Liberator, came for- 
 ward as a leader, and recovered most of 
 what the Spaniaids had gained the year 
 before. Chili declared her independ- 
 ence,, and opened her ports to all na- 
 tions; and in Peru the Spaniards were 
 losing ground. Mexico, however, they 
 had pretty nearly recovered; Cuba re- 
 mained faithful, and in Porto Rico the 
 regency tried the experiment of con- 
 ciliation. They sent thither a new in- 
 
320 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 tendant-general, with orders to abolish 
 every monopoly and restriction, even 
 such as are usually imposed upon colo- 
 nies by mother-countries more liberal 
 than Spain. The trade of the island 
 was thrown open to all friendly and neu- 
 tral nations, the export of even the pre- 
 cious metals being allowed, subject only 
 to a duty. 
 
 The new or ordinary Cortes assem- 
 bled on the 25th of 
 Spain, September, and re- 
 
 Civil Transactions , ., , 
 
 A.D. 1813 1814. moved themselves and 
 the Regency to Madrid, 
 a removal that had been some time in 
 contemplation, but delayed on account of 
 the violent opposition of the inhabitants 
 of Cadiz. It was to this ordinary 
 Cortes, after their domiciliation at Ma- 
 drid, that the Regency referred the treaty 
 of Valen9ay, and a letter from Ferdi- 
 nand upon the subject. The treaty was 
 invalid, according to a decree of the 
 extraordinary Cortes, passed as far back 
 as the 1st of January, 1811, by which 
 every act of the king during his cap- 
 tivity was declared to be invalid ; and 
 Spain was, moreover, bound by her 
 treaty with England, not to conclude a 
 separate peace with France. 
 
 On the 8th of January, 1814, the 
 Regency, through its president, the Car- 
 dinal de Bourbon, addressed a respect- 
 ful answer to the king, in which they 
 assured him of their joy at the prospect 
 of his majesty's approaching liberation, 
 but confessed their wish that so happy 
 an event should be brought about rather 
 by the arms of his loyal subjects and 
 faithful allies than by negotiation. They 
 returned the treaty unratified, and trans- 
 mitted copies of the law, and of the 
 treaty with England, which prevented 
 its ratification. San Carlos had scarcely 
 departed with this letter when 
 Palafox, now first released from French 
 captivity, arrived with another des- 
 patch from Ferdinand, written in con- 
 sequence of Napoleon's urgency to ex- 
 tort the ratification of the treaty. This 
 second communication produced no 
 change in the decision of the regency, 
 who, in their answer, merely informed 
 the king that an ambassador was sent 
 to the general congress authorized to 
 treat in his name. The Cortes now 
 proceeded to deliberate upon the mea- 
 sures ]\Q be adopted for obtaining the 
 king's irrevocable confirmation of the 
 new constitution upon his liberation. 
 After much discussion it was decreed 
 that he should not be deemed at liberty, 
 or, consequently, entitled to assume the 
 
 government, or claim obedience, until 
 he should have solemnly taken the oath 
 prescribed by the constitution ; and that 
 neither foreign troops nor Spanish par- 
 tizans of Joseph should be suffered to 
 accompany him into Spain. 
 
 Napoleon, meanwhile, had weakened 
 Suchet to reinforce himself and Auge- 
 reau, and he did not as yet feel the want 
 of the remainder of the Catalonian 
 army so urgently as to be induced either 
 to relinquish his last hold upon Spain 
 by recalling Suchet, or to release Ferdi- 
 nand without securing some especial 
 benefit to himself. The negotiation wit h 
 the captiveatValei^ay, though not aban- 
 doned, was suffered to languish, whilst 
 the emperor's thoughts were engrossed 
 by subjects of more immediately press 
 ing consequence. 
 
 Napoleon had demanded the support 
 of the nation against the coalesced sove- 
 reigns, whom he repre- 
 sented as seeking to dis- 
 member France, because 
 they reclaimed part of the spoils torn 
 from themselves and their feebler allies, 
 though they still offered to recognize the 
 Rhine as her boundary, thus sanction- 
 ing her acquisition of the Netherlands, 
 of part of Holland, and of the Ec- 
 clesiastical Electorates ; and were willing, 
 it is said, not only to acknowledge 
 Joachim Murat as king of Naples, but 
 to bestow northern Italy as a separate 
 kingdom upon Eugene Beauharnais. 
 The conservative senate, with its accus- 
 tomed servility, adopted the imperial 
 statements, and ordered a new levy of 
 three hundred thousand men. The 
 legislative body, which had always been 
 found equally submissive, now ventured, 
 in its character of the representatives of 
 the nation, to remonstrate against the 
 continued schemes of external conquest 
 that provoked the just and eternal en- 
 mity of Europe, and likewise to solicit 
 such a portion of internal liberty as 
 might give the people a feeling of com- 
 mon interest with their sovereign in the 
 war, and thus, awakening their zeal and 
 sympathies, render them more willing 
 to endure this immense additional drain 
 upon the population. The emperor, 
 indignant at such an attempt to take 
 advantage of his necessities, and limit 
 his power, spurned from his presence 
 the deputation that presented the ad- 
 dress, and immediately prorogued the 
 legislative body. 
 
 The decree of three hundred thousand 
 men was no longer effective to pro- 
 duce the numbers required, and it was 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 321 
 
 at the head of seventy or eighty 
 thousand men only that Napoleon, 
 leaving Paris on the 25th of January, 
 prepared to fight fcr his crown. The 
 allies were already in France. Two 
 distinct armies, under Bliicher and 
 Schwartzenberg (with the last of whom 
 were the two emperors of Russia and 
 Austria), amounting to one hundred 
 and thirty-seven thousand men, were 
 endeavouring to advance upon Paris. 
 But they were acting separately; and 
 Napoleon, pursuing, with wonderful 
 ability, his old plan of pouring his con- 
 centrated force upon detached bodies, 
 gained battles, long checked their pro- 
 gress, and even alarmed them with fears 
 of being cut off from Germany. 
 
 Before leaving Paris the emperor had 
 freed himself from one enemy, whose 
 hostility, although entirely passive, in- 
 jured him grievously in public opinion, 
 if it did not bring armies into the field 
 against him. This was the pope, who 
 had been five years a prisoner, and whom 
 he now released, sending him with an 
 honourable escort to Rome, thus vir- 
 tually relinquishing his pretensions to a 
 city -which he had termed the second of 
 the empire. In conformity with this 
 apparently spontaneous concession, 
 Napoleon professed an earnest desire 
 for a general peace. 
 
 During the greater part of the short 
 but eventful campaign of 1814, confer- 
 ences were carried on at Chatillon be- 
 tween his minister Gaulaincourt, duke 
 of Vicenza, and the ambassadors of 
 England, Austria, Russia, and Prussia. 
 The allies, now that their armies were 
 in France, without encountering any 
 formidable demonstration of national 
 hostility, and that the whole of the 
 Netherlands were actually recovered, 
 refused to grant the same terms they 
 had ottered whilst still on the right 
 bank of the Rhine. They now insisted 
 upon reducing France to her limits 
 under Lewis XVI., and Napoleon ad- 
 vanced or receded in his concessions as 
 the fortune of his arms varied. After 
 a defeat in the beginning of February, 
 he agreed to the basis of negotiation 
 proposed by the allies ; after defeating 
 Bliicher a few days later, he revoked 
 that consent. The ministers of the 
 allied powers remonstrated, and Austria 
 anxiously urged his compliance ; alike in 
 vain, whilst fortune smiled. And thus 
 the negotiations proceeded step by step 
 with the war. 
 
 In the south-eastern provinces of 
 
 France, Augereau, reinforced by a part 
 of Sachet's troops, was contending un- 
 successfully against another army of 
 Austrians and Russians. In Italy, Mu- 
 rat had made peace with the allied 
 sovereigns, upon condition of being re- 
 cognized by them as king of Naples. 
 In Spain, Suchet yet held a few for- 
 tresses. In the south-west of France, 
 the allied troops, under Lord Welling- 
 ton, were detained some weeks in their 
 cantonments by the inclemency of the 
 weather. During this season of repose 
 they were joined by the duke of Angou- 
 leme, the eldest nephew of Lewis XVIIL, 
 but he was received only as a volunteer 
 of princely birth. The treaty at Chatil- 
 lon was still pending ; a little less ob- 
 stinacy in Napoleon would have in- 
 sured his recognition as emperor of 
 France ; and whilst the slightest proba- 
 bility existed of his retaining the sove- 
 reignty, the English ministry would not 
 commit the country by any step in favour 
 of the exiled princes : and Lord Welling- 
 ton's humanity repressed the ardent 
 zeal of some old Vendean royalists who 
 were labouring to organize an insurrec- 
 tion in behalf of the Bourbons, and, as 
 he feared, might thus be unprofitably 
 exposing themselves to the future ven- 
 geance of Napoleon. 
 
 Towards the middle of February the 
 weather improved, 
 and Lord Wellington South of France, 
 drew his troops from 
 their cantonments. 
 By a series of able manreuvres, and of 
 engagements ending with the well-con- 
 tested and brilliant victory of Orthez, 
 gained on the 27th of February, he drove 
 Soult successively, from post to post, 
 through a country of peculiar difficulty, 
 and abounding in strong defensive posi- 
 tions, of which the French marshal skil- 
 fully endeavoured to avail himself, but 
 was uniformly foiled by the superior skill 
 of his British competitor. After his defeat 
 at Orthez, Soult retreated up the Adour 
 to Tarbes, hoping by this movement to 
 deliver France from the invaders, by 
 drawing Lord Wellington] back towards 
 the Pyrenees, and to effect his own 
 junction either with Suchet himself, or 
 with some portion of his troops. 
 
 Whilst Lord Wellington with the main 
 body of his army was attacking Soult, 
 Sir J. Hope lay before Bayonne with 
 the left wing, and proceeded to execute 
 the instructions he had received for the 
 complete investment of that town. By 
 the help of an English squadron, under 
 
322 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 Admiral Penrose, a bridge of boats was 
 thrown across the Adour below the 
 town, where, deeming the river impas- 
 sable for troops from its width and 
 current, and inaccessible to hostile ships 
 from the difficulties of the bar and the 
 channel, the French had taken no mea- 
 sures of precaution. This bridge, besides 
 facilitating the close investment of 
 Bayonne, laid open the direct road to 
 Bourdeaux, and on the 8th of March 
 Wellington sent Beresford with fifteen 
 thousand men to make himself master 
 of that town. Beresford was accom- 
 panied by the Duke of Angouleme, as a 
 royalist party, with the mayor at their 
 head, were well known to be anxiously 
 expecting the prince. The French gar- 
 rison evacuated the town as the allied 
 troops approached, and the inhabitants, 
 assuming the white cockade, and re- 
 ceiving the prince with enthusiastic 
 loyalty, proclaimed Lewis XVIII. 
 
 The detachment sent to Bourdeaux 
 encouraged Soult to resume the offensive 
 against a weakened adversary. But he 
 was speedily repulsed; and Lord Wel- 
 lington, recalling Beresford with two 
 divisions (one was left to garrison 
 Bourdeaux), and summoning the Spanish 
 corps that had hitherto remained upon 
 the frontier, re-commenced his opera- 
 tions against the duke of Dalmatia. 
 On the 18th, all being united, they 
 began their movement up the Adour, 
 the French retiring before them. On 
 the 19th Soult was driven from Vic de 
 Bigorre, and on the 20th from Tarbes, 
 when he retreated upon Toulouse, whither 
 Lord Wellington followed him. 
 
 Whilst Ferdinand's allies and subjects 
 were thus progressively triumphing over 
 his oppressor, the captive prince had 
 regained his liberty. Napoleon, finding 
 that no treaty concluded with the king 
 of Spain, whilst his prisoner, would be 
 acknowledged by the nation as valid, 
 
 on the 14th of March re- 
 AD Pa i8 n i4 leased him unconditionally, 
 
 as the only remaining chance 
 of detaching Spain from England, and 
 recovering his former influence over 
 that country. Of course the liberated 
 monarch's journey through France was 
 so regulated as to prevent any inter- 
 course between him and the deliverer of 
 his kingdom, Wellington, or the Spanish 
 generals fighting under him in the same 
 cause. Ferdinand was conducted to 
 Perpignan, and there, on the 19th of 
 March, delivered over to the care of 
 Suchet, who was to make arrangements, 
 
 under the royal guarantee, for the safe 
 return of the different French garrisons, 
 spread over the eastern coast of Spain, 
 to his army, upon their surrendering to 
 the king the fortresses they still held. 
 
 This was now a matter of pressing 
 importance to Napoleon. He wanted 
 the aid of the duke of Albufera, with 
 all the troops he could muster; and 
 having already so much weakened that 
 marshal's army as to render it impos- 
 sible he should fetch off his distant 
 garrisons, he had ordered him to make 
 a convention with the Spanish general, 
 Copons, for their surrendering the for- 
 tresses, and rejoining him in safety. 
 But the Cortes would not, for the sake 
 of a little earlier recovering fortresses 
 that, being virtually cut off, must sooner 
 or later fall, sanction any convention for 
 setting French troops at liberty to rein- 
 force the common enemy. Some of 
 these fortresses Suchet had already lost, 
 together with their garrisons, by the 
 stratagem of a Spanish officer named 
 Vanhalen, (a Belgian by descent,) who, 
 having joined the French party when it 
 promised to triumph, now, when simply 
 deserting them was a small merit, 
 sought to efface his treason by the not 
 very honourable service of forging 
 Suchet's signature to orders addressed 
 to the different commandants, enjoining 
 them to surrender, in compliance with 
 a supposed convention. Upon these 
 orders Lerida, Monzon, and Mequinenza 
 were surrendered, and the garrisons 
 made prisoners. 
 
 Ferdinand, either ignorant of the real 
 interest of the country, or regardless 
 of all but his own emancipation from the 
 control of the French, and perhaps also 
 from the authority of the Cortes, readily 
 signed whatever agreement Suchet de- 
 sired. He was then escorted by the 
 French marshal to Figueras, where he 
 took leave of his gaolers, and crossing 
 the river Fluvia on the 24th, was re- 
 ceived by Copons and throngs of his 
 native subjects, who had flocked from 
 every place within reach, to greet the 
 return of their beloved sovereign. Ferdi- 
 nand's signature having, however, by the 
 then law of the land, no authority until 
 he should have taken the oath prescribed 
 by the constitution, Suchet's object was 
 un attained. The surrender of the for- 
 tresses, and the safe passage of the 
 garrisons still remained to be negotiated 
 betwixt him and Copons ; and before 
 they had brought it to a conclusion, the 
 progress of events in France rendered 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 323 
 
 
 all arrangements of the kind unneces- 
 sary. 
 
 Lord Wellington had not allowed 
 Soult time to receive the accession of 
 strength he expected from the result of 
 Suchet's negotiations. He followed him 
 to Toulouse, forced 
 France, the passage of the 
 
 1 P 8H ns ' Garonne, and on the 
 10th of April, under 
 the walls of the city, gained the last 
 victory of this war, in the battle of 
 Toulouse. Soult retired into the town, 
 which, upon Wellington's preparing to 
 invest it, he evacuated on the night of 
 the 12th, the allied army permitting him 
 to withdraw unmolested. The next 
 day they took possession of the city, 
 where they were received with every de- 
 monstration of joy, and the inhabitants 
 proclaimed Lewis XVIII. It was the 
 last occasion upon which the act could 
 have the grace of a spontaneous im- 
 pulse of the people. 
 
 The congress at Chatillon had been 
 dissolved, in consequence of the exor- 
 bitant demands, contained in a draught 
 of a treaty, which Napoleon ordered to 
 be presented, after he had defeated 
 Bliicher at Craonne on the 7th of 
 March. In this paper he required the 
 Netherlands, and part of Holland for 
 France, Northern Italy for Eugene 
 Beauharnais, and indemnities for Joseph, 
 Jerome, and Lewis's son, the young 
 duke of Berg. A subsequent defeat 
 by Bliicher induced him to order Cau- 
 laincourt to sign upon the terms of 
 the allies. This concession, like his 
 others, came too late ; the congress had 
 been declared dissolved, and the mi- 
 nisters composing it were dispersed. 
 
 Never was Napoleon's military genius 
 more powerfully exhibited than in the 
 variety of rapid movements and bold 
 attacks, by which, with his small force, 
 he still held in check the numerous 
 hosts arrayed against him; but he at 
 length lost himself by too bold a mea- 
 sure. On the 22nd of March, trusting 
 to the well-known feverish anxiety of 
 the Austrian s about their line of com- 
 munication, he took the daring reso- 
 lution of throwing himself upon their 
 rear, leaving Marmont and Mortier 
 between them and Paris, as he hoped 
 rather to harass their retreat (which he 
 expected they would immediately com- 
 mence on finding that he was between 
 them and the Rhine) than to oppose 
 their advance. 
 
 But the allied sovereigns were too 
 
 conscious of their vast superiority in 
 numbers, to be easily betrayed upon the 
 present occasion into the abandonment 
 of their objects. Besides, Alexander, 
 who elated with success was little dis- 
 posed to conceive alarm, had the chief 
 voice in their councils ; and they were 
 materially influenced by Lord Castle- 
 reagh, upon whose approbation or dis- 
 approbation of their measures the pecu- 
 niary assistance of England depended, 
 and who strenuously urged their taking 
 advantage of their most dreaded anta- 
 gonist's absence, to press forward upon 
 Paris. They did so. The two marshals 
 were defeated and driven back, and the 
 allied armies appeared before the French 
 capital. 
 
 Maria Louisa, with her son, and the 
 ministry, had fled to Blois. Joseph and 
 Marmont prepared for defence. The 
 remainder of the small corps of Mar- 
 mont and Mortier, with some battalions 
 of national guards, and numbers of 
 volunteers, were drawn up upon the 
 heights north-east of the town. The 
 position is very good, and for some hours 
 on the morning of the 30th of March, the 
 troops there stationed gallantly opposed 
 the attacking party. But Alexander had 
 released a prisoner to make him the 
 bearer of an offer of favourable terms ; 
 Marmont, who had already lost four 
 thousand men, saw that a prolonged de- 
 fence was impossible; Joseph followed 
 the empress, and Paris capitulated. 
 
 On the 31st Alexander and Frederic 
 William entered the city at the head of 
 their troops. The Parisians assembled 
 in their gayest attire, to be amused by 
 the spectacle of their own humiliating 
 subjugation, as by any other of the 
 military shows to which they were ac- 
 customed : and they received their con- 
 querors, to the utter astonishment, it 
 may be presumed, of the allied sove- 
 reigns, who were the objects of their 
 enthusiasm, with joyous acclamations, 
 and shouts of * Long live the Emperor 
 Alexander!' * Long live the king of 
 Prussia !' intermingled with others of 
 * Long live Lewis XVIII. !' The empe- 
 ror of Austria, it should be observed, 
 had left to his allies the assault of his 
 son-in-law's capital ; and the crown- 
 prince of Sweden, after he had frankly 
 assisted in driving the French out of 
 Germany and the Netherlands, took 
 little further part in the war, unwilling, 
 probably, to join in the invasion of his 
 native land. 
 
 But the fate of the war was not yet 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 324 
 
 actually decided. Napoleon, still at the 
 head of an army, was flattering himself 
 with the success of his plans, when in- 
 formed that the Russians and Prussians 
 were advancing upon Paris. He hur- 
 ried after them by forced marches, con- 
 vinced that he should still be in time to 
 save his capital, and deaf to every pro- 
 posal for abandoning an evidently hope- 
 less attempt, leaving Paris to its fate, 
 and concentrating the troops dispersed 
 in various quarters, in order to continue 
 the contest in the south. At Troyes, on 
 the 30th, he left his army to follow, and 
 hastened forward with post-horses, to 
 take in person the command of Paris. 
 He had already passed Fontainebleau, 
 when in the night he met General Bel- 
 liard, retreating to that royal residence 
 with his cavalry in obedience to the 
 terms of the capitulation. The allies 
 had not yet entered Paris, and still 
 Napoleon would have gone on to renew 
 the ' defence. Belliard's refusal to vio- 
 late the convention by accompanying 
 him, and his representations of the utter 
 impossibility of further resistance with- 
 out more troops, at length turned him 
 from his purpose. But with Paris he 
 seems somewhat 'unaccountably to have 
 abandoned all thoughts of continuing 
 the struggle. He returned to Fontaine- 
 bleau, and sent Caulaincourt to treat 
 with the allied sovereigns. 
 
 Again he was too late. Those vic- 
 torious monarchs had now determined 
 against treating with Napoleon. Tal- 
 leyrand had induced even the long- 
 inthralled senate to decree that the 
 emperor had forfeited the throne by his 
 despotic government, and his violations 
 of the constitution, and to appoint a 
 provisional government, consisting of 
 Talleyrand himself, Bournonville, Jau- 
 court, Dalberg, and the Abbe Montes- 
 quieu. The Duke of Vicenza carried 
 back this intelligence to Fontainebleau, 
 and again Napoleon, whose troops had 
 now come up, would have marched upon 
 Paris. But the marshals then with him 
 refused to continue the war for his indi- 
 vidual interest, much more to expose 
 Paris to the destruction that must have 
 resulted from attacking an enemy in 
 possession of the town. 
 
 Overpowered by the remonstrances of 
 those on whom he most relied, Napo- 
 leon, on the 4th of April, abdicated in 
 favour of his son. Caulaincourt, Ney, 
 and Macdonald, repaired to Paris with 
 the act of abdication. As before, the 
 offered concession came too late. Most 
 
 of the marshals near Paris had sub- 
 mitted to the provisional government. 
 The fickle populace were shouting for 
 Lewis XVIII. ; Francis, who must have 
 wished to preserve the crown to his 
 grandson, was absent; and the other 
 sovereigns had decided to admit nothing 
 short of the restoration of the Bourbons. 
 Napoleon gave way ; and abdicated un- 
 conditionally. The title and rank of 
 emperor were, in return, confirmed to 
 him, although his empire was limited to 
 the tiny island of Elba, in the Mediter- 
 ranean sea, containing about twenty 
 square leagues, and twelve hundred 
 inhabitants. But ridiculously diminutive 
 as was this empire, Napoleon seems to 
 have preferred it to a dignified privacy. 
 He was to be recognized as one of the 
 sovereigns of Europe ; and in addition 
 to the revenues of Elba, a pension was 
 assigned him from the revenues of 
 France, far larger than the income any 
 King of England ever enjoyed, and all 
 the members of his family were to be 
 provided for by France. 
 
 The Bourbons were now restored to 
 their long lost throne; 
 and peace was re-esta- Foreign Politics 
 
 1 T 1 1 1 T-> A, I)- Iol4. 
 
 blisned throughout Eu- 
 rope; most of its sovereigns recovering 
 the dominions of which they had been de- 
 spoiled, with such alterations, however, as, 
 in some instances, were required by the 
 ambition of the conquerors, in others, 
 were judged indispensable to the preser- 
 vation of the balance of power. The 
 principal of the changes were, that 
 Austria regained the Venetian territories 
 in exchange for the Netherlands, which 
 were once more united with Holland, in 
 order jointly to constitute a state of some 
 little territorial extent ; that Russia ac- 
 quired all the portion of Poland which, for- 
 merly allotted to Prussia, had latterly con- 
 stituted Napoleon's Duchy of Warsaw ; 
 and that some small provinces upon the 
 Rhine were given to Prussia in exchange, 
 as well as part of Saxony ; the king of 
 Saxony forfeiting so much of his domi- 
 nions, in punishment for his attachment 
 to Buonaparte ; that Genoa was given 
 to the king of Sardinia ; and that Sweden 
 acquired Norway instead of Finland, of 
 which Russia had robbed her, Norway 
 being the property of the king of Den- 
 mark, who, like the king of Saxony, had 
 persevered in his alliance with Napoleon. 
 Lord Wellington, like the rest of the 
 allies, now of course evacuated the 
 French territory, and dissolved his mixed 
 army, the British, Spanish, and Portu- 
 
HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 325 
 
 gueze troops severally returning home. 
 In Portugal no change was produced by 
 Napoleon's fall. That king- 
 Portugal dom had long been freed 
 1818^4814. fr m invaders ; the authority 
 of the lawful queen, or rather 
 of her son the prince-regent, acknow- 
 ledged, and the government administered 
 as before the invasion. The island of 
 Madeira, temporarily occupied by Eng- 
 land, had as Jong been restored. No 
 alteration, for better or for worse, had 
 been made in the constitution of the 
 country, which remained the absolute 
 monarchy it had gradually become since 
 the assembling of the Cortes had been 
 discontinued. After their subjection to 
 Spain, independence had become the 
 only national object of the Portugueze. 
 The intimate alliance with England con- 
 tinued ; and the only perceptible change 
 was, that the royal family showing no in- 
 clination to quit their extensive, wealthy, 
 and beautiful Brazilian empire it was 
 now the mother-country instead of the 
 colony, that was governed by delegated 
 powers; a circumstance, however, 
 always rendering despotic sovereignty 
 more oppressive and offensive. 
 In Spain the case was very different. 
 There the captivity of the 
 AD P 1814 ro y a l family having over- 
 thrown the existing forms 
 of government, the long discontinued 
 Cortes had taken the opportunity of 
 establishing a new and far more li- 
 beral constitution; but which, being 
 fashioned upon French, not English, 
 principles, had disgusted the two most 
 powerful bodies,in the tate, the nobi~ 
 lity and the clergy. During the greater 
 part of the time that had elapsed since 
 the promulgation of this constitution, 
 almost the whole country had been oc- 
 cupied by the enemy ; so that the great 
 mass of the people, who were not en- 
 lightened enough to feel the want, or 
 appreciate the blessings, of political 
 liberty, had not sufficient experience of 
 the benefits which the new institutions 
 were calculated to confer, to have con- 
 ceived any value for them; and the 
 troops, who, from their intercourse with 
 the English army, might have learned 
 some respect for liberty and equal laws, 
 were hostile to the Cortes on account of 
 the neglect and injustice with which 
 they had frequently been treated. 
 
 Such was the state in which Ferdi- 
 nand found his kingdom. He himself 
 had, atValenay,known nothing of any 
 of the transactions occurring in Spain, 
 
 beyond what the French newspapers 
 were permitted to publish ; and a copy 
 of the constitution was first brought 
 him by Palafox, on his return from his 
 mission to Madrid. A narrow-minded 
 and ill- educated prince naturally re- 
 sented the limitations imposecl T^y tfte 
 Cortes upon the absolute power which 
 his predecessors of the Bourbon and 
 Austrian lines had so long possessed ; 
 and, though he does not seem to have 
 taken any positive resolution, he avoided 
 early committing himself, as the Cortes 
 had designed that he should, by quitting 
 the road they had prescribed for his 
 journey through Spain, and by which 
 the cardinal de Bourbon, with a de- 
 putation of the Cortes, was proceeding 
 to meet him, for the purpose of re- 
 ceiving his constitutional oath. He 
 went by the way of Saragossa to Va- 
 lencia. Wherever he passed, the popu- 
 lace, excited by the priests, tore down 
 the tablets upon which the word 
 CONSTITUTION was engraved, shouting 
 ' Down with the Cortes /' and ' Long 
 live the absolute King!' whilst the 
 grandees hastened to pay their court 
 to him, and to express their detestation 
 of a constitution that deprived them of 
 their objectionable feudal privileges, 
 without giving them instead a natural 
 and legitimate influence in the state. 
 
 His own inclination thus encouraged 
 by high and low, Ferdinand received 
 his kinsman, the cardinal de Bourbon, 
 who followed him to Valencia, with 
 marked coldness, and immediately de- 
 prived him of his archbishopric of 
 Toledo, which he bestowed upon one 
 of the fiercest of the anti-constitutional 
 clergy. He refused to take the pre- 
 scribed oath ; and, although, by referring 
 the treaty of Valenfay to them, he had 
 virtually acknowledged and sanctioned 
 the authority of both the Cortes and the 
 Regency, he now resolved to disavow 
 them. On the 4th of May he published 
 a decree, declaring that the Cortes had 
 been illegally convoked, or, rather, ille- 
 gally constituted, from the exclusion of 
 the nobility and clergy, and that all 
 their acts were consequently null and 
 void. He forthwith dissolved the Cortes, 
 and abrogated their constitution; but 
 he promised the redress of all grievances, 
 and the convocation of a lawful Cortes, 
 in which any reforms that might appear 
 necessary should be made. 
 
 On the 13th Ferdinand proceeded to 
 Madrid, where he was received, it 
 should seem, with the more enthusiasm 
 
326 
 
 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 
 
 for his late measures. He proceeded to 
 acts for which no such palliation can 
 be found, namely, inflicting punishments 
 upon those who had defended his 
 cause when he himself had abandoned 
 it, but had, in his opinion, forfeited all 
 claim to his gratitude, by seeking to 
 limit the power they preserved for him. 
 Fortunately, however, Sir Henry Wel- 
 lesley (the English ambassador had been 
 honoured with the Order of the Bath) 
 had, at Valencia, extorted from the 
 king, who durst not disown his obliga- 
 tions to England and the Wellesleys, 
 a solemn promise that no blood should 
 be shed for political opinions. No 
 lives were taken therefore. But the 
 cardinal de Bourbon was banished to 
 Rome, his colleagues, Cisgar andAgar, 
 to provincial towns, and of the more in- 
 fluential members of both the Cortes, 
 some were thrown into prison, and 
 others condemned to serve as common 
 soldiers. The inquisition was re-esta- 
 blished, though not with the power of 
 capital punishment, and every old abuse 
 was restored. The only symptom of 
 gratitude shown by Ferdinand to those 
 who had so zealously served him, was 
 his confirming to Lord Wellington the 
 honours and rewards conferred upon 
 him by the Cortes. 
 
 In America the long-pending dispute 
 
 with the United States respecting the 
 
 boundaries of Louisiana and West 
 
 Florida was finally settled by the sale 
 
 of both the Floridas to that 
 
 Ame i r ^ power. The war with the 
 
 A.D. Iol4. r . .. , , , , 
 
 colonies continued, but al- 
 tered in character. Ferdinand there 
 took part with the Cortes he had con- 
 demned, pertinaciously refused to ac- 
 knowledge the equality, the sort of 
 federal connexion with the mother- 
 country that the colonies claimed, and 
 lavished the resources of Spain by send- 
 ing his best troops across the Atlantic 
 to assert the old Spanish monopoly. 
 
 The colonies, exasperated by this return 
 for their loyalty, and accustomed to the 
 licence inseparable from civil war, now 
 disowned the authority of Ferdinand, 
 and proclaimed their entire and abso- 
 lute independence. Ferdinand resisted 
 these pretensions yet more vehemently 
 than the former, but it was evident 
 from the beginning that his efforts to re- 
 cover the sovereignty of the American 
 provinces were altogether futile, and 
 that Spain had finally lost her Trans- 
 atlantic empire, a just retribution for 
 the assistance she had given the North 
 American colonies against Great Bri- 
 tain. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Phi- 
 lippines were her only remaining co- 
 lonies. 
 
 And here, with the expulsion of the 
 invaders, and the restoration of the in- 
 dependence of the Peninsula, together 
 with all the abuses, by promising the 
 abolition of which Buonaparte had lured 
 those who supported his usurpation 
 from honest, although mistaken pa- 
 triotism, the history of Spain and Por- 
 tugal must, for the present, close. 
 Subsequent events in the two kingdoms, 
 however important, are as yet too 
 recent to belong to the province of 
 history. And although the short con- 
 vulsion which followed Napoleon's re- 
 turn from Elba in the following spring, 
 and was terminated by the dreadful as 
 glorious battle of Waterloo, by finally 
 sealing Buonaparte's fall, seems to 
 mark the peace of Paris in 1815, and 
 the ex-Emperor's exile to St. Helena, 
 as the proper period for a pause in 
 European history ; yet, as those occur- 
 rences produced no other effect in the 
 Peninsula than an order to arm, a detail 
 of them would be out of its place here, 
 and would occasion the inconvenience of 
 involving us in beginning the account 
 of new, and yet imperfect, transactions 
 in Spain and Portugal. 
 
327 
 
 RECAPITULATION OF THE AUTHORITIES CONSULTED FOR 
 THE HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 TITI Livii Patavini Historiarum ab Urbe conditd libri qui supersunt, $c. 
 Tho. Ruddimanno, A.M. 4 torn. 12mo. Edinburgi, 1772. 
 
 Plutarchi Vitce. 9 vols. 12mo. Leipzig, 1813. 
 
 The laborious research and perhaps over-refining subtlety of German critics 
 have of late thrown some discredit upon Livy ; but this relates chiefly to early 
 Roman tradition, and he is still one of our best authorities, at least, for the 
 history of Roman wars and conquests. Plutarch wrote considerably later; but 
 drew his historical information from authentic sources. From these authors 
 the account of the Roman wars in Spain is taken. The condition of Spain, as 
 a Roman province, and her earlier transactions with the Carthaginians, are 
 derived from the Ancient Universal History, 20 vols. 8vo. This work, as well 
 as the Modern Universal History, 44 vols. 8vo., is compiled with great industry, 
 and is useful as a book of reference. 
 
 Compendia de la Historia de Espana, por Don Tomas Yriarte. 8vo. Lond. 
 1822. 
 
 This is little more than the skeleton of a history ; but it embraces the whole 
 period of authentic history, down to the death of Ferdinand VI., and has value, 
 as giving the judgment of a well-educated Spaniard of the present day, upon 
 dates and facts, respecting which conflicting opinions have been entertained. 
 
 Compendia Historial t de las Cronicas y Universal Historia de todos los Eeynos 
 de Espana, por 'Estevan de Garibay y Camalloa. 4 torn. fol. Barcelona, 
 1628. 
 
 Historia General de Espana, compuesta, enmendida,'y anadida por el Padre 
 Juan de Mariana. 2 torn. fol. Madrid, 1678. 
 
 Synopsis Historica Chronologica de Espana, por Don Juan de Ferreras. 16 torn. 
 4to. Madrid, 17001727. 
 
 Of these three histories, Mariana's is the most generally known, and by far the 
 most agreeable to read. It is extremely well written, but cannot be confidently 
 relied upon, as the learned Jesuit's Spanish pride induced him to adopt every 
 story and tradition that could exalt the fame of his countrymen. He begins 
 with the peopling of Spain by Tubal, the grandson of Noah, and concludes his 
 history with the death of Ferdinand V. He afterwards added a summary of 
 events until the death of Philip III., which his editors have continued to the 
 death of Philip IV. From his dubious authority, Mariana, though frequently 
 consulted, has seldom been quoted in the present history. Garibay, whose his- 
 tory extends from the Creation to the death of Ferdinand V., has all Mariana's 
 faults without his eloquence. It is scarce necessary to add that he is very 
 little to be depended upon, and would hardly have been quoted, but that, whilst 
 most Spanish historians seem to hold the other peninsular kingdoms wholly 
 subordinate to Castile and Leon, Garibay's nationality, he calls himself a 
 Cantabrian, induces him to place Navarre at least upon an equality with 
 them. The early annals of that kingdom have, with due caution, been chiefly 
 taken from him. But Ferreras is the author to whom we may look for infor- 
 mation with the fullest confidence of its correctness. He likewise begins his 
 history from the Creation, and he brings it down to the death of Philip II. ; but 
 even in his accounts of the earliest and most fabulous period of Spanish tradi- 
 
328 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 tion, we perceive the critical judgment with which he has throughout investi- 
 gated the statements and the chronology of his predecessors. His work is, 
 however, rather instructive than entertaining. It is written in the form of 
 annals, is dry, and destitute of all the charm of continuous narrative. 
 
 Historic, de la Domination de los Arabes en Espana, sacada de varios Manu- 
 scritos y Memorias Arabigas, por el Dotor Don Josef A. Conde. 3 torn. 
 4to. Madrid, 1820-1. 
 
 This history was undertaken, as the author tells us, to counteract the partiality 
 of Spanish historians; who rarely mention the Moorish masters of Spain, except 
 to celebrate their defeats. The present volumes are compiled from various 
 Arabic MSS. in the Royal Libraries of Madrid and the Escurial, rather trans- 
 lating than extracting the matter of the several documents. It has consequently 
 all the prolixity, and other faults, of oriental writing, and is unpleasant reading ; 
 but those very faults appear to stamp its authenticity ; and, for the history of 
 the Moors, it is more to be relied on than any English or French work. It 
 embraces, according to its title, the whole period of Arab sovereignty in the 
 Peninsula. 
 
 Histoire de la Domination des Arabes et des Maures en Espagne, et en Portugal, 
 depuis I Invasion de ces Peuples, jusqu'd leur Expulsion definitive'redigee 
 sur V Histoire traduite de lArabe en Espagnol par M. J. Cond6. Par'M. 
 de Maries. 3 torn. 8vo. Paris, 1 825. 
 
 This book is only mentioned because the language renders it accessible to more 
 readers than the Spanish original, and because its style is more agreeable. 
 Unfortunately the French author occasionally deviates from his original, and by 
 so doing materially lessens the value of his version. 
 
 The History of [Spain, from the Earliest Period to the close of ^the year 1809, 
 byj. Bigland. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1810. 
 
 A work of no great research, and less talent or judgment, which would not have 
 been quoted but that it professes to give the history of periods respecting which 
 there is a great dearth of information namely, the latter part of the reign of 
 Philip IV., and the whole reigns of Charles II. and Charles IV. The author's 
 strange appreciation of the relative importance of events may be exemplified 
 from the single fact of his omitting the expulsion of the Jesuits in the reign of 
 Charles III. 
 
 Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 12 vols. 8vo. London, 1807. 
 
 Of the character of this celebrated work, cited merely for its statements relative 
 to Spain during the early period of this history, it is unnecessary to speak. 
 
 Historia de Portugal, por J. La Costa. 3 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Histoire Generate du Portugal, par M. de la Clede. 2 vols. 4to. Paris, 1735. 
 
 General histories of Portugal are very scarce commodities ; and these are the 
 only two which the writer of the present history could meet with. The first, 
 written by a Portugueze, then, if not still, domiciliated in London, is chiefly 
 taken from the Modern Universal History. Some few additions he has, how- 
 ever, made, one of which is important namely, an account of the reign of 
 Maria, down to the time of her son's assuming the regency. La Clede's 
 book, which only comes down to the deposal of Alfonso VI., is one of much 
 greater research : it is well written, and is esteemed, by Portugueze scholars, 
 the best extant. But this is no great praise ; and the French author, whilst he 
 quotes French, and some Peninsular writers, seems to have been little acquainted 
 with the treasures of national historical information that Portugueze literature 
 affords. These are her Chronicles. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 329 
 
 Collecgao de Livros ineditos de Historia Portugueza, publicados de ordem da 
 Academia de Sciencias de Lisboa. 5 torn. fol. Lisboa, 1790, 93-1816. 
 
 This collection contains chronicles of the kings of Portugal, from Pedro I. down 
 to John II., besides other curious historical documents. The authors of the 
 earlier chronicles are uncertain ; but the later ones are written by men 
 appointed by subsequent kings to the office, and consequently freely supplied 
 with all materials that the national archives could furnish. Of course ;the 
 works of such chronista mors, or royal historiographers, are written with a 
 strong bias in favour of the monarchs they celebrate ; but as they aim at no 
 philosophical or political theories, that bias very little affects the authenticity of 
 their simple, straightforward narrations. The same character applies to the 
 other chronicles quoted in the present history ; to wit : 
 
 Cronicas dos Reys de Portugal. Cronica del Rey Dom Joam de gloriosa memo- 
 ria, 1 deste Nome, e dos Reys de Portugal, o 10., eas dos Reys Dom Duarte 
 e Dom Affonso 5. Tiradas a luz por ordem de Dom Rodrigo da Cunha, 
 Arcebispo de Lisboa. fol. Lisboa, 1649. 
 
 Cronica do Serenissimo Senhor Rey, Dom Manuel, por Damia~o de Goes. fol. 
 
 Lisboa, 1749. 
 Cronica do muito alto e muito poderoso Rey destes Reynos de Portugal, 
 
 Joam 3 deste Nome, por Francisco d'Andrade, seu Conselhero e Cronista 
 
 Mor. fol. Lisboa, 1613. 
 
 Cronica de Dom Sebastiao. 
 
 The writer has no means of referring to this chronicle for the name of its 
 author, of which no note was made. 
 
 Da Asia, de Joam de Barros e Diogo de Couto. 17 torn. 8vo. Lisboa, 1778. 
 
 This book is esteemed one of the brightest gems of Portugueze literature. The 
 history of the adventurous voyages, and of the heroic feats of the Portugueze 
 against the warlike Mahometan conquerors of India, is in itself highly interesting. 
 It was begun by Barros at the request of John III., under whom he filled various 
 offices, chiefly relative to India ; all government documents were, therefore, at 
 his command ; and his style is very good, though we may perhaps hardly agree 
 with his countrymen in comparing him to Livy. The work was continued, at 
 the desire of Philip II., by Couto, who passed his life in India, and had been an 
 actor in many of the wars he describes. It is to be regretted that the latter 
 decades have never been published. 
 
 History of America, by Dr. Robertson. 3 vols. 8vo. London, 1780. 
 History of Brazil, by Robert Southey. 3 vols. 4to. London, 1810 and 1816. 
 
 Life of Christopher Columbus, by Washington Irving. 4 vols. 8vo. London, 
 1828. 
 
 Of works so generally known and admired, it seems superfluous to add anything 
 to their titles ; but it may be observed cursorily, that Robertson's is still the 
 best general history of the conquest of America extant ; that the abundant 
 materials of the History of Brazil, which gives a lively picture of the aboriginal 
 Indians, are chiefly drawn from sources accessible only by unwearied exertion 
 and great interest ; and that for the Life of Columbus numbers of previously 
 unknown authorities have been consulted ; not to speak of the charm of 
 Southey's style, or of the harmony of Irving's periods. 
 
 Vidas de Espanoles Celebres, por Don Manuel Josef Quintana. 2 torn. 8vo. 
 Madrid, 1807, 1830. 
 
 These volumes contain the lives of the Cid, Alfonso Perez de Guzman, Roger 
 de Lauria, Charles, Prince of Viana, the Great Captain, Balboa, and Pizarro. 
 They appear to have been carefully taken from all accessible sources, often 
 MS., and are written in_a style very superior to most modern Spanish works. 
 
330 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 History of Charles V., by Dr. Robertson. 4 vols. 8vo. London, \111. 
 What has been said of Robertson's History of America, will equally apply to 
 this work. Its excellence and authority are generally acknowledged. 
 
 History of the Reign of Philip II., King of Spain, by Robert Watson. 3 vols. 
 8vo. London, 1779. 
 
 Vita del Re Filippo II. Monarca delle Spagne, di Gregorio Leti. 2 torn. 4to. 
 Coligni, 1679. 
 
 Of these lives of Philip II. the English is decidedly the best; although it 
 betrays too much of the bitterness of Protestant resentment against the most 
 bigoted and persecuting of Catholics. Leti is likewise strongly biassed against 
 his hero, who is praised only by Spanish authors ; and the ttalo-Genevese 
 biographer renders his work heavy by filling it with supposititious speeches. 
 
 Geschichte des Abfalls der Vereinigten ' Niederlande von der Spanischen 
 Regierung, von Friedrich von Schiller Schiller's Sammtliche Werke. 
 12 bande, 8vo. Stuttgart and Tubingen, 1813. 
 
 Schiller was excited to undertake this history by the fervent sympathy of a 
 Protestant with his persecuted brethren, heightened by a generous delight in the 
 successful resistance of the weak to the powerful. He collected his materials 
 with diligence and care ; and the narrative he compiled from them displays the 
 powers of his philosophic, lofty, and elegant mind. It is only to be regretted 
 that he did not complete his self-allotted task, but paused at the resignation of 
 Margaret ; a period which he himself justly describes as merely introductory 
 to the revolution. 
 
 Historia Critica de la Inquisicion de Espana, Obra original conforme a lo 
 que resulta de los Archives del Consejo de la Suprema, y de los Tribunales 
 de Provi ncias, por J. A. Llorente. 10 torn. 12mo. Madrid, 1822. 
 
 Llorente was secretary to the Inquisition, and in that situation appears to have 
 conceived a horror of its arbitrary, insidious, and cruel proceedings ; whilst his 
 free access to all archives and records afforded him the means of venting that 
 horror in the form of an authentic history of the tribunal. The only check to 
 the full confidence he is entitled to claim, arises from the constant affectation of 
 philosophy and sentiment, and the number of marks of admiration rather incon- 
 sistent with the sober character of history that swarm in his 'little volumes. 
 With respect, however, to the inquisitorial proceedings of bishops and dominican 
 monks, before the establishment of the tribunal, and to matters unconnected 
 with the tribunal, as the fate of Don Carlos, his authority cannot be considered 
 superior to that of other historians. Llorente seems to have attached himself 
 to Joseph Buonaparte, and published his book during his exile in France. 
 
 History of Philip III., by R. Watson. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1786. 
 
 Justa Expulsion de los Moriscos de Espana, fyc., del M. F. Damian Fonseca. 
 8vo. Rom., 1612. 
 
 Historia de Felipe IV., Rey de Espana, por Gongalo de Cespedes y Meneses. 
 
 Folio. Barcelona, 1634. 
 Historia de los Movimientos, Separation, y Guerra de Cataluna, en tiempo de 
 
 Felipe IV., por Don Francisco Manuel de Melo. 8vo. Madrid, 1808. 
 These, with the additional summaries in Mariana, are the chief sources of 
 information respecting the son and grandson of Philip II. Watson's book 
 resembles in character his history of Philip II., but it is necessarily less inte- 
 resting ; and, moreover, though the materials were prepared by him, he died 
 when he had written about one-half, and his labours were continued by other 
 hands. Cespedes is a heavy writer and a courtier; his work must be read with 
 due allowances for his desire to flatter his master, but is valuable in the dearth 
 of historians of that disgraceful portion of .Spanish i.history. He gives > 
 

 AUTHORITIES. 331 
 
 brief account of Philip III.'s reign ; and we have to regret that he died at an 
 early period of the reign of his more especial hero, Philip IV. The volumes 
 of Fonseca and Melo give minute accounts of periods so short that it is needless 
 to add anything to what was said of them in the notes of pages 139 and 147. 
 
 Historia de Portugal restaurado, por Dom Luis de Menezes, Conde de Ericeyra. 
 
 2 torn, folio. Lisboa, 1679. 
 
 But if this was an era of decline that excited no Spaniard to record its events, 
 the case was different in Portugal ; and we have here an excellent history of 
 her recovered independence. The Conde de Ericeyra was a Portugueze patriot 
 and soldier who ranked high in the service of the restored national kings, and 
 in the latter part of his work describes scenes in which he was an actor. His 
 history begins with a short account of his country's falling into the hands of 
 Philip II., and of her unfair treatment by the Spanish kings ; ending with the 
 deposition of Alfonso VI. Its dedication to Pedro II. might excite some distrust 
 of his condemnation of the dethroned prince, were not his statements corro- 
 borated by unexceptionable authority. 
 
 An Account of the Court of Portugal under his present Majesty Don Pedro, 
 with some Discourses on the Interests of Portugal with regard to other 
 Sovereigns. 8vo. London, 1700. 
 
 History of the Revolutions of Portugal from the foundation of the kingdom to 
 the year 1667 ; with Letters of Sir Robert Southwell, during his Embassy 
 there, to the Duke of Ormoud. 8vo. London, 1740. 
 
 The letters of the sagacious and impartial English ambassador, and the state- 
 ments in the former volume, of which he was the author, abundantly confirm 
 Ericeyra' s account of Alfonso VI. 's unfitness to govern. 
 
 Memoirs of the Kings of Spain, of the House of Bourbon, from the accession of 
 Philip V. to the death of Charles III., by Archdeacon Coxe. 3 vols. 4to. 
 London, 1813. 
 
 History of the War of the Succession in Spain, by Lord Mahon. 8vo. London, 
 1832. 
 
 Mcmoires Politiques et Militaires pour scrvir d VHistoire de Louis XIV. et de 
 Louis XV. Composes sur les pieces originates, recueillies par Adrien 
 Maurice, Due de Noailles, Marshal de France, et Ministre d'Etat ; par 
 M. 1'Abbe Millot, des Academies de Lyon et de Nanci. 6 torn. 12mo. 
 Paris, 1777. 
 
 Mcmoires du Marcchal de Berwick, ccrits par lui-m&me. 2 torn. 8vo. Suisse, 
 
 1778. 
 Memoirs of Captain George Carleton, an English Officer ; including Anecdotes 
 
 of the War in Spain under the Earl of Peterborough ; written by himself. 
 
 8vo. Edinburgh, 1808. 
 
 Memoirs of the Affairs of Europe from the Peace of Utrecht, by Lord John 
 Russell. 2 vols. 4to. London, 1824, 1829. 
 
 Coxe is the standard authority for Spanish history during the period of which 
 he treats ; and, in fact, for a period rather longer than that mentioned in the 
 title of his work, since he has given an introductory chapter upon Charles II.'s 
 unfortunate reign. He has consulted all the historians and memoir writers who 
 have preceded him, and immense numbers of MS. documents, especially the 
 letters of ambassadors ; and his book affords nearly as much information as the 
 general reader can desire. Lord Mahon's volume is, however, a valuable 
 accessory for the short period of which it treats tnat of the Succession War, 
 and of the intrigues which led to Charles II.'s will. The correspondence of his 
 ancestors during embassies to the courts of Charles II. and the Archduke, as 
 well as whilst in command of the English troops under the latter, affording 
 matter unknown to Coxe, and used with great talent and judgment. Noailles, 
 Berwick, and Lord John Russell, being quoted only for the small portion of their 
 
32 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 volumes that refer to Spain, and Carleton, writing: but of so short a period, it 
 may suffice to refer to what has been said of their works when first cited, 
 pages 160, 166, 180. 
 
 The same may be said respecting 
 
 Memoir es de Sebasiien Joseph de Carvalho e Melo, Comte dOeyras, Marquis de 
 Pombal, Secretaire d Etat et Premier Ministre du Rot de Portugal, 
 Joseph I. 4 torn. 12mo. Paris, 1784 
 
 The General Biographical Dictionary, by A. Chalmers. 32 vols. Svo. London, 
 
 1812, 14, 17 
 
 which, the first from its unfairness, and the second from its necessary brevity, 
 are only quoted in the great dearth of information upon this period of Portu- 
 gueze history. See page 194. 
 
 The reign of Charles IV., till within a few months of its close, has been taken 
 chiefly from Annual Registers. Of that useful publication nothing need be said ; 
 and of the other works consulted, 
 
 Memoir of the Queen of Etruria, written by herself, and translated from the 
 Italian. Svo. London, 1814 
 
 Letters from Spain, by Don Leucadio Doblado. Svo. London, 1822 
 Memoirs of Ferdinand VII., King of Spain, by Don ******, Advocate of the 
 
 Spanish Tribunals, translated from the original Spanish MS. by Michael 
 
 Quin. Svo. London, 1824 
 
 it is enough to refer to pages 234, 248. 
 
 Histoire de la Guerre de la Peninsule sous Napoleon, prec&dce dun Tableau 
 politique et militaire des Puissances Belligerentes, par le General Foy. 
 Publies par Mme. la Comtesse Foy. 4 torn. Svo. Paris, 1827. 
 
 History of the Peninsular War, by Robert Southey. 3 vols. 4to. London, 
 1823,&c. 
 
 History of the War in the Peninsula and the South of France, from the year 
 1807 to the year 1814, by W. F. P. Napier, C.B., Lieutenant-Colonel, 
 half-pay, 43rd Regiment. 3 vols. Svo. London, 1828, &c. 
 
 Observations on some Passages in Lieutenant-Colonel Napier's History of the 
 Peninsular War, by Percy, Viscount Strangford. Svo. London, 1828. 
 
 Narrative of the Peninsular War from 1808 to 1813, by Lieutenant-General the 
 Marquess of Londonderry. 4to. London, 1828. 
 
 Annals of the Peninsular Campaigns from 1808 to 1814, by the Author of Cyril 
 Thornton. 3 vols. 12mo. Edinburgh, 1829. 
 
 Life of the Most Noble Arthur Duke of Wellington, &c. &c., by G. Elliott, Esq. 
 Svo. London, 1818. 
 
 Military Memoirs of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington, by Captain Moyle 
 Sherer, for Dr. Lardner's Cabinet Library. 2 vols. Svo. London, 1830. 
 
 Memoirs of the late War, comprising the personal Narrative of Captain Cooke, 
 the Campaign of 1809 by the Earl of Munster, &c. 2 vols. 12rao. London, 
 1831. 
 Mcmoires du Marechal Suchet, Due 'd"Albufera, sur ses Campagnes en 
 
 Espagne, ecrits par lui-m&me. 2 torn. Paris, 1828. 
 
 General Foy's preliminary tableau takes in the state of Spain and Portugal from 
 the peace of Utrecht, and affords some information respecting the reigns of 
 Charles IV. and Maria I., and even the administration of Pombal. The only 
 drawback to the value both of that information and of the subsequent history, is 
 the inveteracy of Foy's hatred to England, which so distorts his otherwise clear 
 judgment, that he can in one page allow courage to be the characteristic of the 
 English nation, and in another assert that English soldiers cannot fight unless 
 gorged with beef and intoxicated. Making due allowance for his prejudices, the 
 work is so good that his not having lived to complete it is much to be regretted. 
 
AUTHORITIES. 333 
 
 The Portugueze campaign of 1808 closes his account of the Peninsular war. 
 Of the other books quoted, Southey's is that which most especially concerns the 
 historian of the Peninsula, since the author's, perhaps excessive, enthusiasm for 
 the insurgent nations induces him to give in detail all their operations, civil and 
 military, whilst the other authors concern themselves chiefly with the regular 
 armies; and Napier contemns the insurgents, perhaps, as unreasonably as 
 Southey admires them. For those other writers it may again suffice to refer to 
 the pages where they are first quoted, namely, 267, 283, 291. 
 
 Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur et de la Decadence de la Monarchie 
 Espagnole, par M. Sempe're, Ancien Magistral Espagnol. 2 torn. 12mo. 
 Paris, 1826. 
 
 Tableau de VEspagne Moderne, par J. Fr. Born-going. 4me edit., avec 
 quelques corrections et des augmentations qui conduisent le tableau de 
 1'Espagne jusqu'a 1'annee 1806. 3 torn. 8vo. Paris, 1807. 
 
 Mcmorias Espanoles sobre el Origen y Consecucion de los Males actuales, 
 hasta los AHos de 1810, por Don Geronimo Martin de] Bernardo. 8vo. 
 Londres. 
 
 These works have afforded the little of statistical and political information for 
 which the narrow compass of the present history allowed room. The first is 
 the most valuable. It gives us the views of a well-educated Spaniard, placed in 
 a situation to command all existing information upon the subject, respecting the 
 political condition of his country from the time of the Visigothic monarchy 
 down to the insurrection of 1820. It is tinctured with the prejudices of a 
 Spaniard, the minister of despotic sovereigns, and those sovereigns the Bourbon 
 kings of Spain, but abounds nevertheless with important information. Bour- 
 going's book offers, in many respects, a different view, being written in the spirit 
 of a French philosopher and republican, and moreover of a personal friend of 
 Godoy's. His picture represents Spain from the year 1777, when he first went 
 thither as secretary to the French embassy, down to the year 1806 ; and though 
 somewhat superficial as well as prejudiced, will furnish most readers with a 
 material increase of knowledge, statistical, political, and moral, with regard to 
 Spain. The Memorias Espanoles are directly opposed in political views to the 
 Tableau. They touch slightly upon the earlier state of Spain, but relate chiefly 
 to the reigns of Charles III. and IV. The author is a Spaniard of the old 
 school, who reprobates the innovations of Florida-Blanca as bitterly as the 
 profligacy of Godoy, whom he represents as the creature of France. His 
 volume requires to be read with a constant reference to his national character 
 and prejudices; but affords useful information with regard to the state of Spain, 
 the nature of her misgovernment, and the causes, reasonable and unreasonable, 
 of the general discontent under Charles IV. 
 
 Memoirs of General Miller, in the service of the Republic of Peru, by John 
 Miller. 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1828. 
 
 Journal of a Residence in Columbia during the years 1823 and 1824, by 
 Captain Charles Stuart Cochrane, R.N. 2 vols. 8vo. 1825. 
 
 For the character of these books, quoted relatively to the misgovernment and 
 insurrection of Spanish America, the reader is referred to page 212. 
 
 Histoire des Francais, par Sismondi. 12 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1820, 1831. 
 Geschichte der Deutschen, von M. I. Schmidt. 12 biinde 8vo. Ulm, 1786. 
 
 Geschichte der Hohenstauffen und ihrer Zeit, von Friedrich von Raumer. 
 6 biinde 8vo. Leipzic, 1825. 
 
 Istoria civile del Regno di Napoli, di Pietro Giannone. 4 torn. 4to. Palmyra, 
 1762. 
 
 History of the House of Austria, by Archdeacon Coxe, 3 vols, 4to, London, 
 1807. 
 
334 HISTORY OF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 
 
 M. de Voltaire. 100 torn. 12rao. Basle, 1792. 
 History of England, by David Hume. 8 vols. 8vo. London, 1807. 
 
 Istoria del Gran Ducato di Toscana, sotto il Governo della Casa Medici, di 
 R. Galluzzo. 8 torn. 8vo. Livorno, 1781. 
 
 Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 8; London, 1829; Article 1; Revolutions of 
 Naples in 1647, 1648. 
 
 History of Great Britain, from the Revolution of 1688 to the conclusion of the 
 Treaty of Amiens, 1802, by W. Belsham. 12 vols. 8vo. London, 1805. 
 
 Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of the French, with a Preliminary View 
 of the French Revolution, by the Author of the Waverley Novels. 9 vols. 
 8vo. London, 1827. 
 
 Souvenirs sur Mirabeau et sur les deux premieres Assemblies Legislatives, par 
 Etienne Dumont de Geneve. Ouvrage posthume, publie par M. J. L. 
 Duval, Membre du Conseil Repr6sentatif du Canton de Geneve. 8vo. 
 Paris, 1832. 
 
 Memoires et Souvenirs du Comte Lavalette, Aide-de-Camp du General Buona- 
 parte, Conseiller dEtat, et Directeur des Postes de I" Empire. 2 torn. 8vo. 
 Paris, 1831. 
 
 These works being only quoted for the history of other countries in relation to 
 Spain, the reader is referred to the notes respecting them, in pages 35, 42, 91, 
 97, 159, 173, 186, 227. It is needless to praise Hume and Sismondi. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ABBASSIDES, the, succeed to the Ommeyades, 
 page 11 
 
 Abdallah, the Abbasside, murders the Om- 
 meyades, 11 
 
 Abdallah of Cordova, succeeds to Almondhir, 
 16; civil wars, ib. 
 
 Abdallah, younger son of Abderrahman III., 
 revolts, 18; vanquished and executed, ib. 
 
 Abdallah aben Hud, opposes the Almohades 
 and Mohammed of Jaen, 37; assassi- 
 nated, ib. 
 
 Abdallah el Zagal, wall of Malaga, 78 ; de- 
 feats the Spaniards, 79 ; proclaimed king 
 of Granada, ib.' Muley Aly abdicates in his 
 favour, ib. ; civil war, ib.', war with the in- 
 vaders, 82 ; surrenders his last towns to 
 Ferdinand, ib. 
 
 Abdelaziz, left by Muza commander in Spain, 
 9; marries Roderic's widow, id.; assassi- 
 nated, 10 
 
 Adelmelic, recovers the Spanish march, 13 
 
 Abdelmelic, Almanzor's son, subdues Fez, 20; 
 minister to Hixem II., 21 ; poisoned, ib. 
 
 Abdelmumen, caliph of the Almohades, 27; 
 war with the Almoravides, ib., 31 ; subdues 
 the petty Moorish kings, 31 ; sovereign of 
 Mussulman Spain, ib. ; dies, ib. ; a patron 
 of science and literature, ib. 
 
 Abderrahman, Spanish Emir, his conquests in 
 France, 10 ; defeated and slain at Poiliers,i6. 
 
 Abderrahman I. of Cordova, his early ad- 
 ventures, 11 ; war in Spain, ib.; caliph of 
 Cordova, ib. ; civil war, ib. ; war with 
 Charlemagne, 12; prosperity of his do- 
 minions, 13 
 
 Abderrahman II. of Cordova, governs for his 
 father, 14; succeeds him, 15; civil wars, 
 ib. ; patronizes science and literature, ib. ; 
 his power and fame, ib. 
 
 Abderrahman III. of Cordova, succeeds to 
 Abdallah, 18 ; civil wars, ib.', war in 
 Africa, ib. ; patronizes science and litera- 
 ture, ib. ; raises Mussulman Spain to the 
 height of prosperity, 19 
 
 Abderrahman, younger son of Abdallah, quells 
 a rebellion, 17 ; regent for his nephew, 18 ; 
 surnamed the Victorious, ib. 
 
 Abderrahman, Almanzor's second son, mi. 
 nister to Hixem II., 21 ; provokes a re- 
 bellion, ib. ; defeated and put to death, ib. 
 
 Abencerrages, See Zeragh 
 Abercrombie, General Sir Ralph, takes Trin- 
 idad, 244; defeats the French at Alex- 
 andria, 251 
 
 Aboukir, battle of, 246 
 
 Abrantes, duke of, see Junot 
 
 Abu Abdallah of Granada, rebels against his 
 father, 78 ; defeated and taken by Ferdi- 
 nand V., 79 ; does homage, and is acknow- 
 ledged as king by Ferdinand, ib, j civil war, 
 
 ii., 82 ; besieged in Granada by Ferdinand, 
 82 ; capitulates, 83 
 
 Abu Giafar of Saragossa, liis wars with Aragon, 
 26 ; submits to the Almoravides, ib. ;K?;jgJ 
 
 Abu Jacub, the Almohade, succeeds to Mo- 
 hammed, 35 ; decline of the Almohades, ib. 
 
 Abu Jusef of Morocco, his transactions with 
 Granada, 40 ; and Castile, 41, 44 
 
 Abu Said of Granada, dethrones Mohammed V., 
 50; murders Ismael II., ib.', usurps the crown, 
 ib. ; war witli Castile, 54 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Abul Hassan of Fez, his transactions with 
 Mohammed IV., and Jusef I., of Granada, 
 49 ; war with Castile, ib. 
 
 Academies, abhorred as a Mahometan insti- 
 tution, 62 ; founded by Philip V., 193 
 
 Acadie (Nova Scotia) ceded to England, 181 
 
 Acapulco galleon taken, 191, 205 
 
 Acre, siege of, 247. 
 
 Addington, Mr., prime minister, 251; his 
 measures, ib., 253, 254 ; resigns, 257 
 
 Adour, passage of, 322. 
 
 Adrian VI., Pope, Charles I's. preceptor, 98 ; 
 regent of Castile, ib.; holds the Valencian 
 Cortes, 100; again regent of Castile, 101; 
 civil war, ib. ; elected Pope, 102 
 
 JEtius defeats Attila, 4 
 
 Agar, member of the executive council, 301; 
 of the regency, 319; treatment by Ferdi- 
 nand VII., 326 
 
 Ahmed of Saragossa, his wars with Aragon, 23 
 
 Aix la Chapelle, treaties of, 161, 195 
 
 Alans, the, invade Spain, 3 ; subjugated by 
 the Visigoths, ib. 
 
 Alarcos, battle of, 33 
 
 Alaric, the Visigoth, killed in battle, 4 
 
 Albemarle, General Lord, takes the Havan- 
 nah and Trinidad, 205 
 
 Alberoni, Cardinal, his early life, 183 ; in- 
 fluences the choice of Philip Vs. second 
 wife, ib.; prime minister, 185; further 
 honours, ib.', his measures, ib., 186, 187; 
 cause and mode of his dismissal, 187; tried 
 by the pope and cardinals on Philip's ac. 
 cusation, ib. ; confined. 1 to a monastery, ib. ; 
 released, ib. ; his Italian intrigues, ib. 
 
 Albert, Cardinal-Archduke, viceroy of Por- 
 tugal, 131 ; governor of the Netherlands, 
 136, 137; marries the Infanta Isabella, 
 with the Netherlands as her portion, 139 ; 
 war with the United States, ib., 141 ; his 
 government, 141, 147 
 
 Albuera, battle of, 303 
 
 Albufera, Duke of, see Suchet 
 
 Albuquerque, Alfonso de, his wars and nego- 
 tiations in India, 93, 94; dissensions with 
 Almeida, 94 
 
 Alburquerque, Duke of, esteemed by Wel- 
 lington, 294 : mistrusted by the Central 
 Junta, ib, ; throws himself into Cadiz, 295 ; 
 
336 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 governor of Cadiz, 296 ;* displaced, ib. ; 
 ambassador to England, ib. ; dies, ib. 
 
 Alcapr-quivir, battle of, 128 
 
 Alcavala, imposed by Alfonso XI., 50 ; in- 
 creased under Philip III., 143; lightened 
 under Charles IV., 227 
 
 Alexander VI., Pope, refuses fully to legitimate 
 Don George, of Portugal, 81 ; divides all 
 new-discovered lands between Castile and 
 Portugal, 86 ; seeks Spanish aid against 
 the French, ib. 
 
 Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, joins 
 Don John, in the Netherlands, 125 ; suc- 
 ceeds him as governor, 126 ; reduces the 
 southern provinces, ib., 133 ; marries a 
 Portugueze Infanta, 129 ; takes part in 
 the troubles of Cologne, 133 ; prepares for 
 invading England, ib. ; assists the French 
 League against Henry IV., 135 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Alexander of Russia, allies himself with Eng- 
 land, 257; and Austria, 258; defeated 
 at Austerlitz, 259 ; evacuates Germany and 
 Italy, ib.; rejects d'Oubril's treaty, 261 j 
 campaign in Poland, 265 ; treaty of Tilsit, 
 ib. ; dissensions with Napoleon, 304; war 
 with Napoleon, 308, 310, 311, 312,314, 
 317,321,323; acquisitions, 324 
 
 Alexandria, battle of, 251. 
 
 Alfonso I. of Oviedo, succeeds to Favila, 11 ; 
 enlarges his kingdom, ib. 
 
 Alfonso II. of Oviedo, succeds to Bermuda I., 
 13 ; success against the Moors, ib. ; in- 
 ternal transactions, ib. ; transactions with 
 Charlemagne, ib., 14 
 
 Alfonso III. of Oviedo, succeeds to Ordofio I., 
 16; war with the Moors, 6., 17; civil 
 war, 17 ; abdicates, ib.; his love of litera- 
 ture, ib. 
 
 Alfonso IV. of Leon, succeeds to Fruela II., 
 17; abdicates, ib., tries to recover the 
 crown, ib. ; defeated and harshly treated, ib. 
 
 Alfonso V. of Leon, succeeds to Bermudo II., 
 20; his wars with the Moors, ib. ; killed at 
 a siege, 22 
 
 Alfonso VI. of Leon and Castile, inherits 
 Leon from Ferdinand I., 23 ; despoiled by 
 Sancho II. of Castile, ib. ; called to both 
 thrones, 24 ; offended by the Cid's bold- 
 ness, ib. ; his treatment of the Cid, ib., 25 ; 
 seizes Biscay, 24 ; conquests from the 
 Moors, ib., 25 ; internal measures, 24, 26 ; 
 war with the Almoravides, 25, 26 
 
 Alfonso VII. of Castile, proclaimed king of 
 Galicia, 27 ; war with his mother Urraca, 
 ib. ; war with the Almoravides, ib., 31; 
 succeeds to Urraca, 28 ; assumes supre- 
 macy, ib. ; war with Portugal, ib. ; with 
 the Almohades, 31 ; dies of his wounds, 
 dividing his dominions, ib. 
 
 Alfonso VIII. of Castile, succeeds to Sancho 
 III., 32 ; reverses of his minority, ib.; re- 
 covers his losses, 33 ; makes peace with 
 the Christian States, ib. ; his wars with the 
 Almohades, ib., 34; internal troubles, 33 
 
 Alfonso IX. of Leon, succeeds to Ferdinand 
 II., 33 ; war with the Almohades, ib., 
 34 ; 36 j his marriage and divorce, 34 ; 35; 
 
 claims Castile in right of his wife, 36 ; 
 seeks to disinherit their son, 37 
 
 Alfonso X. of Castile, his transactions with 
 Portugal, 38, 39 ; succeeds to Ferdinand 
 III., 39 ; his success against the Moors, ib., 
 transactions respecting the empire, ib.; le- 
 gislative, scientific, and literary labours, ib., 
 40 ; rebellions and intrigues of his second 
 son, 40, 41 
 
 Alfonso XI. of Castile, succeeds to Ferdi- 
 nand IV., 45 ; his grandmother's regency, 
 46 ; energetic, but illegal measures, on as- 
 suming the government, ib., 47 ; conciliates 
 his subjects, 47 ; his marriage, amours, 
 and family dissensions, 49 ; war with 
 Granada, ib., 50 ; dies of the plague, 50 ; 
 first imposes the alcavala, ib. 
 
 Alfonso I. of Aragon, succeeds to Pedro I., 
 26 ; his marriage, dissensions, and divorce, 
 ib., 27 ; wars with the Moors and French, 
 27 ; dies, bequeathing his dominions to the 
 Knights Templars, ib. 
 
 Alfonso II. of Aragon, succeds to Raymond 
 V., in Catalonia, 32 ; to Petronilla, in 
 Aragon, 33 ; his French claims, ib. 
 
 Alfonso 111. of Aragon, succeeds to Pedro III., 
 43 ; reduces James of Majorca, to vassalage, 
 ib. ; conquers Minorca and Iviza, ib. ; his ne- 
 gotiations touching Naples and Sicily, ib. 
 
 Alfonso IV. of Aragon, second son of James 
 II., conquers Sardinia and Corsica, 48 ; 
 succeeds to the throne, ib. ; domestic dis- 
 sensions, ib. 
 
 Alfonso V. of Aragon, succeeds to Ferdinand 
 I., 64 ; engrossed by Italian affairs, ib., 65 ; 
 leaves the government of Aragon to his 
 brothers, 64, 70 ; dies, bequeathing Naples 
 to his illegitimate son, 75 
 
 Alfonso I. (Affonso) of Portugal, his successful 
 rebellion against his mother, 28; wars with 
 Castile, ib., 31 ; conquests from the Almo- 
 ravides, 29, 30 ; proclaimed king, at 
 Ourique, 29 ; elected by the Cortes of La- 
 mego, 30 ; emancipates Portugal from 
 ecclesiastical dependence on Spain, ib. ; 
 losses to the Almohades, 33 
 
 Alfonso II. of Portugal, succeeds to Sancho I., 
 34 ; sends troops to fas navas dp. Tolosa, ib. ; 
 dissensions with his family and clergy, 35 ; 
 excommunicated, ib. 
 
 Alfonso III. of Portugal, second son of Al- 
 fonso II. marries the heiress of Boulogne, 
 38 ; Pope Innocent IV. transfers the 
 crown to him, ib. ; civil wars, ib. ; acknow- 
 ledged on Sancho II.'s death, ib.; successes 
 against the Moors, 39 ; transactions with 
 Castile, ib.; divorce and second marriage, 
 ib. ; internal government, ib. 
 
 Alfonso IV. of Portugal, his rebellions, 
 47; succeeds to Dennis, ib.; internal go- 
 vernment, ib., 48, 52, 53; wars with the 
 Moors, 49, 52 
 
 Alfonso V. of Portugal, succeeds to Edward, 
 67; disorders during his minority, 71 j 
 cabals against the duke of Coimbra, ib., 
 72 ; wars in Africa, 72 ; prosecutes 
 Don Henry's discoveries, ib. j traas- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 337 
 
 actions with Castile, ib., 75, 76, 77; 
 transactions with Lewis XI. of France, 76 ; 
 abdicates, ib. ; resumes the crown, ib. 
 
 Alfonso VI. of Portugal, succeeds to John 
 IV., 157: his mother's regency, /., 158; 
 his maladies, vices, and follies, 157. 158; 
 extorts the surrender of his mother's au- 
 thority, 158; leaves the government to 
 Caslel Melhor, ib. ; his matrimonial trans- 
 actions, 1GO, 161, compelled to abdicate, 
 160; confined to one of the Azores, ib. 
 
 Alfonso. Don, Pedro of Castile's son, by 
 Maria de Paclilla, declared legitimate, 56 
 
 Alfonso, prince of Portugal, marries Isa- 
 bella, infanta of Castile, 81 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Alfonso III of Naples, abdicates, 87 
 
 Algarve divided amongst petty princes, 37 ; 
 conquered by Alfonso III., of Portugal, 39 ; 
 transactions respecting it with Castile, ib. ; 
 allotted as a principality to Godoy, 268 
 
 Algeziras ceded to Morocco, 40 ; bought back, 
 45; taken by Alfonso XI., of Castile, 49; 
 artillery used in its defence, ib. 
 
 Algiers seized by Barbarossa, 109; unsuc- 
 cessfully attacked by the Spaniards, 111, 
 213, 223; assists the insurgent Moors, 
 122 
 
 Alhakem I. of Cordova, succeeds to Hixem I., 
 13; civil wars, ib.; wars with France, 14; 
 grows cruel and voluptuous, ib. ; resigns 
 the government to his son, ib. 
 
 Alhakem II. of Cordova, his fraternal kind- 
 ness, 18; succeeds to Abderrahman III., 
 ly ; internal administration and love of 
 literature, i.; war with Leon, ib. ; war in 
 Africa, ib. 
 
 Alhaur, Spanish Emir, invades France, 10; 
 superseded, ib. 
 
 Alicant repulses the French, 308; garrisoned 
 by Anglo-Sicilian army, 310 
 
 Alliance, Grand, against the Bourbons, 167, 
 168, 172; view's changed, 180 
 
 Alliance, Triple, checks Lewis XIV., 161; 
 dissolved by his intrigues, 162 
 
 Alliance, Triple, 186; becomes quadruple, 
 ib.; and quintuple, 187 
 
 Almada, Alvaro de, defies the accuser of the 
 duke of Coimbra, 72 
 
 Almagrab annexed to the caliphate of Cor- 
 dova, 20 ; see Mauritania and Fez. 
 
 Almagro shares in the conquest of Peru, 112; 
 his separate command, 1 13 ; civil wars, ib. ; 
 put to death, ib. 
 
 Almagro, the younger, assassinates Pizarro, 
 113 ; is executed, ib. 
 
 Almanza, battle of, 175 
 
 Almanzot, see Mohammed 
 
 Almeida, Francisco de, first Indian viceroy, 
 94; his government, 16.; dissensions with 
 his successor, ib. killed by negroes, on 
 his return, ib. 
 
 Almeida, Lourenco de. defeated and slain by 
 the Egyptians and Cambayans, 94 
 
 Almeida, John de, secretary of state, dis- 
 missed at the demand of Lasnes, 254 
 
 Almeida, taken by the French. 298: evacu- 
 ated, 303 
 
 Almenara, Marquess of, killed in Aragonese 
 tumults, 136 
 
 Almenara, battle of, 178 
 
 Alrnoctader of Saragossa, his alliance with 
 the CiV/, 24 
 
 Almohades, the, African sectarians, 27 ; pro- 
 claim Abdelmurnen caliph, ib. ; their tri- 
 umphs in Africa and Spain, ih. } 31, 32, 
 33, 34 ; decline and overthrow of their 
 Empire, 34, 35 
 
 Almond hir of Cordova, succeeds to Moham- 
 med, 16; killed in civil wars, ib. 
 
 Almoravides, the, an Arab tribe removed to 
 Africa, 25 ; their conquests, ib. ; found 
 the empire of Morocco ib. ; invited to 
 Spain by the Moors, ib. ; defeat the Chris- 
 tians, ib. ; subjugate the Moors, 26; ex- 
 pelled from Spain, 31; and the Balearic 
 isles, 34 
 
 Alorne, Marquess of, his cabals, 261 ; bani.Oied 
 from court, ib.; employed byJunot, 272; 
 and Massena, 298 
 
 Alpujarras mountains, the, the stronghold of 
 the Moors, 91, 121 
 
 Alva, Duke of, defends Roussillon, 92 ; pro- 
 cures the regency of Castile for Ferdinand 
 V., 95 j invades and masters Navarre, 
 96 
 
 Alva, Duke of, defends Naples, 117 ; over- 
 runs the estates of the church, ib. ; leads 
 an army to the Netherlands, 119; arrests 
 Egmont and Horn, ib.; named governor, 
 ib. ; his measures ib., 120; general insur- 
 rection, ib.; his military operations, 123, 
 124; recalled, 124; offends Philip II., 
 130; banished to his castle of Uzeda, ib.; 
 commands against Portugal, ib. ; subdues 
 the kingdom, ib. 
 
 Aly of Spain and Morocco, succeeds to Jusef, 
 26 ; wars in Spain, ib., 27, 29 ; in Africa, 
 27, 31 
 
 Amalric, the Visigoth, supplanted by Gesalaic, 
 4 ; reinstated by Theodoric, ib. ; alliance 
 and wars with the Franks, ib. 
 
 America, South, discovered by Columbus, 89; 
 discovered and named by Amerigo Vespuccio, 
 ib. ; depopulation, 96 ; general conquest 
 and colonization, 113; code of laws, ib. ; 
 government settled, 114; calamities from 
 English hostility, 133, 134, 191, 204 ; ac- 
 knowledges Philip V., 167 ; financial re- 
 forms provoke insurrection, 218; rebel- 
 lion of Tupac Amaru, 219; deputies 
 summoned to Cortes, 296 ; declares for 
 Ferdinand VII., 301 ; contests with the 
 Cortes, 302, 306, 311, 319, 326. See 
 Brazil, Darien, Peru, Chili, Caraccas, 
 Buenos Ayres 
 
 America, North, discovered by John Cabot, 
 93 ; cessions to England, 205 ; English 
 colonies discontented, 213; declared in 
 rebellion, ib. See Mexico, Louisiana, 
 the Floridas, Canada, the United States 
 Amiens, taken by the Spaniards, 137 ; re- 
 covered, ib.: peace of, 251 
 Analoa, gold mines, discovered, 218 
 Andalusia, part ceded to the Greek Empire, 5 ; 
 
 Z 
 
338 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 divided amongst Moorish Princes, 21, 37 ; 
 submits to the French, 218 ; cleared of 
 them, 310 
 
 Angouleme, Duke of, joins Wellington, 321 ; 
 received at Bourdeaux, 322 
 
 Anjou, Charles, Duke of, conquers Naples and 
 Sicily, 42 ; executes Conradin, 43 ; war 
 with Pedro III., of Aragon, ib. ; treaty with 
 Alfonso III., of Aragon, ib. 
 
 Anjou, Francis, Duke of, assists the Nether- 
 landers, 125 ; transactions with them, ib.. 
 126 
 
 Anjou, Philip, Duke of, recommended as heir 
 to the Spanish crown, 163, 165; declared 
 heir, ib. ; renounces all rights in France, 
 166. See Philip V. 
 
 Anne f Ana), Spanish Infanta, marries Lewis 
 XIII., 144; regent, 156; governed by Car- 
 dinal Mazarin, ib. 
 
 Anne of England, succeeds to William III., 
 167; governed by the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough, ib.; changes her favourite, 177; 
 and her ministers, 178, 179 ; new policy, 
 179, 180; peace of-Utrecht, 181 
 
 Anson, Commodore, his exploits in the Pacific, 
 191 
 
 Antonio, Prior of Crato, claims the crown of 
 Portugal, 129 ; fails to prove his legitimacy, 
 ib. ; the popular candidate, ib. ; proclaimed 
 king, 130; twice defeated, ib", escapes, 
 ib. ; proclaimed in the Azores, 131; ob- 
 tains foreign succours, 132 ; fails, ib. 
 
 Antonio, Don, named regent by Ferdinand 
 VII., 275 ; follows to Bayonne, 277 
 
 Antwerp, siege of, by the duke of Parma. 
 133, 134 
 
 Arabs, the, received into Mauritania, 6 ; their 
 character and religion, 7 ; conqut-sts, 8, 9, 
 10 ; independence of the Eastern caliphate, 
 10 ; acquire the name of Moors, 13. See 
 Moors 
 
 Aragun, divided amongst Moori.sli kings, 21 ; 
 part conquered by Sancho 111., of Navarre, 
 and gi\en to his son Ramiro, 22; united to 
 Navarre, 24; the whole conquered, 27 ; 
 severed from Navarre, 28 ; united to Bar- 
 celona, ib. ; extraordinary liberty, 36 ; con- 
 test for the succession, 64 : united to Castile, 
 77: turbulence, 78, 137; liberties curtailed, 
 137; declares for the archduke, 172; con- 
 quered by the duke of Orleans, 175; con- 
 stitution abrogated, 176. See Ramiro I.. 
 II.; Sancho; Pedro I., II, III., IV.; All 
 fonsol., II., III.,1V.,V.; Petronilla ; James, 
 I., II. j John I., II. j Martin; Ferdinand 
 
 i., n. 
 
 Aranda, Count de, president of the council of 
 Castile, 208 ; expels the Jesuits, 209 ; his 
 reforms, financial, naval, military, and ec- 
 clesiastical, 211 ; attacks the Inquisition, 
 ib. ; introduces foreign manufacturers, 16.; 
 honourably dismissed, ib. ; re-appointed by 
 Charles IV., 235 ; partial to revolutionary 
 France, ib. ; dismissed, ib. ; exiled to Jaen ; 
 236 
 
 Aranjuez, tumults of, 273 
 
 Arauco, turbulence of th,e ^natives, 137 j ac- 
 
 knowledged independent, ib.; war with the 
 Spaniards, 159 ; peace restored, ib. 
 j Araujo de Azevcdo, Antonio de, his diplomatic 
 transactions in France, 244, 245; succeeds 
 Almeida in the ministry, 256 
 j Arson, Chevalier de, his plans for the capture 
 of Gibraltar, 221 
 
 Arcos, Duke of, viceroy of Naples, provokes a 
 
 rebellion, 156 ; expelled, 157 
 i Ardabastus, St. Hermengild's grandson, re- 
 turns to Spain, 5 
 i Areizaga, defeated at Ocana, 295 
 
 Armada, the invincible, its magnitude, 134 j 
 and disasters, ib. 
 
 Arroyo de Molinos, affair of, 306 
 
 Artois, ceded to France, 158 
 
 Arzilla, taken by Manuel, 96 
 
 Astento contract, assured to England, 181 
 
 Aspern, battle of, 294 
 
 Assembly, National, constituted, 229; parties 
 therein, ib. ; rash measures, ib. ; removes 
 to Paris, 230 ; controuled by the populace, 
 ib. ; draws up a democratic constitution, 
 ib. ; dissolves itself, 231 
 
 Assembly, Legislative, its republican ten- 
 dency, 232; suspends, and imprisons the 
 king, 233 ; overawed by the Jacobins and 
 mob, ib. ; dissolves itself, 234 
 
 Asturias, refuge of the Goths, 9 ; gives the heir 
 apparent his title, 62; communicates with 
 England, 278 
 
 Ataulf, the Visigoth, founds the Visigothic mo- 
 narchy in Spain, 3 ; is murdered, ib. 
 
 Athanagild, the Visigoth, gets the crown by 
 Justinian's help, 5; his concessions in con- 
 sequence, ib. 
 
 Attila defeated near Chalons, 4 
 
 Auchmuty, General Sir Samuel, takes Monte 
 Video,'266 
 
 Augereau, General, assists the republican 
 party, 245 ; commands unsuccessfully in 
 Catalonia, 300; and the south-east of 
 France, 321 
 
 August! na of Saragossa, her heroism, 282 
 
 Augustus III. of Poland, elected through the 
 
 ' influence of Charles VI., 191 ; claims the 
 Austrian dominions, 192 
 
 Aurelio of Oviedo, kills Fruela I., and succeeds 
 him, 12 
 
 Austerlitz, battle of, 259 
 
 Austria (Osterreich) united to the Netherlands 
 and Spain, 99; severed from them and united 
 to Hungary and Bohemia, 115; alarm of 
 the Protestants, and civil wars. 146 ; peculiar 
 law of succession, 180 ; recovers the Nether- 
 lands, 181 ; contest for the succession, 192; 
 wars and negotiations with revolutionary 
 France, 232, 236, 237, 239, 243, 246, 248, 
 249, 259, 292, 294, 296,314,317,321; 
 exchanges the Netherlands for Venice, 324. 
 See Charles V., VI.; Ferdinand 1., II., 
 III.; Maximilian II.; Rudolph II.; Ma- 
 thias, Leopold I., II.; Joseph I., II. ; Maria 
 Theresa; Francis II. 
 
 Auto da F6 (Process of Faith). 
 
 AveJro, Duke of, his conspiracy, 201 ; and 
 execution, ib. 
 
INDEX 
 
 339 
 
 
 Avignon, seized by Lewi's XV., 210; re- I 
 
 stored, ib. 
 Ayuh, Kmir of Spain on Abdelaziz' murder, 
 
 10 ; superseded, ib. 
 
 Azanza, Minister of Finance to Ferdinand VII., 
 1 ; of the Indies to Joseph Buonaparte, i 
 
 279 
 Aznar, Count of Sobrarbe, and French vassal, 
 
 Azores, the, discovered and colonized, 73 ; 
 proclaim Don Antonio, 131 ; reduced to 
 Philip II. 's obedience 132; proclaim John 
 IV., 153 ; the prison of Alfonso VI., 160 
 
 B. 
 
 Badajoz, King of, chief of the Portugueze 
 kings, 21 ; Wali of, killed at Ourique, 29 ; 
 treaty of, 230 ; surrenders to Soult, 303 ; 
 besieged by Beresford, ib., 304 ; by Wel- 
 lington, 307 
 
 Bahama Islands, the, discovered, 86 ; taken 
 by Galvez, 220 ; exchanged for East Flo- 
 rida, 222 
 
 Baird, General Sir David, his" Spanish cam- 
 paign, 287, 288, 289, 290 
 
 Balboa, plants a colony at Darien, 9t5; hears 
 of Peru, ib. ; superseded and executed, ib. 
 
 Balearic fsles, the, last refuge of the Almora- 
 vides, 31 ; conquered by the Almohades, 
 34 ; by Aragon, 36, 43 ; acknowledge the 
 archduke, 173. See Majorca. Minorca. 
 
 Ballasteros, his success, 305 ; refuses to obey 
 a foreigner, 310 ; punished, ib. 
 
 Barbara, Portugueze Infanta, marries Ferdi- 
 nand, VI., 190 ; her influence and policy, 
 194, 195, 199; dies, 200 
 
 Barbarossa, king of Algiers, 109 ; overruns 
 Barbary, ib. ; tributary to the Porte, 110 ; 
 commands the Ottoman fleet, ib. ; conquers 
 Tunis, 111 ; attacked by Charles I., of 
 Spain, ib. ; evacuates Tunis, ib. 
 
 Barcelona, the county of, its rise, 17 ; gradual 
 increase, 28 ; united to Aragon, ib. ; freed 
 
 ' from French vassalage, ib. See Wifrid, 
 Borel, Raymond I., IV., V. 
 
 Barcelona, city, insurrection against Philip IV., i 
 150; taken by Don John, 157; besieged 
 by the archduke, 171 ; capitulates, 172 ; * 
 besieged by Philip V./173; taken, 182; j 
 seized by the French, 273 
 
 Barneveldt, Dutch pensionary, his rivalry with 
 Prince Maurice, 147 
 
 Barri, Mad. du, Lewis XV.'s mistress, turns 
 out Choiseul, 211 
 
 Barrosa, battle of, 302 
 
 Barthelemi, his negotiations, 240 ; director, 
 245 ; transported to Cayenne, ib. 
 
 Basle, peace of, 240 
 
 Bastile destroyed, 229 
 
 Batavian republic, >ce United Provinces. 
 
 Batteries, floating, before Gibraltar, 221 ; 
 their construction, ib. ; use, ib. ; destruc- 
 tion, ib. 
 
 Bautzen, battle of, 312 
 
 Bavaria (Bayern), Electoral Prince of, named 
 by Charles II. his heir, 165 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Baylen, battle of, 281 
 
 Bayonne, transactions there of Napoleon with 
 the Spanish royal family, 275, 276 ; with 
 Joseph Buonaparte and the Spanish JVo/a- 
 btes, 279, 280 ; with the Portu<nieze depu- 
 ties, 280 ; siege, 321 
 
 Beatrice (Beatriz), illegitimate daughter of 
 Alfonso X., marries Alfonso III., of Portu- 
 gal, with Algarve as her portion, 39 
 
 Beatrice, heiress of Ferdinand of Portugal, 58 ; 
 marries John I. of Castile, 59 ; proclaimed 
 queen, ib. ; civil war, 60 ; rejected by the 
 Cortes, 61 
 
 Bedmar, Marquess 01, ambassador to Venice, 
 145; intrigues and conspiracy, ib. ; dis- 
 covered, ib. ; recalled, ib. named prime 
 minister to the archdukes, ib. 
 
 Beja, Manuel, Duke of, kindly treated by 
 John II., of Portugal, 80 ; becomes pre- 
 sumptive heir, 81 ; mistrusts John's inten- 
 tions, ib. ; retires from court, ib. ; succeeds 
 to the crown, 88. See Manuel. 
 
 Bellegarde, taken by the Spaniards, 237 ; re- 
 covered by the French, 238 
 
 Bellesta, seizes the French in Oporto, 278 ; 
 leads home his Spaniards, ib. 
 
 Belluno, Duke of, see Victor. 
 
 Belvedere, Count of, defeated by Soult, 288 ' 
 
 Benevento seized by Ferdinand IV., of Naples, 
 216 ; restored, ib. 
 
 Bennigsen, General, his campaign against the 
 French in Poland, 265 
 
 Bentinck, Lord William, supersedes Murray 
 in Spain, 314 
 
 Berenguela of Castile, succeeds to Henry I., 
 35 ; renounces her right in favour of her 
 son, ib. ; obtains for him his paternal in- 
 heritance, 37 
 
 Bereslbrd, Marshal, appointed general-in-chief 
 of the Portugueze army, 292 ; new models 
 and improves it, ib. ; besieges Badajoz, 
 303 : defeats Soult at Albuera, ib. ; resumes 
 the charge of the Portugueze troops, 304 ; 
 takes possession of Bourdeaux, 322 
 
 Bermudo I. of Oviedo, usurps the throne, 13 ; 
 abdicates, ib. 
 
 Bermudo II. of Leon, contends for the crown, 
 20 ; succeeds, ib. ; overpowered by Alman- 
 zor, ib. 
 
 Bermudo III. of Leon, succeeds to Alfonso V. } 
 ~'2 . killed in war with Castile, ib. 
 
 Bernadotte, General, chosen crown prince of 
 Sweden, 312 ; war with Napoleon, ib., 317, 
 323 
 
 Bernardo del Carpio, nephew of Alfonso II., 
 his fame, 13 
 
 Berwick, Marshal, illegitimate son of James II. 
 of England, 169 ; leads an army into Spain, 
 ib. ; recalled, 170 ; sent back to Spain, 
 173 ; his successes, 174, 175 ; honours 
 and rewards, 175. 
 
 Bessieres, Marshal, defeats the Spaniards at 
 Rio Seco, 281 
 
 Bethancourt discovers the Canaries, 67 
 
 Bidassoa, the, passage of, 315 
 
 Biscay, freed from the Moors, 15 ; subjected 
 to Navarre, 22; conquered bv Castile, 24; 
 Z 2 
 
340 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 recovered by Navarre, 32 ; retains its privi- 
 leges, 176; revolts against an illegal tax, 
 256 
 
 Blake, General, defeated 281, 2S8, 294; 
 member of the executive council, 301 ; re- 
 verses in Valencia, 305 
 
 Blanche of Artois, marries Henry I. of Na- 
 varre, 41 ; regent, ib, 
 
 Blanche (Blanca) of Navarre, youngest daugh- 
 ter of Charles III. marries Martin of Sicily, j 
 f>3 ; regent, 64 ; marries John II. of Aragori, 
 65 ; succeeds to Charles III., ib. ; involved 
 in John's Castilian intrigues, 70 
 
 Blanche, Infanta of Navarre, marries Henry 
 IV. of Castile, 70 ; divorced, 71 ; joins her 
 brother against their father, John II. of 
 Aragon, ib. ; succeeds to her brother, ib. ; 
 given in custody to her sister, ib. ; dies, be- 
 queathing' Navarre to Henry IV. of Cas- 
 tile, ib. 
 
 Blenheim, battle of, 170 
 
 Bolivar, Simon, his success in Venezuela, 319 
 
 Bombay, given with Catherine of Portugal to 
 Charles II. of England, 158 
 
 Borel, Count of Barcelona, expels the Moors, 
 20 
 
 Borodino, battle of, 311 
 
 Bourbon, Constable de, his persecutions and 
 desertion, 107 ; treaties with, and services 
 to, Charles I. of Spain, ib., 108 ; killed at 
 the storming of Rome, 108 
 
 Bourbon, the House of, ascends the throne of 
 France, 135; of Spain, 166; of the Two 
 Sicilies, 191 ; acquires the duchy of Parma, 
 195 ; their Family Compact, 204 ; restora- 
 tion, 324 
 
 Bourbon, Duke of, prime minister to Lewis 
 XV., 188 ; concludes his marriage, 189 
 
 Bourbon, Cardinal de, opens the Cortes, 300 ; 
 member of the regency, 319 ; his reception 
 and treatment by Ferdinand VII., 325. 
 326 
 
 Bonrdeaux, capital of the Spanish Visigoths, 
 4 ; proclaims Lewis XVIII., 322 
 
 Bovadilla, Francisco de, sent out to investigate 
 the conduct of Columbus, 90 ; supersedes 
 and sends him home in chains, ib. ; recalled, 
 ib. 
 
 Braga, Archb'shop of, made primate of Por- 
 tugal, 30 
 
 Braganza, Duke of, his intrigues against the 
 Duke of Coimbra, 71 
 
 Braganza, Duke of, his advice to John II. of 
 Portugal, 76 ; its consequences, ib.; alarmed 
 at John's ill-will, 80 ; corresponds with 
 Spain, ib. ; tried, condemned, and executed, 
 ib. ; persecution of his family, ib. 
 
 Braganza, Duchess of, see Catherine. 
 
 Braganza, Duke of, acknowledges Philip II., 
 131 
 
 Braganza, John, Duke of, grandson of Catherine, 
 refuses the crown, 171 ; quells the insurrec- 
 tion, ib. ; insidious rewards, ib. ; sum- 
 moned to the Catalortian war, ib. ; accepts 
 the crown offered by the nobles, 152. See 
 John. IV. 
 
 Brazil discovered, 93; colonized, 116; at- 
 
 tempts of the French, ib., 180 ; united into 
 one viceroyalty 116; Jesuit missionaries 
 sent out, ib. ; acknowledges Philip II. , 131; 
 invaded by the Dutch, 148; proclaims 
 John IV, 153; the Dutch expelled, 156; 
 gold mines discovered, 165; the Paulistas, 
 ib. ; Jesuits expelled, 202; ill conse- 
 quences, ib. ; becomes the seat of govern- 
 ment, 269, 325 
 
 Brihuega, battle of, 179 
 
 Buckingham, Duke of, his influence over the 
 marriage negotiations, 148 
 
 Buenos Ayres, Governor of, seizes Nova Co- 
 Ionia, 191, 205; Port Egmont, 211 ; mad 
 a viceroyalty, 215; taken by the English, 
 263 ; recovered, ib. ; repulses the English, 
 266 ; rejects the authority of the Cortes, 
 306 ; treats with the viceroy, 319 
 
 Buonaparte, Napoleon, his early services, 237, 
 241 ; general of the army of Italy, 242 ; 
 Italian campaign, 243; treaty of Campo- 
 Formio, ib. ; supports the republican party 
 at Paris, 245 ; Egyptian expedition, 246, 
 247; overturns the directory, 247; First 
 Consul, ib. ; negotiates with Russia, 248 ; 
 battle of Marengo, ib.; peace of Luneville, 
 249 ; transactions with Spain, Parma, and 
 Portugal, 16., 250 ; peace of Amiens, 251 ; 
 arbitrary measures, 253; behaviour to 
 Lord Whitworth, 254 ; war renewed, ib. ; 
 Portugueze neutrality, ib. ; military mea- 
 sures, 255 ; Emperor, 257 ; affair of the 
 Duke d'Enghien, ib. ; King of Italy, ib. ; 
 war with Austria, ib., 259 ; peace of Pres- 
 burg, 259 ; distributes kingdoms and prin- 
 cipalities, 260, 265 ; Protector of the Rhine, 
 2fiO; war with Prussia, 263, 264; Polish 
 campaign, 265; peace of Tilsit, ib. ; nego- 
 tiations with Portugal, 267 ; invasion, 268, 
 269, 272 ; transactions with Spanish royal 
 family 271 ; seizure of fortresses. 272 ; 
 transactions at Bayonne, 275, 276, 279, 
 280 ; enters Spain, 288 ; success, ib., 289, 
 290 ; war with Austria, 292, 294 ; peace 
 of Schbnbrunn, 294 ; further acquisitions, 
 297, 304; invasion of Russia, 310, 311 ; 
 campaign in Germany, 312, 317 ; transac- 
 tions with Ferdinand VII., 318, 322 ; cam- 
 paign in France, 321,323; negotiations,324 
 
 Buonaparte, Lucian, his diplomatic services, 
 250 ; refuses Spain, 279 
 
 Buonaparte, Joseph, made King of Naples. 
 260; of Spain, 279 ; transactions at Bay- 
 onne, ib. ; enters Spa-in, 280 ; Madrid, 28l ; 
 retreats, 282 ; re-occupies Madrid, 291 ; 
 defeated at Talavera, 293; proposes to con- 
 voke the Cor/es, 295 ; retreats from Madrid, 
 309 ; returns, 310 ; evacuates Madrid, 313 ; 
 final reverses, ib. ; conduct at Paris, 323 
 
 Buonaparte, Lewis, made King of Holland, 
 260 ; abdicates, 304 
 
 Buonaparte, Sisters of, receive' principalities, 
 260 
 
 Buonaparte, Caroline, Madame Murat, see 
 Murat. 
 
 Buonaparte, Jerome, made King of West- 
 phalia, 265 
 
INDEX. 
 
 341 
 
 Burgundy- tiansac'tions respecting it between 
 
 France and Spain, 107, 108, 109 
 Burita, Countess, her conduct, 282 
 Burrard, Sir Harry, supersedes Wellesley, 
 
 ,. -285 ; superseded, ib. 
 Busaco, brittle of, 298 
 Bustamente, Admiral, taken by Captain Moore, 
 
 256 
 
 Bute, Earl of, his influence, 204 
 Byng, Admiral, defeats the Spaniards, 186; 
 
 accused of negligence, 199 
 
 C. 
 
 Cabot, John, discovers North America, 93 
 Cabral, Peuralvares, discovers Brazil, 93; dis- 
 sensions with the Zamorin of Calecut, ib. ; 
 alliance with Cochin and Cananor, ib. 
 Cadiz, founded by the Phoenicians, 1 ; plun- 
 dered by the English, 134, 168; besieged 
 by the French, 296, 297, 300, 302; siege 
 raised, 310; opposes the removal of the 
 Carles, and regency, 320 
 Calatrava, Knights of, instituted, 31 
 Calder, Admiral Sir Robert, defeats the allied 
 
 fleets, 258 
 
 Calderon, Rodrigo de, advanced to high office 
 by Lerma, 144; detested, ib. ; his fall, and 
 cruel treatment, 145, 146, 147 
 Calecut, visited by the Portuguese, 88; Gama 
 well received, ib. ; dissensions with Cabral, 
 93; war with Cochin and the Portu- i 
 gueze, ib. 
 Cambay, war with the Portugueze, 94; loss 
 
 of Diu, 106 
 Cambray, league of, against Venice, 95 ; 
 
 peace of, 109, 111 
 Campo-Formio, peace of, 243 
 Canada ceded to England, 205 
 Cananor offers friendship to Cabral, 93 
 Canaries, the, discovered, 67 ; purchased by 
 Don Henry, ib. ; ceded by him to Henry 
 IV. of Castile, 72 
 
 Cantabria, long resists the Romans, 2 
 Caraccas, the, adhere to Ferdinand VII., 302; 
 reject the authority of the Cortes, ib.; dread- 
 ful earthquake, 311 
 Cardinal-Duke, see Lerma. 
 Carlos,"_Don, son of Philip II., 115 ; betrothed 
 to Elizabeth de Valois, 117 ; his character, 
 and mysterious fate, 120 
 Carthaginians, the, their colonies and con. 
 
 quests in Spain, 1 ; expelled, 2 
 Carvajal, the brothers, their execution, and 
 
 summons of Ferdinand IV., 45 
 Carvajal, Joseph de, a minister of Ferdinand 
 VI., 195 ; his policy and measures, ib. ; dies, 
 198 
 
 Casas, Bartholomew las, a Dominican monk, 
 103 ; his zeal in behalf of the native Ame- 
 ricans, ib. 
 Casinu'r, Prince Palatine, his transactions in 
 
 the Netherlands, 125 
 
 Castauos, General, commander of the Anda- 
 lusian army, 278 ; defeats the French at 
 Baylen, 281 ; thwarted by the Junta, 28ti ; 
 urges procrastination, 287 ; defeated at 
 Tudela, 288; superseded, ib.; member of 
 
 the regency, 296 ; commands the army of 
 Galicia, 313; recalled. 319 
 Castel Melhor, Count of, Alfonso Vl.'s fa- 
 vourite, 158 ; his administration, ib., 159, 
 160; resigns, 160 
 
 Castile (Castilla), freed from the Moors, 14; its 
 counts murdered, 17 ; proclaims itself a re- 
 public, ib. ; counts restored, ib. ; acknow- 
 ledged independent, 19 ; united to Navarre, 
 22; given as a- kingdom to Ferdinand I., 
 ib. ; united to Leon, 23 ; severed, 31 ; finally 
 united, 37 ; and to Aragon, 77 ; attachment 
 to Philip V., 178, 179. See Nuno Fernan- 
 dez ; Fenian Gonzalez ; Garcia Sanchez ; 
 Nima Elvira; Ferdinand I., III., IV. ; San- 
 cho II.. III., IV.; Alfonso VI., VIT., VIII., 
 X., XI.; Urraca ; Henry, I , II., III., IV. ; 
 Pedro ; John, I., II. ; Isabella. 
 Catalonia (Catalufia"), comprised in the Spa- 
 nish march, 12 ; in the county of Barcelona, 
 28 ; united to Aragon, ib. ; insurrection 
 against John II. of Aragon, 74, 75; sub- 
 mits, 75 ; remonstrates against the viola- 
 tion of the constitution, 150; insurrection, 
 ib., 151, 155; quelled, 157; liberties 
 curtailed, ib. ; adheres to the Archduke 
 Charles, 172, 173, 175, 179 ; even after his 
 retreat, 182 ; conquered, ib. ; the constitu- 
 tion abrogated, ib. ; overrun by the French, 
 238, 239 ; evacuated. 240 ; struggles 
 against the French, 295, 296, 300, 304, 
 305, 308 
 
 Catherine f (Catalina). grandaughter of Pedro 
 of Castile, marries Henry III. of Castile, 
 62 ; regent, 63 
 
 Catherine of Navarre, succeeds to Francis 
 Phoebus, 79 ; her marriage, ib. ; negotia- 
 tions with Ferdinand V., of Spain, 96 ; at- 
 tacked successfully by h!m, ib.; retires to 
 French Navarre, ib. ; dies, 97 
 Catherine, Spanish Infanta, marries John III. 
 of Portugal, 106; her regency, 116; re- 
 signs it, ib. ; opposes Sebastian's African ex- 
 pedition, 127 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Catherine, Duchess of Braganza, her claim to 
 the throne, 129 ; intrigues against her, ib. ; 
 refuses to compromise her right, 131 
 Catherine, Portugueze Infanta, marries Charles 
 II. of England, 158; returns to Portugal 
 on his death, 170; regent, ib. 
 Cava, La, her story, 7 ; its authenticity dis- 
 cussed, ib., note. 
 Cellamar, ambassador to France, cabals against 
 
 the regent, 186 
 
 Celts, original inhabitants of Spain, 1 
 Ccrda, Infantes de la, supplanted by Sancho 
 . IV. of Castile, 41 ; contest for their rights, 
 44, 45; compromised, 45 
 Cevallos, connected with Godoy, retains his 
 ofiice under Ferdinand VII., 274; employ- 
 ed by him at Bayonne, 275 ; accepts office 
 from Joseph Buonaparte, 279; leaves him 
 at Madrid, 282 
 
 Charlemagne, his invasions of Spain, 12, 14 
 Charles Martel, defeats the Arabs at Poitiers, 10 
 Charles I. (Carlos) of Navarre, (IV. of France) 
 usurps the crown, 48 
 
342 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Charles II. of Navarre, succeeds to' Joanna II., 
 50 ; involved in French politics, ib. ; tran- 
 sactions with Henry of Transtamar and 
 Pedro of Castile, 55 ; robbed of his French 
 dominions, 58 
 
 Charles III. of Navarre, his treatment in 
 France, 58; succeeds to Charles II., ib. ; 
 interferes in Aragonese troubles, 64; seeks 
 compensation lor his French patrimony, ib. 
 
 Charles IV. of Navarre, succeeds to Blanche, 
 70 ; abstains from assuming the regal title, 
 ib. ; dissensions with his father John II. of 
 Aragon, ib., 71 ; formal reconciliation, 71 ; 
 dies, tb. 
 
 Charles V1IT. of France, restores Cerdagne 
 and Roussillon to Spain, 85 ; his expedition 
 to Naples, 87 
 
 Charles IX. of France, assists the Nether- 
 landers. 123; massacre of St Bartholomew, 
 124 
 
 Charles I. of Spain, (V. as emperor) son of 
 Philip and Joanna of Spain, 97 ; pro- 
 ' claimed jointly with Joanna, 98, 99 ; 
 'first visit to Spain, 98, 99, 100; sue- 
 ceeds to Maximilian I., in Austria, 99 ; con- 
 test for the empire, ib., 100 ; sails for 
 Germany, 100; rebellion of the Comune- 
 ros, ib., 101; invasion of Navarre, 102; 
 war with Francis I., ib., 107 ; makes 
 Adrian pope, 102 ; American affairs, 103, 
 105, 113, 114; dissensions and alliance 
 with John III. of Portugal, 105, 106; nego- 
 tiations for the release of Francis, 107; 
 peace of Madrid, 108 ; violated, ib. ; war 
 renewed, ib. ; storming of Rome, ib. ; peace, 
 109; German affairs, 110; war with the 
 Mahometans, ib., Ill; wars with France, 
 111, 112; traverses France to quell a 
 Flemish insurrection, 112 ; internal adminis- 
 tration of Spain, 114, 115 ; abdicates, 115 ; 
 retires to the monastery of St. Juste, ib.; 
 dies, ib. 
 
 Charles II. of Spain, succeeds to Philip IV., 
 160; his mother's regency, iZ>., 161 ; as- 
 sumes the government, 162; Don John's 
 ministry, ib. ; his marriages, ib., 164; ca- 
 bals in his court and cabinet, 162, 163; 
 dissensions with Portugal, 163; deplorable 
 condition of Spain, ib. ; continued encroach- 
 ments of Lewis XIV., and cessions to him, 
 ib. f 164 ; intrigues concerning the declara- 
 tion of an heir, 164, 165 ; will in favour of 
 the Duke of Anjou, 165; dies, ib. 
 
 Charles III. of Spain, made Duke of Parma, 
 190 ; King of the Two Sicilies, relin- 
 quishing Parma, 191 ; compelled to declare 
 himself neutral, 192; succeeds to Ferdi- 
 nand VI., 203 ; transfers the Sicilies to his 
 third son, t'6. ; his ministers, ib. ; dissatis- 
 '. faction with France, ib. ; and England, ib. ; 
 * signs the Family Compact, 204 ; war with 
 England and Portugal, t'6., 205 ; peace, 
 205; ministry of Grimaldi, 207, 211, 212, 
 213; Madrid tumults compel Squilaci's 
 dismissal, 207, 208 ; affair of the Jesuits, 
 208, 209, 210; Aranda's reforms, 211; 
 Florida Blanca prime minister, 213 ; war 
 
 with Portugal, ib. ; peace, 214 : negotia- 
 tions wilh France and Eng'and, 215; war 
 with England, 216, 217, 220, 221 ; rebel- 
 lion in America, 218, 219 ; peace of Ver- 
 sailles, 222 ; peace with the Mahometans, 
 223; Florida Blanca's reforms. 225; im 
 provement of Spain, ib., 226, dies, 226 
 
 Charles IV. of Spain, declared Prince of As- 
 turias, 202 ; his marriage 207 ; succeeds 
 to Charles 111., 226 ; retains Florida Blanca, 
 227 ; transactions with England, t'6. ; fears 
 of the French revolution, 231 ; ministerial 
 changes, 235 ; Godoy prime minister, ib. ; 
 negotiations with France, 236 ; war, ib. ; 
 invasion of France, 237, '238 ; invasion of 
 Spain, 239, 240 ; peace of Basle, 240 ; fa- 
 vours to Godoy, 241, 251, 264; war with 
 England, 242/244, 245; with Portugal, 
 249 ; peace of Badajoz, 250 ; of Amiens, 
 251 ; offends Napoleon, 262, 263 ; attempts 
 to appease him, 265 ; family dissensions, 
 271; alarm at Napoleon's measures, 273; 
 tumults at Aranjuez, ib. ; abdicates, ib. ; 
 appeals to Napoleon, 274 ; transactions at 
 Bayonne, 275, 276 ; sent to France, 276 ; 
 to Rome, 318 
 
 Charles Emanuel (Carlo Emanuele) of Savoy, 
 marries a Spanish Infanta, 137; his in- 
 trigues and war respecting Montferrat, 144, 
 145, 149 
 
 Charles Emanuel of Sardinia, claims the 
 Milanese, 192; allies himself with Maria 
 Theresa, 193 
 
 Charles I. of England, transactions respecting 
 his marriage, 146, 148 ; engrossed by civil 
 troubles, 148 
 
 Charles II. of England, war ceases on his 
 restoration, 158; marries a Portuguese 
 Infanta^ ib. 
 
 Charles (Karl), Archduke, (VI. emperor) his 
 claims to Spain, 164, 165 ; lands at Lisbon, 
 169; invades Spain, ib.; repulsed, ib. ; sails 
 for the eastern coast, 171 ; proclaimed at 
 Denia, ib. ; takes Barcelona, 172; pro- 
 claimed, ib. ; restores the old constitution, 
 ib. ; master of Catalonia, Valencia, and 
 Murcia, ib. ; besieged in Barcelona, 173; 
 master of Aragon, 174; reverse?, 175; 
 victories, 178 ; restores the Aragonese con- 
 stitution, ib.; occupies Madrid, ib. ; reverses, 
 179; succeeds to Austria, 180; elected 
 emperor, ib. ; evacuates Spain, 181 ; peace 
 of Rastadt, ib. ; stipulations in favour of 
 the Catalans, 182; war with Spain, 186; 
 peace, 188 ; war for the succession of 
 Poland, 190 ; peace of Vienna, 191 ; Prag- 
 matic sanction, ib. ; dies, 192 
 
 Charles XII. of Sweden, his wars with Russia, 
 177; joins in Alberoni's schemes against 
 George I. of England, 186 ; is killed, 187 
 
 Charles, Archduke, defeated by Buonaparte, 
 243; successful in Germany, 246 ; defeat- 
 ed by Massena in Italy, 259 ; defeats Na- 
 poleon at Aspern, 294 ; defeated by him at 
 Wagram, ib. 
 
 Charlotte (Carlola), Spanish Infanta, marries 
 Don John of Portugal 223; intrigues for 
 

 INDEX. 
 
 343 
 
 transferring to her the regency of Portugal, 
 261 ; of Spain, 301 
 
 Chatillon, congress of, 321, 322 
 
 Chauvelin, French envoy in England, dis- 
 missed, 236 
 
 Chievres, W. de Croy, Lord of, educates 
 Charles I., 98 ; governs the Netherlands, 
 t'6. ; offends the Spaniards. 99 ; dies, 102 
 
 Chili, its conquest, 114; insurrection, 306; 
 proclaims independence, 319 
 
 Chintila, the Visigoth, banishes the Jews, 5 
 
 Choiseul, Duke of, minister of Lewis XV., 
 203; exasperates Charles III. against Hng- 
 lanri, ib. ; concludes the Family Compact, 
 204 ; an enemy to the Jesuits, 208 ; expels 
 them from France, 209 ; prejudices Charles 
 III. against them, ib.; dismissed, 211 
 
 Cirf, the, Ruy Diaz de Vivar, so named, 23 ; 
 birlh and education, ib. ; first exploits, ib. ; 
 requires Alfonso VI. to swear that he is 
 guiltless of Sancho II. : s murder, 24; his 
 exploits, ib., 25, 26; dies, 26; marriages 
 of his daughters, ib. 
 
 Cii tra, convention of, 285 
 
 Cisalpine republic, formed, 243 ; enlarged, 
 253; elects Buonaparte president, ib. ; be- 
 comes the Italian republic, ib. 
 
 Cisgar, member of the executive council, 301 ; 
 of the regency, 319 ; banished, 326 
 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, taken by Massena, 298 ; re- 
 covered by Wellington, 306 
 
 Ciudad Rodrigo, Sir Arthur Wellesley, created 
 Duke of, 307 
 
 Clairfait, General, driven out of France, 239 
 
 Clement VII., Cardinal di Medici, elected 
 pope. 107 ; heads a league in favour of 
 Francis I., ib. ; taken by the Imperialists, 
 108; ransoms himself, 109; obtains Flo- 
 rence for his nephew, ib. 
 
 Clement IX., Pope, reconciles Portugal, and 
 sanctions the divorce, 161 
 
 Clement XIII., Pope, his measures in favour 
 of the Jesuits, 210 
 
 Clement XIV., Pope, recovers Avignon and 
 Benevento, 210; reconciles Portugal, 211 ; 
 suppresses the Order of Jesuits, ib. 
 
 Clovis, drives the Visigoths out of most of their 
 French provinces, 4 
 
 Cochin offers friendship to Cabral, 93 ; war 
 with Calecut, ib. ; allows the building of the 
 first Portugueze fortress, ib. 
 
 Coimbra. Pedro, Duke of, regent of Portugal, 
 71 j intrigues against him, t'6., 72; killed, 
 72; his family persecuted, ib. ; his inno- 
 cence recognized, ib. 
 
 Coimbra, Pedro, Duke of, constable of Portu- 
 gal, flies, 72 ; recalled, ib.; offered the Cata- 
 lan crown, 75 ; accepts, and fal's in battle, ib. 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, his early life, 84, 85 ; 
 scheme of discovery, 85; repulses and diffi- 
 culties, ib. ; contract with Isabella, ib. ; 
 first discoveries, 86 ; rewards, ib. ; second 
 voyage, 87; calumniated, 89; contract 
 violated, ib. ; third and fourth voyages, ib., 
 
 ' 90 ; ill-treatment, 90 ; dies, 96 
 
 Columbus, Bartholomew, employed by his 
 brother, 85, 89 
 
 Columbus, Die;0, his- lawgu.it with Ferdinand 
 V., 96 ; governor of St. Domingo, ib. 
 
 Compact, Family, signed, 204 
 
 Comuneros, Insurrection of the, 100; headed 
 by Padilla, ib. ; progress, success, and sup- 
 pression, 101 ; consequences, 102 
 
 Conde, Prince of, defeats the Spaniards at 
 Rocroi, 156 ; conquests, ib. ; deserts to the 
 Spaniards, 157 ; successes, ib.; dissensions 
 with Spanish generals, ib. 
 
 Conradin of Swabia, his expedition to Naples, 
 42 ; trial and execution, 43 ; sends his 
 glove to the Queen of Aragou as next 
 heir, ib. 
 
 Constance (Costanza), daughter of Manfred of 
 Sicily, marries Pedro III. of Aragon, 42 ; 
 heir to Conradin, 43 ; regent of Sicily, ib. ; 
 sanctions her youngest son's assumption of 
 the crown, ib. 
 
 Constance (Constancia) of Castile, marries 
 John of Gaunt, 56 ; claims Castile, ib. j re- 
 signs her right to her daughter, 62 
 
 Conti, the brothers, favourites of Alfonso VI. 
 of Portugal, J58 ; banished, ib. 
 
 Convention, National, proclaims the republic, 
 235 ; tries and executes Lewis XVI., 
 tb. 
 
 Cordova, acknowledges Abderrahman I., 11; 
 gives its name to the Spanish caliphate, ib. ; 
 splendour, literary and scientific eminence, 
 18.- See Abderrahman I., II., III. ; Hixem 
 I., II.; Alhakein, I., II.; Mohammed; Al- 
 mondhir; Abdallah. Extinction of the cali- 
 phate, 21 ; petty kingdom, ib.; conquered 
 by Seville, 23 ; taken by Dupont, 281 
 
 Cordova, Gonsalvo de, the great captain, his 
 first exploits, 82; his Neapolitan wars, 87, 
 91, 92; recalled by Ferdinand's jealousy, 
 93 
 
 Cordova, Joseph He, defeated by Jervis, 244 
 
 Cortereal discovers Greenland, 93 
 
 Cortes, the, constitution of, 29 ; proceedings 
 of those of Lamewo, 30 ; of Aragon, 36, 64 ; 
 of Castile, 40, 63; of Portugal, 61, 131, 
 153, 160 ; nobles and clergy excluded by 
 Charles I., 114; the Spanish, ratify Maria 
 Theresa's renunciation, 158; extraordinary, 
 assemble at Cadiz, 300; their measures, 
 301,302, 309, 319; dissolve themselves, 
 319; ordinary, assemble, 320 ; their nego- 
 tiations with Ferdinand, ib. ; dissolution, 
 325 
 
 Cortes, Fernando or Hernan, chosen by Ve- 
 lasquez to conquer Mexico, 103; li is ex- 
 ploits, ib., 104, 105 ; named viceroy, 105 ; 
 superseded, ib. 
 
 Coruna, battle of, 290 
 
 Council of Castile instituted, 37 ; new mo- 
 delled, 62 ; privileges of its President, 208 ; 
 refuses the oath of allegiance to Joseph, 
 281 ; assumes the government, 286 
 
 Council, Executive, created, 301 , suppressed, 
 308 
 
 Council of the Indies established, 96 
 
 Council of Slate created, 308 
 
 Cremwell, Oliver, his war with Spain, 157. 
 
 Cuba discovered, 96J 
 
344 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cuesta, General, defeated, 281 , 293 ; dissen- 
 sions with Blake and the Juntas, 287; dis- 
 cussions with Wellesley, 293; battle of 
 Talavera, ib ; retreats, 294; resigns, ib. 
 
 Cueva, Beltran de, favourite of Henry IV. of 
 Castile, and of his queen, 74 
 
 Ctmha, Nuuo da, takes Diu, 106; ungrate- 
 fully treated, ib. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dalmatia, Duke of, see Soult, 
 
 Dalrymple, Sir Hew, his intercourse with 
 
 Castauos, 278 ; supersedes Burrard, 285 ; 
 
 convention of Cintra, ib. ; reinstates the 
 
 Portugueze regency, ib. ; recalled, ib. 
 Dantzig, Duke of, see Lefebvre. 
 Darien, colonized, 96 - 
 Daroca, battle of, 27 
 Davila, Pedrarias, supersedes Balboa, 96; 
 
 executes him, ib. 
 
 Deccau, the, Portugueze conquests there, 106 
 Denia, proclaims the Archduke Charles, 171 
 Dennis (Diniz) of Portugal, succeeds to Alfonso 
 
 III., 43; dissensions with his clergy, 44; 
 
 compromised, ib.', supports Castiliati rebels, 
 
 ib., 45 ; rebellions of his brother, 44 ; peace 
 
 with Castile, 45 ; rebellions of his son, 47 ; 
 
 founds the Universities of Coimbra and 
 
 Lisbon, ib. 
 Dias, Bartholomew, discovers the Cape of 
 
 Good Hope, 81 
 Diu, taken by Nuno da Cunha, 106 ; twice 
 
 besieged, ib. 
 
 Dominica, ceded to England, 205 
 Doria, Andrew, Charles I.'s admiral, 110; 
 
 opposed to Barbarossa, ib. ', his conquests 
 
 in the Morea, ib. 
 Douro. Alto, the Oporto Wine Company, 
 
 established, 198 
 
 Douro, the, passage of, 293, 313 
 Drake, Sir Francis, ravages Spanish and 
 
 Portugueze coasts everywhere, 133; assists 
 
 Lord Howard against the Armada, 134 
 Dresden, battle of, 317. 
 Dngoinmier, General, drives the Spaniards 
 
 out of France, 238; invades Catalonia, ib.; 
 
 success, ib.; death, ib. 
 Duhesme, General, surprises Pamplona, 273 
 Dtimourier, General, his successes, 233, 234, 
 
 236 ; repulsed in Holland, 236 ; attempts 
 
 to restore the constitutional monarchy, Ib. ; 
 
 fails, ib. ; emigrates, ib. 
 Dupont, General, d f eated at Bajlen, 281 ' 
 
 E. 
 
 Eboli, Princess of, mistress of Philip II., 
 
 125 
 Edris ben Abdallah, founds the kingdom of 
 
 Fez, 13 
 Edward, the Black Prince, assists Pedro of 
 
 Castile, 54, 55 
 Edward (Duarte) of Portugal, succeeds to John 
 
 I., 69; prosecutes the war in Africa, ib.' } 
 
 dies of the plague, ib. 
 Egiza. the Visigoth, succeeds to Erviga, 6; 
 
 legislator of the Goths, ib.; takes his son 
 Witiza, as his colleague, ib. 
 
 Egniont, Count of, quells a Protestant insur- 
 rection, 119 ; arrested by Alva, ib. ; exe 
 cuted, ib. 
 
 Eguya, his influence over Charles II., 163 ; 
 and incapacity, ib. 
 
 Egypt, Sultan of, sends a fleet to India, 94 ; 
 operations there, ib. ; conquest by Buona- 
 parte, 246; evacuated by the French, 251 
 
 Elba, Isle of, ceded to France, 251 ; allotted 
 as an Empire to Napoleon, 324 
 
 Elio, Viceroy of Buenos Ayres, not received, 
 306; recalled, 311 ; commands in Valen- 
 cia successfully, 312 
 
 Elizabeth de Valois betrothed to Don Car- 
 los, 117; marries Philip II., ib. ; dies, 
 120 
 
 Elizabeth of England, assists the Nether- 
 landers, 120, 125 ; assists Don Antonio, 
 132 ; refuses the sovereignty of the 
 United Provinces, undertaking their pro- 
 tection, 133 ; war with Spain, ib., 134, 140 ; 
 dies, 140 
 
 Elizabeth de Bourbon marries Philip IV., 
 144; remonstrates against the misgovern- 
 ment of Olivarez, 156 ; acquires influence, 
 ib. ; dies, ib. 
 
 Elizabeth Farnese selected for Philip V.'s 
 second wife, 183; quarrels with, and dis- 
 misses, Princess Orsini, 184 ; her ascend- 
 ency over Philip, tb. ; projects, 185; pro- 
 motes Alberoni, ib. ; impatient of his want 
 of success, ib. ; concurs in his dismissal, 
 187; obtains reversions in Italy for her 
 eldest son, 188 ; supposed motives for 
 assenting to Philip's abdication, ib.; urges 
 him to resume the crown, 189; rage at 
 Lewis XV.'s rejection of her daughter, ib ; 
 unwilling to resign her patrimony in ex- 
 change for the Two Sicilies, 191 ; new 
 schemes for her second son, ib. ; employs 
 Farinelli to soothe Philip's hypochondria, 
 195 ; regent, 202 
 
 Emirs, of Spain, supplant and contend against 
 each other, 10 
 
 Engirien, Duke of, seized, tried, and executed, 
 257 
 
 England, early connexion with Portugal, 30, 
 34, 59, 61 ; with Spain, 54, 55, 56. 62, 
 95; variations of policy, see Henry VIII., 
 Mary, Elizabeth, James I., Charles I., II., 
 Oliver Cromwell, William III., Anne, 
 George I., II., III. 
 
 Ensenada, Marquess of, a peasant, rises to the 
 ministry under Philip V., 195 ; retained 
 by Ferdinand VI., ib.; head of the French 
 faction at court, ib. ; seeks to force a war 
 with England, 199; his intrigue detected, 
 ib. ; dismissed, ib; banished from Madrid, 
 208 
 
 Entails, excessive, limited by Pombal, 206 ; 
 and Florida Blanca, 225 
 
 Ernest, Archduke, invited by the Nctherland 
 ers, 125 ; jealous of the Duke of Anjou, 
 126 
 
 Erviga, the Visigoth, succeeds to Wamba, 6 j 
 
IN--D-EX. 
 
 34* 
 
 gives his daughter to Egiza and retires to a 
 monastery, ib. 
 
 Escoiquiz, John de, forms a party for the 
 Prince of Asturias, 253 ; negotiates for 
 him at Bayonne, 275 
 
 Escovedo, secretary to Don John of Austria, 
 125; his mission to Madrid, ih. ; transac- 
 tions there, ib. ; assassinated, ib. 
 
 Escurial, built by Philip II., 138 
 
 Essling, Prince of, see Massena 
 
 Estrees, Cardinal of, French Ambassador to 
 Philip V., 169; his intrigues, ib. 
 
 Etruria, kingdom of, created, 249; the King 
 expelled, 268 
 
 Eugene, Prince, sprung from a French branch 
 of the house of Savoy, 167; refused a regi- 
 ment by Lewis XIV., ib. ; enters the Em- 
 peror's service, ib. ; his campaigns in Italy, 
 ib., 168, 175; on the Danube, 170; in 
 the Netherlands, 176, 177, 178 
 
 Euric, the Visigoth, murders Theodoric, 4; 
 succeeds him, id. ; his conquests, ib. 
 
 F. 
 
 Falkland Islands, transactions respecting 
 them, 211 
 
 Farinelli, a Neapolitan singer, employed to 
 soothe Philip V., 195; his favour at court, 
 ib.; serviceable to Barbara, 196; attached 
 to Ensenada, ib. ; banished, 203 
 
 Farnese, the house of, see Paul III., Ottavio, 
 Alexander, Elizabeth, Parma 
 
 Favila, murdered by Witiza, 6 
 
 Favila of Oviedo, succeeds to Pelayo, 10 ; 
 killed by a boar, 11 
 
 Fayette, Marquess de la, head of the Con- 
 stitutionalists, 229 ; exertions in behalf of 
 the royal family, 230, 231, 233; resigns 
 the command of the national guard, 231 ; 
 thwarted in his military views, 232, 233 ; 
 emigrates, 233; treatment by the allies, 
 ib. 
 
 Ferdinand I. (Fernando) of Castile, inherits 
 Castile from his mother, Nuua Elvira, 22 ; 
 war with Navarre, tb.; with Leon, ib. ; suc- 
 ceeds to Leon in right of his wife Sancha, 
 23 ; his conquests from the Moors, ib. ; 
 dies, dividing his dominions, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand II. of Leon, succeeds to Alfonso 
 VII., 31 ; conquests from his minor nephew, 
 32 
 
 Ferdinand III. of Castile and Leon, succeeds 
 to Henry I., 36 ; successful wars against the 
 Moors, ib., 37 ; succeeds to Alfonso IX., 
 37 ; his legislatiou, ib. ; founds the Uni- 
 versity of Salamanca, ib. ; dies, ib. ; ca- 
 nonized, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand IV. of Castile, succeeds to Sancho 
 IV., 45 ; his mother's regency, ib. ; cession 
 to Aragon, ib.', takes Gibraltar, ib.; sum- 
 moned to the judgment-seat of God by the 
 Carvajals, ib. ; dies on the appointed 
 day, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand I. of Aragon, Infante of Castile, 
 refuses the offered crown of Castile, 63 ; 
 oint regent with the queen-mother, ib,' } 
 
 war w it'n the Moors, ib. } elected King of 
 Aragon, 64., rebellions, ib. 
 Ferdinand II. of Aragoii, (V. of Castile) 
 marries Isabella of Castile, 75 ; succeeds 
 to John II., 77 ; establishes the Inquisition, 
 in Aragon, 78 ; war with Grenada, 78, 79, 
 81, 82; recovers Houssillon and Cerdagne, 
 
 86 ; reinstates Ferdinand .II. of Naples, 
 
 87 ; Moorish insurrection, 91 ; Neapolitan 
 war, 91, 92; dissensions in Castile, 92, 95 ; 
 second marriage, 93; visits Naples, ib.; 
 regent of Castile, 95 ; his artful policy, ih. ; 
 seizes upon Navarre, 96 ; regulates the 
 government of America, ib. ; ill will to his 
 successor, 97 ; dies, i b. 
 
 Ferdinand VI. of Spain, marries an Infanta 
 of Portugal, 190; succeeds to Philip V., 
 194; influence of his queen, ib.; procures 
 the duchy of Parma for his half-brother, 
 195; pacific policy, ib. ; his ministers, ib. t 
 196, 199; transactions with England, 196, 
 199, 200; with Portugal, 196, 197, 198; 
 dissensions with his brothers, 199 ; trans- 
 actions with France, ib. ; with Austria 
 and Sardinia, ib. ; loses his Queen, 200 ; 
 dies, ib. ; internal ameliorations, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand VII. of Spain, hated by his mother, 
 252 ; opposed to Godoy, 253 ; marries a 
 Neapolitan Princess, ib.; accused of plot- 
 ting, 256, 271 ; projected marriage, 270; 
 appeals to JS'apoleon, ib. ; rescues Godoy 
 from the populace, 273 ; proclaimed king, 
 ib. ; transactions with the French ambas- 
 sador and generals, ib. ; lured to Bayonne, 
 275 ; negotiations with Napoleon, ib. ; re- 
 signs the crown to his father, 276 ; sent to 
 Valensay, ib. ; conduct there, 318; nego- 
 tiations with Napoleon, ib. 319; with 
 the Cortes and regency, 319, 320; re- 
 leased, 322 ; goes to Valencia, 325 ; gene- 
 rally greeted as ABSOLUTE KING, ib. ; 
 treatment of the Cardinal de Bourbon, ib. ; 
 dissolves the Cortes and abrogates the 
 constitution, ib. ; treatment of the regents 
 and chief members of the Cortes, 326; 
 vainly endeavours to reduce the colonies, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand de la Cerda, eldest son of Alfonso 
 X., 41 ; his campaign against the Moors, 
 ib. ; dies, ib.; his children set aside, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand of Portugal, succeeds to Pedro I., 
 55; assists Henry of Transtamar, ib. ; 
 claims the crown of Castile, 56 ; his ma- 
 trimonial transactions, ib., 57 ; alliance with 
 the Duke of Lancaster, 57; invades Castile, 
 ib. ; peace restored, ib. ; negotiations for 
 his daughter's marriage, 58, 59; war with 
 Castile, 59; peace, ib. dies, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand, Saint, his expedition to Africa, 
 67 ; dies in Mahometan bondage, ib. ; ca- 
 nonized, ib. 
 
 Ferdinand I. of Naples, illegitimate son of 
 Alfonso V. of Aragon, 75 ; dies, 87 
 
 Ferdinand II. of Naples, driven from Naples 
 by the French, 87 ; reinstated by the 
 Spaniards, ib. ; dies, 88 
 
 Ferdinand IV. of the two Sicilies, third son 
 of Charles ill. of Spain, declared King, 
 
346 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 203; marries an archduchess, 207; ex- 
 pels the Jesuits, 210; transactions with 
 the French republic, 243, 246 ; conduct 
 on recovering Naples, 247 ; peace with 
 France, 251 ; again expelled by the French, 
 259 
 
 Ferdinand, Cardinal-//aw/e, second son of 
 Philip III., his success against the French, 
 149 
 
 Ferdinand I., Emperor, second son of Philip 
 and Joanna, elected king of the Romans, 
 110 ; succeeds, in rightof his wife, to Hun- 
 gary and Bohemia, ib.j succeeds to Charles 
 V., 115 
 
 Ferdinand II., Emperor, succeeds to Matthia*, 
 146; thirty years' war, ib.. 155 ; dies. 155 
 
 Ferdinand 111., lunperor, succt.eds to Ferdi- 
 nand II., 155 ; continuation uf the thirty 
 years' war, ib. ', peace of Westphalia, 157 : 
 dies, 159 
 
 Ferdinand, Duke of Parma, succeeds to 
 Philip, 207; marries an archduchess, ib. ; 
 expels the Jesuits, 210; embroiled with 
 the Pope, ib. ; transactions with Buona- 
 parte, 243, 249 
 
 Fernan Gonzalez, Count of Castile, 18; his 
 conquests from the Moors, ib.; dissensions 
 with Ordono 111., of Leon, ib. 
 
 Fez, kingdom of, founded by Edris, 13 ; 
 seized by Abderrahman III., 18; dis- 
 orders, 19 ; annexed to the caliphate of 
 Cordova, as the province of Almagrab, 20 
 
 Figueras, taken by the French, 233 ; seized by 
 them, 272 
 
 Florida Blanca, Joseph Monino, Count of, 
 prime minister, 213 ; transactions with Por- 
 tu^al, &., 214 ; negotiations 215, 216 ; 
 war with England, 216, 217, 220, 221; 
 rebellion in America, 218, 219; peace 
 with England, 222; with the Perte and 
 Barbary States, ib. ; relaxes the con- 
 nexion with France, 224 ; internal reforms 
 and improvements, 225 ; cabals against 
 him, 226; retained by Charles IV., 227; 
 displaced and imprisoned, 235 ; released, 
 ib. ; President of the Murcian Junta, 286 ; 
 of the Central Junta, ib.; dissensions with 
 Jovellanos, 288 ; dies, 295 
 
 Floridas, the, ceded to England, 205 ; Western 
 recovered by Galvez, 217 ; Eastern, in ex- 
 change for the Bahamas, 222; sold to the 
 United States, 326 
 
 Fonseca, Bishop of Badajoz, patriarch of, and 
 minister for, the Indies, 89 ; his jealousy 
 and ill usage of Columbus, ib. ; of Balboa, 
 96; of Cortes, 105 
 
 Fontainebleau, treaty of, 268 
 
 Fortuu Garcias of Sobrarbe, attacks Charle- 
 magne at Roncesvalles, 12 
 
 Fortun Ximenez of Navarre, succeeds to 
 Garcia Ximenez, 17; enlarges his dominions, 
 ib. ; abdicates, ib. 
 
 Fox, Charles James, minister, 222 ; con- 
 cludes the peace of Versailles, ib.-, succeeds 
 Mr. Pitt, 261 ; negotiates with Napoleon, 
 ib. ; dies, ib. 
 
 France, early connexion with Spain, 10, 12, 
 13, 14, 15, 17, 20. 25, 26, 27. 28, 32, 33, 
 36, 41, 43, 48, 50, 51, 54, 55, 57, 58, 65, 
 74, 79; with Portugal, 26, 38, 76; po- 
 litical transactions with Spain and Portu- 
 gal, see Charles VIII., IX.: Lewis XII., 
 XIII., X1V.,XV.,X\ I.,XVIIL; Francis I., 
 II.; Henry II., III., IV. ; French Revolution; 
 Buonaparte 
 
 Franche Comte ceded to France, 162 
 
 Francis (Francisco) PhoebHS of Navarre, suc- 
 ceeds to Leonora, 79 
 
 Francis (Francois) I. of France, Charles I's. 
 rival for the empire, 99 ; war with Charles, 
 16., 106, 107; peace of Madrid, 108; pro- 
 tests secretly against, and refuses to execute 
 it, ib.', war renewed, ib ; peace of Cam- 
 bray, 1 09 ; protests secretly against it, 111; 
 war renewed, ih.; truce, ib. ; allows Charles 
 to traverse France, 112 ; war renewed, ib.j 
 peace, ib.; dies, 115 
 
 Francis Xavier, St., apostle of India, 106 
 
 Francis (Franz) II., Emperor, succeeds to Leo- 
 pold II., 232 ; transactions with French re- 
 public, 233, 236, 237, 239, 243, 246. 247, 
 248, 249 ; with the Emperor Napoleon, 
 259,290, 292, 294, 308, 312, 314,317, 
 321, 323, 324. 
 
 Frederic (Fadrique), youngest son of Pedro 
 III. of Aragon, assumes the crown of Sicily, 
 43 ; war with Charles of Anjou, ib. ; recog- 
 nized, ib. 
 
 Frederic (Federigo) of Naples, succeeds to 
 Ferdinand II., 88; attack-ed by Lewis XII., 
 91 ; betrayed by Ferdinand V., ib. ; sur- 
 renders to the French, tb. 
 
 Frederic (Friedrich) Elector Palatine, accepts 
 the crown of Bohemia, 146 ; unsupported, 
 ib. ; expelled, ib.; loses the Palatinate, ib. \ 
 
 Frederic II. of Prussia, claims Silesia, 
 192; conquers it, ib. ; seven years' war, 
 199 ; peace of Hubertsburg, 205 
 
 Frederic William II. of Prussia, succeeds to 
 Frederic II., 224 ; reinstates the Stadt- 
 holder, ib. : transactions with the French 
 republic, 232, 237, 240 
 
 Frederic William HI. of Prussia, transactions 
 with Napoleon, 260, 262, 263, 264, 311, 
 312, 317, 321, 323,324 
 
 Freire de Andrada, Bernadim de, Portugueze 
 commander, his unreasonableness, 283; kil- 
 led by the peasantry, 292 
 i Freitas, Martin de, his loyalty, 38 
 Frere, Mr., envoy to Madrid, his dissensions 
 with Godoy, 254 ; lends Baird money 
 destined for the Central Junta, 283 ; his 
 confidence in the Spaniards, 289 ; nego- 
 tiations with the Central Junta, 295 
 
 Friends of the I'eople, Societies of, 252 
 
 Fruela I. of Oviedo, conquers Galicia, 12 ; 
 tributary to Cordova, ib.; murdered by 
 Aurelio, ib. 
 
 Fruela II. of Oviedo, usurps the crown, 17 ; 
 dies, ib. 
 
 Fuentes, Count of, defeated at Rocroi, 156 i 
 
 Fuentes de Onor, battle of, 303 g 
 

 INDEX. 
 
 G.' 
 
 Gages supersedes Montemar, 1 92 ; defeated, ib. 
 
 Gal\ ez, governor of Louisiana, recovers West 
 Florida, 217; schemes foiled, 220 ; takes 
 the Bahamas, ib. 
 
 Galway, Lord, invades Spain, 170, 174; oc- 
 cupies Madrid, ib. ; joins the archduke at 
 Guadalaxara, ib. ; succeeds to Peterborough's 
 command, ib. ; reverses, ib. ; defeated and 
 wounded at Almanza, 175; superseded by 
 Stanhope, 176 
 
 Gama, Vasco de, doubles the Cape of Good 
 Hope, 88 ; voyage to Calecut, ib. ', trans- 
 actions there, ib., 89 ; rewards, 89 
 
 Gandia, Duke of, conduct to his Moorish 
 vassals. 143 
 
 Ganganelli, see Clement XIV. 
 
 Garcia Ximenez, elected king, 12 ; conquers 
 Sobrarve, ib. 
 
 Garcia Inignez of Sobrarbe, succeeds to 
 Garcia Ximenez, 12; extends his con- 
 quests, ib. 
 
 Garcia L, Count of Navarre, succeeds to 
 Sancho, 15; acquires French territory, ib. ; 
 marries a Mahometan, ib; invades Oviedo 
 with his father-in-law, ib. ; killed, ib. 
 
 Garcia Ximenez II. of Navarre, succeeds to 
 Garcia, 15; extends his dominions, ib. ; 
 marries the heiress of the Count of Aragon, 
 ib. ; assumes the title of king, ib. 
 
 Garcia III. of Navarre, succeeds to Sancho 
 II., 20; war with Almanzor, ib. 
 
 Garcia IV. of Navarre, succeeds to Sancho 
 III., 22 ; wars with his brothers, ib.; falls in 
 battle, ib. 
 
 Garcia V. of Navarre, grand-nephew of 
 Sancho IV., elected king, 28; war with 
 the Moors, ib. 
 
 Garcia of Oviedo, rebels against his father, 
 17; succeeds him, ib. 
 
 Garcia Sanchez, the last count of Castile, 
 murdered, 22 
 
 Garonne, passage of, 323 
 
 Gasca, Pedro de la, his mission to Peru, 113; 
 suppresses the rebellion, ib. ; tranquillizes 
 the province, 114; rewarded, ib. 
 
 Gaston, son of Leonora of Navarre, dies be- 
 fore his mother, 79 
 
 Genoa, a dependent ally of Spain, 110, 140; 
 opens Italy to the duke of Parma, 192; her 
 neutrality violated by Buonaparte, 242 ; 
 becomes the Ligurian republic, 249 ; an- 
 nexed to France, 258 ; assigned to the 
 King of Sardinia, 324 
 
 George I. of England, succeeds to Anne, 186 ; 
 Alberoni's plots against him, ib. ; foiled, 
 187; transactions with Spain, ib., 188, 189 
 
 George II. of England, transactions with 
 Spain, 190, 191, 1>2, 196, 199, 200, 203 ; 
 with France, Austria, and Prussia, 192, 195, 
 199 ; rebellion quelled, 193 ; transactions 
 with Portugal, 198 
 
 George III. of England, war with Spain, 204 ; 
 acquisitions during the war, 205 ; peace of 
 Paris ib ; transactions with Portugal, 204, 
 213, 223, 236, 242, 245, 246, 250, 251, 
 262, 263, 267, 269 j with Spain, 207, 210, 
 
 211, 215, 216, 217, 220, 221, 222, 224, 
 227, 236,237, 238, 242, 244, 245, 251, 
 254, 255, 256, 258, 263, 266,278; with 
 France, 215, 220, '222, 236, 237, 2:58, 239, 
 244, 245, 246, 251, 253, 254, 255, 257, 
 258, 259, 261, 263; sends an army to 
 the Peninsula ; see Wellesley, Burrard, 
 Dalrymple, Moore, Baird, Trant, Wilson, 
 Beresford, Hill ; domestic transactions, 213, 
 215, 221, 222, 251, 256, 261, 307 
 
 George, Prince-Regent of England, refuses to 
 treat without the Spaniards, 307 
 
 Gerard, Bahhasar, assassinates the Prince of 
 Orange, 132 
 
 Germany, elects Alfonso X.of Spain Emperor, 
 39; and Chariest, of Spain, 100; affairs 
 under Charles, ib., 109, 110, 115. See 
 Austria, Thirty Years' YVar, Seven Years' 
 War; transactions with the French re- 
 public, 231 ; with Napoleon, 253, 255, 
 259 ; dissolution of the empire, 260 ; towns 
 and districts annexed to France, 304; in- 
 surrection against France, 312, 317 
 
 Gerona, siege of, 295 
 
 Gertruydenberg, congress of, 177, 178 
 
 Ghent, insurrection of, 111 ; offers allegiance 
 to Francis I., 112; quelled, ib. 
 
 Gibraltar, landing place of Taric, 8 ; taken by 
 Ferdinand IV., 45; recovered by Moham- 
 med IV., 49; stolen by the King of Fez, 
 ib.; besieged by Alfonso XL, 49, 50; taken 
 by Henry IV., 73; taken by Admiral 
 Rooke, 169; besieged by Spaniards, 170; 
 confirmed to England, 181 ; besieged, 198; 
 negotiations respecting it, 200, 217; siege. 
 217, 220, 221 
 
 Gijon, first kingdom of Pelayo, 10 
 
 Girondists, the, a party in the French Revo- 
 lution, 232, 233, 234, 237 
 
 Goa, taken by Albuquerque, 94; seat of 
 Portugueze Empire, ib.; nearly all remain- 
 ing of that empire, 158 
 
 Godoy, Lewis de, a lover of Louisa Maria, 
 235; banished by Charles III., ib. 
 
 Godoy, Manuel de, supplants Lewis with 
 Louisa Maria, 235 ; gains Charles IV.'s 
 favour, ib. ; honours, ib., 241, 252, 256, 
 264 ; attempts to promote industry, 242, 
 252 ; subserviency to France, and bickerings 
 with Frere, 254, 255,^6 ; afraid of Na- 
 poleon, 262 ; secret negotiations, ib.; hos- 
 tile demonstrations, 264; disavowed, ib. j 
 treaty of Fontainebleau, 268; conduct re- 
 specting Ferdinand, 270, 271 ; terrified at 
 Napoleon's measures, 272, 273 ; attacked 
 by the people, 273; rescued and impri- 
 soned, ib. ; released by Napoleon, 275 
 
 Gonzaga, Vincent, Duke of Mantua, calls the 
 line of Nevers to the succession, 149 
 
 Gonzala, king of Sobrarbe and Ribargorza, 
 murdered, 22 
 
 Goths, tlie, see Visigoths 
 
 Graham, Sir Thomas, sent to Cadiz, 297; de- 
 feats the French at Barrosa, 302 ; crosses 
 the Douro, 313 ; and the Ebro, tb. ; be- 
 sieges St. Sebastian, ib., 315 ; passage of 
 the Bidassoa, 315 
 
348 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Granada, last Almoravide possession, 31 ; sub- 
 mits to Mohammed ben Sad, ib, ; conquer- 
 ed by Abdelmumen, ib. ; independent king- 
 dom founded, 37 ; conquered by Ferdinand 
 and Isabella, 83 ; capitulation violated, 91 ; 
 submits to the French, 296. See Moham- 
 med, I., II., III., IV., V., VI., VII., VIII., 
 IX., X. ; Nasar ; Ismael 1., II. ; Jusef I., II., 
 III., IV. ; Abu Said ; Muley Aly Abul Has- 
 san ; Abu Abdullah ; Abdallah el Zagal 
 
 Granvelle, Bishop of Arras, Margaret's prime 
 minister, 118; recalled, ib.; minister in 
 Spain, ib. 
 
 Grasse, Admiral de, defeated by Rodney, 220 
 
 Gravina, Admiral, eludes Nelson, 258 ; de- 
 feated by Calder, ib. ; reinforced, ib. ; de- 
 feated by Nelson, at Trafalgar, ib. 
 
 Greek colonies in Spain, J. ; emperors, their 
 transactions with Spain, 5, 15 
 
 Grimaldi, Marquess of, a Genoese ecclesiastic, 
 enters the Spanish service, '207 ; diplomatic 
 operations, ib. ; succeeds Wall as minister, 
 ib. ; devoted to French party, 207, 211 ; 
 resigns, 213 ; ambassador to Rome, ib. 
 
 Grimaldo, Marquess of, acquires influence, 
 188; follows Philip V. in his abdication, 
 %b. ; urges him to resume the crown, 189 
 
 Grisons, the, conquer the Valteline, 148; 
 treatment of their Catholic subjects, ib. ; 
 transactions with the governors of the Mi- 
 lanese, 149 
 
 Guadalete, battle of, 8 
 
 Guatiinozin, Emperor of Mexico, his exploits 
 and ill-treatment, 105 
 
 Guerrillas, the, their rise, 295 ; leaders, ib. ; 
 services, 297, 298, 300, 305, 308, 314 
 
 Guesclin, Constable du, assists Henry of 
 Transtamar, 54, 55 
 
 Guiana, Portugueze, ceded to France, 250 
 
 Guise, Duke of, invades Naples, 117 ; re- 
 pulsed, ib. ; recovers Calais, ib. 
 
 Guise, Duke of, invited to Naples, 156 ; de- 
 feated and taken by Don John, 157 
 
 Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, his war in Ger- 
 many, 149, 155 
 
 Guzman, Alfonso Perez de, anecdote of, 44 
 
 Guzman, Leonora de, mistress of Alfonso XL, 
 49 ; put to death by Pedro, 52 
 
 Guzman, see Olivarez and Haro 
 
 H. 
 
 Haarlem, siege of, 124 
 
 Hafsun, his rebellions, 16; his descendants, 
 18 
 
 Hamilcar, his wars in the Peninsula, 2 
 
 Hannibal, subdues great part of the Penin- 
 sula, 2 
 
 Hanover, seized by Buonaparte, 255 ; allotted 
 to Prussia, 260 ; transferred to Westphalia, 
 265 ; rises against Napoleon, 312 
 
 Harcourt, Marquess de, French ambassador at 
 Madrid, 164; his intrigues to secure the 
 Bourbon succession, ib. 
 
 Harley gains Queen Anne's favour, 177 ; 
 prime minister and Earl of Oxford, 179; 
 his measures, 180, 181 
 
 Haro de Guzman, Lewis de, prime minister, 
 156 ; his pacific policy, 157 
 
 Harrach, Count of, Austrian ambassador to 
 Madrid, foiled, 164 
 
 Havannah, the, taken by the English, 205; 
 restored, ib. 
 
 Hayti, see St. Domingo 
 
 Henriquez. Joanna, second wife of John II. of 
 Aragon, 70 
 
 Henriquez, Admiral of Castile, escapes to Lis- 
 bon, 168 ; acknowledges the archduke, 
 169 
 
 Henry, Count of Portugal, 26 ; assists Urraca, 
 27; die.*,i6. 
 
 Henry I. (Henrique) of Castile, succeeds to At- 
 foriso VIIL, 35 ; dies young, ib. 
 
 Henry II. of Castile, illegitimate son of Al- 
 fonso XL, 52 ; rebels, ib. ; defeated, ib. ; 
 escapes, ib. ; returns with French adven- 
 turers, 54 ; success, ib. ; proclaimed king, 
 ib. ; reverses, 55 ; returns with a new army, 
 ib. ; defeats Pedro, ib. ; kills him, ib. ; at 
 war with all his neighbours, 56 ; makes 
 peace with all, ib., 57; internal adminis- 
 tration, 57 
 
 Henry III. of Castile, marries Catherine of 
 Lancaster, 62 ; succeeds to John I., ib. ; 
 internal administration, ib. war with Por- 
 tugal, ib. ; and Granada, 63 
 
 Henry IV. of Castile, plots against Luna, 69 ^ 
 marriages and divorce, 70, 71, 73; suc- 
 ceeds to John II., 71 ; dissensions with Por- 
 tugal, 72 ; war with Granada, ib. ; abandons 
 his power to favourites, 74 ; disorders re- 
 lative to the succession, ib., 75 
 
 Henry I. of Navarre, succeeds to Thibalt II., 
 41 ; marries Blanche of Artois, ib. 
 
 Henry II. of Navarre, succeeds to Catherine, 
 97 ; attempts to recover his kingdom, 102; 
 taken prisoner at Pavia, 107; makes his 
 escape, ib. 
 
 Henry III. of Navarre, (IV. of France) suc- 
 ceeds to Joanna III., 135; becomes heir 
 to the French crown, ib. ; succeeds to 
 Henry III., ib. ; civil war, ib. ; conversion, 
 ib. war with Spain, 137 ; peace of Vervins, 
 ib. ; schemes against the House of Austria, 
 44 ; assassinated, ib. 
 
 Henry, Don, Infante of Castile, claims the 
 regency, 45 ; obtains it, ib.; defeated by 
 the Moors, ib. ; makes a disadvantageous 
 peace 1 , ib. ; loses the regency, ib. 
 
 Henry, Don, Infante of Portugal, assists at the 
 siege of Ceuta, 66 ; his love of science, ib. ; 
 sends out ships on voyages of discovery, ib. ; 
 Madeira discovered ami colonized, 67; pur- 
 chase of the Canaries, ib. ; expedition 
 against Tangiers, .ib. ; grief at the non-exe- 
 cution of his engagement by king Edward, 
 ib.; dedicates himself to maritime discovery, 
 ib. ; returns to court to vindicate the Duke 
 of Coimbra, 71 ; accompanies Alfonso V. 
 on his African expedition, 72 ; cedes the 
 Canaries to Henry IV. of Castile, ib. ; ex- 
 tent of his discoveries, 73 
 
 Henry II. of France, succeeds to Francis L, 
 115; war with Charles I., ib.; truce with 
 
,1 N D E X. 
 
 349 
 
 Philip II., 117; war, ib. ; peace of Cer- 
 camp, ib. ; killed in a tournament, ib. 
 
 Ilrnry III. of France, allows the Duke of An- 
 
 jou to assist the Netherlands, 125; assists 
 
 Don Antonio, 132; refuses the sovereignty 
 
 f the United Provinces, 133; assassinated, 
 
 135 
 
 Henry of Portugal, Cardinal, regent, llf>; 
 commits Sebastian's education to the Jesuits, 
 if).-, opposes the African expedition, 127; 
 declared protector. 128 ; proclaimed king, 
 129; harassed with cabals for the succes- 
 sion, ib. 
 
 Hermengild, St., rebels against his father, 5 
 
 a Darmstadt, Prince of, recommends the 
 invasion of Catalonia, 169 ; disappointed, 
 tb. ; falls in the attack on Montjuich, 171 
 
 Hill, Sir How-land, surprises the French at 
 Arroyo de Molinos, 306 ; drives them from 
 A!ntaraz,309 ; retreats from Madrid, 310 ; 
 attacked and driven back by Soult, 315 
 
 Hispaniola, see St. Domingo 
 
 Hixem I. of Cordova, succeeds to Abderrah- 
 manl., 13 ; attacks France and Oviedo, ib. ; 
 repulsed, ib. ; civil wars, ib. 
 
 Ilixem II. of Cordova, succeeds to Alhakem 
 II., 20 ; his mother's regency, ib. appoints 
 Abdelmelic minister, 21 ; then Ab'derrah- 
 man, ib.; declares Abderrahman his heir, 
 ib. ; civil wars, ib. ; deposed, ib. 
 
 Hohenlinden, battle of, 249 ^ 
 
 Holland, Lewis Buonaparte, king of, 260 ; an- 
 nexed to France, 304 ; recalls the Prince of 
 Orange, 317. See United Provinces 
 
 Honduras, Bay of, discovered by Columbus, 
 90 ; English settlements allowed, 205 
 
 Hood, Lord, reinforces Rodnev, 220 ; occu- 
 pies Toulon, 237 ; takes Corsica, 239 
 
 Horn, Count of, quells an insurrection, 119 ; 
 arrested, ib. ; executed, ib. 
 
 Howard of EHingham, Lord, commands against 
 the Spanish Armada, 134 ; takes and 
 sacks Cadiz, ib. 
 
 Howe, Lord, relieves Gibraltar, 221 ; defeats 
 the French fleet, 239 
 
 Hungary, overrun by the Turks, 110; united 
 to Austria, ib. ; rebels against Leopold I., 
 170: supports Maria Theresa, 192 
 
 Huns, the, overrun Europe, 4 ; defeated, ib. 
 
 i. 
 
 Illyrian provinces, annexed to France, 243 
 
 J<6 de, surrenders Badajoz, 303 
 India, first visited by Portugueze, 88 ; Portu- 
 gueze policy there, 93 ; immense empire, 
 94, 106 : much reduced by Dutch conquest, 
 MS, i:7. 158 
 
 Inez de Castro, her story, 52, 53 
 Infantado, Duke del. anecdote of, 114 
 Infantado, Duke del, colonel of the Spanish 
 guards, 274 ; continued by Joseph, 279 ; 
 escapes from Madrid, 232 ; rallies dispersed 
 troops, 291 ; unsuccessful, ib. ; disgraced. 
 ib. ; ambassador to England, 308 ; presi- 
 dent of the council of state, ib. 
 Innocent, Pope, IV., deposes Sancho II. of 
 Portugal, 38 
 
 Innocent, Pope, XII., recommends the Duke of 
 Anjou to Charles II. as his heir, 165 
 
 Inojosa, Marquess of, governor of Milan, his 
 transactions with the Duke of Savoy, 144 ; 
 superseded, ib. 
 
 IiK|iii.sition, the, introduced into Aragon, 42 , 
 fails, ib. ; established in Castile, 78 ; in 
 Aragon, ib. ; in Portugal, 106; its intro- 
 duction resisted by the people in the 
 Netherlands, 119; at Naples, and in the 
 Milanese, 132 ; contest with the Jvsticia 
 Jl/oyor of Aragon, 136; authority restricted 
 by Pombal, 206 ; by Aranda, 2fl ; by Flo- 
 rida Blanca, 225; diminution of the'num- 
 ber of victims, ib. 
 
 Ionian Islands, the, subjected to France, 243; 
 an independent republic, 251 
 
 Isabella (Isabel) of Castile, proclaimed, 74 ; de- 
 clared heir by Henry IV., 75 ; marries Fer- 
 dinand of Aragon, ib. ; accession, ib. ; contest 
 for the crown, 76, 77"; acknowledged, 77 ; 
 internal administration, ib., 78 ; war with 
 Granada, 78, 81, 82, 83 ; scruples touching 
 concessions to the Mahometans, 84; ba- 
 nishes the Jews, ib. ; sends out Columbus, 
 85 ; marriages and deaths of her children, 
 87, 88 ; sends Bovadilla to investigate the 
 conduct of Columbus, 89 ; violates the 
 capitulation of Granada, 91 ; dies, 92 ; her 
 will, ib. 
 
 Isabella, Infanta of Spain, marries the Prince 
 of Portugal, 81 ; secondly Manuel of Por- 
 tugal, 88; acknowledged heiress of Spain, 
 ib. dies. ib. 
 
 Isabella Clara Eugenia, Infanta of Spain, 
 her pretensions to France, 135; to the 
 duchy of Brittany, 136 ; invested with the 
 Netherlands on marrying the Cardinal-Arch- 
 duke Albeit, 139 ; governess of the Nether- 
 lands, 147 
 
 Ismael ben Dylnun of Toledo, shelters Alfonso 
 VI. of Leon, 23 ; extends his dominions, 24 
 
 Ismael I. of Granada, rebels against Moham- 
 med III.. 46; deposes Nasar, ib. ; war 
 with Castile, ib. ; offends a kinsman, who 
 assassinates him, ib. 
 Ismael II. of Granada, usurps the throne, 50 ; 
 
 murdered, ib. 
 
 Italian republic, new name of the Cisalpine, 
 253 ; becomes the kingdom of Italy, 258 
 
 I Italy, Alfonso V. of Aragon's wars, 64, 65 ; 
 involved in the wars of France and Spain, 
 87, 91, 92, 95, 102, 106, 107, 108, 109, 
 117, 122, 123, 132, 144, 145, 148, 149, 
 15, 157, 107, 168, 172, 175, 181, 186, 
 188, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 203, 
 210; transactions with the French republic, 
 234, 237, 242, 243, 246, 247, 248', 249, 
 253 ; with the Emperor Napoleon, 258, 
 259, 260, 270, 297, 304, 317, 321, 324 
 Izquierdo, Godoy's agent to Napoleon, 264, 
 
 268 
 
 Jacobins, the, a party in the National Assem- 
 bly. 229 ; their proceedings, 230, 231, 232, 
 233, 234, 237, 239 ; their overthrow, 240 
 Jacub, Almohade caliph, succeeds to Jusef, 
 33 j engrossed by disorders in Africa, ib,\ 
 
350 
 
 I N B E X. 
 
 defeats the Castilians at Alarcos, ib. ; dies, 
 34 
 
 Jamaica discovered, 90; taken by the Eng- 
 lish, 157 
 
 James (Jayme)I. of Aragon, a hostage to Simon 
 de Monlfort, 36 ; acknowledged king. ib. 
 civil wars, ib. ; conquers Majorca and Valen- 
 cia, 36, 37 ; adopted by Sanclio of Navarre, 
 36 ; relinquishes his claim to Navarre, ib. ; 
 disorders, 42 
 
 James II. of Aragon, succeeds to Pedro III. in 
 Sicily, 43 ; to Alfonso III. in Aragon, ib. ; 
 transactions concerning Sicily, ib. ; con- 
 quers Sardinia and Corsica, 48: conduct 
 ^'respecting Majorca, ib. 
 
 James I. of Majorca, inherits the island from 
 James I. of Aragon, 42 ; compelled by 
 Pedro III. to do homage, 43 
 
 James III. of Majorca, placed on the throne by 
 James II. of Aragon, 48 ; dethroned by 
 Pedro IV., 51 ; attempts to recover Majorca, 
 ib. ; killed, ib. 
 
 James IV. of Majorca, assists in James III.'s 
 attempt, 51 ; taken, ib. ; subsequent adven- 
 tures, ib. 
 
 James I. of England, succeeds to Elizabeth, 
 140; transactions with Spain, ib., 141, 
 146, 148 
 
 Japan, the Portugueze open a trade there, 106 
 
 Jemappes, battle of, 234 
 
 Jervis, Sir John, defeats the Spanish fleet, 
 244 ; created Lord St. Vincent, ib. ; bom- 
 bards Cadiz, tb. ; sends Nelson against 
 Santa Cruz, ib. 
 
 Jesuits, the Order of, conceived by Loyola, 
 102; established by Pope Paul III., 116; 
 missionaries in Brazil, ib. educate Sebas- 
 tian, ib., 126 ; and Alberoni, 183; govern 
 Paraguay, 197 ; accused as instigators of 
 Indian revolt, '201 ; acquitted, ib. ; attacked 
 by Pombal, ib. ; inquiry ordered by Pope 
 Benedict XIV., ib. ; implicated in a con- 
 spiracy, ib. ; expelled from Portugal and 
 Brazil, ib., 202 ; from France 208" ; from 
 Spain and her colonies, 209, 210; from 
 the Two Sicilies and Parma, 210; suppressed 
 by Pope Clement XIV., 211 
 
 Jews, the, persecuted by Sisebert, 5 ; banish- 
 ed by Chintiln, ib. ; favoured by Alfonso 
 VIII. of Castile, 33 ; persecuted, and occa- 
 sionally finance ministers, 57; banished from 
 Spain, 84 ; from Portugal, ib. 
 
 Joanna (Juana) I. of Navarre, succeeds to 
 Henry I , 41 ; carried an infant to France, 
 ib. ; marries Philip IV. of France, ib. 
 
 Joanna II. of Navarre, daughter of Lewis I. of 
 Navarre (X. of France), 48 ; robbed of the 
 crown by Philip V. and Charles IV. of 
 France, ib. ; acknowledged, ib. ; exchange 
 of French provinces, tb. ; war with the 
 Moors, 49 
 
 Joanna 111. of Navarre, succeeds to Henry II., 
 135 ; marries Anthony de Bourbon, ib. 
 
 Joanna, Infanta of Castile, declared heire-s, 
 74 ; her legitimacy disputed, 75 ; contest 
 for the crown, 76, 77 ; takes the veil, ib. 
 
 Joanna of Spain, marries the Archduke Philip, 
 
 87 ; acknowledged heiress, 91 ; her intel- 
 lects disordered, j'i., 94 ; succeeds to Isa- 
 bella in Castile. 92 ; to Ferdinand in Aragon, 
 97 ; her son associated with her, ib. ; sanc- 
 tions Padilla's insurrection, 101 ; taken by 
 the royalists, ib. ; dies, 115 
 
 Joanna, Infanta of Spain, marries the Prince 
 of Portugal, 115 ; bears Sebastian after his 
 death, ib. regent of Spain, ib. 
 
 John (Joam), Infante of Portugal, 52; mar- 
 riage, and murder of his wife, 58 ; pro- 
 claimed king by the people, 59 ; im- 
 prisoned in Castile, ib. ; rejected by the 
 Cortes, 61 
 
 John (Juan) I. of Castile,succeeds to Henry II., 
 59; marries Beatrice of Portugal, ib. ; claims 
 Portugal in her right, ib., 60; defeated, 61; 
 makes peace with the Duke of Lancaster, 
 
 62 ; truce with Portugal, ib. ; new models 
 j the council of Castile, ib. 
 
 John II. of Castile, succeeds to Henry III., 
 
 63 ; regency, ib. ; assumes the government, 
 
 68 ; interferes in the civil wars of Granada, 
 
 69 ; war with Granada, ib. ; transactions 
 respecting his favourite, de Luna, ib., 
 70 
 
 John (Joam) I. of Portugal, illegitimate son of 
 Pedro I., named Master of Avis, 59; asks the 
 regency of John of Castile, ib.; refused, ib. ; as- 
 sassinates Ourem, 60 ; proclaimed regent, ib.; 
 war with John of Castile, ib., 61; elected king 
 by the Cortes, 61 ; alliance with the Duke 
 of Lancaster, ib. ; peace with Castile, 62 ; 
 internal government, 66 ; war in Africa, ib. ; 
 promotes Don Henry's projects of disco- 
 very, 67 
 
 John II. of Portugal, regent, 76; proclaimed 
 king on his father's abdication, ib. ; re- 
 signs, ib. ; succeeds him, 77 ; harsh and 
 violent measures, 80 ; prosecutes maritime 
 discovery, 81 ; loses his only legitimate son, 
 ib. ; endeavours to substitute an illegitimate 
 son, ib. ; rejects Columbus's schemes, 85 ; 
 dies, 88 
 
 John III. of Portugal, succeeds to Manuel, 106; 
 marries a Spanish Infanta, ib. ; establishes 
 the Inquisition, ib. ; conquests in India, ib. ; 
 conceals his only son's death from the 
 widow until her delivery, 115 
 
 John IV. of Portugal, proclaimed king, 152; 
 acknowledged in all Portugueze dependen- 
 cies, except Ceula, 153; by all European 
 States hostile to the House of Austria, ib. ; 
 plots against him instigated by Olivarez, 
 154; war with Spain, 155, 156; recovers 
 Brazil from the Dutch, not India, 156 ; dies 
 157 
 
 John V. of Portugal, succeeds to Pedro II., 
 175; marries an archduchess, ib. ; war in 
 Spain, ib., 178; peace with Philip V., 182; 
 double marriage with Spain, 190 ; dissen- 
 sions and negotiations touching Nova Co- 
 Ionia, 191, 196, 197; dies, 197 
 
 John (Juan) I. of Aragon, succeeds to Pedro 
 IV., 62 ; whimsical disorders, ib.; marries his 
 nephew to the Queen of Sicily, ib. ; 
 dies, ib. 
 
John II. o 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 351 
 
 John II. of Aragon, governs for Alfonso V., 
 64; marries Blanche of Navarre, 65; suc- 
 ceeds with her to Charles 111., ib. ; interferes 
 in Castilian civil wars, 69 ; second marriage, 
 70 ; dissensions \vith his children, 71 ; suc- 
 ceeds to Alfonso V., 75 ; quells the Catalan 
 insurrection, ib. 
 
 John d'Albret marries Catherine of Navarre, 
 79 ; attempts to recover her kingdom, 96 ; 
 repulsed, ib, 
 
 John, Prince of Asturias, his marriage, 87 ; 
 and death, 88 
 
 John, Don, of Austria, illegitimate son of j 
 Charles I., 122; quells the Moorish insur- 
 rection, ib. ; defeats the Turkish fleet at 
 Lepanto, 123 ; expels the Turks from Tunis, I 
 ib. ; offends Philip II., ib. ; governor of the j 
 Netherlands, 124; difficulties there, ib.;\ 
 death, 126 
 
 John, Don, of Austria, illegitimate son of 
 Philip IV., quells the Neapolitan revolt, 156, 
 157; superseded, 157; drives the French 
 out of Catalonia, ib. ; commands against 
 Portugal, 158; dissensions with the queen - 
 regent, 160 ; prime minister 162; harassed 
 and disappointed, ib. ; dies, ib. 
 
 John, Don, second son of Maria of Portugal, 
 marries a Spanish Infanta, 223; prince of 
 Brazil, ib. ; governs in Maria's name, 241 ; 
 internal administration, ib. } 242, 248 ; re- 
 fuses to renounce the English connexion, 
 242 ; negotiations vvkh France, 244 ; bro- 
 ken off, 245 ; fears of French invasion, ib., 
 246; prince-regent, 248; endeavours to 
 appease Napoleon, 254; attachment to 
 Lasnes, 256 ; hypochondriac, 261 ; recovers, 
 ib. ; menaced with invasion, 262 ; required 
 to join in the Continental system, 207 ; ne- 
 gotiations, ib. ; French enter Portugal, 269 ; 
 forbids resistance, ib. ; embarks for Brazil, 
 ib.', his authority restored, 285; appoints 
 Beresford general-in-chief, 292; makes 
 Wellington independent of the regency, 
 297 : remains in Brazil, 325 
 
 Joseph I., Emperor, succeeds Leopold I., 172; 
 prosecutes the war, ib., 175, 176; diverted 
 by other affairs, 177 ; dies, 180 
 
 Joseph II., Emperor, marries a princess of 
 Parma, 207 ; succeeds to Francis I., and to 
 Maria Theresa, 224 ; ambitious projects, 
 ib. ; war with Turkey, ib. ; dies, 231 
 
 Joseph (Jose) of Portugal, marries a Spanish 
 Infanta, 190; succeeds to John V., 197; | 
 names Carvalho e Mello prime minister, ib. ; j 
 breaks off the American treaty, ib. ; earth- 
 quake, 198; conspiracy against him, 201; 
 refuses to break with England, 204; war 
 with -Spain, ib., 205, 213; peace of Paris, 
 205; dies, 213. See Pombal 
 
 Joseph, Don, eldest son of Maria of Portugal, 
 214; proposal to substitute him for his 
 mother in the succession, ib. ; marries his 
 aunt, ib. ; dies, 223 
 
 Jourdan, General, success against the coalition, 
 237, 239 ; major-general to Joseph Buona- 
 parte, 293 ; defeated at Talavera, ib.; super- 
 seded, 296 j reinstated, 313 j defeated at i 
 Vitoria,j&, 
 
 Jove-llanos, Caspar" Melchior de, appointed 
 minister by Godoy, 252; imprisoned, Ib. ; 
 released by Ferdinand VII., 274; re-ap- 
 pointed by Joseph, 279; refuses, 280; 
 member of the Central Junta. 286 ; dissen- 
 sions with Florida Blanca, 288; urges the 
 convoking the Cortes, 295 ; ill-treated by 
 the regency, 296 
 
 Julian, Count, invites the Arabs into Mauri- 
 tania and Spain, 6 
 
 Julius II., Pope, forms the Holy League, 95 
 
 Junot, General, ambassador to Portugal 267 ; 
 invades Portugal, 268, 269, 270; created 
 Duke of Abrantes and Imperial Lieutenant 
 of Portugal, 272 ; sends Laborde and 
 Loison againsrWellesley, 284 ; defeated at 
 Vimeiro, ib. ; evacuates Portugal, 285 
 
 Junta, one chosen in every province of Spain, 
 278 ; of Portugal 279 ; their vigour and 
 mismanagement, 278, 283, 286, 287 
 
 Junta, Central, chosen, 286 ; proclaims Ferdi- 
 nand VII., ib. ; firmness and mismanage- 
 ment, 287, 288, 289, 291, .294. 295; con- 
 vokes the Carles, 295 ; flies to Cadiz, 296; 
 appoints a regency, ib. ; accused of mal- 
 practices, ib. 
 
 Junta, Supreme, declares war against Napo- 
 leon, 278 
 
 Jusef, last Emir of Spain, opposes Abderrah- 
 man I., 11 
 
 Jusef ben Taxfin, leader of the Almcravides, 
 25 ; emperor of Morocco, ib. ; defeats Al- 
 fonso VI,, ib. ; conquers and despoils Mo- 
 hammed of Seville, ib. ; acknowledged 
 sovereign of Mussulman Spain, 26 
 
 Jusef, Almohade caliph, succeeds to Abdel- 
 mumen, 32; civil war in Africa, ib.', con- 
 quers Mohammed ben Sad of Granada, ib. ; 
 war with the Christian princes of Spain, ib. , 
 killed before Santarem, 33 
 
 Jusef I. of Granada, succeeds to Mohammed 
 IV., 49; internal administration, ib. ; war 
 with Castile, ib, ; assassinated, 50 
 
 Jusef II. of Granada, succeeds to Mohammed 
 
 , V., 63 ; war wiih Castile, ib. ; renews the 
 truce, ib. 
 
 Jusef III. of Granada, imprisoned, 63 ; his 
 danger, 68 ; acknowledged king, ib. ; Avar 
 with Castile, ib. ; his brilliant court, ib. 
 
 Jusef IV. of Granada, usurps the throne, 69 
 
 K. 
 
 Keene, Mr., (Sir Benjamin) English ambas- 
 sador to Spain, diplomatic transactions, 196, 
 199, 200 
 
 Kutusow, General, his campaign against the 
 French, 311 
 
 I. 
 
 Laborde, General^defeated by Wellesley, 284 
 
 Ladislaus of Huigaryand Bohemia, defeated 
 and killed by the Turks, 110 
 
 Lafoens, Duke of, minister of the Prince of 
 Brazil, 244 ; a partizan of France, ib. ; dis- 
 placed, 250 
 
 Lamego, the Cortes ofc 29 ; their proceedings 
 and laws, ib., 30 
 
 Lamtuna, see Altnoravides 
 
352 
 
 I N D E X> 
 
 Lancaster, John, Duke of, marries Constance of 
 Castile, 56 ; claims Castile in her right, ib. ; 
 alliance with Portugal, 57, 61 ; invasion of 
 Castile, 61 ; compromise, 62 
 
 Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, his campaigns 
 against the French, 102, 107 
 
 Lasnes, General, ambassador to Portugal, '254, 
 256 ; takes Saragossa, 291 ; violates the 
 capitulation, ib. 
 
 Lecchi, General, seizes Barcelona, 273 
 
 Ledi, Marquess of. takes Sardinia, 186 
 
 Lefebvre, Duke of Dantzig, besieges Sara- 
 gossa, 282 ; defeats Blake, 288 
 
 Leon, kingdom of, supersedes Oviedo in name, 
 17; united to Castile, 23; severed again, 
 31 ; finally united, 37. See Ordouo II., 
 III. ; Fruela II. ; Alfonso IV., V., IX; Ra- 
 miro II., III. ; Sancho I.; Bermudo II., III. ; 
 Ferdinand II. 
 
 Leonora (Leonor) Tellez, wife of da Cunha, 
 56 ; divorced, 57 ; marries Ferdinand of 
 Portugal, ib. ; her influence and intrigues, 
 58, 59; regent, 59; dissensions with all 
 parties, 60 ; sent prisoner to Castile, ib. 
 
 Leonora, Infanta of Aragon, marries Edward 
 of Portugal, 67 ; regent, 71 ; her cabals, ib.', 
 deprived of the regency, ib, 
 
 Leonora of Navarre, marries Gaston de Foix, 
 70; declared by John. II. of Aragon and 
 Navarre, his heir, 71 ; governs Navarre for 
 him, ib. ; accused of poisoning Blanche, ib. ; 
 accession. 79 ; death, ib. 
 
 Leonora, Infanta of Spain, betrothed to John 
 III. of Portugal, 99 ; marries Manuel of 
 Portugal, ib. ; promised to the Constable de 
 Bourbon, 107 ; marries Francis I. of France, 
 111 
 
 Leopold I., Emperor," succeeds to Ferdinand 
 III., 159; marries the Infanta Margaret, 
 ib. ; claims the Spanish monarchy, 164; 
 transfers his claim to his second son, ib. ; 
 measures to enforce that claim, 67, 68, 70 ; 
 dies, 72 
 
 Leopold II, Emperor, Grand Duke of Tus- 
 cany, 2U7 ; marries a Spanish Infanta, ib. ; 
 succeeds to Joseph II., 231 ; forbearance 
 towards French revolutionists, ib., 232 ; 
 dies. 232 
 
 Leovigild, the Visigoth, frees Spain from 
 foreign dependence, 5 ; unites the whole 
 Peninsula, ib. ; religious dissensions with 
 his son, ib. 
 
 Lerma, Francisco de Rajos y Sandoval, Mar- 
 quess of Denia, Duke of, prime minister of 
 Philip III., 139; misgovernment, 141, 142, 
 143, 144; obtains a cardinal's hat, 145; 
 supplanted by his son, ib. ; resigns, ib. ; 
 heavily fined under Philip IV., 147 
 
 Lewis (Louis) I. of France, recovers the 
 Spanish march, 14 
 
 Lewis X. of France, (I. of Navarre) succeeds 
 to Joanna I. in Navarre, 48 
 
 Lewis XI. of France, his intrigues with the 
 Catalans, 74 ; deludes Alfonso V. of Portu- 
 gal, 76 
 
 Lewis XII. of France, his transactions with 
 Ferdinand V. respecting Naples, 91, 92 
 
 Lewis XIII. of France, marries Anne, Infanta 
 
 of Spain, 144; alliance with the" Catalans, 
 151; proclaimed Count of Barcelona, 155; 
 dies, 156 
 
 Lewis XIV., of France, marries Maria Theresa, 
 Infanta of Spain, ratifying her renunciation 
 of all right of succession, 158; encroach- 
 ments on the Spanish monarchy, 161, 162, 
 163, 164 ; intrigues to obtain the succes- 
 sion, 164, 165; sends Philip V. to Spain, 
 166 ; endeavours to govern Spain abso- 
 lutely, 167, 168, 169, 170; military opera- 
 lions in the succession war, 168, 169, 170, 
 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179; nego- 
 tiations, 175, 176, 177; peace of Utrecht, 
 181 ; dies, 186 
 
 Eewis XV. of France, his minority, 186 ; be- 
 trothed to a Spanish Infanta, 188 ; marries 
 Maria Leczinska, 189 ; dissensions and re- 
 conciliation with Philip V., 16., 190 ; war 
 for the succession to Poland, 190 ; peace of 
 Vienna, 191; war for Austrian succession, 
 192, 193, 194; peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 195 ; seven years' war, 199 ; cabals relative 
 to Spain, 200, 203 ; Family Compact, 204 ; 
 peace of Paris, 205 ; affair of the Jesuits, 
 208, 210; dismisses Choiseul, 211 ; dies, 
 212 
 
 Lewis XVI. of France, succeeds to Lewis XV., 
 212; war with England, 215, 216, 220, 
 221 ; peace of Versailles, 222 ; intrigues of 
 his ministers, 224 ; financial difficulties, ib. ; 
 convokes the States General, 228 ; vacil- 
 lating policy, ib., 229 ; brought to Paris, 
 230; flight, 231; brought back, ib.; ac- 
 cepts the Constitution, ib. ; attacked at the 
 Tuilleries, 233 ; suspended and imprisoned, 
 ib. ; tried and executed, 235 
 
 Lewis XVII. of France, proclaimed at Toulon, 
 237 ; dies'in prison, 241 
 
 Lewis X.VIII. of France, escapes from France, 
 231; [proclaimed at Bourdeaux, 322; at 
 Toulouse, 323 ; at Paris, ib. 
 
 Lewis (Luis) of Spain, succeeds on Philip V.'s 
 abdication, 188 ; his follies, ib. ; dies, ib. 
 
 Lewis (Lodovico), Prince of Parma, marries a 
 Spanish Infanta, 235; created King of 
 Etruria, 249 
 
 Leyva, Antonio de, drives the French from the 
 Milanese, 102; defence of Pavia, 107 
 
 Library, Public, founded by Philip V., 193 ; 
 and by prince-regent of Portugal, 248 
 
 Ligurian republic, see Genoa 
 
 Lima, sacked by the Dutch, 148 
 
 Lima, Louienco de, ambassador to France, 
 267 ; deputed to Bayoune, 278 
 
 Liniers, General, repulses Whitelock at Buenos 
 Ay res, 266 
 
 Lippe, Count la, repulses the Spaniards, 204 ; 
 remodels the Portugueze army, 206 
 
 Lisbon (Lisboa), taken from the Moors, 30 ; 
 proclaims the Master of Avis regent, 60 ; be- 
 sieged, ib. ; proclaims Don Antonio, 130; 
 municipality force Alfonso VI. to abdicate, 
 160 ; destroyed by an earthquake, 198 ; ho- 
 nours to Pombal, 20G ; cancelled, 214; de- 
 clared a free port, 242 ; occupied by the 
 French, 270 ; non-illumination, 281 
 
 Lisle, negotiations there, 244, 245 
 
INDEX. 
 
 353 
 
 Literature. Spanish, flourishes under Philip II., 
 138 ; unsuccessfully patronized by Philip 
 V., l'J3 ; acquires a French character. L"J"> 
 
 Louisa ot Savoy, mother of Francis I., 106 ; 
 her intrigues, ib. : her regency, 107 
 
 Louisa, daughter of the Duke of Medina Si- 
 donia, marries the Duke of liragan/a, 152 : 
 persuades him to accept the crown, ib. ; 
 his chief adviser, 157 ; regent, ib. ; defends 
 the kingdom, ib. ; delays to resign her re- 
 gency, 158; court intrigues, ib.; resigns, 
 ib.; dies, 160 
 
 Louisa Isabella de Montpensier, marries Lewis 
 of Spain, 188 ; her conduct, ib. 
 
 Louisa Maria of Parma, marries Charles IV. of 
 Spain, 207 ; her gallantries, 234 ; passion 
 for Godoy, 235, 251,252; hatred of her 
 son, 252 ; accused of poisoning his wife, 
 262 ; reported unwomanly conduct, 276 
 
 Louisiana, ceded to France, 181 ; divided be- 
 tween Spain and England, 205 ; English 
 half recovered, 217 : ceded to France, 249 \ 
 sold to the United States, 255 
 
 Loyola, Ignacio, conceives the plan of the 
 Order of Jesuits, 102 
 
 Lucena, minister to John IV. of Portugal, plot 
 to destroy him, 154, 155 
 
 Luna, Alvaro de, favourite of John II. of Cas- 
 tile, 68; campaigns against Granada, 69; 
 cabals against him, ib. ; kills Vivaro, ib.; 
 executed, ib. 
 
 Luneville, treaty of, 249 
 
 Lusitanian Legion, raised, 292 
 
 Luther, Martin, his doctrines distract Germany. 
 100 
 
 Lutzen, battle of, 312 
 
 M. 
 
 Mack, General, capitulates at Ulm, 259 
 Madeira, discovered and colonized, 67 
 Madrid, treaty there concluded, 108; violated, 
 ib. : occupied by das M'mas and Gahvay, 
 174; by Charles, 178; evacuated, 179; 
 insurrection against Squillaci, 207, 208; 
 against Godoy, 273 ; against the French, 
 277; sullen reception of Joseph, 281; 
 evacuated by him, 282; surrenders to Na- 
 poleon, 289 ; evacuated by Joseph, 309 ; 
 rapturous reception of Wellington, ib.; 
 swears to the new constitution, ib. ; re-oc- 
 cupied by Joseph, 310; rapturous reception 
 of Ferdinand VII., 325 ' 
 Magalhaens, Ferdinand, sails round South 
 
 America, 105 
 
 Magellan, Straits of, discovered, 105 
 Mahomet, his religion and laws, 7, 8 
 Maida, battle of, 260 
 
 Majorca, conquered by James I. of Aragon, 
 36; se\ered from Aragon, 42; held in 
 va-^alage of Aragon, ib. ; re-united to 
 Aragon. 51 
 
 Malacca, taken by Albuquerque, 94 
 Malmsbmy, Lord, his negotiations with the 
 
 Directory, 244, '24,') 
 Malplaquet, battle of, 177 
 Malta, given to the Knights of St. John, 110 ; 
 besieged by the Turks, 122 ; relieved, ib. ; 
 
 taken by Buonaparte, 24fi ; by the English 
 251 ; arrangements respecting it, ib. ; ren- 
 dered nugatory, 253 
 
 Manfred. King of Sicily, defeated and killed 
 by Charles of Anjou. 42 
 
 Manilla, taken by the English. 205 ; restored, 
 ib. : disputes as to the stipulated ransom, 
 207 
 
 Mantua, dissensions with Savoy touching 
 Montferrat, 144; intrigues touching the 
 succession to the Duchy, 149 
 
 Manuel of Portugal, succeeds to John II., 88 ; 
 his marriages, ib., 89, 99; measures respect- 
 ing maritime discovery, 88, 89, 93 ; expe- 
 ditions to Northern Africa, 93, 96, 99 ; in- 
 ternal administration, 99, dies, 106 
 
 Marengo, battle of, 248 
 
 Margaret (Margarita), illegitimate daughter of 
 Charles I., marries the Duke of Florence, 
 109 ; secondly, the Prince of Parma, ib. ; 
 governess of the Netherlands, 118; her 
 administration, ib., 119; resigns, 119 
 
 Margaret, Princess of Savoy, Duchess of Man- 
 tua. 144 ; vice-queen of Portugal, 151 ; 
 gives notice of Portugueze disaffection, ib. 
 seized by the conspirators, 152; sent to 
 Spain, 154; accuses Olivarez, 156 
 
 Margaret, Spanish Infanta, marries Leopold I., 
 159 ; declared next heir to Charles II., ib. 
 
 Marlborough, Duchess of, her influence over 
 Queen Anne, 167; supplanted by Mrs. 
 Masham. 177 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, commander-in-chief in 
 the Netherlands, 170; his compaigns and 
 victories, 170, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 
 180: deprived of the command, 180 
 
 Maria, Queen dowager of Aragon, recovers her 
 son from Simon de Montfort, and places him 
 on the throne, 36 
 
 Maria, wife of Sancho IV. of Castile, 45 ; re- 
 gent for her son, ib. ; her difficulties, mode- 
 ration, and success, ib. ; regent for her 
 grandson, ib. ; difficulties and success, 46 ; 
 dies, ib. 
 
 Maria, daughter of Alfonso IV. of Portugal, 
 marries Alfonso XI. of Castile, 49 ; his mis- 
 conduct, ib. ; reconciles her husband and 
 father, ib. ; negotiates her son's marriage, 
 52 ; resents his treatment of his queen, ib. 
 
 Maria of Sicily, seized by Pedro IV. of Aragon, 
 57; marries his grandson Martin, 62 j dies, 
 63 
 
 Maria of Portugal, marries her uncle, 202 ; 
 succeeds to Joseph, 213 ; attempt to ex- 
 clude her, ib. ; liberates political prisoners, 
 214 ; treatment of Pombal, ib. : peace and 
 alliance with Spain, //;. ; internal adminis- 
 tration, 223; her intellects disordered, 236; 
 endeavours to maintain the neutrality of 
 Portugal, ib, ; insanity confirmed, 241 ; her 
 son governs, ib.; flight to Brazil, 269 
 
 Maria Antonia, Sicilian Princess, Princess of 
 Asturias, 253 ; her character, ib. ; death, 
 262 
 
 Maria Louisa Gabriella, Princess of Savoy, 
 marries Philip V., 167: her influence over 
 him, ib. ; attachment to Princess Orsini, 
 2 A 
 
354 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ib., 169, 170; her regency, 168; high 
 spirit, 178 ; death, 182 
 
 Maria Louisa, Spanish Infanta, marries Lewis 
 of Parma, 235 ; regent of Etruria, 270 ; ex- 
 pelled 271 ; excluded from the succession, 
 309 ; subsequent treatment, 318 
 
 Maria Theresa, Infanta, marries Lewis XIV., 
 renouncing her right to the succession, 158 
 
 Maria Theresa, Empress-queen, negotiations 
 for securing her succession to the Austrian 
 dominions, 189, 191 ; attempts to despoil 
 her, 192; war, ib., 193 ; peace of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle, 195 ; seven years' war, 199 ; 
 peace of Hubertsburg, 205; connexion with 
 the Bourbons, 207 
 
 Marianne, Archduchess, marries Philip IV., 
 158; her regency, 159, 160, 162; her 
 cabals, 162, 163, 164 
 
 Marie Antoinette, Archduchess, marries Lewis 
 XVI., 207 ; influence over him, 228 ; exe- 
 cuted, 237 
 
 Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, supersedes Mas- 
 sena, 304; deluded by Wellington, 306 ; 
 battle of Salamanca, 309 ; defeated before 
 Paris, 323 ; capitulates, ib. 
 
 Martin, Infante of Aragon, marries the Queen 
 of Sicily, 62 ; marries an Infanta of Na- 
 varre, 63 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Martin of Aragon, succeeds to John I., 62 ; 
 dies, 63 
 
 Martin V., Pope, his grant to Portugal, 73 
 
 Mary of England, marries Philip II., 115; 
 declares war against France, 117 
 
 Mary of Medicis, regent of France, seeks sup- 
 port from Spanish alliance, 144 
 
 Mascarenhas, John de, his defence of Diu, 
 106 ; insulted by Sebastian, 127 
 
 Mascarenhas, NuSo de, witness of Sebastian's 
 death, 128 
 
 Masham, Mrs., supplants the Duchess of Marl- 
 borough. 177; undermines the ministry, ib. 
 
 Massaniello, his rebellion, 156 
 
 Massena, Prince of Essling, recovers Switzer- 
 land, 247 ; takes Ciudad Rodrigo, 298 ; 
 and Almeida, ib. ; invades Portugal, ib. ; 
 defeated at Busaco, ib. ; repulsed at Torres 
 Vedras, 299 ; retreats, 302 j defeated at 
 Fuentes de Onor, 303 ; recalled, 304 
 
 Matthias, Emperor, succeeds Rudolph II., 146 
 
 Mauregato of Oviedo, succeeds Silo, 12 
 
 Maurice, of Nassau, succeeds to William, 133J; 
 his war with Spain, 139, 140, 145; rivalry 
 with Barneveldt, 142 
 
 Mauritania, conquered by the Visigoths, 5 ; 
 by the Arabs, and called Almagrab, 9 
 
 Maximilian II.. Emperor. suc< eeds Ferdinand 
 I., 119; his interference in behalf of the 
 Netherlands, ib. 
 
 Mazarredo, Admiral, his cruize, 247 ; minister 
 of the marine under Joseph, 279 
 
 Ma/.arin, Cardinal de, minister of Anne of 
 Austria, 156; his measures, 157, 158 
 
 Medina Sidonia, Duke of, commands the In- 
 vincible Armada, 134 ; his misfortunes, ib. ; 
 reception by Philip II., ib. 
 
 Melique Az, a Russian renegade, 94 ; fa- 
 vourite of the Sultan of Cambay, ib. 
 
 Mencia, wife of Sancho II. of Portugal, liafed 
 by the nobility, 38 ; forcibly carried off, ib. 
 
 Mexico, discovered, 103; invaded by F. 
 Cortes, ib. ; resistance, 104, 105; con- 
 quered, 105 ; remonstrances against the 
 Spanish code, 113; rebellions, 159, 218; 
 wars with Californian Indians, 218 ; dis- 
 covery of gold mines, ib.; nearly subdued 
 by the Cortes, 306 
 
 Miguel, Don, acknowledged heir of Spain and 
 Portugal, 88 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Milan, Duchy of, contested by French and 
 Imperialists, 91, 102, 107, 109; resists the 
 introduction of the Inquisition, 132 ; ac- 
 knowledges Philip V., 166; conquered by 
 the Imperialists, 175 ; assigned to Charles 
 VI., 181 ; conquered by Buonaparte, 243; 
 included in the Cisalpine republic, ib. 
 
 Minas, Marquess das, invades Spain, 170 ; oc- 
 cupies Madrid, 174 ; quarrels with Peter- 
 borough, ib. ; defeated and wounded at 
 Almanza, 175 ; recalled, 176 
 
 Minorca, taken from the Moors by Alfonso III., 
 43 ; allotted to England, 181 ; taken by 
 the French, 200 ; reverts to England, 205 ; 
 surprised by the French and Spaniards, 220 ; 
 taken by the English, 245 ; restored, 251 
 
 Miranda, General, attempts to excite the Ca- 
 raccas to insurrection, 263 ; a leading man 
 there, 305 ; given up to the Spaniards, 311 
 
 Mohacz, battle of, 110 
 
 Mohammed of Cordova, succeeds to Abderrah- 
 man II., 15 ; civil wars, 16 ; wars with the 
 Christians, ib. ; curtails the Mozarabe privi- 
 leges, ib. ; patronizes literature, ib. 
 
 Mohammed, son of Abdallah of Cordova, re- 
 bels, 16 ; dies in prison, ib. 
 
 Mohammed, surnamed Almanzor, prime minis- 
 ter of Queen Sobeiha, 20 ; his talent*, and 
 internal administration, ib. ; expeditions 
 against the Christians, ib. ; subdues Fez, 
 ib. ; is defeated and dies, ib. 
 
 Mohammed, an Ommeyade Prince, dethrones 
 Hixem II., 21 
 
 Mohammed Almoated of Seville, conquers 
 Cordova, 23 ; asks aid of the Almoravides, 
 25 ; conquered by them, ib. 
 
 Mohammed ben Sad, King of Valencia and 
 Granada, 31 ; resists the Almohades, 32 ; 
 vanquished, ib. 
 
 Mohammed, the Almohade, succeeds to Jacub, 
 34 ; conquers the Balearic isles, ib. ; de- 
 feated by the Christian Princes at Tolosa, 
 ib. ; flies to Morocco, 35 ; dies poisoned, ib. 
 
 Mohammed I. of Granada, makes himself King 
 ofJaen, 37; received into Granada, ib. ; 
 founds the kingdom of Granada, ib. ; obliged 
 to do homage to Castile, ib., 39 ; suppoits 
 Castilian rebels, 40 ; internal govern- 
 ment, ib. 
 
 Mohammed II. of Granada, succeeds to Mo- 
 hammed I., 40 ; civil wars, fomented by 
 Castile, ib. ; buys the alliance of Morocco, 
 ib. ; success, ib. ; alliance with Castilian 
 rebels, 41 ; recovers Algeziras and Tarif'a, 
 45 
 
 Mohammed III, of Granada, succeeds to Mo- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 355 
 
 hammed II., 46 ; compelled to abdicate, ib.; 
 dies in confinement, 47 
 
 Mohammad IV. of Granada succeeds to Ismacl 
 I., 4t> ; civil wars 47 ; transactions respect- 
 ing Gibraltar, 49 ; murdered by his African 
 allie<, il>. 
 
 Mohammed V. of Granada, succeeds to Jusef 
 I., 50 ; makes peace with Castile and Fez, 
 ib. ; dethroned, il>. ; recovers his throne, 
 51 ; takes part in the troubles of Castile, 
 ib.; truce with Henry II., 56; internal ad- 
 ministration. il>. 
 
 Mohammed VI. of Granada, rebels against 
 Jusef II., 63 ; usurps the crown, ib. ; war 
 with Castile, ib.; orders his brother to be 
 beheaded, 67 
 
 Mohammed VII. of Granada, succeeds to 
 Jusef III., 68 ; dethroned, ih. ; restored, 
 69 ; war with Castile, ib. ; again dethroned 
 and restored, ib. ; finally deposed, 70 
 
 Mohammed VIII. of Granada, usurps the 
 throne, 68 ; attacked by John II. of Cas- 
 tile, ib. ; delivered up and executed, 69 
 
 Mohammed IX. of Granada, usurps the throne, 
 70 ; civil war, ib. ; murders the leading 
 men of the city and flies, ib. 
 
 Mohammed X. of Granada, invited by mal- 
 contents, 70; triumphs over Mohammed 
 IX., ib. ; war with Castile, 73 ; does homage 
 to Castile, 74 
 
 Mohammed, offended by Ismael I., assassinates 
 him, 46 
 
 Mohammed aben Humeya, proclaimed King 
 of Granada and Cordova, 121 ; his struggle 
 and adventures, 121, 122 ; assassinated, 122 
 
 Moluccas, The, discovered by the Portugueze, 
 105; dissensions between Spain and Portugal 
 respecting them, ib. ; compromised, 106; 
 conquered by the Portugueze, ib. 
 
 Mondejar, Marquess of, Captain General of 
 Granada, remonstrates in favour of the 
 Moors, 121 ; wages war against them, ib. ; 
 superseded, 122 
 
 Monino, Joseph, see Florida Blanca 
 
 Montferrat, Duchy of, dissensions respecting 
 the succession, 144 
 
 Montemar, Duke of, commands under the 
 Duke of Parma, 190; takes Naples, ib. 
 commands in Lombardy, 192; superseded, 
 ib. 
 
 Monte Video, taken by the English, 266 
 
 Montezuma, Emperor of Mexico, 103 ; his 
 transactions with Cortes, 104; killed in 
 a tumult. 105 
 
 Montjuich, taken by Peterborough, 171 
 
 Moore. Sir John, succeeds to the command in 
 Portugal, 286; operations in Spain, 288, 
 '289 ; defeats the French at Coruna, 290 ; 
 killed, ib. 
 
 Moors, or Moriscoes, name of the Spanish 
 Arabs, 13 ; their greatness under the Ca- 
 liphs of Cordova, 13, 19 ; divide into petty- 
 states, - J1 ; subjection to the Almoravides, 
 2ti, '17 ; to th Almohades, 31 ; again divi- 
 ded into separate slates, 3,") ; privileges 
 stipulated by the capitulation of Granada, 
 83; capitulation violated, 91 ; insurrection, 
 
 ib.; nominal conversion, ib.; numbers 
 emigrate, il>. ; persecution under Philip II., 
 118; insurrection, 121, 122; dispersion, 
 122 ; expulsion under Philip III., 141, 
 142, 143 
 
 Moreau, General, his success against the 
 coalition, 239 ; victory at Hohenlinden, 
 249 ; joins the allied sovereigns, 317 ; killed 
 before Dresden, ib. 
 
 Morla, governor of Cadiz, 280 ; surrenders 
 Madrid, 289 
 
 Morocco, Empire of, founded, 25 ; conquered 
 by Abdelmtiman, 31 ; singular law of suc- 
 cession, 127 
 
 Moscow burnt, 311 
 
 Mozarabes, The, Christians under Mahometans 
 so called, 13; their mania for martyrdom, 
 16 ; consequences, ib. 
 
 Mozarabic ritual superseded by Catholic, 26 ; 
 favoured by Cardinal Ximenez, 99 
 
 Muley Abdallah, chosen king by the insur- 
 gents, 122; murdered, ib. 
 
 Muley Aly Abul Hassan of Granada, succeeds 
 to Mohammed X., 75 ; truce with Castile, 
 76 ; civil wars, 78, 79 ; war with kings of 
 Spain, 78 ; abdicates, 79 
 
 Muley Hamet of Morocco, succeeds to Muley 
 Moloch, 128 ; restores Sebastian's body, ib. 
 
 Muley Hassan of Tunis, conquered by Barba- 
 rossa, 111; restored, as a Spanish vassal, 
 by Charles I., ib. 
 
 Muley Mahomet, usurps the Empire of Mo- 
 rocco, 127 ; dethroned by Muley Moloch, 
 ib. ; supported by Sebastian, ib. ; battle of 
 Alcacarquivir, 128 
 
 Muley Moloch of Morocco, dethrones the 
 usurper, 127; engages Sebastian at Alca- 
 carquivir, 128; his conduct and death, ib. 
 
 Munster, congress of, 155 
 
 Murat, Joachim, Grand Duke of Berg, 260 ; 
 Imperial Lieutenant in Spain, 273 ; conduct 
 at Madrid, 274, 276, 277 ; King ol Naples, 
 280 ; treats with the allied sovereigns, 317, 
 321 
 
 Murcia, submits to Ferdinand III., 37 ; joins 
 the insurrection of the Comuneros, 101 ; 
 overrun by Peterborough, 172; declares for 
 Charles, ib. ; unsubdued by the French, 
 300, 310 
 
 Murray, Sir John, successful against Suchet, 
 312 ; besieges Tarragona, 314 ; raises the 
 siege, ib. ; superseded, ib. 
 
 Musquiz, Miguel de, succeeds Squillaci as 
 minister of finance, 208 
 
 Muza, overruns Northern Africa, 8; super- 
 sedes Taric, ib. ; conquers Spain, 9; re- 
 called, ib. ; ill-used, ib., 10 
 
 Muza ben Abil Gazan, his gallant conduct 
 during the siege of Granada, 82 
 
 N. 
 
 Naarden, capitulation of violated, 124 
 Naples (Napoli), conquered by Alfonso V. of 
 Aragon, 65 ; given to his illegitimate son, 
 75; conquered by Charles Vlll. of France, 
 87 ; delivered by Gonsalvo de Cordova, ib. ; 
 conquered, by Trench and Spaniards, 92 j 
 it A ^ 
 
356 
 
 > I N D E X. 
 
 French expelled, il.; invaded by the 
 French, 117; defended by Alva, ib. ; re- 
 sists the introduction of the Inquisition, 
 132; Massaniello's insurrection, 156; put 
 down by Don John, 157 ; disinclined to the 
 Bourbons, 168 ; receives the Imperialists, 
 175 ; allotted to Charles VI., 181 ; assigned 
 to Charles Infante of Spain, 191; con- 
 quered by the French, 246 ; Parthenopean 
 republic, ib.; recovered by Ferdinand IV., 
 247; again conquered by the French, 260 ; 
 Joseph Buonaparte made king, ib. ; trans- 
 ferred to Joachim Murat, 280. See Ferdi- 
 nand I., II., IV.; Alfonso II. ; Frederick 
 
 Narvaez, Ferdinand, anecdote of, 73 
 
 Nasar Abul Giux, usurps the throne of Gra- 
 nada, 46 ; deposed, ib. 
 
 Nassau, Lewis Count of, takes Mons, 124 ; 
 besieged, ib. ; capitulates, ib. 
 
 Nassau, see William, and Maurice 
 
 Navarre (Navarra) casts off French vassalage, 
 15 ; becomes a kingdom, ib, ; united to Ara- 
 gon, 24; severed, 28 ; transactions respecting 
 the succession to Sancho VII., 36; united 
 to France, 41 ; severed, 48 ; claimed by 
 Ferdinand V. of Spain, 95 ; all south of the 
 Pyrenees united to Spain, 96 ; invaded by 
 Henry II., 102; the remaining northern 
 portion united to France, 135. See Aznar; 
 Sancho I., II., III., IV., V., VI., VII. ; Gar- 
 cia 1., II., III., IV., V.; Fortun Ximenez ; 
 Thibalt I., II. ; Henry I., II. , III. ; Joanna 
 I., II., III.; Charles I., II., III., IV.; 
 Blanche I., II. ; Leonora ; Catherine 
 
 Necker, minister of Lewis XVI., 228 ; con- 
 vokes the States-General,, ib. ; dismissed, 
 229 ; recalled, ib.; resigns, 230 
 
 Nelson, Lord, assists at the battle off Cape 
 St. Vincent, 244; expedition to Santa 
 Cruz, ib. ; defeats the French at Aboukir, 
 246 ; conduct at Naples, 247 ; pursues the 
 French and Spanish fleets, 258 ; defeats 
 them at Trafalgar, falling in the battle, ib. 
 
 Nemours, Duke of, conquers half Naples, 91 ; 
 dissensions and war with Gonzalvo de Cor- 
 dova, 92 
 
 Netherlands (Niederlande),The,united to Spain, 
 98,99; religious discontents and insurrection, 
 118,119,124, 125 ; the northern provinces 
 separate from the southern, 126; the latter 
 conferred on the Archdukes, 137 ; revert to 
 Spain, 147 ; harassed in the wars between 
 France and Spain, 149, 155, 156, 162; 
 portions ceded to France, 158, 161, 162; 
 chief theatre of the succession war, 170, 
 174, 176, 177, 178; allotted to the Em- 
 peror, 181 ; overrun by the French, 234 ; 
 united to France, ib. ; recovered by the 
 allies, 321 ; re-united to the Seven Pro- 
 vinces, 324 
 
 Newfoundland, ceded to England, 181 
 
 Ney, Duke of Elchingen, his services in Spain, 
 287, 288, 290, 294 
 
 Nimeguen, peace of, 162 
 
 Nitard, a German Jesuit, governs the Queen- 
 regent of Spain, 160; dismissed, 161 
 
 Nivelle, battle of, 316 
 
 Nootka Sound, dissensions respecting it, 327 ; 
 
 settled, ib. 
 
 Normans, the, harass Spain, 9; repulsed, 15 
 North, Lord, English minister, deceived by 
 
 Florida Blanca, 216 ; resigns, 221 ; returns 
 
 to power, 222 ; concludes the peace of 
 
 Versailles, ib. 
 Nova Colonia, subject of contention between 
 
 Spain and Portugal, 191, 197, 205,213; 
 
 exchanged, 214 
 Nova Scotia, ceded to England as Acadie, 
 
 Numantia, siege of, 2 
 
 Nuua Elvira, wife of Sancho III. of Navarre, 
 
 succeeds to Castile, 22 
 Nuuo Fernandez, Count of Castile, supports 
 
 the Oviedo rebels, 17; murdered, ib. 
 
 O. 
 
 O'Donnel, his exploits in Catalonia, 300 
 created Count of Abisbal, 308 ; vice-presi 
 dent of the Council of State, ib. ; member 
 of the regency, ib. ; driven from Valencia, 
 310; blockades Pamplona, 313 
 
 O'Farrel, minister of the department of war, 
 274 ; continues under Joseph, 279 
 
 Olavide, Pablo, head of the Carolina colony, 
 211; his indiscretion, 212; punishment, 
 ib. 
 
 Olivarez, Caspar de Guzman, Count of, fa- 
 vourite of Philip IV., 147; called Count- 
 Duke, ib. ; harshness to his predecessors, 
 ib. ; transactions with England, 147, 148; 
 Italian politics, 148, 149 ; rivalry with 
 Richelieu, and war with France, 149 ; pro- 
 vokes a rebellion in Catalonia, 150 ; pro- 
 vokes the Portugueze revolution, 151 ; in- 
 stigates plots against John IV., 154 ; dis- 
 missed, 156 
 
 Olivenza, ceded to Spain, 250 
 
 Ommeyade Caliphs deposed at Damascus, 
 11 ; established in Spain, ib. 
 
 Oporto (Porto), proclaims the House of Bra- 
 ganza, 279 ; taken by Soult, 292 ; retaken 
 by Wellesley, 293 
 
 Oporto, Bishop of, his intrigues, 185 ; added 
 to the council of regency, ib. ; continued 
 intrigues, 297 
 
 Oran, taken by Cardinal Ximenez, 96 ; re- 
 taken by the Moors, 176 ; recovered by the 
 Spaniards, 190; repulses the Moors, 227 
 
 Orange, Prince of, see William 
 
 Orders of Knighthood instituted, 32 
 
 Ordouo I. of Oviedo, rebuilds ruined towns. 
 15 
 
 Ordouo II. of Oviedo, rebels against his 
 father, 17 ; succeeds to him in Galicia, ib. ; 
 to Garcia in Oviedo, ib. ; changes his title 
 to King of Leon, ib. ; civil war, ib. 
 
 Ordouo III. of Leon, succeeds to Ramiro II., 
 18 ; matrimonial transactions, ib. ; war with 
 the Moors, ib. 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, his Spanish campaign, 175 ; 
 dissensions with Philip V. and Princess Or- 
 sini, 176 ; regent of France, 186 ; concludes 
 the Triple Alliance, ib. ; transactions with 
 Spain, 187, 188 
 
INDEX. 
 
 357' 
 
 Orleans, Duke of, his plots against Lewis 
 XV!., 229, 230 
 
 Ormuz, taken by the Portugueze, 94; lost by 
 them, 151 
 
 Oropesa, Count of, Charles II. 's ablest minis- 
 ter, 163; thwarted by cabals, ib. 
 
 Orri, appointed minister of finance, 167 ; dis- 
 missed, 177; recalled, 182 ; his measures, 
 ib. ; dismissed, ib. 
 
 Orsini, Princess of, Camarera Mayor, 167 ; 
 her unbounded influence, ib. ; services to 
 Lewis XIV., 1G8 ; intrigues against her, 
 169; banishment and return, 170; obtains 
 the Duke of Orleans' recal, 17G; induces 
 Philip to form a Spanish ministry, 177 ; re- 
 cals Orri, 1S2; hopes to marry Philip, ib.; 
 selects his second wife, ib. ; strange scene 
 with the new queen, 184 ; retires to 
 Rome, ib. 
 
 Orthez, battle of, 321 
 
 Osnaburg, congress of, 153 
 
 Ossuna, Duke of, Viceroy of Naples, con- 
 cerned in Bedmar's plot, 145 ; disorders in 
 his first viceroyalty, ib.; ambitious schemes, 
 ib. ; imprisoned by Olivarez, 147 
 
 OudenarJe, battle of, 176 
 
 Ourique, battle of, 29 
 
 Oviedo, Kingdom of, founded by Pelayo, 10 ; 
 merged in the kingdom of Leon, 17. See 
 Pelayo; Favila; Alfonso I., II., III. ; Fruela 
 I ; Aurelio ; Silo; Mauregato ; Bermudo 
 I. ; Ramiro I. ; Ordouo I., II. ; Garcia 
 
 P. 
 
 Pacheco, John de, favourite of Henry IV., 74 ; 
 created Marquess of Villena, ib. ; his in- 
 trigues, ib. 
 
 Padilla, John de, leader of the Comuneros, 
 100 ; his success, 101 ; defeat and execu- 
 tion, ib. ; his widow's perseverance, ib. 
 
 Padilla, Maria de, Pedro's mistress, 53 ; de- 
 clared his wife, 56 
 
 Palafox, Joseph de, escapes from Bayonne, 
 279 ; proclaimed captain-general of Aragon, 
 tb. ; defence of Saragossa, 282 ; defeated 
 at Tudela, 288 ; second defence of Sara- 
 gossa, 291; sent prisoner to France, ib.; 
 released, 320 
 
 Pamplona surrenders to Alva, 95 ; surprised 
 by the French, 273 ; blockaded by Abis- 
 bal, 313; surrenders, 315 
 
 Paraguay, proposal for an exchange, 196 ; 
 governed by the Jesuits, 197 ; resistance of 
 the Indians to any exchange, ib. ; expulsion 
 of the Jesuits, 209 ; ill-consequences, 210 ; 
 part exchanged for Nova Colonia, 214 
 
 Paris, peace of, 205 ; capitulation of, 323 
 
 Parma, given as a Duchy to the Farnese, 
 109 ; assigned to Elizabeth's eldest son, 
 190 ; exchanged for the Two Sicilies, 191 ; 
 assigned to her second son, 195 ; united 
 to the Cisalpine republic, 253 
 
 Parque, Duke del, captain of Joseph Buona- 
 parte's body guard, 279 ; escapes from 
 Madrid, 282 
 
 Parthenopean republic, see Naples 
 
 Partidas, Las Siete, Spanish cede, 39 
 
 Paul III., Pope, (Farnese) makes his son 
 Duke of Parma, 109 
 
 Paul IV., Pope, excites Henry II. of France 
 ao-ainst Naples, 117 ; makes peace with 
 Philip 11.,^. 
 
 Paul V., Pope, recommends converting instead 
 of expelling the Moors, 142 
 
 Paul of Russia, his transactions with France, 
 246, 247, 248 
 
 Pavia, siege of, 107 ; battle of, ib. 
 
 Pedro I. of Aragon and Navarre, succeeds to 
 Sancho, 26; his conquests from the Moors, tb. 
 
 Pedro II. of Aragon, succeeds to Alfonso II., 
 34 ; does homage to Rome, ib. ; shares in. 
 the battle of las Navas de Tofosa, ib. ; en- 
 grossed by his French affairs, 36 
 
 Pedro III. of Aragon, succeeds to James I., 
 42 ; grants the Aragonese charter, ib. ; 
 claims the kingdom of Sicily in right of his 
 wife Constance, 43 ; obtains the island, 
 ib. ; war with France and Naples, ib. 
 
 Pedro IV. of Aragon, succeeds to Alfonso IV., 
 50 ; war with Castile, ib. ; despoils James 
 III. of Majorca, 51 ; civil wars, ib. ; tran-< 
 sactions respecting his daughter's marriage, 
 56, 57 ; seizes upon Sicily and the infant 
 queen, ib. 
 
 Pedro I. of Portugal, his first marriage, 49 ; 
 attachment to Inez de Castro, 52 ; resent- 
 ment and despair at her murder, 53 ; suc- 
 ceeds to Alfonso IV., ib. ; vengeance on the 
 assassins of Inez, ib. ; honours to her me- 
 mory, ib. ; internal administration, 54 ; 
 dies, 55 
 
 Pedro II. of Portugal, his mother's views in his 
 favour, 158 ; dissensions with his brother 
 Alfonso VI., 160 ; forces him to abdicate, 
 ib. ; governs as Prince-regent, ib. ; peace 
 with Spain, ib. ; marriages, 161, 163 ; re- 
 conciliation with Rome, 161 ; negotiations 
 touching his daughter's marriage, 163 ; joins 
 the grand alliance, 168 ; invasion of Spain, 
 169; hypochondriac, ib. ; paralytic, 170; 
 dies, 175 
 
 Pedro of Castile, succeeds to Alfonso XL, 51; 
 his cruelty, 52 ; civil war. ib. ; supports 
 Mohammed IV. of Granada, 54; matri- 
 monial transactions, ib. ; contest with Henry 
 of Transtamar, z7>., 55; stabbed by Henry, 
 55 ; declares Maria de Padilla his lawful 
 wife, 56 
 
 Pelayo, son of Favila, takes refuge in the As- 
 turias, 10 ; King of Gijon, ib.; conquests 
 from the Moors, ib.; King of Oviedo, ib. 
 
 Perez, Antonio, secretary of state and confi- 
 dant to Philip II., 125 ; accused of an in- 
 trigue with Princess Eboli, ib.; murder of 
 Escovedo, ib. ; transactions respecting the 
 murder, 136 ; escapes to France, ib. 
 
 Peru, first heard of, 96 ; conquered by Pizarro, 
 113; disturbances,^.; quelled by Gasca, 
 ib. ; rebellion of Tupac Amaru, 219 ; insur- 
 rection against the Cortes, 305, 319 
 
 Pescara, Marquess of, his campaigns against 
 the French, 102, 107 
 
 Pescatori, Laura, the queen's nurse, 187 ; 
 her serviced, ib. 
 
 Peter of Russia, at war with Sweden, 177 ; 
 
358 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 joins in Alberoni's schemes against George 
 I., 186 
 
 Peterborough, Earl of, sent to Spain, 171 ; 
 exploits there, ib., 172,173,174; dissen- 
 sions with das Minas, 174; mission to 
 Savoy, tb. ; recalled, ib. 
 
 Petronilla of Aragon, succeeds to Ramiro II., 
 28; marries Raymond of Barcelona, ib. ; 
 on his death resigns his patrimony to their 
 sons, 32 ; dies, 33 
 
 Philip (Felipe) I. of Navarre, (IV. of France) 
 marries Joanna I. of Navarre, 41 ; his per- 
 secution of the Templars, 46 
 
 Philip II. of Navarre, (V. of France) usurps 
 the crown, 48 
 
 Philip d'Evreux III. of Navarre, marries Jo- 
 anna II., 48 j shares in the battle of Rio 
 Salado, 49 
 
 Philip I. of Castile, Archduke of Austria, 
 marries Joanna of Spain, 87 ; acknowledged 
 joint heir with her, 91 ; dissensions with 
 Ferdinand V., 92, 93; acknowledged king, 
 93 ; gives offence, 94 ; dies, 95 
 
 Philip II. of Spain, regent for his father, 1 13 ; 
 his marriages, 115, 117, 121; succeeds to 
 Charles I. in the Netherlands, Spain, Italian 
 states, and the Indies, 115 ; truce with 
 France, 117; war renewed, ib. ; his scruples 
 touching self-defence against the Pope, 
 ib. ; peace of Cercamp, ib. ; names his 
 sister Governess of the Netherlands, 118 ; 
 measures for extirpating heresy, ib. ; sends 
 Alva to the Netherlands, 119 ; persecution 
 there, ib. ; insurrection, 120 ; imprisonment 
 and death of his son, ib. ; accusations of 
 poisoning, 121, 126; insurrection of the 
 Moors, 121 ; sends Don John of Austria, 
 to supersede Mondejar, 122 ; the Moors 
 subdued and dispersed throughout Spain, 
 ib. ; war with the Turks, 122, 123; super- 
 sedes Alva, 124; Don John, governor of 
 the Netherlands, ib. ; distrusted, 125 ; the 
 Prince of Parma governor, 126 ; submission 
 of the Southern Provinces, ib. ; transactions 
 with Sebastian, ib., 127 ; claims the crown 
 of Portugal, 129 ; intrigues, ib. ; invasion 
 of Portugal, 130; acknowledged, 131; 
 transactions there, ib. ; affairs of the Nether- 
 lands, 132, 133, 136; war with England, 
 133, 134; transactions with France, 135; 
 persecution of Perez, 136 ; Aragonese re- 
 bellion, 137 ; consequent curtailment of 
 privileges, ib. ; peace of Vervins, ib. ; 
 death, ib. ; decline of Spain under his go- 
 vernment, ib., 138 ; his patronage of lite- 
 rature and ihe arts, 138 
 
 Philip III. of Spain, succeeds to Philip II., 
 138 ; his docility, 139 ; commits the go- 
 vernment to the Marquess of Denia, created 
 Duke of Lerma, ib. ; marries an Arch- 
 duchess, ib. ; confirms the Netherlands to 
 the Archdukes, ib. ; transactions with Eng- 
 land, 140,146 ; with the United Provinces, 
 140, 141 ; expulsion of the Moors, 142, 143 ; 
 transactions with France, 144 ; Italian af- 
 fairs, ib., 145 ; fall of Lerma, 145 ; resigns 
 his claim to Austria, 146 ; involved in 
 Thjv y Years' War, ib. ', dies, ib. 
 
 Philip IV. of Spain, marries Elizabeth de 
 Bourbon, 144 ; succeeds to Philip III., 146 ; 
 attempts to govern, 147 ; abandons the 
 power to Count Olivarez, created a Duke, 
 ib. ; transactions touching the English 
 match, ib., 148 ; renewed war with the 
 United Provinces, 148 ; Italian affairs, ib. ; 
 war with France, 149, 150; Catalonian 
 rebellion, 151, 155, 157; Portugueze revo- 
 lution, 152 ; representations against Oli- 
 varez, 156 ; dismisses him, ib. ; commits 
 the government to Don Lewis de Haro de 
 Guzman, ib. ; Neapolitan rebellion, ib., 
 157 ; peace with the United Provinces, 
 157; Catalonian privileges curtailed, ib.; 
 war with England, ib. ; peace of the Pyre- 
 nees, 158 ; cessation of war with England, 
 ib. ; war with Portugal, ib., 159 ; his 
 death, and provisions against a Bourbon's 
 succeeding, 159 
 
 Philip V. acknowledged by Spain and her de- 
 pendencies, 166 ; first measures, ib., 167; 
 marries a princess of Savoy, 167 ; her in- 
 fluence, ib. ; acknowledged by all Europe, 
 except the Emperor, ib. ; visit to Italy, 
 168 ; French interference, ib., 169, 170 ; 
 besieges Barcelona, 173; reverses, ib.; 
 joins Berwick, 174 ; successes, ib., 175 ; 
 abrogates the constitutions of Aragon and 
 Valencia, 176; dissensions with the Duke 
 of Orleans, ib. ; appeals to the Nation, 177 ; 
 forms a Spanish ministry, ib.', reverses, 178; 
 joined by Vendome, ib. ; declares he will 
 never surrender his crown, 79 ; successes, 
 ib. ; required to chuse between France and 
 Spain, 181 ; peace of Utretcht, ib. ; recog- 
 nised as King of Spain and the Indies, but 
 without European dependencies, ib. ; suc- 
 cession regulated, ib. ; peace of Rastadt, 
 ib. ; peace with Portugal, 182 ; abrogates 
 Catalonian Constitution, ib. ; second mar- 
 riage, 183; dismissal of Princess Orsini, 
 184 ; influence of the new Queen, ib. ; Al- 
 beroni prime minister, 185 ; his adminis- 
 tration, foreign and domestic, 186, 187; 
 his dismissal, 187 ; intrigues and wars for 
 Italian interests, 188, 189, 190, 192 ; abdi- 
 cates, 188 ; resumes the crown, 189 ; Rip- 
 perda's embassy, ib.; and ministry, ib.; 
 dismissal, - 190 ; obtains the Duchy of 
 Parma for his second son, ib. ; the Two 
 Sicilies in exchange for Parma, 191 ; gua- 
 rantees the succession of Maria Theresa, 
 ib.; claims her inheritance, 192; war, 
 ib.- 3 dies, 193 
 
 Philip, Prince of Orange, a prisoner at Madrid; 
 133 
 
 Philip, Duke of Parma, second son of Eliza- 
 beth Farnese, marries Lewis XV.'s daughter, 
 192 ; his military exploits, ib. ; obtains the 
 Duchy of Parma, 195 ; dies, 207 
 
 Philippines, the, discovered, 105 ; colonized, 
 137 
 
 Phoenicians, the, plant colonies in Spain, 1 
 
 Pichegru, General, his military successes, 239; 
 transported to Cayenne, 245 
 
 Piedmont, surrendered to France, 246 ; united 
 to Cisalpine republic, 253 
 
INDEX. 
 
 359 
 
 Pitt, William,' Earl of Chatham, minister of 
 England, 200 ; his transactions with Spain, 
 il>.. 204 ; success against France, 203 ; re- 
 signs, 204 
 
 Pitt, William, first takes office, 222 ; negotia- 
 tions touching Nootka Sound, 227 ; enemy 
 of the French Revolution, 251; resigns, 
 ib. ; returns to office, 256 ; dies, 261 
 
 Pius VI., Pope, purchases peace with France, 
 243 ; leaves Rome on the proclamation of 
 the republic, 246 
 
 Pius VII., Pope, made prisoner by Napoleon, 
 297 ; released and restored, 321 
 
 Pizarro, Francisco, projects the conquest of 
 Peru, 112; his difficulties, ib. ; success, 
 113; broils with his associates, ib. j assas- 
 sinated, ib. 
 
 Pizarro, Gonzalo, his rebellion, 113 
 
 Plata, River de la, discovered, 105 ; disputes 
 touching the northern bank, 163 
 
 Pocock, Admiral, takes the Havannah, and 
 Trinidad, 205 
 
 Poitiers, battle of, 10 
 
 Pombal, Sebastian Jos6 de Carvalho e Mello, 
 Marquess of, minister of Joseph, 197 ; pre- 
 vious career, ib. ; jealous of England, 198 ; 
 measures in consequence, ib. ; attacks the 
 Jesuits, 201 ; effects their expulsion, 202; 
 dissensions with Rome, ib. ; exertions to 
 repulse the Spanish invasion 204 ; his re- 
 forms, military, naval, and civil, 205, 206 ; 
 Brazilian views, 213 ; attempts to alter the 
 law of succession, ib. ; unpopular, 2i4; 
 resigns, ib. ; treatment by Maria, ib. ; 
 
 Pompey defeats Sertorius, 2 ; beloved in 
 Spain, ib. 
 
 Popham, Sir Home, takes Buenos Ayres,263 ; 
 loses it, ib. ; recalled, 266 ; 
 
 Portocarrero, Cardinal, gained by d* Har- 
 court, 164 ; prime minister to Philip V., 
 167 ; disgusted with French interference, 
 withdraws to Toledo, 169 ; induces Toledo 
 to declare for Charles, 174; rejoins. Philip, 
 177 
 
 Porto Rico, offered in exchange for Gibraltar, 
 222 ; repulses the English, 244 ; freed 
 from Colonial restrictions, 320 
 
 Portugal, county of, given to Theresa, and 
 Henry of Besangon, 26 ; foundation of 
 the monarchy, 29 ; constitution established, 
 30 ; attains its full dimensions, 39 ; mari- 
 time discoveries, 67, 73, 81, 88, 93 ; Ori- 
 ental empire, 94 ; height of prosperity 
 and commencement of decline, 116; united 
 to Spain, 130; possible advantages, 131; 
 loses her colonies, 135, 148 ; disaffection 
 to Spain, 151 ; proclamation of John IV., 
 152 ; interruption of intercourse with 
 Rome, 160, 161 ; decline of the army, 
 Ifi!). 204; remodelled and improved, 206, 
 292; distress from the earthquake, 198; 
 partitioned, by treaty of Fontainebleau, 
 268 ; occupied by the French, ib. ; annexed 
 to France, 272 ; insurrection, 278 ; evacu- 
 ated by the French, 285 ; invaded by Mas- 
 sena, 298 ; evacuated 303 ; begins to re- 
 cover, 306. See Theresa ; Alfonso I., II., 
 III., IV. ; V., VI. j Sancho 1., II. j Dennis ; 
 
 Pedro I./II. ; Ferdinand ; Jolm,I., f II., III., 
 
 IV., V. ; Joseph ; Maria 
 Pragmatic sanction guaranteed, 191 
 Prague, congress of, 312, 315 
 Presburg, peace of, 259 
 Pultusk, battle of, 265 
 Pyrenees, the, peace of, 158 ; battles of, 315 
 
 R. 
 
 Ramillies, battle of, 174 
 
 Ramiro I. of Oviedo, succeeds to Alfonso II., 
 15; defeats the Moors, ib. ; repulses the 
 Normans, ib. 
 
 Ramiro II. of Leon, succeeds to Alfonso IV., 
 17; civil wars, ib. ; success and cruelty, 
 ib.; war with the Moors, ib. 
 
 Ramiro 111. of Leon, succeeds to Sancho I., 
 19; civil war, 20 
 
 Ramiro I. of Aragon, inherits Aragon from his 
 father, 22 ; Sobrarbe and Ribagorza, from 
 his brother, ib. ; his wars, ib. ; conquests 
 from the Moors, ib. ; defeated and slain, 23 
 
 Ramiro II. of Aragon, called from the clois- 
 ter to succeed Alfonso I., 28 ; marries, 
 ib. ; on the birth of a daughter abdicates, 
 and returns to his monastery,^. 
 
 Ranuccio, Prince of Parma, his claim to the 
 crown of Portugal, 129 
 
 Rastadt, peace of, 181 ; Congress assembled 
 there dissolved, 246. 
 
 Ratisbon, peace of, 163 
 
 Raymond (Ramon) IV. of Barcelona, acquires 
 French provinces, 28 ; divides his do- 
 minions, ib. 
 
 Raymond V. of Barcelona, marries Petronilla 
 of Aragon, 28 ; throws off his French vas- 
 salage, ib. 
 
 Recared, the Visigoth, makes his subjects Ca- 
 tholics, 5 
 
 Receswinth, the Visigoth, allows the inter- 
 marriage of Goths and Spaniards, 5 ; 
 
 Reductions, the, Jesuit establishments in 
 South America, 197; decay, 202, 210 
 
 Regency of Portugal, appointed by Prince 
 regent, 269 ; dissolved by Junot, 272 ; re- 
 instated by Dalrymple, 285 ; dissensions 
 with Wellington, 297 ; subjected to him, 
 299 
 
 Regency of Spain succeeds to the Central 
 Junta, 296 ; dissolved by the Cortes, 301 ; 
 selected from council of state, 308 ; de- 
 posed by the Cortes, and another appointed, 
 319 ; negotiations with Ferdinand VII., 
 320, 325 
 
 Requesens, Governor of the Netherlands, 
 124 
 
 Revolution, French, originates in financial 
 embarrassments, 227 ; convocation of States 
 General, 228 ; three estates unite into a 
 National Assembly, 229 ; sweeping changes, 
 ib. ; vacillation ot the King, ib.; destruc- 
 tion of the Bastile, ib. ; commencement of 
 emigration, ib. ; insurrection of the 5th 
 October, 230 ; King and Assembly remove 
 to Paris, ib.; ascendency of the Jacobins 
 and the populace, ib. ; democratic consti- 
 tution, ib. ; accepted by Lewis XVI., ib ; 
 violence of the populace, 23 J j King' 
 
360 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 flight and recapture, ib. ; Constituent As- 
 sembly succeeded by the Legislative, 232 ; 
 war with Austria arid Prussia, ib. ; insur- 
 rection of the 10th of August, ib.; imprison- 
 ment of Lewis XVI., 233 ; ascendency of 
 the Jacobins, ib. ; massacres of September, 
 ib.', conquests, 234 ; National Convention, 
 ib. ; Republic proclaimed, ib.; trial and 
 execution of the King, ib.; war with Eng- 
 land, Holland, and Spain, 236; reign of 
 Terror, 237 ; invasions and insurrections, 
 ib. ; triumphs, ib., 239 ; fall of the Jaco- 
 bins, 240; Directorial Constitution, 241 ; 
 divisions and violence, 245 ; arrogance 
 and \\eaknessofthe Directory, 246, 247; 
 overthrown by Buonaparte, 247 
 Rhine, confederation of the, established by 
 Napoleon, 260 ; declares against him, 317^ 
 Ribagorza, given by Sancho III. to his son 
 
 Gonzalo, 22 ; united to Aragon, ib. 
 Ricardos, governor of Catalonia, invades 
 
 France, 237 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, minister of Lewis XIII., 
 149 ; intrigues against Spain and Austria, 
 ib. ; declares war, ib. ; hostile measures, ib., 
 151, 155; dies, 156 
 
 Hipperda, Baron, his origin, 185 ; Alberoni's 
 
 financial adviser, ib. ; intrigues against Al- 
 
 beroni, 187 ; gains Elizabeth's favour, 189 ; 
 
 his mission to Austria, ib. ; ministry, ib. ; 
 
 disgrace and 'imprisonment, 190; escape 
 
 and adventures, ib. 
 
 Robespierre, acquires supreme power, 233 ; 
 
 his crimes, ib., 234,237,239 ; and fall, 240 
 Rockingham, Marquess of, prime minister, 
 
 232 ; pacific views, ib. 
 Rocroi, battle of, 156 
 
 Roderic, the Visigoth, deposes Witiza, 6 ; story 
 of la Cava, ib,, 7 ; defeated by the Arabs at 
 Guadalete, 8 
 
 Rodney, Admiral, defeats the Spaniards and 
 relieves Gibraltar, 217 ; defeats the French 
 in the West Indies, 220 
 Roliza, battle of, 284 
 
 Romana, Marquess de la, sent with Spanish 
 troops to Poland, 264 ; escapes and returns 
 to Spain, 287, 288 ; re-organizes routed 
 troops, 288 ; transactions with Moore, 289, 
 290; services in Galicia, 291, 292, 294; 
 joins Wellington, 299 ; dies, 302 
 Rome makes alliance with Spaniards, 1 ; con- 
 quers Spain, 2 ; stormed by the Imperial- 
 ists, 108 ; republic proclaimed by the 
 French, 246 ; surrenders to the English, 
 247 ; taken and annexed to France, 297 
 Rooke, Sir George, takes Gibraltar, 169 
 Roussillon, part of the Aragonese monarchy, 
 pawned by John II. to Lewis XL, 86 ; re- 
 stored by Charles VIII., tb. , joins in the 
 Catalan rebellion, 151 ; ceded to France,158 
 Rudolph II. j Emperor, succeeds Maximilian 
 
 II., 144 
 Ryswick, peace of, 164 
 
 S. 
 
 Saavedra, appointed minister, 252 ; resigns, 
 ib. ; president of the supreme Junta, 279 ; 
 member of the regency, 296 
 
 Saguntum, its siege by Hannibal, 2 
 
 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 124 
 
 St. Domingo, discovered, 86 ; colonized, 87 ; 
 part ceded to France, 164 ; insurrection, 
 239 ; remainder ceded, 240 ; negroes mas- 
 ters of the island, 255 
 
 St. lago, Knights of, their institution, 32 
 
 St. John of Jerusalem, Knights of, besieged by 
 the Turks in Rhodes, 110; capitulate, ib.; 
 receive Malta and Tripoli, ib. ; services 
 against the Turks, ib. ; besieged by the 
 Turks, 122 ; surrender Malta to Buona- 
 parte, 246 ; their estates confiscated, 253 
 
 St. John, gains Anne's confidence, 177; 
 minister and Lord Bolingbroke, 179 ; his 
 policy, ib., 180, 181 
 
 St. Salvador, first island discovered by Colum- 
 bus, 86 
 
 St. Sebastian, seized by the French, 272 ; be* 
 sieged by Graham, 313 ; taken, 315 
 
 St. Vincent ceded to England, 205 
 
 St. Vincent, Cape, battle of, 244 
 
 Salado, Rio, battle of, 49 
 
 Salamanca, forts taken, 309 ; battle of, ib. 
 
 Sancha of Leon, marries Ferdinand I. of 
 Castile, 22 ; succeeds to Bermudo III., ib. ; 
 gives her jewels to equip an army, 23 
 
 Sancho succeeds Aznar, as Count of Sobrarbe, 
 15 ; conquers part of Navarre, ib. ; casts off 
 his French vassalage, ib. 
 
 Sancho I. of Navarre, succeeds Fortun Xi- 
 menez, 17; his conquests, ib. 
 
 Sancho II. of Navarre, succeeds to Garcia II., 
 and defends Pamplona against Almanzor, 20 
 
 Sancho III. of Navarre, succeeds to Garcia III., 
 20 ; obtains Castile in right of his wife, 22 ; 
 conquests from the Moors, ib. ; divides his 
 dominions amongst his sons, ib. 
 
 Sancho IV. of Navarre, succeeds to Garcia IV., 
 22 ; murdered 24 
 
 Sancho (of Aragon) V. of Navarre, succeeds 
 to Ramiro I. in Aragon, 23 ; war with the 
 Moors, ib. j proclaimed King of Navarre, 
 24 ; falls in battle with the Moors, 26 
 
 Sancho VI. of Navarre succeeds to Garcia V., 
 32 ; his conquests, ib. 
 
 Sancho VII. of Navarre, succeeds to Sancho 
 VI., 33; matrimonial expedition to Mo- 
 rocco, 34; disappointed and detained, ib. ; 
 returns home, ib. ; exploits at the battle of 
 las Navas de Tolosa, ib. ; internal adminis- 
 tration, 36 ; adopts James I. of Aragon 
 ib. 
 
 Sancho I. of Leon, seeks medical advice in 
 Cordova, 18 ; seizes the crown by Abderrah- 
 nian III.'s help, 19 ; civil wars, ib. ; war 
 with Cordova, ib. ; poisoned, ib. 
 
 Sancho II. of Castile, adopts the Cid, 23 ; 
 succeeds to Ferdinand I. in Castile, ib. ; 
 war with Aragon, ib. ; despoils his brothers, 
 ib. ; and sister, 24 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Sancho III. of Castile, succeeds to Alfonso 
 VII., 31 
 
 Sancho IV, of Castile, second son of Alfonso 
 X., his rebellion, 40 ; intrigues, 41 ; de- 
 clared heir, ib.; rebels again, ib, ; usurps 
 the crown, ib. ; civil \vars, 44 ; war with 
 Granada, 45 
 
INDEX 
 
 361 
 
 Sancho I. of Portugal, succeeds to Alfonso I., 
 34; his zeal for internal welfare, id. ; en- 
 larges his dominions, ib. 
 
 Sancho II., of Portugal, succeeds to Alfonso 
 II., 36 ; conquers Elvas, ib. ; civil troubles, 
 38 ; deposed by Pope Innocent IV., ib. ; 
 flies to Castile, ib. ; returns with an army, 
 ib. ; compelled to retreat, ib. 
 San Juan, deserted and murdered by his troops, 
 
 288 
 
 Santa Coloma, Count of, viceroy of Catalonia, 
 ordered to punish disorders, 150 ; killed in 
 a tumult, //;. 
 
 Santa Cruz. Marquess of, defeats the French 
 fleet, 132 ; subdues the Azores,^.; com- 
 mander of the Invincible Armada, 134; 
 dies, ib. 
 Santarem, siege of, by the Almohades, 33 ; 
 
 Massena takes post there, 299 
 Saragossa, battle of, 178; city besieged by 
 Lefebvre, 281 ; repulses him, ib. ; again 
 besieged, 289 ; capitulates to Lasnes, 291 ; 
 recovered by Mina, 314 
 
 Sardinia, taken by James II., of Aragon, 48; 
 disturbed with civil wars, 57, 62; taken by 
 the English, 176 ; allotted to the Emperor, 
 181 ; conquered by the Spaniards, 186; 
 evacuated, 188 ; exchanged for Sicily, ib. ', 
 king of, claims the Milanese, 192 ; makes 
 alliance with Maria Theresa, ib. ; transac- 
 tions with republican France, 234, 243, 
 246 ; obtains Genoa, 324 
 Savary, General, lures Ferdinand VII. to Bay- 
 
 onne, 275 
 
 Savoy, Duke of, marries a Spanish Infanta, 
 137; designs upon Montferrat, 144; upon 
 Mantua, 149 ; joins the Grand Alliance, 
 172 ; share in the Succession War, z'6., 
 175 ; named next heir of Spain after Philip's 
 offspring, 181 ; obtains Sicily with the 
 royal title, ib. ; exchanges Sicily for Sar- 
 dinia, 188. See Sardinia, kings of 
 Saxe, Marshal, his successes, 194 
 Saxe-Coburg, Prince of, his campaigns against 
 
 the French, 236, 237, 239 
 Schb'nbrunn, peace of, 294 
 Scipio gains the hearts of the Spaniards, 2 ; 
 
 expels the Carthaginians, ib. 
 Sebastian of Portugal, his birth, 115 ; suc- 
 ceeds to John III., 116 ; educated by the 
 Jesuits, 1'26 ; views as to India, ib.; ex- 
 cursion to Africa, ib. ; application of Muley 
 Mahomet, 127 ; expedition to Morocco 
 ib. ; battle of Alcajarquivir, 128 ; doubts 
 touching his death, ib. 
 Sebastians, several pretended, 132 ; one o 
 
 whom perplexes half Europe, ib. 
 Segovia, murders a deputy to the Cortes, lOf 
 Selim, Sultan, refuses help to the insurgen 
 
 Moors, 121 ; attacks Malta, 122 
 Senegal, ceded to England, 205 
 Sertorius, long maintains himself in Spain, 2 
 Servilius, procures the assassination of Vi 
 
 riatus, 2 
 
 Seville, an independent kingdom, 21 ; re 
 duced by the Almoravides, 25 ; conquerec 
 by Ferdinand III., 37; alone faithful t< 
 Alfouso X., 41 ; treaty of ; 190 j Junta ac 
 
 knowledgetl supreme, 278 ; recovered from 
 the French, 310 
 
 helburnc, Lord, prime minister, 222 ; con- 
 cludes peace with the United States, ib.; pre- 
 liminary treaty with France and Spain, ib. 
 icily, conquered by Charles of Anjou, 42; 
 murder of the French, called Sicilian Ves- 
 pers, 43 ; submits to Pedro III. of Aragon, 
 ib.; severed from Aragon, ib. ; united to 
 Aragon, 64 ; rebellions, 157, 162 ; acknow- 
 ledges Philip V. 166 ; allotted to the Duke 
 of Savoy, 181 ; invaded by the Spaniards, 
 186; exchanged for Sardinia, 188; con- 
 quered by the Duke of Parma, 190; con- 
 firmed to him, 191 ; Ferdinand IV. takes 
 refuge there, 246, 260 
 5ilo of Oviedo, succeeds to Aurelio, 12 
 Silveira, Antonio de, his defence of Diu, 106 
 silveira, his conflicts with the French, 292 ; 
 
 pursues Soult, 293 
 
 Singeric, the Visigoth, murders Ataulf, and 
 usurps his throne, 3 
 
 isebert, the Visigoth, conquers Mauritania, 
 5 
 
 Smith, Sir Sydney, foils Buonaparte before 
 Acre, 247; escorts the Portugueze royal 
 family'to Brazil, 2G9 
 Sobeiha, her regency of Cordova, 20 ; dies 
 
 recommending Abdelmelic to her son, 21 
 Sobrarbe, kingdom of, founded, 12 ; royal line 
 extinct, 14 ; absorbed in Spanish March, 
 ib.\ given by Sancho III. to Gonzalo, 22 j 
 united to Aragon, ib. 
 Sobrarbe, F'ueros de. Araconese code of laws, 
 
 14 
 
 Solano, Francisco de, Marquess of Socorro, 
 commands the Spanish troops in Portugal, 
 270, 272, 274 ; killed by the Cadiz popu- 
 lace, 277 
 Solyman, Sultan, sends succours to the Indian 
 
 Mahometans, 106 
 
 Sonora, gold mines discovered, 218 
 Soult, Duke of Dalmatia, defeats the Spa- 
 niards, 288 ; pursues Moore, 290 ; de- 
 feated at Coruna, ib. ; overruns Galicia, ib. ; 
 invades Portugal, 292 ; driven thence, 293 ; 
 major-general to Joseph, 296 ; successes in 
 Estramadura, 303 ; defeated by Beresford, 
 ib. ; summoned to Germany, 312 ; imperial 
 lieutenant in Spain, 314 ; foiled by Wel- 
 lington, 315, 316, 321, 322, 323 
 Souza, the brothers, their canals, 297, 301 
 Spain (Espaila), description of, 1 ; contest with 
 the Carthaginians, ib. ; with the Romans, 2 ; 
 a Roman province, ib. ; invasion of the 
 northern barbarians, 3 ; Gothic monarchy 
 founded, ib. ; distracted by civil wars, 5, 6. 
 see Visigoths ; conquest by the Arabs, 
 8 ; independent of the Eastern caliphs, 11 ; 
 wars between Moors and Christians, see 
 Cordova, Oviedo, Leon, Navarre, Castile, 
 Aragon ; sovereignty of the Almoravides, 
 26; of the Almohades, 31 ; Granada, 37; 
 final union of all Spain, 97; general decline, 
 137, 143, 147, 162, 163, 165; decline of 
 the army, 156; accession of the Bourbons, 
 166; despoiled of European dependencies, 
 181 ; improvement of internal condition, 
 
362 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 193, 200, 211, 225; general insurrection 
 against Joseph Buonaparte, 277 ; war with 
 France, 278 ; Cortes assembled, 300 ; state 
 at the restoration of Ferdinand VII., 325. 
 See Charles I,, II., III., IV. ; Philip II., 
 III., IV., V. ; Ferdinand VI., VII.; Cortes 
 
 Spinola, Marquess of. his services. 140, 146, 
 147,149 
 
 Squilaci, Marquess of, finance minister, 203 ; 
 his measures, 207, 208 ; an insurrection 
 compels his dismissal, 208 
 
 Stahrenberg, Count, commands under the 
 Archduke, 176 ; defeats Philip, 178 ; battle 
 of Brihuega, 179 ; retreats to Catalonia, ii>. 
 
 Stanhope, General, supersedes Gal way, 176 ; 
 defeats Philip, 178 ; advises cutting him off 
 from France, ib. ; surprised, at Brihuega,! 79 
 
 Strangford, Viscount, his negotiations at Lis- 
 bon, 267, 269 : and in Brazil, 306, 311 
 
 Succession, law of, in Portugal, 30 ; uncer- 
 tain respecting collaterals, 63, 129 ; pecu- 
 liar in Morocco, 127 ; in Austria, 180 ; 
 modification of the Salic law in Spain, 181 ; 
 Napoleon's disregard of that modification, 
 276 
 
 Suchet, Marshal, his success in Aragon, 300 ; 
 repulsed in Valencia, ib. ; success iti Cata- 
 lonia, 304 ; in Valencia, 305 ; created 
 Duke of Albufera, ib. ; relieves Tarragona, 
 314; evacuates Valencia, ib. ; transactions 
 with Ferdinand, 322 
 
 Suevi, the, invade Spain, 3 ; subjugated by 
 Wallia, ib. 
 
 Suintila, the Visigoth, finally expels the 
 Greeks, 5 ; murdered, ib. 
 
 Suwarrow, his campaign against the French, 
 246 
 
 Switzerland invaded by France, 246; called 
 the Helvetic republic, ib. ; endeavours to re- 
 establish her old constitution, 253 ; Buona- 
 parte grand mediator, ib. 
 
 System, Colonial, of Spain, a rigid monopoly, 
 114; less injurious whilst she was in- 
 dustrious, ib. ; ruinous after the expulsion 
 of the Moors, 143 ; cause of insurrection, 
 301 
 
 T. 
 
 Talavera,'father Hernando de, Isabella's con- 
 fessor, procures the introduction of the In- 
 quisition, 78 ; refuses every see, except 
 
 . Granada, 83 
 
 Talavera, battle of, 293 
 
 Tangiers, taken by Alfonso V., 72 ; given to 
 Catherine on her marrying Charles II. of 
 England, 158 
 
 Taric invades Spain, 8 ; defeats Roderic, ib. ; 
 imprisoned by Muza, ib. ; recalled by the 
 Caliph, 9 
 
 Tarifa, repulses the French, 308 
 
 Tavora, the family of, accused of conspiracy, 
 201 ; cruelly punished, Hi. 
 
 Templars, Knights, prosecution and abolition 
 of their Order, 46 
 
 Tesse, Marshal, unsuccessful against Gibraltar, 
 170; Portugal, ib. ; and Barcelona, 173 
 
 Theodored, the Visigoth, assists itius against 
 Attila, 4 
 
 Theodoric, the Visigoth, murders his brother, 
 4; subjugates the Suevi, ib. 
 
 Theresa, illegitimate daughter of Alfonso VI. 
 of Castile, receives the country of Portugal 
 on marrying Henry of Besancon, 26 ; as- 
 sumes the government on Heniy's death. 
 28; war with the Almoravides, ib. ; civil 
 war with her son, ib.; defeated and im- 
 prisoned, ib. 
 
 Theudes, first elective Visigoth king of Spain, 
 4 
 
 Thibalt (Teobaldo) I. of Navarre, Count of 
 Champagne, succeeds to Sancho VII. ,36 ; 
 commands a crusade, ib. ; internal admi- 
 nistration, 37 
 
 Thibalt II. of Navarre, succeeds to Thibalt 
 I., 41 ; marries a daughter of St. Lewis, 
 ib. ; accompanies him to Tunis, ib. 
 
 Tilsit, peace of, 265 
 
 Tlascalans, the, their war and alliance with 
 Cortes, 104 
 
 Tobago, ceded to England, 205 
 
 Toledo, capital of the Visigoths, 5 ; surrenders 
 to the Arabs, 8; an independent kingdom, 
 21 ; conquered by Alfonso VI., and made 
 the metropolitan see of Spain, 24 ; takes 
 the lead in the insurrection of the Cumuneros, 
 100, 101; declares for the Archduke Charles, 
 174 
 
 Toledo, Garcia de, relieves Malta, 122: of- 
 fends Philip, 130 
 
 Tolosa, battle of las navas de, 34 ; commemo- 
 rated by the Spanish church, 35 
 
 Torres Vedras, the lines of, 297 ; their de- 
 fence, 299 ; 
 
 Toulon, proclaims Lewis XVII., 237; calls 
 in the English and Spaniards, ib. ; recover- 
 ed by the republicans, 238 
 
 Toulouse, Count of, blockades Barcelona, 173j 
 retreats, ib. 
 
 Toulouse, battle of, 322 
 
 Trafalgar, battle of, 258 
 
 Trant, Col., awes Soult, 292 ; carries off the 
 French hospital from Coimbra, 299 
 
 Treaty, Partition, first, 164 ; second, 165 
 
 Trinidad taken by the English, 205 ; restored, 
 ib. ; again taken, 244 
 
 Tunis, taken by Charles I.. Ill ; restored in 
 vassalage to Muley Hassan, ib. ; taken by 
 Don John, 123 ; retaken by the Turks, 
 ib. 
 
 Tupac Amaru, his descent, 219; insurrec- 
 tion, ib. 
 
 Turks, the, assist the Cambayans, 106; 
 threaten Germany, 109 ; overrun Hungary, 
 110 ; peace with Spain, 222 
 
 Tuscany (Toscana), reversion of, assured to 
 Elizabeth Farnese, 188, 190 ; given to the 
 Duke of Lorraine, 191 ; to the Prince of 
 Parma in exchange for his patrimony, 2-19 
 
 U. 
 
 Ulm, capitulation of 259 
 
 Union, Aragoncse, a lawful insurrection, so 
 
 called, 51 
 Union, Count de la, his campaign against 
 
 the French, 238 
 United Provinces, the Seven, renounce their 
 
INDEX. 
 
 363 
 
 allegiance to Spain, 126 ; transactions with 
 France, ib., 133 ; with England, 133 ; 
 naval success, 135, 140 ; negotiations for 
 peace, 141 ; twelve years' truce with Spain, 
 i!>.\ war renewed, 147; success again.>t 
 Portii^ucze and Spanish colonies, 148, I5(> : 
 peace with Spain, 157 ; war against Lewis 
 XIV., 161, 162, 164, 169, 171 ; revolution, 
 fomented by France, 224 ; crushed by 
 Prussia, ib. ; conquered by Pichegru, 
 239, 240 ; the Batavian republic, ib. ; An- 
 glo-Hussian invasion, 247 ; given as the 
 kingdom of Holland to Lewis Buonaparte, 
 260. See Holland 
 
 United States, the, acknowledged by France, 
 215 ; Spain, 216 ; England, 222 ; purchase 
 Louisiana of Buonaparte, 255 ; the Floridas 
 o!' Spain, 326 
 
 University, the, of Salamanca, founded by 
 Ferdinand HI., 37 ; of Lisbon and of 
 Coimbra, by Dennis, 47 ; of Alcala, by 
 Cardinal Ximenez,99; of Coimbra, reformed 
 by Pombal, 206; exploits of the students, 
 . 287 
 
 Urraca, heiress of the Count of Aragon, marries 
 the Count of Navarre, 15 
 
 Urraca of Castile, marries Raymond o.~ Bur- 
 gundy, with Galicia lor her portion, 26 ; 
 succeeds to Alfonso VI., ib. ; second mar- 
 riage, dissensions and divorce, ib., 27 ; 
 domestic wars, 27 ; war with the Moors, 
 ib. 
 
 Ursins, Madame des, see Orsini. 
 
 Utrecht, peace of, 181 
 
 Uzeda, Duke of, supplants Lerma, 145 
 
 Valdivia, Pedro de, conquers Chili, 114 
 
 Valencia, conquered from the Moors, by 
 James I. of Aragon, 37 ; insurrection, 100, 
 101 : liberties abridged, 102 ; expulsion of 
 the Moors, 141, 142, 143 j overrun by 
 Peterborough, 172; acknowledges the 
 Archduke Charles, ib. ; subdued by the 
 Duke of Orleans. 175 : constitution abro- 
 gated, 176 ; repulses Suchet, 300 ; con- 
 quered, 308 ; evacuated, 314 
 
 Valencia, city, taken by the Ct</, 24; evacu- 
 ated by his widow, 26 ; insurrection breaks 
 oul, 100; repulses Moncey, 280; capitu- 
 lates to Suchet, 305J 
 
 Valen/.uela, favourite of Marianne of Austria, 
 Kil ; banished, 162 
 
 Vallette, la, Grand Master of St. John, his de- 
 fence of Malta, 122 
 
 Valteline, the, intrigues and conflicts for its 
 |.u -session, 1-18, 149, 155 
 
 Vandals, overrun Spain, 3 ; remove to Africa, 
 ib. 
 
 Vandamme, General, defeated and taken, 317 
 
 Vanegas, forbidden to co-operate with \V t -lles- 
 ley and Cuesta, 293 ; defeated at Almo- 
 nacid, 294 ; Viceroy of Mexico, ib. 
 
 Vanhalen, recovers several fortresses, 322 
 
 Vascoucellos, secretary to the Vice-Queen of 
 Portugal, detested, 152 ; killed, ib. 
 
 Vaudreuil, Admiral, effects his junction with 
 
 de Grasse, 220 ; defeated by Rodney, ib. ; 
 escapes, and joins Galve/, ib. 
 Velasquez, Diego dc, founds the Knights of 
 
 Calatrava, 32 
 
 Velasquez, colonizes Cuba, 96 ; sends Cortes 
 to conquer Mexico, 103; dissensions with 
 him, ib., 104, 105 
 Vendee, la, insurrection of, 237 
 Vendome, Dukeof, his campaigns inltaly,168, 
 172; in the Netherlands, 175, 176; in 
 Spain, 178, 179 ; connexion with Alberoni, 
 183 
 
 Venezuela, the confederation of, proclaims in- 
 dependence under Ferdinand, 302; nearly 
 subdued, 311 ; recovers under the conduct 
 of Bolivar, 319 
 
 Veuice (Venezia), assisted by Manuel against 
 the Turks, 94; jealous of Portugueze trade, 
 ib., 106 j loses Cyprus, 122; shares in the 
 battle of Lepanto, 123 ; conduct towards a 
 pretended Sebastian, 132 ; Bedmar's plot 
 foiled, 145 ; overrun by the French, 243 ; 
 assigned to Austria, ib. ; annexed to the 
 kingdom of Italy, 259 ; restored to Austria, 
 324 
 
 Vergennes, Count de, minister for foreign 
 atlairs of Lewis XVI., 213 ; negotiations 
 for peace, 222 : intrigues with the Dutch 
 republicans, 224 
 
 Vernon, Admiral, takes Porto Bello 4 191 
 
 Versailles, peace of, 222 
 
 Vervins, peace of. 137 
 
 Vespuccio, Amerigo, explores and names the 
 continent of South America, 89 
 
 Victor, Marshal, Duke of Belluno, defeats 
 Blake, 288 ; Cueata, 293 ; besieges Cadiz, 
 297, 300 
 
 Vienna, peace of, 191 
 
 Villa Franca, Marquess of, supersedes Inojoso, 
 144 ; defeats the Duke of Savoy, ib. 
 
 Villa ViSosa, battle of, 159 
 
 Villars, Marshal, his campaigns in the Nether- 
 lands, 177, 178, 180 
 
 Villaverde, Count of, minister to the Prince- 
 regent, 256 ; his pernicious influence, 261; 
 dies, 262 
 
 Villeneuve, Admiral, eludes Nelson, 258 ; de- 
 feated by Calder, ib. ; reinforced, ib. ; de- 
 feated by Nelson off Trafalgar, ib. 
 
 Villeroi, Marshal, defeated at Ramillies, 174J 
 
 Vimeiro, battle of, 284 
 
 Viriatus, his insurrection, 2 
 
 Visigoths (West-Goths), the, invade Spain,'3; 
 establish their monarchy, tb. ; recognised as 
 independent of Rome, 4 ; internal disorders, 
 see Ataulf, Singeric, Wallia, Theodored, 
 Theodoric, Kuric, Alaric, Amalric, Theudes, 
 Athacagild, Leovigild, Recared, Sisebert, 
 Suintila, Chintila, Receswinth, Wamba, 
 Kiviga, Kgiza, Witiza, Roderic; Degetie- 
 racy, 9 
 
 Vitoiia, battle of, 313 
 
 Vizeu, Duke of, accused of conspiracy, 81 j 
 stabbed by John II., ib. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wagram, battle of, 294 
 Walcheren expedition, 294 
 
3 64 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Wall, General, succeeds Carvajal in the min- 
 istry, 199; his policy English, ib., 207; 
 Charles III. professes confidence in him, 
 203 ; resigns, 206 
 
 Wallenstein, Duke of Friedland and Mecklen- 
 burg, his extraordinary power, 155 ; arrests 
 the progress of the Swedes, ib. ; murdered, 
 ib. 
 
 Wallia, the Visigoth, subjugates the Alans 
 and Suevi, and is acknowledged as king, de- 
 pendent on Rome, 3 
 
 Walloon provinces, the, their warlike character, 
 125 ; resume their allegiance to Spain, 
 126 
 
 Walloon Guards, desert, 239 ; defeated, 288 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, minister to George Land 
 II., 191 ; his pacific policy, ib. ; compelled 
 to declare war against Spain, ib* 
 
 Wamba, the Visigoth, reluctantly accepts the 
 crown, 6 ; his measures, ib. ; retires to a 
 monastery, ib. 
 
 War, Seven Years', 199, 200, 204, 205 
 
 War, Succession, from 167 to 181 
 
 War, Thirty Years', 146, 148, 149, 150, 155, 
 156,157 
 
 Wellesley, Sir Arthur, lands in Portugal, 283 ; 
 battle of Roliza, 284 ; and Vimeiro, ib.', 
 superseded, ib. ; commander-in-chief in Por- 
 tugal, 293 ; drives Soult from Oporto, ib. ; 
 joins Cuesta, ib. ; battle of Talavera, ib. ; 
 created Viscount Wellington, ib. ; measures 
 for the defence of Portugal, 297 ; retreats, 
 298 ; battle of Busaco, ib. ; lines of Torres 
 Vedras, 299 ; obtains authority over the 
 regency, ib. ; drives Massena out of Portu- 
 gal, 303 ; blockades Almeida, ib. ; battle of 
 Fuentes d' Onor, ib.; takes Ciudad Rod- 
 rigo, 306 ; Spanish titles, 307 ; an earl, 
 ib. ; takes Badajoz, ib. ; forts at Salamanca, 
 309 ; battle of Salamanca, ib. ; enters Ma- 
 drid, ib. ; commander-in chief of the Spa- 
 nish Forces, ib. ; fails at Burgos, 310; re- 
 treats to Portugal, ib.; Portugueze honours, 
 312; a Marquess, ib.; passage of the Douro, 
 313 ; and Ebro, ib. ; battle of Vitoria, ib. ', 
 battles of the Pyrenees, 315 ; St. Sebastian, 
 taken, ib. ; passage of the Bidossoa, ib. , 
 battle of the Nivelle, 316 ; Spanish honours; 
 319; operations in South of France, 321, 
 322, 323 
 
 Wellesley, Marquess, diplomatic transactions 
 with Spain and Portugal, 295, 297, 300 
 
 Wellesley, Mr. (Sir Henry), transactions di- 
 plomatic in Spain, 305, 326 
 
 Wellington, Sir Arthur Wellesley, created 
 Viscount, 294; Earl, 307 ; Marquess, 312. 
 See Sir Arthur Wellesley 
 
 Westphalia, peace of, 158 
 
 Westphalia, kingdom of, created, 265 ; falls to 
 pieces, 317 
 
 Whitelock, General, supersedes Auchmuty, 
 266 
 
 Whitworth, Lord, scene with Buonaparte, 
 254 ; leaves France, ib. 
 
 Wifrid, first Count of Barcelona, 17 
 
 William, Prince of Orange, carries the impe- 
 rial crown to Ferdinand, 115 ; serves Mar- 
 garet, 119 ; flies to Germany, ib. ; invades 
 the Netherlands, ib. ; foiled by Alva, ib. ; 
 heads the insurrection, 120; successes and 
 reverses, 123, 124 ; transactions with the 
 Brabant nobles, the Archduke Ernest, and 
 the Duke of Anjou, 124, 125, 126 ; assas- 
 sinated, 132 
 
 William, Prince of Orange, (III. of England) 
 named Stadtholder, 162; checks the pro- 
 gress of Lewis XIV., ib., 164 ; elected 
 King of England, 163 ; negotiations touch- 
 ing the Spanish succession, 164, 165 ; con- 
 cludes the Grand Alliance, 167 ; dies, ib. 
 
 Witiza, the Visigoth, his tyranny, 6 ; and de- 
 posal, ib. 
 
 Wolsey, Cardinal, transactions respecting his 
 pretensions to the Papacy, 102, 107; de- 
 taches Henry VIII. from Charles I., 107 
 
 X. 
 
 Ximena, widow of the Cid, her defence of 
 Valencia, 26 ; and retreat to Castile, ib. 
 
 Ximenez, Cardinal, assists to procure the 
 regency of Castile for Ferdinand V., 95 ; 
 expedition to Oran, 96 ; regent of Castile, 
 97; his measures, 98 ; death, ib. ; charac- 
 ter, 99 
 
 Y. 
 
 Yahie, ben Edris, King of Fez, dethroned, 18 
 
 Yahie, last of the Almohades, bequeaths his 
 pretensions to Mohammed of Jaen, 37 
 
 Yahie, Cid, nephew of Abdallah el Zagal, sur- 
 renders Baeza, 82 ; persuades Abdallah el 
 Zagal to abdicate, ib.; joins Ferdinand 
 against Abu Abdallah, ib. ; Governor of the 
 Moors, 83 
 
 York, Duke of, his campaigns in the Low 
 Countries and France, 237, 239, 240 ; in- 
 vasion of Holland with Anglo-Russian army, 
 247 
 
 Yriarte, Diego de, negotiates the peace of 
 Basle, 240, 241 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zahara, surprised by Muley Aly Abul Hassan, 
 78 
 
 Zamorin, the, of Calecut, see Calecut 
 
 Ze.neta. the, an Arab tribe, assist Abderrahman 
 the Ommeyade, 11 
 
 Zeragh, the, a noble Granadan family, perse- 
 cuted by Mohammed VIII., 68; excite Cas- 
 tile against him, ib.; probably miscalled the 
 Abencerrages, ib. 
 
 Zoreya, wife of Muley Aly Abul Hassan, her 
 jealousy, 78 ; and plots, ib.; assists her son 
 to supplant his father, ib. ; taunts her son, 83 
 
 THE END. 
 
 London : W. CLOWES, Stamford Street. 
 
p 
 
 

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 7 1986 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
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