HARPER'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. SALLUST, FLORTJS, * AND VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. TRANSLATED LITERALLY. OF . ROGERS S A L L U S T, FL R TJ S, ' AND VELLEIUS PATERCULTJS, LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH COPIOUS NOTES AND A GENERAL INDEX. REV. JOHN SELBY WATSON, M.A., HBAD MASTER OF THE PBOFBIETABT GBAMMAB SCHOOL, 8TOCKWEL1., NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, 839 & 381 PEARL STREET. 1888. HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY. conr C.ESAR. VIRGIL. SALLUST. HORACE. TERENCE. TACITUS. 8 Vol*. LIVY. J Voli. CICERO'S ORATION'S. CICERO'S OFFICES, LJKLIU8, CATO MAJOR, PARADOXES, SCIPIO'S DREAM, LETTER TO QUINTUS. CICERO ON ORATORY AND ORATORS. PLATO (SELECT CICERO'S TUSCULAN DISPUTA- TIONS, THE NATURE OF THE GODS, AND THE COMMON- WEALTH. JUVENAL. XENOPHON. HOMER'S ILIAD. HOMER'S ODYSSEY. HERODOTUS. DEMOSTHENES. * VoU. THUCYDIDES. ^BSCHYLUS. SOPHOCLES. EURIPIDES. 9 VoU. DIALOGUES). atmo, Cloth, $1 00 per Volume. mrnt & BKOTHEB* will m *Mtr if OK aiw werlu tin mail, fMtfff fftffU, It **. ran of (A* I mini Biatti tt OiHHHtm, tn ftfiift y nU fntt. PREFACE. IN this volume are presented English Translations of the three Roman Historians, Sallust, Florus, and Velleius Paterculus. " SALLUST," an eminent scholar once remarked to me, " it is more easy to dilute than to transmute." It is hoped that in the following pages the reader will find Sallust's Latin transmuted into English without any unnecessary dilution. Some minor liberties have been taken with his ex- pressions, in order to avoid stiffness, and to represent the author fairly in an English dress ; but none incon- sistent with a faithful adherence to his sense. On all difficult or disputed passages, the commenta- tors have been carefully consulted. References have been given in the notes, wherever they appeared neces- sary, as well to the older critics, of whom Cortius is the chief, as to the more recent, among whom the prin- cipal are Gerlach, Kritz, and Dietsch. All the Fragments of Sallust that can be of any in- terest to the English reader, have been translated ; and that nothing might be wanting to render the work complete, versions of the spurious Epistles to Caesar, vi PREFACE. which present a good imitation of Sallust's style, and of the Declamations which pass under the names of Sallust and Cicero, have been added. The text at first intended to be followed was that of Cortius ; but the readings given by later critics ap- peared often so much better, that they were adopted in preference ; indeed, the present version approaches nearer to the text of Kritz than to that of any other editor. FLORUS, whose work has come down to us entire, is rendered with similar care and fidelity. The text chiefly followed is that of Duker. What remains of VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, with whom time has dealt hardly, had been so well translated, in many places, by Baker, that much of his phraseology has been adopted in the present version. The text followed is that of Krause, whose corrections and com- ments, had they appeared earlier, might have saved Baker from the commission of some extraordinary blun- ders. j. a w. CONTENTS. PA.QB BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST 9 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP FLORUS 18 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP VELLEIUS PATERCULUS . . . .21 SALLUST: CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE 1 CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE . . . 75 THE JDGURTHINE WAR 78 CHRONOLOGY OF THE JUGURTHINE WAR .... 201 FRAGMENTS 206 Two EPISTLES TO JULIUS C.ESAR, ON THE GOVERNMENT OF THE STATE 238 PSEUDO-SALLUST'S DECLAMATION AGAINST CICERO .... 263 PSEUDO-CICERO'S DECLAMATION AGAINST SALLUST . . . 267 FLORUS: BOOK L 276 BOOK II 302 BOOK III 335 BOOK IV 373 YELLEIUS PATERCULUS : BOOK 1 407 BOOK II . 424 INDEX . . .523 BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. SALLTTST was born at Amiternum, a town in the Sabine territory, on the first of October, 1 in the year six hundred and sixty-six* from the foundation of Rome, eighty-seven years before Christ, and in the seventh consulship of Marius. The name of his father was Cains Sallustius; 8 that of his mother is unknown. His family was thought by Crinitus, and some others, to have been patrician, but by Gerlach, and most of the later critics, is pronounced to have been plebeian, because he held the office of tribune of the people, because he makes observations unfavor- able to the nobility in his writings, and because his grandson, ac- cording to Tacitus, 4 was only of equestrian rank. The ingenuity of criticism has been exercised in determining whether his name should be written with a double or single I. Jerome Wolfius, 5 and Gerlach, are in favor of the single letter, de- pending chiefly on inscriptions, and on the presumption that the name is derived from salusorsal. But inscriptions vary; the ety- mology of the word is uncertain ; and to derive it from sal would authorize either mode of spelling. All the Latin authors, both in prose and poetry, have the name with the double letter, and it seems better, as Vossius* remarks, to adhere to their practice. Among the Greeks, Dion and Eusebius have the single letter; in some other writers it is found doubled. Another question raised respecting his name, is whether he Euseb. Chron. * Clinton, Fast. Rom. De Brosses, Vie de Sail., 2 ; Glandorp. Onomast. Ann., ill. 30. * Apud Voss. Vit. Sail. x BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP SALLUST. should be called Sallustius Crispus or Crispus Sallustius. The latter mode is adopted by Le Clerc, Cortius, Havercamp, and some other critics ; but De Brosses' argues conclusively in favor of the former method; as Sallustius, from its termination, is evidently the name of the famity or gens ; and Crispus, which denotes quelque habitude du corps, only a surname to distinguish one of its branches. Crispus Sallustius is found, indeed, in manuscripts; and, according to Cortius, in the best ; but on what reasonable grounds can it be justified ? It was perhaps adopted by some copyist from the ode of Horace 8 addressed to Sallust's nephew, and inconsiderately continued by his successors. He was removed early in life to Eome, that he might be edu- cated under Atteius Prastextatus, a celebrated grammarian of that age, who styled himself Philologus, and who was afterward tutor to Asinius Pollio. 9 Atteius treated Sallust with very great distinction. 10 He may be supposed to have soon grown conscious of his powers ;" and appears at an early period of his life to have de- voted himself to study, with an intention to distinguish himself in history. 18 His devotion to literature, however, was not so great as to de- tain him from indulgence in pleasure ; for he became, if we allow any credit to the old declaimer, infamous, cetatis tirocinia, for de- bauchery and extravagance. He took possession of his father's house in his father's lifetime, and sold it; an act by which he brought his father to the grave ; and he was twice, for some mis- conduct, arraigned before the magistrates, and escaped on both occasions only through the perjury of his judges. 13 When we cite this rhetorician, we must not forget that we cite an anonymous re viler, yet we must suppose with Gerlach, and with Meisner, the German translator of Sallust, that we quote a t writer who grounded his invectives on reports and opinions cur- rent at the time in which he lived. Sallust next thought of aspiring to political distinction; 14 but i Vie de Sail., 1. 8 Od., ii. 2, 3. Suet, de 111. Gramm., c. 10. 10 Ibid. Pseudo-Sail. Ep. to Cses., i. 10. " Cat., c. 4. Paeudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 5. Cat., c. 8. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. x i "the usual method of attaining notice," says De Brosses, 15 " which was to secure friends and clients by pleading the causes of indi- viduals at the bar, he seems not to have adopted ;" since, as is known, no orations spoken by him are in existence, and, as is thought, no mention is made of such orations in any other author. Mention, however, is made of orations of Sallust, at whatever time delivered, in the well-known passage of Seneca the rhetor- ician. 1 ' "When Seneca inquired of Cassins Severus, why he, who was so eminent in pleading important causes, displayed so little talent in pronouncing fictitious declamations, the orator replied, Quod in me miraris, pene omnibus evenit, etc. Orationes /Sallustii in honorem historiarum leguntur. " What you think extraordin- ary in me, is common to all men of ability. The greatest geniuses, to whom I am conscious, of my great inferiority, have generally excelled only in one species of composition. The felicity of Vir- gil in poetry deserted him in prose ; the eloquence of Cicero's orations is not to be found in his verses ; and the speeches of Sal- lust are read only as a foil to his histories." The speeches which are here meant, are not, as has been generally imagined, those in- serted in the histories, but others, which Sallust had spoken. This view of the passage was first taken by Antonius Augustinus, and communicated by him to Schottus, who mentioned it in his anno- tations on Seneca. 17 But by whatever means he secured support, he had at length sufficient interest to obtain a quaestorship ; 18 the tenure of which gave him admission into the senate. It would appear that he was about thirty-one years of age when he attained this honor. 19 It must have been about this period that his adventure with Fausta, the daughter of Sylla and wife of Milo, occurred, of which a short account is given by Aulus Gellius 20 in an extract from Varro. The English reader may take it in the version of Beloe : "Marcus Varro, a man of great authority and weight in his writings and life, in his publication entitled 'Pius,' or 'De Pace,' " Vie de Sail., c. 3. " Prsef. in Controv., 1. iii., p. 231, ed. Par. 1607. " P. 234, ed. Par. 1607. 18 Pseudo-Cic., in Sail., c. 5. 19 Adam's Rom. Antiquities, p. 4. 20 xvii. 18. xii BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. records that Caius Sallust, the author of that grave and serious composition (series illius et severcs oralionis), in which he has ex- ercised the severity of the censorial office, in taking cognizance of crimes, being taken by Annaous Milo in adultery, was well scourged, and, after paying a sum of money, dismissed." The same story is told, on the authority of Asconius Pedianus the biographer of Sallust, by Aero and Porphyrio, the scholiasts on Horace, who, they think, had it in his mind when he wrote the words, Ille flagellis ad mortem emus. Servius, also, in his note on Quique ob adullerium coesi, in the sixth book of the ^Eneid, 22 tells a like tale, adding that Sallust entered the house in the habit of a slave, and was caught in that disguise by Milo. Such being the case, it is not wonderful that when Sallust en- tered on his tribnneship of the people, to which lie was elected in the year of the city seven hundred, he seized an opportunity which occurred of being revenged on Milo, who had shortly before killed Clodius. He joined with his colleagues, Pompeius Rufus and. Plancus, in inflaming the populace, and charging Milo with pre- meditated hostility. 23 They intimidated Cicero, Milo's advocate, insinuating that he had planned the assassination ; 24 and the mat- ter ended in Milo's banishment. 25 During the progress of the trial, however, it is said that Sallust abated his hostility to Milo and Cicero, and even became friendly with them. 28 How this re- conciliation was effected, does not appear; but it seems certain that Cicero, when he attacked Plancus, Sail list's colleague, for exciting the populace to turbulence, left Sallust himself un- molested. 27 Unmolested, however, he did not long remain ; for in the year of the city seven hundred and four, in the censorship of Appius Claudius Pulcher, and Lucius Calpurnius Piso, Appius, actuated by two motives, one of which was to serve Pompey, by excluding from the senate such as were hostile to him, 28 and the other to throw into the shade his own private irregularities by < Sat., i. 2, 41. *> Ver. 612. 43 Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Orat. pro Milo., c. 17 ; Cic. Mil., c. 5. u Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Mil., c. 18. 25 Dion. Cap., lib. xl. Ascon. Ped. ubi supra. v Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Mil., c. 85. *> Dion. Cap., xl. 63. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. xiii an ostentatious discharge of his public duties, 59 expelled Sallust from the senate on pretence that he was a flagrantly immoral character. 30 But Appius, by this proceeding, instead of serving Pompey, served Caesar ; for many who had previously been favorable to Pompey, or had continued neutral, betook themselves immediately to Caesar's camp ; in the number of whom was Sallust. 31 His attendance on Caesar did not go unrewarded ; for when Caesar returned from Spain, after his victory over Afranius and Petreius, he restored Sallust, with others under similar circum- stances, 33 to his seat in the senate ; and as it was not usual for a senator, who had been degraded from his rank, to be reinstated in it without being at the same time elected to an office, he was again made quaestor, 33 or, as Dion thinks, praetor. He was then intrusted with some military command, and sent into Illyria, where, as Orosius 34 states, he was one of those that were defeated by the Pompeian leaders Octavius and Libo. Afterward, when the war in Egypt and Asia was finished, but while the remains of Pompey's army, headed by Scipio and Cato, were still menacing hostilities in Africa, Sallust, with the title of praator, was directed to conduct against them a body of troops from Campania." But Sallust was intrusted with more than he was able to perform. The soldiers mutinied on the coast, com~ pelled him to flee, and hurried away to Rome, putting to death two senators in their way. It was on this occasion that Caesar humbled them by addressing them as Quirites instead of com- militaries. Sallust was then reinstated in command, and was sent, during the African war, to the island of Cercina, to bring off a quantity of corn that had been deposited there by the enemy ; a commis- sion which he successfully executed. 37 "Whether he performed any other service for Caesar in this 29 Cic. Ep. ad Fam., viii. 14. "> Dion., ib. Pseudo-Cic. in Sail., c. 6. Gerlach, Vit. Sail., p. 7. w Suet. J. Cses., c. 41. Pseudo-Cic., c. 6, 8. 54 Lib., vi. 15. Gerlach, Vit. Sail., p. 7. ** Dion. Cass., xlii. 52. Dion., ib. Appian. B. C., ii. 92. Flat, in Csee. Snet. J. Cas., c. 10. *> Hirt. B. A., c. 8, 24. xiy BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST, war, we have no account; but Caasar, when it was ended, thought him a person of such consequence, that he gave him the government of Numidia, with the title of pro-consul. "He re- ceived the province from Cassar," says Dion, "nominally to govern it, but in reality to ravage and plunder it." Whether such was Caasar's intention or not, it is generally believed that he enriched himself by the spoil of it to the greatest possible extent. 38 When his term of office, which seems to have been only a year, was expired, he " appeared at Rome," says the declaimer, " like a man enriched in a dream." But the Numidians followed him, and accused him of extortion ; a charge from which he was only acquitted through the interposition of Caesar, 3 * to whom he is said to have presented a bribe. 40 The trial had not been long concluded when Caasar was assassin- ated, and Sallust, being thus deprived of his patron, seems to have withdrawn entirely from public life. He purchased a large tract of ground on the Quirinal hill, where he erected a splendid man- sion, and laid out those magnificent gardens of which so much has been related. Their extent must have been vast, if De Brosses, who visited the spot in 1739, obtained any just notion of it. 41 But some have thought them much smaller. He had also a country- house at Tibur, which had belonged to Julius Caesar." It was during this period of retirement, as is supposed, that he married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, if, indeed, he mar- ried her at all ; for their union rests on no very strong testi- mony. 43 It was at this time, too, it would appear, that he commenced the composition of history, with a view to the perpetuation of his name ; for he entered on it, he says, when his mind was free from " hope, fear, or political partisanship ;" 44 and to no other time of his life are such expressions applicable. Dion seems to have sup- 's Dion., xliii. 9. Pseudo-Cic., c. 7. 39 Dion., xliii. 9. 40 Pseudo-Cic., c. 7. 41 De Brosses, (Euv. de Sail., vol. iii., p. 363. Pseudo-Cic., c. 7. 43 Hieronym. adv. Jovin., i. 48. Gerlach, vol. ii., p. 8. De Brasses, torn, iii. p. 855. Le Clerc, Vit. Sail. 44 Cat., c. 4. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. X v posed that he appeared as a historian before he went to Nuinidia, bat is in all probability mistaken. Sallust died on the thirteenth of May, in the year of the city seven hundred and eighteen, in the fifty-second year of his age, 45 leaving his grand-nephew, Gains Sallustius Crispus, whom want of children had induced him to adopt, heir to all his possessions. Hia gardens, some years after his death, became imperial property." Such were the events, as far as we learn, of the life of Sallust; and such is the notion which the voice of antiquity teaches us to form of his moral character. In modern times, some attempts have been made to prove that he was less vicious than he was anciently represented. Among those who have attempted to clear him of the charges usually brought against him, are Miiller, 47 Wieland, 48 and Roos ; 49 who are strenuously opposed by Gerlach 60 and Loebell. 51 Tho points on which his champions chiefly endeavor to defend him, are the adventure with Fausta, and the spoliation of Numidia. Of the three, Miiller is the most enterprising. With regard to the affair of Fausta, he sets himself boldly to impugn the authority of Varro or Gellius, on which it chiefly rests ; and his reasoning is as follows : That such writers as Gellius are not always to be trusted ; that Gellius often quoted from memory ; that he cites old authors on the testimony of later authors ; that he speaks of Varro, fide homo multa et gravis, as if he were a cotemporary that needed commendation, not the well-known Varro whose character was established ; that the Varro of Gellius may there- fore be a later Varro, whose book, "Pius," or "De Pace," may have been about Antoninus Pins, under whom Gellius lived, and who may have been utterly mistaken in what he said of Sallust ; and that, consequently, the passage in Gellius is to be suspected. Respecting the plunder of Numidia, his arguments are, that the Enseb. Chron. Clinton, Fasti. 48 See De Brosses, torn. iii. p. 368. C. Sallustius Crispus, Leipzig, 1817. 48 Ad. Hor. Sat., i. 2, 48. 49 Einige Bemerk, ub. den Moral Char, des Sallust. Prog. Cfiessen., 1T88, 4to. See Frotscher's note on Le Clerc's Life of Sail., intt. * Vit. Sail., p. 9, seq. Zur Beurtboilung des Sail., Breslau, 1818. xvi BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF SALLUST. province was given to Sallnst to spoil, not for himself, but for Caesar ; that of the money obtained from it, the chief part was given to Caesar; and that, consequently, Ceesar, not Sallust, is to bear the blame for what was done. But such conjectures produce no more impression on the mind of a reader than Walpole's " Historic Doubts" concerning Richard the Third. They suggest something that may have been, but bring no proof of what actually was ; they may be allowed to be ingenious, but the general voice of history is stilt believed. To all Miiller's suggestions Gerlach exclaims, Credat Judmus ! "Were there, in the pages of antiquity, a single record or remark favor- able to the moral character of Sallust, there would then be a point d'appui from which to commence an attack on what is said against him ; but the case, alas ! is exactly the reverse ; wherever Sallust is characterized as a man, he is characterized unfavora- bly. His writings consisted of his narratives of the Conspiracy of Catiline and the "War with Jugurtha, and of a History of Rome in live books, extending from the death of Sylla to the beginning of the Mithridatic war. The Catiline and Jugurtha have reached us entire ; but of the History there now remain only four speeches, two letters, and a number of smaller fragments preserved among the grammarians. That he was not the author of the Epistles to Csosar, the reader will find satisfactorily shown in the remarks prefixed to the translation of them in the present volume. Sallust is supposed to have formed his style on that of Thu- cydides;" but he has far excelled his model, if not in energy, cer- tainly in conciseness and perspicuity, of expression. " The speeches of Thucydides," says Cicero, 63 " contain so many dark and intricate passages, that they are scarcely understood." No such complaint can be made of any part of the writings of Sallust. " From any sentence in Thucydides," says Seneca the rhetorician," 4 "however remarkable for its conciseness, if a word or two be taken away, the sense will remain, if not equally ornate, yet equally entire ; but from the periods of Sallust nothing can be " Veil. Pat., ii. 36. 3 Orat., c. , " Controvers., iv. 24. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP SALLUST. xvii deducted without detriment to the meaning." Apud eruditas aures, says Quintilian," nihil potest esse perfectius. The defects of his style are, that he wants tlieflumen orationis so much admired in Livy and Herodotus ; 58 that his transitions are often abrupt ; and that he too much affects antique phrase- ology." But no writer can combine qualities that are incompati- ble. He is justly preferred by Quintilian 58 to Livy, and well merits the praise given him by Tacitus 59 and Martial, 60 of being rerum Romanarum florentissmus auctor, and RomanA primus in Jiistoria,^ Of the numerous editions of Sallust, that of Cortius, which ap- peared at Leipsic in 1724, and has been often reprinted, long in- disputably held the first rank. But Cortius, as an editor, was somewhat too fond of expelling from his text all words that he could possibly pronounce superfluous ; and succeeding editors, as Gerlach (Basil. 1823), Kritz (Leipsic, 1834), and Dietsch (Leipsic, 1846), have judiciously restored many words that he had dis- carded, and produced tests more acceptable in many respects to the generality of students. Sallust has been many times translated into English. The ver- sions most deserving notice are those of Gordon (1744), Rose (1751), Murphy (1809), and Peacock (1845.) Gordon has vigor, but wants polish ; Rose is close and faithful but often dry and hard ; Murphy is sprightly, but verbose and licentious, qualities in which his admirer, Sir Henry Steuart (1806), went audaciously beyond him ; Mr. Peacock's translation is equally faithful with that of Rose, and far exceeds it in general ease and agreeablenesa of style. 65 Inst. Or., x. 1. 58 Monboddo, Origin and Prog, of Language,vol. ii. p. 200. " Quint. Inst. Or., viii. 3. Inst. Or., ii. 5. Ann., iii. 30. xiv. 191. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OP FLORUS. CONCERNING Floms scarcely any thing is known. That he lived in the reign of Trajan is apparent from the end of his Preface, where he says that the Roman empire sub Trojano principe movet lacertos, " raises its arms under the emperor Trajan." He there reckons, according to the common reading, CO years from the reign of Augustus to his own times, but as the period between the reign of Augustus and the end of that of Trajan included only CXLIII years, Vossius 1 is of opinion that we ought to read CL. The same critic following Salmasius, supposes that he survived Trajan, and that he is the Floras to whom Spartianus alludes in his life of Hadrian, Trajan's successor. But the identity of the two is extremely uncertain. Indeed, it has been doubted wheth- er the author of the Epitome has any right to the name of Floras, for in some manuscripts he is called only Lucius Annseus, and Lactantius was accordingly disposed to attribute the work to Lucius Annajus Seneca, the philosopher. But Salmasins,* in a manuscript of great accuracy, which he considered to be more than eight hundred years old, found the name written Lucius Annans Florus, and Florus he will probably contine to be called. From his name Annasus, he is generally supposed to have been a native of Spain, and of the same descent as Seneca and Lucan.* In commencing his work, he seems to have purposed to write as a foreigner ; for through the whole of the first book he makes no use of the pronouns nos and noster, which appear for the first time in the second chapter of the second book. > De Historicis Latinis. Pref. to Florus. 3 Burm. ad Quintil., x. 8. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF FLORU& xix Aa a historian, he is of little authority. His work, it has been observed is rather a panegyric on the Romans, than an accu- rate, history of their actions. "He commits," says Rupertus, 4 "many a metachronism, and many a prochronism." His geo- graphy is not much better than his chronology. He seems to have been far more studious about his style than his matter. His style is, indeed, far too much studied. It is all floridity and affectation, and can please no reader of good taste. There is in it, as has been remarked, 5 a poetical tumor, of which a judicious historian would be ashamed. His pages are full of labored con- ceits, such as all students, ambitious of good style, must avoid. He is childishly fond of parenthetical exclamations, as, nefas ! pudor ! Horribile dictu ! which can be regarded only with derision. His love of brevity has rendered his meaning some- times obscure. "Were a person to come to the perusal of Flo- rus, without having previously learned any thing of Roman his- tory, he would be sadly puzzled to ascertain his meaning in many places. Of his conceits the following are specimens. When he relates the prodigy of the statue of Apollo perspiring at Cumae, he says that the exudation proceeded from the concern of the god for his dear Asia. 6 When he speaks of the head of Cicero being set on the Rostra, he observes that the people went to see him in no smaller numbers than they had previously gone to hear him. T When he describes the large ships of Antony, he remarks that they moved not without groaning on the part of the sea, and fatigue of the winds. 8 When he states that Caesar returned from Britain over a calm sea, he adds that the ocean seemed to acknowl- edge itself unequal to cope with him.* When he tells of Fabius Maximus attacking the enemy from a higher ground, he says that the aspect of the battle was as if weapons had been hurled on giants from the sky. 10 When he mentions that the Gauls were constant enemies of Rome, he speaks of them as a whetstone on which the Romans might sharpen their swords. 11 Abundance of Ad Flori Procem., wit. s Rupert, ad Flor., i. 13, 17. Lib., ii., c. 8. T Lib., iv., c. 7. 8 Lib., iv., c. 11. Lib., iii.c., 10. > Lib., i., c. 17. " Lib., ii., c. 3. xx BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF FLORUS. other examples might be given, but something of the exquisiteness of the conceits is lost in translation. Of his character as a man nothing can be gathered from his writings, except that he was not free from superstition. 12 Whether he was the author of the arguments to the books of Livy, which are printed with his History in some editions, it would be useless to attempt to discover. Translations of Floras are not numerous. Tn English I have seen three ; an anonymous one, printed at Oxford in 1636, which was full of mistakes, but was afterward revised by Meric Cassau- bon, and reprinted in 1658; another by John Davies, published in 1672, which is neither very faithful to the sense, nor elegant in language, even for the time at which it was written ; and a third by John Clarke, the translator of Suetonius and other Latin authors, which is sufficiently true to the sense, but utterly con- temptible in style. w Lib., iv., c. 2., Jin. atqut alibi. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE or CAIUS VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. OP Velleius Paterculus, as of Floras, we obtain no information but from Ms own pages. He is not even named, as far as we know, by any ancient writer, unless he be the Marcus Velleius, from whom Priscian quotes a few words in his sixth book ; for what his prsenomen was is not at all certain ; since Rhenanue, who published the editio princeps from the only manuscript which AVOS then extant, and which has since been lost, calls him Gains in hia title, and Publius in his index. The year of his birth is uncertain, but he is conjectured by Dod- well to have been born in the seven hundred and thirty-fifth year from the foundation of Rome, or the nineteenth before Christ; the same year in which Virgil died. He was of an equestrian family in Campania, one of the dis- tinguished members of which was Decius Magius, 1 who adhered to the Romans in the second Punic war. His grandfather served Jin the army, under Brutus and Cassius, and afterward under Claudius Nero, as prcefectus fabrum, captain of the artificers or en- gineers. 2 His father, whom he does not name, was praefect of cavalry ; an office in which his son succeeded him, and served for nine years under Tiberius Caesar, in Germany. 3 He had pre- i Veil. Pat., ii. 16. ii. 76. ii. 104. xxii NOTICE OP CAIUS VELLEIUS PATEECULUS. viously been a military tribune, 4 and was afterward quaestor 6 and praetor." He wrote his book, in or after the year A.U.O. 783, when Mar- cus Vinicius, to whom he dedicates it, was consul. He composed it in great haste, being hurried on, he says, with the rapidity of a wheel or torrent ;' but the cause of such haste does not appear. It is called by his editors a Roman History, but the fragment of the first book shows that it also contained a large portion of the History of Greece. The manuscript of his work, which I have mentioned above, was found by Rhenanus in the con- vent of Murbach in Alsace ; a collation of it appended to the edition of 1546, was made by Burer before it was returned to the convent. 8 He intended to write a larger history, 9 but whether he executed his intention is unknown. His philosophical tenets seem to have been, or to have resem- bled those of Epicurus. 10 The time of his death is uncertain : butLipsius conjectures that he may have been involved in the ruin of Sejanus, to whom he seems to have attached himself, and whom, as well as Tiberius, he is censured for having grossly flattered. His flattery, however, seems to have consisted rather in concealing their faults, than in attributing to them imaginary virtues. His style is animated and energetic, but rough and unpolished ; his sentences are too long, and often clogged with parentheses. He has twice before- been translated into English : by New- comb, 1721, a rude and unfaithful version ; and by Baker, 1814, a performance resembling in style the Livy of the same writer. * ii. 101. 6 ii. 111. . ii. 124. 7 i. 16. Krattse, p. 48,49. ii. 48, 96, 99, atque alibi, J0 ii. 66, 123. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE, THE ARGUMENT. THE INTRODUCTION. I .-IV. The character of Catiline, V. Virtues of the an- cient Romans, VI.-1X. Degeneracy of their posterity, X.-XIII. Cati- line's associates and supporters, and the arts by which he collected them, XIV. His crimes and wretchedness, XV. His tuition of his accomplices, and resolution to subvert the government, XVI. His convocation of the conspirators, and their names, XVII. His concern in a former conspiracy, XVIII., XIX. Speech to the conspirators, XX. His promises to them, XXI. His supposed ceremony to unite them, XXII. His designs discov- ered by Fulvia, XXIII. His alarm on the election of Cicero to the con- sulship, and his design in engaging women hi his cause, XXIV. His accomplice, Semprouia, characterized, XXV. His ambition of the con- sulship, his plot to assassinate Cicero, and his disappointment in both, XXVI. His mission of Maulius into Etruria, and his second convention of the conspirators, XXVII. His second attempt to kill Cicero ; his direc- tions to Manlius well observed, XXVIII. His machinations induce the Senate to confer extraordinary power on the consuls, XXIX. His pro- ceedings are opposed by various precautions, XXX. His effrontery in the Senate, XXXI. He sets out for Etrnria. XXXII. His accomplice, Mau- lius, sends a deputation to Mareius, XXXIII. His representations to va- rious respectable characters, XXXIV. His letter to Catulus, XXXV. His arrival at Manlius's camp; he is declared an enemy by the Senate; his adherents continue faithful and resolute. XXXVI. The discontent and disaffection of the populace in Eome, XXXVII. The old contentions between the patricians and plebeians, XXXVIII. The eifect which a victory of Catiline would have produced, XXXIX. The Allobroges arc solicited to cng;iee in the conspiracy, XL. They discover it to Cicero, XLI. The incaution of Catiline's accomplices in Gaul and Italy, XLII. The plans of his adherents at Rome, XLIII. The Allobroges succeed in obtaining proofs of the conspirators' guilt, XLIV. The Allobroges and Volturcius are arrested by the contrivance of Cicero, XLV. The principal conspirators at Rome are brought before the Senate, XLV1. The evidence against them, and their consignment to custody, XLVII. The alteration in the minds of the populace, and the suspicions entertained against ( 'rassus, XLVIII. The attempts of Catulus and Piso to criminate Caesar, XLIX. The plans of Lentulus and Cethegus for their rescue, and the deliberations of the Senate, L. The speech of Csesar on the mode of punishing the conspirators, LI. The speech of Cato on the same subject, LII. Tho condemnation of the prisoners ; the causes of Koman greatness, 1 SALLUST. LIII. Parallel between Csesar and Cato, LIV. The execution of tho criminals, LV. Catiline's warlike preparations in Etruria, LVI. He is compelled by Metullus and Antonius to hazard an action, LV1I. His ex- hortation to his men, LVIII. His arrangements, and those of his op- ponents, for the battle, LIX. His bravery, defeat, and death, LX., LXI. I. IT becomes all men, who desire to excel other animals, 1 to strive, to the utmost of their power, 2 not to pass through life in obscurity, 3 like the beasts of the field, 4 which nature has formed groveling 5 and subservient to appetite. 1 I. Desire to excel other animals] Sese student prwstare cceteris animaliltiis. The pronoun, which was usually omitted, is, says Cortius, not without its force; for it is equivalent to ut vp&i: student tit ipsi prcestent. In support of his opinion he quotes, with other passages, I'laut. Asinar. 5. 3, 31 : Volt placere sese arnicas, i. e. vult ut ij>se amicce placeat ; and Coelius Antipater apud Festum in " Topper," Ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat semulan, i. e. studeat vt ipse aemuletur. This explanation is approved by Bernouf. Cortiu* might have added Cat. 7 : sese quisque hostcmfenre -properabat. " Student," Cortius interprets by " cupjunt." a To the utmost of their power] Svmma, ope, with their utmost ability. "A Sallustiaii mode of expression. Cicero would have said summa opera, xnmmo studio, summa contentwne. Ennius has ' Summa nitunturopum viS " Colerus. 3 In obscurity] Silentio. So as to have nothing said of them, cither during their lives or at their death. So in c. 2: Eorum ego vitam mortemqueju.itu, (zstumo, quoniam de tttrayue siletur. When Ovid says, Bene qui latuit, lene vixit, ana Horace, Nee vixit male, gui vivens moriensque ftfdht, they merely signify that he has some comfort in life, who, in ignoble obscurity, escapes trouble and censure. But men thus undistinguished are, in the estimation of Sallust, little superior to the brute creation. "Optimus quisque," savs Muretus, quoting Cicero, "honoris ct gloria; studio maxime ducitur;" tr.o ablest men are most actuated by the desire of honor and glory, and aro more solicitous about the character which they will bear among posterity. With reason, therefore, does Pallas, in the Odyssey, address the t'ollowiug exhortation to Telemachus : "Hast thou not heard how young Orestes, fir'd With great revenge, immortal praise acqair'd? * * * * * O trreatly bless'd with ev'ry blooming grace, With eq'ual steps the paths of glory trace 1 Join to that royal youth's your rival name, And shine eternal in the sphere of fame." Like the beasts of the field] Veluti, pecora. Many translators have ren- dered pecora "brutes" or "beasts;" peciix, however, does not mean brutes in general, but answers to our Englisli word cattle. Groveling] Prona. I have adopted groveling from Mair's old transla- tion. Pronus, stooping to the tarth, is applied to cattle, in opposition to CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 3 All our power is situate in the mind and in the body." Of the mind we rather employ the government ; T of the body, the erectut, which is applied to man ; as in the following lilies of Ovid, Met. i. 76: " Prowaque cum spectent animalia castera terrain, Os homini sublime dedit, ccelumque tueri Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus." " while the mute creation downward bend Their sight, and to their earthly mother tend, Man looks aloft, anil with erected eyes Beholds his own hereditary skies." Dryden. Which Milton (Par. L. vii. 502) has paraphrased: " There wanted yet the master-work, the end Of all yet done ; a creature, who not prone And, brute as other creatures, but endued With sanctity of reason, mi^ht erect His stature, and upright with front serene Govern the rest, self-knowing, and from thence Magnanimous to correspond with heaven." So Silius Italicus, xv. 84 : " Xonne vides hominum ut celsos ad sidera vultus Sustulerit Deus, et sublimia fiuxerit ora, Cum pecudes, volucrnmque genus, formaso^ue ferarum, Segnem atque obscoenam passim stravisset in alvum," " See'st thon not how the Deity has rais'd The countenance of man erect to heav'n, Gazing sublime, while prone to earth he bent Th' inferior tribes, reptiles, and p-.istnring herds, And beasts of prey, to appetite enslav'u P 1 "When Nature," says Cicero, de Legg. i. 9, "had made other animals ab- ject, and consigned them to the pastures, she made man alone upright, and raised him to the contemplation of heaven, as of his birthplace and former abode ;" a passage which Dryden seems to have had in his mind when ho translated the lines of Ovid cited above. Let us add Juvenal, xv. 146 : " Sensum a coelesti demissum traximus arce, Cujus egeut prona et terrain spectantia." "To us is reason giv'n, of heav'nly birth, Denied to beasts, that prone regard the earth." All our power is situate in the mind and in the body] Sed omnis nostra TIS in animo et corpore sita. All our power is placed, or consists, in our mind i:nd our body. ^The particle sed, which is merely a connective, answering to the Greek de, and which would be useless in an Euglish translation, I have omitted. 7 Of the mind we employ the government] Animi imptrio utimtir. " What the Deity is in the universe, the mind is in man ; what mat'er is to the universe, the body is to us; let the worse, therefore, serve the better." Sen. Epist. Ixv. Dux et imperator vitas mortalium animus eat, the mind is the guide and ruler of the life of mortals. Jug. c. 1. " Au animal consists 4 SALLUST. service. 8 The one is common to us with the gods ; the other with the brutes. It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable" to pursue glory by means of the intellect than of bodily strength, and, since the life which we enjoy is short, to make the remem- brance of us as lasting as possible. For the glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and perishable ; that of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal. 10 of mind and body, of which the one is formed by nature to rule, and the other to obey." Aristot. Polit. i. 5. Muretus and Graswiuckel will supply abundance of similar passages. * Of the mind we rather employ the government ; of the body, the service] minimi imperio, corporis servitw, magis utimur. The word magis is not to be regarded as useless. " It signifies," says Cortius, " that the mind rules, and the body obeys, in general, and with greater reason.''' 1 At certain times the body may seem to have the mastery, us when we are under the irresistible in- fluence of hunger or thirst. 8 It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable, etc.] Quo mihi rectius videtur, etc. I have rendered quo by therefore. " Quo, observes Cortius, " ispropter quod, with the proper force of the ablative case. So Jug. c. 84 : Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est, etc; c. 2, Quo magis pravitas eorum ad- miranda est. Some expositors would force us to believe that these ablatives are inseparably connected with the comparative degree, as in quo minus, eo major, and similar expressions ; whereas common sense shows that they can not be so connected." Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way to which Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, Quanta magis animus corpori prceAtat, tanto rec'ius ingenii opibus gloriam quczrere. But most of the commentators and translators rightly follow Cortius. " Quo,''' 1 says Papptiur, "is for quodim." 10 That of intellectual powor is illustrious and immortal] Virtus clira ceternaque haletur. The only one of our English translators who has given the right sense of virtus in this passage, is bir Henry Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbe Thy von and M. Beauzec. " It appears somewhat singular," say's Sir Henry, ""that none of the numerous translators of Sal- lust, whether among ourselves or among foreigu nations the Abb6 Thy von and M. Beauzee excopted have thought of giving to the word virtus, in this place, what so obviously is the meaning intended by the historian; namely, *genius, ability, distinguished talents.' Indeed, the wlioie tenor of the passage, as well as the scope of the context, leaves no room to doubt the 1'act. The main objects of comparison, throughout the three first sections of this Prcemium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but body and mindj a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honorable activity. On this account it is pretty evident, that by virtus Sallust could never mean the Greek dperij, ' virtue or moral worth,' but that lie had in his eye the well-known interpretation of Varro, who considers it ut viri vis (Dc Line. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his fellow-creatures. In order to be con- vinced of the justice of this rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the second section of the Prneinium to the .lugarthine War, where the same train of thought is again pursued, al- though he gives it somewhat a different turn in the piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding, of both these Dissertations is to illustrate, in a striking manner, the pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advanta^s or bodily endowments, and to show that it is by genius alone thut we may CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 5 Yet it was long a, subject of dispute among mankind, whether military efforts were more advanced by strength of body, or by force of intellect. For, in affairs of war, it is necessary to plan before beginning to act, 11 and, after planning, to act with promptitude and vigor. 14 Thus, each 13 being insufficient of itself, the one requires the assistance of the other. 14 II. In early times, accordingly, kings (for that was the first title of sovereignty in the world) applied themselves in different ways; 16 some exercised the mind, others the body. At that period, however, 18 the life of man was passed without covetous- ness; 17 every one was satisfied with his own. But after Cyrus in Asia 18 and the Lacedaemonians and Athenians in Greece, be- aspire to a reputation which shall never die. Igltur prceclara fades, magncs divitioR, adhuc vis curporls, et alia hujusmodi omnia, orevi dUabuntur: at in~ genii egregiafacinora, sicut anima, immortalia sunt." 11 It is necessary to plan before beginning to act] Priusquam incipias, crm- fulto opus est. Most translators have rendered consuUo " deliberation," or something equivalent; but it is planning or contrivance that is signified. Demosthenes, in his Oration de Pace, reproaches the Athenians with act- ing without any settled plan: 'Of HEV yup ID-Jkoi Tnuref uvdpuTtoi rrpd ruv Trpayi-tuTuv hudaai xP'/cOai rti (3ovAeveadai, vfj.elf 6v6 peril TO. Trpuy- fiara. 12 To act with promptitude r.nd vi^ror] Mature facto opus est. "Mature facto" seems to include the notions b<>th of promptitude and vigor, offeree as well as speed ; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expedition be attended with power and effect ? 13 Each] Utr unique. The corporeal and mental faculties. 14 The one requires the assistance of the other] Alterum altering auxilio ffiet. " Eget" says Cortius, "is the reading of all the MSS." Veget, which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of indigene occurring in the same sentence. But eget agrees far better with consulto et mature facto opus est, in the preceding sentence. 15 II. Applied themselves in different ways] DiversL " Modo et instituto diverso, diversa sequentes." Cur-'-- 18 At that period, however] Et jam turn. " Tune temporis pracise, at tlint time precisely, which is the force of the particle jam, as donatus shows. * * * I have therefore written et jam separately. * * * Virg. ^En. vii. 737. Lateyarw turn ditionc premebat Sarrastes popnlos." Cortius. 17 Without covetousness] Sine cupiditate. "As in the famous golden r.cre. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 26." Cortius. See also Ovid. Met. i. 89, seq. But "such times were never," as Cowper says. 18 But after Cyrus in Asia, etc.] Posiea -cero quam in Asia Cyrus, etc. Fallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the case. " The Ro- mans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, " though not learned in antiquity, "could not have been ignorant that there were great conquerors before C'vrus ; as Xinus and Sesostris. But as their reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages. Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and went no further back than the re- cords of Herodotus and Thucydides." Ninns, sa<* Justin, i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the veterem et quasi avitum 6 SALLUST. gan to subjugate cities and nations, to deem the lust of domin- ion a reason for war, and to imagine the greatest glory to be in the most extensive empire, it was then at length discovered, by proof and experience, 19 that mental power has the greatest effect in military operations. And, indeed, 20 if the iatcllcctu:;! ability 21 of kings and magistrates" were exerted to the same degree in peace as in war, human affairs would be more orderly and settled, and you Avould not see governments shifted from hand to hand," and things universally changed and confused. For dominion is easily secured by those qualities by which it was at first obtained. But when sloth has introduced itself in the. place of industry, and covetousness and pride in that of mod- eration and equity, the fortune of a state is altered together with its morals ; and thus authority is always transferred from the less to the more deserving. 24 Even in agriculture," in navigation, and in architecture, whatever man performs owns the dominion of intellect. Yet many human beings, resigned to sensuality and indolence, ua- gentilnt.8 morem, that is, to break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with De Brosses. 111 Proof and experience] Periculo atque neyotiix. Gronovius rightly in- terprets periculo " experiundo, experiments," by experiment or trial. Cortius takes periculo atque negotiis for periculc/sis negotiis, by hendyadys ; but to this figure, as Kritzius remarks, we ought but sparingly to have re- course. It is better, he adds, to take the words in their ordinary signifi- cation, understanding by negotia "res graviores." Bernouf judioiouMy explains negotils by " ipsa negotiorum tractationc," i. e. by the management of affairs, or by experience in affairs. Bureau Delamallc, the French trans- lator, hss " 1'experience et la pratique." Mair has " trial and experience," which, I believe, faithfully expresses Sallust's meaning. Kosc gives only " experience" for both words. '"> And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, etc.] Quod si animi virtus, etc. " Quod si" can not here be rendered "but if ; it is rather equivalent to quapropter si, and might be expressed by wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if. 21 Intellectual ability] Animi virtus. Sec the remarks on virtus, above cited. 23 Magistrates] Imperatorvm. " Understand all who govern states, wheth- er in war or in peace." Bernovf. Sallust calls the consuls imperatores, c. 6. Governments shifted from hand to hand] Aliud olio ferri. Evidently til hiding to changes in government. 24 Less to the more deserving] Ad optimum quemque a minus lono. " From the less good to the best." 25 Even in agriculture, etc.] Qn(e homines arant, navigant, cedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Literally, what men plow, sail, etc. Sallust's meaning is, that agriculture, navigation, arid architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere bodily exertion, are as much, the result of mental power as the highest of human pursuits. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. . 7 instructed and unimproved, \it\\.- }> ss >1 through life like travel- ers in a strange country j 30 to whom, certainly, contrary to the , intention of nature, the body was a gratification, and the mind a burden. Of these I hold the life and death in equal estima- tion ; a7 for silence is maintained concerning both. But he only, indeed, seems to me to live, and to enjoy life, who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation from some ennobling enter- prise, or honorable pursuit. But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out different paths to different individuals. III. To act well for the Commonwealth is noble, and even to speak well for it is not without merit. 28 Both in peace and in war it is possible to ob- tain celebrity ; many who have acted, and many who have recorded the actions of others, receive their tribute of praise. And to me, assuredly, though by no means equal glory attends the narrator and the performer of illustrious deeds, it yet seems in the highest degeee difficult to write the history of great tran- sactions ; first, because deeds must be adequately represented' 9 by words ; and next, because most readers consider that what- ever errors you mention with censure, are mentioned through malevolence and envy ; while, when you speak of the great virtue and glory of eminent men, every one hears with acqui- escence 30 only that which he himself thinks easy to be per- 26 Like travelers in a strange country] Sicufi peregrinantes. "Vivere nesciunt ; igitur in vita quasi nospites sunt ;" they know not how to use life, and are therefore, as it were, strangers in it. Dietsch. " Peregrinantts, qui, qua transeunt, nullum sui vestigium relinqunnt :" they are as travelers, who do nothing to leave any trace of their course. Pappaur. 27 Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation] Eorum eopvitam mortemque j 't/xfa attimo. I count them of the same value dead as alive, for they are honored in the one state as much as in the other. " Those who are devoted to the gratification of their appetites," as Sallust says, " let us regard as inferior animals, not as men ; and some, indeed, not as living, but as dead animals." Seneca, Ep. Ix. 28 III. Not without merit] Haud absurdam. I have borrowed this ex- pression from Eose, to whom Muretus furnished "sua laude non caret." " The word dbsurdus is often used by the Latins as an epithet for sounds disagreeable to the ear but at length it came to be applied to any action unbecoming a rational being." KunhardL 29 Deeds must be adequately represented, etc.] Facto, dlctis tunt ex- cequanda. Most translators have regarded these words as signifying that tht subject m ttxt be equaled by the style. But it is not of mere style that F-.llust is speaking. " lie means that the matter must be so represented by the words, that honorable actions may not be too much praised, and that dishonorable actions may not be too much blamed ; and that the reader may at once understand what was done and how it was done." Kunhardt. 30 Every one hears with acquiescence, etc.] Qwvs : M ORquoanimo accipit, etc. This is taken from Thucydides, ii. 35. " For praises spoken of others 8 SALLUST. formed ; all beyond his own conception he regards as fictitious and incredible. 31 I'myself, however, when a young man, 33 was at first led by inclination, like most others, to engage in political affairs ;" but in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavorable to me ; for, instead of modesty, temperance, and integrity, 34 there pre- vailed shamelessness, corruption, and rapacity. And although iny mind, inexperienced in dishonest practices, detested these vices, yet, in the midst of so great corruption, my tender age was insnared and infected 35 by ambition ; and, though I shrunk from the vicious principles of those around me, yet the same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, 89 which disquieted others, disquieted myself. IV. When, therefore, my mind had rest from its numerous are only endured so far as eaeli one thinks that he is himself also capable of doing any of the things ho hears: but that which exceeds their own ca- pacity, men at onco envy and disbelieve." Dale's Translation : Bohn's Classical Library. 31 Eegards as fictitious and incredible] Velutificta, pro fains ducit. Ducit profalsis, he considers as false or incredible, velutijicta, as if invented. 32 When a young man] Adolescentulas. " It is generally admitted that all were called adoleacentes by the Romans^ who were between the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth. The diminutive is used in the same sense, but with a view to contrast more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation, prudence, and experience of age. So Caesar is called advlescentulus, in c. 49, at a time when ne was in his thirty- third year." Dietsch. And Cicero, referring to the time of his consulship, says, "Defendi rempublicam adolescens, Philipp. ii. 46. 33 To engage in political affairs] Ad^ rempublicam. " In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, honoribus operam dedi, I sought to obtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were comprehended under the term Respublica. Cortius. 31 Integrity] Virtute. Cortius rightly explains this word as meaning ustice, equity, and all other virtues necessary in those who manage the affairs ot a state. Observe that it is here opposed to avaritia, not, as some critics would have it, to largitio. 35 Was ensnared and infected] Gorrupta tenebatur. As obsessus tenetur, Jug., c. 24. 3 The same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, etc.] Honor It cupido cadem quce cwteros, fama utque invidia vexabat. I follow the interpretation of Cortius : " Me vexabat honoris cupido, et vexabat pr'tpterea i etiam eadem, quae casteros, fama atque inviclia." He adds, from a gloss in the Guelferbytan MS., that it is a zeugma. " Fama atque invidia" says Gronovius, "is iv 6iti fivolv, for invidlosa et maliyna fama.''' Bernouf, with Zanchius and others, read/amo. atque invidia, in the ablative case ; and the Bipont edition has eadem qua -fama, el:. ; but the method of Cortius is, to me, by far the most straightforward ami satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, in his note on this passage, wrote the account of Catiline's con- spiracy shortly after his expulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he suffered from calumny on the occasion; though he took no trouble, in the subsequent part of hia life, to put such calumny to Bilence. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 9 troubles and trials, and I ha 1 determined to pass the remainder of my days unconnected with public life, it was not my inten- tion to waste my valuable leisure in indolence and inactivity, or, engaging in servile occupations, to spend my time in agriculture or hunting ;~ 7 but, returning to those studies 38 from which, at their commencement, a corrupt ambition had allured me, I de- termined to write, in detatched portions, 3 * the transactions of the Roman people, as any occurrence should seem worthy of mention ; an undertaking (o which I was the rather inclined, r.s my mind was uninfluenced by hope, fear, or political partisan- ship. I shall accordingly give a brief account, with as much truth as I can, of the Conspiracy of Catiline ; for I think it aa enterprise eminently deserving of record, from the unusual na- ture both of its guilt and of its perils. But before I enter upon my narrative, I must give a short description of the character of the man. V. Lucius CATILINE was a man of noble birth, 40 and of em- inent mental and personal endowments ; l>ut of a vicious a::d 37 IV. Servile occupations agriculture or hunting] Agrum coiendo, aut venando, servttibm officiis inUntum. By calling agriculture and hunting ter villa officia, Sallust intends, as is remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the savins? of Julian the emperor, Turpe est sapienti, cum Itabeat animum, capture laudes ex corpore. "Ita ergo," adds the com- mentator, " agricultura et veuutio servilia officia Mint, quum in solo consis- tent corporis usu, nnimum, vero nee meliorem nee prndentiorcm rcddant. Qui labor in se ccrte cst illiberalis, ei prsesertim cui faoultas sit ad meliora." Symmachua (1 v. Ep. 60) and some others, whose remarks the reader may see in Havercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of hunting and agriculture with more respect, and accuse him of not remembering, -vrith sufficient veneration, the kings and princes that have amusdd themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as Curius and Cincinnatus. Sallust, however, is sufficiently defended from censure by the Abbe 1 Thy- von, in a dissertation much longer than the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to peruse. 33 Returning to those studies, etc.] A quo incepfo studio me amtntio mala detiiiu^rat, e<} passing belief. His mind was daring, subtle, and versatile, ca- pable of pretending or dissembling whatever lie wished. 43 Ho vas covetous of other men's property, and prodigal of his own. lie had abundance of eloquence, 44 though but little wisdom. His insatiable ambition was always pursuing objects extrava- gant, romantic, and unattainable. Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship, 46 a strong desire of 41 Sedition] Discordia clvilis. 43 And in such scenes he had spent his early years] Pnque juventutem suam exercuit. " It is to be observed that the Roman writers often used an adverb, where we, of modern times, should express ourselves more specifi- cally by using a noun." Dietsch on c. 3, ibique multa miki advorsa fuere. Juuentus properly signified the time between thirty and forty-five years of age ', adotescentia that between fifteen and thirty. But this distinction was not always accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part in sup- porting Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and mandates. " Quis erat hujus (Syllae) imperil minister? Quid nisi Catilina, jam in omne facinus man us exercens?" Sen. de Ira, iii. 18. 43 Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished] Cujuslibet rei simulator ac dissimulator. " Dissimulation is the negative, when a man leta fall signs and arguments, that he is not that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a mnn industriously and expressly feigns, and pretends to be that he is not." Bacon, Essay vi. 44 Abundance of eloquence] Satis eloquential. Cortius reads loquentia. " Loquentia is a certain facility of speech not necessarily attended with, sound sense; called by the Greeks 7.a'/.ia." Bernmtf. "Julius Candidus used excellently to observe that eloquentia was one thing, and loquentia another; for eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called loquentia, or fluency of speech, is the tul nt of many, and especially of the most impudent." Plin. Ep. v. 20. But eluqttentice is the reading of most of the MSS., and loqiientice, if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sal lust must have written so, as eloquenticK could not agree with sapierdice parurn. This opinion of Pro! > us, however, may be questioned. May not Ballast have written eloquentwi, with the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline's mouth (c. iio, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as eloquentM than loquentia. On the whole, and especially from the concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read doquentice, with the more recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz, and Dietsch. 45 Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship] Post dominationem Lucii Sylla. "The meaning is not the same as if it were Jinitii dominatione, but is t!:o same as ab to tempore quo df/minari cceperat. In French, therefore, po^t should be rendered by depuLs, not, as it is commonly translated, apr< *." Bernouf. As dictator was the title that Sylla assumed, 1 have translated CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. H seizing the government possessed him, nor did he at all care, provided that he secured power 46 for himself, by what means he might arrive at it. His violeut spirit was daily more and more hunied on by the diminution of his patrimony, and by his consciousness of guilt ; both which evils he had increased by those practices which I have mentioned above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance and selfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly depraved, 47 furnished him with additional incentives to action. Since the occasion has thus brought public morals under my notice, the subject itself seems to call upon me to look back, and briefly to describe the conduct of our ancestors 48 in peace and war ; how they managed the state, and how powerful they left it ; and how, by gradual alteration, it became, from being the most virtuous, the most vicious and depraved. VI. Of the city of Rome, as I understand, 49 the founders and earliest inhabitants were the Trojans, who, under the conduct of ^Eneas, were wandering about as exiles from their country, without any settled abode ; and with these were joined the Aborigines, 60 a savage race of men, without laws or govern- ment, free, and owning no control. How easily these two tribes, though of different origin, dissimilar language, and opposite habits of life, formed a union when they met within the same walls, is almost incredible." But when their state, from an accession of population and territory, and an improved condi- tion of morals, showed itself tolerably flourishing and powerful, dpminatio, " dictatorship." Kose, Gordon, and others, render it "usurpa- tion." 40 Power] Eeanum. Chief authority, rule, dominion. 47 Rendered thoroughly depraved] Vexabant. " Corrumpere et pessundnre studebant." Bernouf. Quos vexalant, be it observed, refers to nwre*, as Gerhich and Kritz Interpret, not to ciees understood incivitatis, which is the evidently erroneous method of Cortius. 48 Conduct ot' our ancestors] Instltata majorum. The principles adopted by our ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and to the man- agement of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident from the follow- ing account. 48 VI. As I understand] Sicut ego accepi. " By these words he plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome. The re; d cr may consult Livy, lib. i. ; Justin, lib. xliii. ; and Dionys. Halicar., lib. i. ; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans." Bernouf. 60 Aborigines] Akrrigines. The original inhabitants of Italy ; the same as indiqena;, or the Greek 'AvroxBovf f. 51 Almost incredible] Incredibile memoratu. " Non credi potest, si memo- ratur; snperat omnem fidem." Pappaur. Yet that which actually happen- ed, can not be absolutely incredible ; and I have, therefore, inserted almost. 1 2 SALLUST. envy, as is generally the case in human affairs, was the r,oi: se- quence of its prosperity. The neighboring kings and people, accordingly, began to assail them in war, while a few only of their friends came to their support ; for the rest, struck with alarm, shrunk from sharing their dangers. But the Roman?, active at homo and in the field, prepared with alacrity for their defense." They encouraged one another, and hurried to meet the enemy. They protected, with their arms, their liberty, their country, and their homes. And when they had at length repelled danger by valor, they lent assistance to their allies and supporters, and procured friendships rather by bestowing 63 fa- vors than by receiving them. They had a government regulated by laws. The denomina- tion of their government was monarchy. Chosen men, whose bodies might be enfeebled by years, but whose minds were vigorous in understanding, formed the council of the state ; and these, whether from their age, or from the similarity of their duty, were called FATHERS." But afterward, when the mon- archical power, which had been originally established for the protection of liberty, and for the promotion of the public in- terest, had degenerated into tyranny and oppression, they changed their plan, and appointed two magistrates," with power only annual ; for they conceived that, by this method, the human mind would be least likely to grow overbearing for want of control. VII. At this period every citizen began to seek distinction, and to display his talents with greater freedom ; for, with princes, the meritorious are greater objects of suspicion than the undeserving, and to them the worth of others is a source of M Prepared with alacrity for their defense] Festinare, parare. "Made haste, prepared." " Intenti ut festinanter pararent ea, quse defensioni aut bello usui essent." Pappaur. 53 Procured friendships rather by bestowing, etc.] Magiaque dandle, qvam accipundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Thucyd. ii., 40 : 'On nu.axovreq Iv, u)C^u dpuvTff, KTu/teOa rot)f iXovf. w FATHEKS] PATRKS. " (Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathers ; from their age, Senatm." Florus, i. 1. Senatus from senex. " Patres ab honore appellati." Livy. 55 Two magistrates] Binox imperatores. The two consuls. Thev were more properly called ^mperatores at first, when the law, which settled their power, said " Regio imperio duo sunto" (Cic. de Legg. iii. 4), than after- ward, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their au- thority. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 13 alarm. But when liberty was secured, it is almost incredible how much the state strengthened itself in a short space of time, so strong a passion for distinction had pervaded it. Now, for the first time, the youth, as soon as they were able to boar the toil of war," acquired military skill by actual service in the camp, and took pleasure rather in splendid arms and military steeds than in the society of mistresses and Convivial indul- gence. To such men no toil was unusual, no place was diffi- cult or inaccessible, no armed enemy was formidable ; their valor had overcome every thing. But among themselves the grand rivalry was for glory ; each sought to be first to wound an enemy, to scale a wall, and to be noticed while performing such an exploit. Distinction such as this they regarded as wealth, honor, and true nobility. 68 They were covetous of praise, but liberal of money ; they desired competent riches but boundless glory. I could mention, but that the account would draw me too far from my subject, places in which the Roman people, with a small body of men, routed vast armies of the enemy ; and cities, which, though fortified .by nature, they carried by assault. VIII. But, assuredly, Fortune rules in all things. She makes every thing famous or obscure rather from caprice than in con- formity with truth. The exploits of the Athenians, as far as I can judge, were very great and glorious/ 8 something inferior to what fame has represented them. But because writers of great talent flourished there, the actions of the Athenians are celebrated over the world as the most splendid achievements. Thus, the merit of those who have acted is estimated at the highest point to which illustrious intellects could exalt it in their writings. But among the Romans there was never any such abundance of writers ; e for, with them, the most able men were the most M VII. Almost incredible] Ineredihile memoratu. See above, c. 6. 57 Able to bear the toils of war] Laboris ac belli pattens. As by laboris the labor of war is evidently intended. I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius'. Havercamp and others have "simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam disce- bat;" but per laborem u-su is assuredly not the hand of Sallust. 58 Honor and true nobility] Bonam famam mfir/namque nobilitatem. 59 VIII. Very great and glorious] Satis amplcu magnificcEqite. In speak- ing of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus ob- serves, to the Histories of Thncydides, Xenophen, and perhaps Herodotus ; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets. There was never any such abundance of writers] Nunquam ea copia 1 4 SALLUST. actively employed. No one exercised the mind independently of the body : every man of ability chose to act rather Ihmi narrate," and was more desirous that his own merits should be celebrated by others, than that he himself should record fhehs. IX. Good morals, accordingly, were cultivated in the cily and in the camp. There was the greatest possible concord, and the least possibly avarice. Justice and probity prevailed among the citizens, not more from the influence of the laws than from natural inclination. They displayed animosity, enmity, and resentment only against the enemy. Citizens contended with citizens in nothing but honor. They were magnificent in their religious services, frugal in their families, and steady in their friendships. By these two virtues, intrepidity in war, and equity in peace, they maintained themselves and their state. Of their exercise of which virtues, I consider these as the greatest proofs ; that, in war, punishment was oftener inflicted on those who attacked an enemy contrary to orders, and who, when commanded to retreat, retired too slowly from the contest, than on those who had dared to desert their standards, or, when pressed by the enemy, 88 to abandon their posts ; and that, in peace, they governed more by conferring benefits than by exciting terror, and, when they received an injury, chose rather to pardon than to revenge it. X. But when, by perseverance and integrity, the republic had increased its power ; when mighty princes had been vanquished in war ; 03 when barbarous tribes and populous states had been reduced to subjection ; when Carthage, the rival of Rome's dominion, had been utterly destroyed, and sea and land lay fuit. I follow Knlmliardt, who thinks c&pia equivalent to multiludo. Others render it adeantage, or something similar ; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c. 28: Latroms quorum inagna copia erat. 61 Chose to act rather than narrate] " For," as Cicero says, " neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinckelius. c2 IX. Pressed by the enemv] Pulsi. In the words pulsi loco cedf.re ausi erant l loco is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with ceaere, not, as Kritzius puts it, with puln. "To retreat,' 1 adds Dietsch, " is disgraceful only to those qui ab nostibus sepelli patiantur, who suffer themselves to be repulsed ly the enemy.' 1 ' 1 63 X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war] Person, Anti- ochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 15 every where open to her sway, Fortune then began to exercise her tyranny, and to introduce universal innovation. To those who had easily endured toils, dangers, and doubtful and difficult circumstances, ease and wealth, the objects of desire to others, became a burden and a trouble. At first the love of money, and then that of power, began to prevail, and these became, as it were, the sources of every evil. For avarice subverted honesty, integrity, and other honorable principles, and, in their stead, inculcated pride, inhumanity, contempt of reli- gion, and general venality. Ambition prompted many to become deceitful ; to keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue ; 64 to estimate friendships and enmities, not by their worth, but according to interest; and to carry rather a specious countenance than an honest heart. These vices at first advanced but slowly, and were sometimes restrained by correction ; but afterward, when their infection had spread like a pestilence, the state was entirely changed, and the government, from being the most equitable and praiseworthy, became rapacious and insupport- able. XL At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice," that influenced the minds of men ; a vice which approaches nearer to virtue than the other. For of glory, honor, and power, the worthy is as desirous as the worthless; but the 64 To keep one tiling concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue] Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum, Jiabere. yap fioi Kelvo 6//<2>f 'AtJao Trvhgaiv "Of %' erepov fj.iv KevOsi, ivt Qpeaiv, uA/lo 6i! fiu&t- II., ix. 313. "Who dares think one thing, and another tell, My heart detests him as the gates of hell. Pope. 5 XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, etc.] Sed primo may is ambitw quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat. Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage, an assertion at variance witii what he had said before (c. 10), Igttur primb pecunite, deinde imperil cupido, crevit, and it will be hard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavors to reconcile the passages by giving them the following " meaning," which, he says, "seems perfectly evident:" "Al- though avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after botii had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height." To me, however, it " seems perfectly evident" that the Latin can be made to yield no such " meaning. " How these passages agree," says Rupertus, "I do not understand: unless we suppose that Sallust, by th word primct, does not always signify order." 1 SALLUST. one pursues them by just methods ; the other, being destitute of honorable qualities, works with fraud and deceit. But avarice has merely money for its object, which no wise man has ever immoderately desired. It is a vice which, as if imbued with deadly poison, enervates .whatever is manly in body or mind. 66 It is always unbounded and insatiable, and is abated neither by abundance nor by want. But after Lucius Sylla, having recovered the government" by force of arms, proceeded, after a fair commencement, to a pernicious termination, all became robbers and plunderers ; 6i some set their affections on houses, others on lands ; his vic- torious troops knew neither restraint nor moderation, but in- flicted on the citizens disgraceful and inhuman outrages. Their rapacity was increased by the circumstance that Sylla, in order to secure the attachment of the forces which he had commanded in Asia, 6 ' had treated them, contrary to the prac- tice of our ancestors, with extraordinary indulgence, and ex- emption from discipline ; and pleasant and luxurious quarters had easily, during seasons of idleness, enervated the minds of the soldiery. Then the armies of the Roman people first became habituated to licentiousness and intemperance, and began to admire statues, pictures, and sculptured vases ; to seize such objects alike in public edifices and private dwell- ings ;' to spoil temples ; and to cast off respect for every thing, sacred and profane. Such troops, accordingly, when once 88 Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind] Corpus mrilemnue ani- mum effmminat. That avarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body ? The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii. 1), that that those who are intent on getting riches devote themselves to sedentary pursuits, as tho.se of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employ- ments as strengthen the body. There is, "however, another explanation by Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which per- haps is the true one ; namely, that Sallust, by body and mind, intended merely to signify the whole man. 87 Having recovered the government] Recepta, republics. Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party. 68 All became robbers and plunderers] Rapere omnes, trahere. He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterward, "neque modum neque modestiain victores habere." 9 Which he had commanded in Asia] Quern in ASM ductaverat. I have here deserted Cortius, who gives in Asiam, " into Asia," but this, as Ber- nouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb ductaverat. 78 in public edifices and private dwellings] Pnaatim ac public*}. I have translated this according to the notion of Bernouf. Others, as Dietsch and CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 17 they obtained the mastery, left nothing to be vanquished. Success unsettles the principles even of the wise, and scarcely would those of debauched habits use victory with moderation. XIL When wealth was once considered an honor, and glory, authority, and power attended on it, virtue lost her in- fluence, poverty was thought a disgrace, and a life of inno- cence was regarded as a life of ill-nature. 71 From the influence of riches, accordingly, luxury, avarice, and pride prevailed among the youth ; they grew at once rapacious and prodigal ; they undervalued what was their own, and coveted what was another's ; they set at naught modesty and continence ; they lost all distinction between sacred and profane, and threw off all consideration and self-restraint. It furnishes much matter for reflection," after viewing our modern mansions and villas extended to the size of cities, to contemplate the temples which our ancestors, a most devout race of men, erected to the gods. But our forefathers adorned the fanes of the deities with devotion, and their homes with their own glory, and took nothing from those whom they con- quered but the power of doing harm ; their descendants, on the contrary, the basest of mankind, 73 have even wrested from their allies, with the most flagrant injustice, whatever their brave and victorious ancestors had left to their vanquished enemies ; as if the only use of power were to inflict injury. XTTT. For why should I mention those displays of extrava- gance, which can be believed by none but those who have seen them ; as that mountains have been leveled, and seas covered with edifices, 14 by many private citizens ; men whom I consider Pappaur, consider privatim as signifying each on his own account, and pub- lice, in the name of the Reptillic. 71 XII. A life of innocence was regarded ns a life of ill-nature] Innocentla pro malivolentid duel ctepit. " Whoever continued honest and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy ; for a good, man among the bad cun never be regarded as of their party." Bernouf. 72 It furnishes much matter for reflection] Opera, pretium est. 73 Basest of mankind] Ignavissumi rrwrtales. It is opposed to fortissumi viri, which follows, " Qui nee fortitcr nee bene quidquom fecere. Cortius. 74 XIII. Seas covered with edifices] Maria constructs, esse. Contracta pisces sequora seutiuut, Jactis in awum moltbus, etc. Hor. Od., iii. 1. The haughty lord, who lays His deep foundations in the seas, And scorns earth's narrow bound ; The fish affrighted feel their waves Contracted by his numerous slaves, Even in the vast profound. Francis. 18 SALLUST. to have made a sport of their wealth, 16 since they were im- patient to squander disreputably what they might have enjoyed with honor. But the love of irregular gratification, open debauchery, and all kinds of luxury,"'" had spread abroad with no less force. Men forgot their sex ; women threw off all the restraints of modesty. To gratify appetite, they sought for every kind of production by land and by sea ; they slept before there was any inclination for sleep ; they no longer waited to feel hunger, thirst, cold," or fatigue, but anticipated them all by luxurious indulgence. Such propensities drove the youth, when their patrimonies were exhausted, to criminal practices ; for their minds, impregnated with evil habits, could not easily abstain from gratifying their passions, and were thus the more inordi- nately devoted in every way to rapacity and extravagance. XIV. In so populous and so corrupt a city, Catiline, as it war, very easy to do, kept about him, like a body-guard, crowds of the unprincipled and desperate. For all those shameless, liber- tine, and profligate characters, who had dissipated their patri- monies by gaming, 78 luxury, and sensuality ; all who had contracted heavy debts, to purchase immunity for their crimes or offenses ; all assassins 73 or sacrilegious persons from every quarter, convicted or dreading conviction for their evil deeds ; all, besides, whom their tongue or their hand maintained by perjury or civil bloodshed ; all, in fine, whom wickedness, poverty, or a guilty conscience disquieted, were the associates 75 To have made a sport of their wealth] Quibus mild videntur ludibrio fuisse divitlce. " They spent their riehes on objects which, iu the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible." Cortius. 76 Luxury] Cultus. "Deliciarum in vletu, luxuries of the table ; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant." Cortius. 77 Cold] Frigus. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is wanting in one MS. ; and the English reader may possibly wish that it were away al- together. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes under- ground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather ; and he cites Pliny, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of a crytoporiicus, & gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were underground, and which even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. Ho also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. ad Spartian. Adrian., c. x., p. 87. 78 XIV. Gamins] Man.u. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret mann by gaming. Assassins] Parricidce. " Not only ho who had killed his father was called & parricide, but he who had killed any man ; as is evident from a law of Numa Pompilius : If anyone unlawfully and knowingly bring a freo man to death, let him be a parricide." Festus sub voce Par-rid. CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 10 and intimate friends of Catiline. And if any* one, as yet of un- blemished character, fc j ll into his society, he was presently rendered, by daily intercourse and temptation, similar and equal to the rest. But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted ; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their nge, were easily insnared by his stratagems. For as the passions cf each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished ^mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted and trustworthy supporters. There were some. I know, who thought that the youth, who frequented the house of Catiline, were guilty of crimes against nature ; but this report arose rather from other causes than from any evi- dence of the fact. 80 XV. Catiline, in his youth, had been guilty of many criminal connections, with a virgin of noble birth, 81 with a priestess of Vesta, 83 and of many other offenses of this nature, in defiance alike of law and religion. At last, when he was smitten with a passion for Aurelia Orestilla, 93 in whom no good man, at any time of her life, commended any thing but her beauty, it is confidently believed that because she hesitated to marry him, from the dread of having a grown-up step-son," he cleared the 80 Than from any evidence of the fact] Quctm quM, cuiquam id wnipertum foret. 81 XV. With a virgin of noble birth] Cum virgine nobtti. Who this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect to her family. If -what is found in a fragment of Cicero be true, Catiline had an illicit" connection with some female, and afterward married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection : Ez eoilem stu-pro tt njcorem etjiliam in- venhti- Oral, in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which worda Ascomus Pcdianus makes this comment: "Dieitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quse ei postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse nx- orem, cum filia ejus e.~set. HiecLucceius quoque Catilinse objecit in ora- tionibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni." Plutarch, too (Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of hav- ing corrupted his own daughter. *"> With a priestess of Vesta] Cum sacerdote Vestas. This priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's wife, whom Sallust, after she was divorced by Cicero, married. Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or because the in- terest of Catulus and others, who exerted themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, ri. 3 ; the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the pre- ccding note ; and Aseonius's commentary on it. t3 Aurelia Orestilla] See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosscs thinks, of Cneins Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor, A.U.C. 677. A grown-up step-son] Privvjnum adultd estate, A son of Catiline's by a former marriage. 20 SALLUST. house for their nuptials by putting his son to death. And this crime appears to me to have been the chief cause of hurrying forward the conspiracy. For his guilty mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no comfort either waking or sleep- ing ; so effectually did conscience desolate his tortured spirit." His complexion, in consequence, was pale, his eyes haggard, his . walk sometimes quick and sometimes slow, and distraction was plainly apparent in every feature and look. XVI. The young men, whom, as I said before, he had en- ticed to join him, he initiated, by various methods, in evil prac- tices. From among them he furnished false witnesses, 86 and. forgers of signatures ; and he taught them all to regard, witli equal unconcern, honor, property, and danger. At length, when he had stripped them of all character and shame, he led them to other and greater enormities. If a motive for crime did not readily occur, he incited them, nevertheless, to circumvent and murder inoffensive persons, 87 just as if they had injured him ; for, lest their hand or heart should grow torpid for want of em- ployment, he chose to be gratuitously wicked and cruel. Depending on such accomplices and adherents, and knowing that the load of debt was every where great, and that the vete- rans of Sylla, 88 having spent their money too liberally, and re- membering their spoils and former victory, were longing for a civil war, Catiline formed the design of overthrowing the gov- ernment. There was no army in Italy ; Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world ; 89 he himself had great hopes of 88 Desolate his tortured spirit] Mentem exciteam vaxtabat. "Conscience desolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, and introduces into it perpetual disquietude. Cortius. Many editions havu vexabat. 116 XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc.] Test/is siynatoresque falsov commodare. "If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop." Bernouf. * 7 ' Inoffensive persons, etc.] Insontes, sicuti sontes. Most translators have Tendered these words " innocent" and "guilty," terms which suggest noth- ing satisfactory to the English reader. The inxontes are those who had given Catiline no cause of offense ; the sontes those who had in some wny incurred his displeasure, or become objects of his rapacity. 88 Veterans or Sylla, etc.] Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla ; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who. having lived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in Cat. * Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world] In extremis terris. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mitnridates and Tigranes, ia Pontus and Armenia. CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 21 obtaining the consulship ; the senate was wholly off its guard ;*' every thing was quiet and tranquil ; and all these circumstances were exceedingly favorable for Catiline. XVII. Accordingly, about the beginning of June, in the con- sulship of Lucius Caesar 91 and Caius Figulus, he at first addressed each of his accomplices separately, encouraged some, and sounded others, and informed them of his own resources, of the unprepared condition of the state, and of the great prizes to bo expected from the conspiracy. When he had ascertained, to his satisfaction, all that he required, he summoned all whose necessities were the most urgent, and whose spirits were the inost daring, to a general conference. At that meeting there were present, of senatorial rank, Pub- lius Lentulus Sura, 93 Publius Autroiiius, ' Lucius Cassius Lon- ginus, 94 Caius Cethegus," 5 Publius and Servius Sylla 98 the sons 90 The senate was wholly off its guard] Senatus nihtt sane intentus. The senate was regardless, and unsuspicious of any danger. 91 XVII. Lucius Caesar] He was a relation of Julius Caesar; and his sis- ter was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir. Publius Lentulus Sura] He was of the same family with Sylla, that of the Cornelii. He hud filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterward so profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at the time of the conspiracy. He was called Su- ra, because, when he had squandered the public money in his quaestorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defense, but said, " I present you the calf of my leg (sura) ;" alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of Cicero, c. 93 Publius Autronius] He had been a companion of Cicero in Ms boy- hood, and his colleague in the qusestorship. He was banished in the year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, La?ca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. De Brasses. * Lucius Cassius Longinus] He had been a competitor with Cicero for the consulship. Ascon. Ped. in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence was such that Cassius's fat (Cassii adeps) became proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Cutil., iii. 7. 95 Caius Cethegus] He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civil wars, says De Brasses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterward that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii. 7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash. 98 Publius and Servius Sylla] These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Publius, though present on this occasion, seems not to ha've joined in the plot, since, when ne was afterward accusea of having been a conspirator, ho was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro P. Sylla. lie was afterward with Caesar in the buttle of Pharsalia. Caes. de 'B. C., iii. 89. 22 SALLUST. of Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius 97 Quintus Annius, 98 Marcus Porcius Laeca, 89 Lucius Bestia, 1 Quintus Curius ;' and, of tho equestrian order, Marcus Fulvius Nobilior,' Lucius Statilius,* Publius Gabinius Capito, ' Caius Cornelius ;' with many from the colonies and municipal towns, 7 persons of consequence in their own localities. There were many others, too, among the nobility, concerned in the plot, but less openly ; men whom the hope of power, rather than poverty or any other exigence, prompted to join in the affair. But most of the young men, and especially the sons of the nobility, favored the schemes of Catiline ; they who had abundant means of living at ease, either splendidly or voluptuously, preferred uncertainties to certainties, war to peace. There were some, also, at that time, who be- lieved that Marcus Licinius Crassus 8 was not unacquainted with the conspiracy ; because Cneius Pompey, whom he hated, was 87 Lucius Vargunteius] " Of him or his family little is known. Ho had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortenaius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2." Jiernouf. 88 Quintus Aiming] He is thought by De_ Brosses to have been the same Annius that cut otf the head of M. Antonius the orator, and curried it to Marius. Plutarch, Vit. Marii. c. 44. 99 Marcus Porcius Laeca] lie was one of the same gens with the Cntou.es, but of a different family. 1 Lucius Bestia] Of the Calpurnian gens. lie escaped death on the dis- covery of the conspiracy, and was afterward aedile, and candidate for the practorship, but was driven into exile for bribery. Being recalled by Caesar, no became candidate for the consulship, but was unsuccessful. I)e Brosses. a Quintus Curius] He was a descendant of M. Curius Deutatus, the op- ponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate, that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 083. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Caesar, whom he had named as one of the conspirators. Sueton. Caes. 17 ; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii. 3 M. Fulvius Nobilior] " Ho was not put to death, but exiled, A.TJ.O. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16." Bernouf. 4 Lucius Statilius] of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust. Publius Gabinius Capito] Cicero, instead of Capito. calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii. Caius Cornelius) There were two branches of the gens Cornelia, one pa- trician, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator. 7 Municipal towns] Municipiis. " The municipia, were towns of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed to govern themselves by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 13 ; Beaufort, Kcp. Rom., vol. v." Eernouf. Marcus Licinius Crassus] The same who, with Pompey and Caesar, formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his expedition against the Parthiuns. He had, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 23 at the head of a large army, and he was willing that the power of any one whomsoever should raise itself against Pompey's in- fluence ; trusting, at the same time, that if the plot should suc- ceed, he would easily place himself at the head of the conspira- tors. XVIII. But previously 9 to this period, a small number of persons, among whom was Catiline, had formed a design against the state : of which affair I shall here give as accurate account as I am able. Under the consulship of Lucius Tullus and Marcus Lepidus, Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla, 10 having been tried for bribery under the laws against it, 11 had paid the penalty of the offense. Shortly after Catiline, being brought to trial for ex- tortion, 12 had been prevented from standing for the consulship, because he had been unable to declare himself a candidate with- in the legitimate number of days. 13 There was at that time, 9 XVIII. But previously, etc.] Sallust here makes a digression, to give an account of a conspiracy that was formed three years before that of Catiline. 10 Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla] The same who are mentioned in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, and some editions have the words dedgnati consules. immediately following their names. 11 Having been tried for bribery under the laws against it] Legtt/us am- bitus interrogati. Bribery at their election, is the meaning of the word am- litus, for ambire, as Cortius observes, is circumeundo Javorem et siffrayia qu&rere. De Brosses translates the passage thus : "Autrone et Sylla, con- vaincus d'avoir pbtemi le cousulat par corruption des suffrages, avaieut etc minis selon la rigueur de la loi." There were several very severe Roman laws against bribery. Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from tlit consulship. For extortion] Pecuniarum repetundarum. Catiline had been prsetor in Africa, and, at the expiration of his office, was accused of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. He escaped by bribing the prosecutor and jud_re?. 13 To declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number of days] Prohibitus erat con.itilatum pztere, quod irdra legitimos dies projiteri (se can- didatum, says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4) neqmverit. A person could not be a candidate for the consulship, unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain number of days before the time of holding the comit'ia, cent/iri'.ifa. That number of days was trinundinum spatium, that is, the time occupied by three market-davs, tree nundince, with seven days in- , tervening between the first and second, and between the second and third ; or seventeen days. The nundina (from novem and dies) were held, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day ; whence Cortius and others consid- ered trinundinum spatium to be twenty-seven, or even thirty days ; but this way of reckoning was not that of the Romans, who made the last day of the first ennead to be also the first day of the second. Concerning the nun' dinae see Macrob., Sat. i. 16. " Mftller and Lon^ins most erroneously sup- posed the trinundinum to be about thirty days ; for thr.t it embraced only seventeen days has been fully shown bv'Ernesti. Clav. Cic.. snb voce ; by Scheller in Lex. Amp]., p. 11/669 ; by Xitschius Antiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623 ; and by Drachenborch (cited by Gerlach) ad Liv. iii. 35." A'ri!:. 24 SALLUST. too, a young patrician of the most daring spirit, needy and dis- contented, named Cneius Pi so, 14 whom poverty and vicious principles instigated to disturb the government. Catiline and Autronius, 16 having concerted measures with this Piso, prepared to assassinate the consuls, Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus, in the Capitol, on the first of January," when they, having seized on the fasces, were to send Piso with an army to take possession of the two Spains." But their design being dis- covered, they postponed the assassination to the fifth of Febru- ary ; when they meditated the destruction, not of the consuls only, but of most of the senate. And had not Catiline, who was in front of the senate-house, been too hasty to give the singal to his associates, there would that day have been perpe- trated the most atrocious outrage since the city of Rome was founded. But as the armed conspirators had not yet assem- bled in sufficient numbers, the want of force frustrated the de- sign. XIX. Some time afterward, Piso was sent as quaestor, with Praetorian authority, into Hither Spain ; Crassus promoting the appointment, because he knew him to be a bitter enemy to Cueius Pompey. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling 18 to grant him the province ; for they wished so infamous a charac- ter to be removed from the seat of government ; and many worthy men, at the same time, thought that there was some security in him against the power of Pompey, which was then becoming formidable. But this Piso, on his march toward his province, was murdered by some Spanish cavalry whom he had in his army. These barbarians, as some say, had been unable 14 Cneius Piso] Of the Calpurnian gens. Suetonius (Vit. Cses., c. 9) men- tions three authors who related that Crassus and Caesar were both con- cerned in this plot; and that, if it had succeeded, Crassus was to have assumed the dictatorship, and made Caesar his master of the horse. Tho conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or irresolution of Crassus. 15 Catiline and Autronins] After these two names, in Havercamp's and many other editions, follow the words circiter nonas Decemltres, i. e., about the fifth of December. 19 On the first of January] Kalendis Jwn.u9.rii*. On this day the consuls were accustomed to enter on their office. The consuls whom thejr were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus, were those who hud been chosen in the place of Autronius and Sylla. 17 The two Spains] Hither and Thither Spain. JJispania Citerwr and Ulterior, as they were called by the Komans. 1M XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.] See Dio Cass. xxxvi. 27. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 25 to endure his unjust, haughty, and. cruel orders ; but others as- sert that this body of cavalry, being old and trusty adherents of Pompey, attacked Piso at his instigation; since the Spaniards, they observed, had never before committed such an outrage, but had patiently submitted to many severe commands. This ques- tion we shall leave undecided. Of the first conspiracy enough has been said. XX. When Catiline saw those, whom I have just above men- tioned, 10 assembled, though he had often discussed many points with them singly, yet thinking it would be to his purpose to address and exhort them in a body, retired with them into a private apartment of his house, where, when all witnesses were withdrawn, he harangued them to the following effect : " If your courage and fidelity had not been -sufficiently proved by me, this favorable opportunity" would have occurred to no purpose ; mighty hopes, absolute power, would in vain be with- in our grasp ; nor should I, depending on irresolution or fickle- mindedness, pursue contingencies instead of certainties. But as I have, on many remarkable occasions, experienced your bravery and attachment to me, I have ventured to engage in a most important and glorious enterprise. I am aware, too, that whatever advantages or evils affect you, the same affect me ; and to have the same desires and the same aversions, is assured- ly a firm bond of friendship. "What I have been meditating you have already heard separately. But my ardor for action is daily more and more excited, when I consider what our future condition of life must be, unless we ourselves assert our claims to liberty ." For since the government has fallen under the power and jurisdiction of a few, kings and princes 2 " have constantly been their tributaries ; 19 XX. Just above mentioned] In c. 17. *o Favorable opportunity] O-pportuna res. Seethe!".', sr part of c. 16. !1 Assert our claims to liberty] Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. Unless we vindicate ourselves iiito liberty. See below, " En ilia, ilia, quam saepe optastis, libertas," etc. 22 Kings and princes] lieges tetrarchae. Tetrarchs were properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the country ; but at length, the signification of the word being extended, it was applied to any gov- ernors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the, Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67 : Deiotarus, at that time Mrarch of almost all Gallogrs?cia, a supremacy which the other tetrarchs would not allow to be granted him either by the, Luvs or by custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate," etc. Dietsch. " Hesycliius has, Terpa^^Of, /3 verbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18 : Modo non mantes a-uri poUicens. Pers., iii. 65 : Et quid opus Crattro magnos promitttre emontes. ;;4 With greater arrogance than ever] Fcrocius quam solitus erat. 35 To Marcus Tullius Cicero] Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quaestor, eclile, and praetor. 36 A man of no family] S&vus homo. A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or chief edile. *~ XXIV. Manlius] He Lad been an officer in the army of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at the head of a colony of veterans settled about Faesulse but he nad squandered hia property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Ap- pian. 38 Faesulae] A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines, not far from Florence. It is the Fesole of Milton : At evening from the top of Fesole, Or in Valdarno to descry new lands, etc. Par. L. i. 289. 30 SALLUST. of these females, Catiline hoped to gain over the slaves in Jioinu, to get the eity set on fire, and either to secure the support of their husbands or take away their lives. XXV. In the number of those ladies was Sempronia," a woman who had committed many crimes with the spirit of a man. In birth and beauty, in her husband and her children, she was extremely fortunate ; she was skilled in Greek and Ro- man literature ; she could sing, play, and dance, 40 with greater elegance than became a woman of virtue, and possessed many other accomplishments that tend to excite the passions. But nothing was ever less valued by her than honor or chastity. Whether she was more prorligal of her money or her reputa- tion, it would have been difficult to decide. Her desires were so ardent that she oftener made advances to the other sex than waited for solicitation. She had frequently, before this period, forfeited her word, forsworn debts, been privy to murder, and hurried into the utmost excesses by her extravagance and poverty. But her abilities were by no means despicable ; 41 she could compose verses, jest, and join in conversation either mod- est, tender, or licentious. In a word, she was distinguished 42 by much refinement of wit, and much grace of expression. XXVI. Catiline, having made these arrangements, still can- vassed for the consulship for the following year ; hoping that, if he should ba elected, he would easily manage Antonius ac- cording to his pleasure. Nor did lie, in the mean time remain inactive, but devised schemes, in every possible way, against Cicero, who, however, did not want skill or policy to guard against them. For, at the very beginning of his consulship, he ha 1, by making many promises through Fulvia, prevailed o:\ Quintus Curius, whom I have already mentioned, to give him secret information of Catiline's proceedings. He had also per- suaded his colleague, Autonius, by an arrangement respecting 39 XXV. Sempronia] Of the same gens as the two Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus. 40 Sing, play, and dance] Psallere, saltare. As psallo signifies both to play . on a musical instrument, and to sing to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the translation. 41 By no means despicable] Haad absurdum. Compare, liene dkere Jiaud absurdum est, c. 3. 45 She was distinguished, etc.] Multce facetiae, miiltwque lepos intrai. 'Bothfacetia; and lepos mean " agreeableness, humor, pleasantry;" but UJKIS here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7 : Mnynus in jocando lepos. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 31 their provinces, 43 to entertain no sentiment of disaffection to- ward the state ; and he kept around him, though without os- tentation, a guard of his friends and dependents. When the day of the comitia came, and neither Catiline's ef- forts for the consulship, nor the plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius, 44 were attended with success, he determined to proceed to war, and resort to the utmost extrem- ities, since what he had attempted secretly had ended in con- fusion and disgrace. 45 XXVII. He accordingly dispatched Caius Manlius to Faesulae, and the adjacent parts of Etruria ; one Septimius, of Cameri- num, 48 into the Picenian territory ; Caius Julius into Apulia ; and others to various places, wherever he thought each would be most serviceable. 47 He himself, in the mean time, was making many simultaneous efforts at Rome ; he laid plots for the consul ; he arranged schemes for burning the city ; he 43 XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces] Pactione pro- cincice. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most transla- tors, except De Brasses. Even Eose, who was a scholar, translated pactione pr&vincice, "by promising a province to his colleague." Plutarch, in his Life of Cicsro, savs that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior province of Gaul. Sec Jug., c. 27. 44 Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius] Insidias quas consuli in campofecerat. I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads consulibus, thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might have extend- ed his plots even to the consuls-elect. But consuli, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginning of the chapter, insidias paralat Ciceroni, by what folio ws in the next chapter, con- sull insidias tendere, and by the words, sperans, si designatus fvret, facile se ex wluntate Antonio usurum ; for if Catihne trusted that he should be ablo to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, Us pieges oh il compfM.it faire perir le consul. The words in campo. which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that Cortius should have retained. " Consuli^ Bays Gerlacn, "appears the more eligible, not only on account of consuli insidias tendere, c. 27, but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catihno." Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read Cunsuli. See also the end of c. 27 : Si prim Cktronem oppressisset. 45 Had ended in confusion and disgrace] Aspera foidaque evenerant. I have borrowed from Murphv. 48 XXVI [. Of Camerinum] Camertem. " That is, a native of Camerinum, a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun Cawers, as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, in agro Camerti.'" Cortius. 47 Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable] U~bi quemqu opportunum credebat. " Proprie reddas : quern, et ubi ilium, opportunum credebat." Cortius. Sec c. 23. 32 SALLUST. occupied suitable posts with armed men ; he went constantly armed himself, and ordered his followers to do the same ; he exhorted them to be always on their guard and prepared for action ; he was active and vigilant by day and by night, and was exhausted neither by sleeplessness nor by toil. At last, however, when none of his numerous projects succeeded, 48 he again, with the aid of Marcus Porcius Lseca, convoked the leaders of the conspiracy in the dead of night, when, after many complaints of their apathy, he informed them that he had sent forward Manlius to that body of men whom he had prepared to take up arms; and others of the confederates into other eligible places, to make a commencement of hostilities ; and that he himself was eager to set out to the army, if he could but first cut off' Cicero, who was the chief obstruction to his measures. XXVIII. While, therefore, the rest were in alarm and hesi- tation, Caius Cornelius, a Roman knight, who offered his services, and Lucius Vargunteius, a senator, in company with him, agreed to go with an armed force, on that very night, and with but little delay, 49 to the house of Cicero, under pretense of paying their respects to him, and to kill him unawares, and unprepared for defense, in his own residence. But Curius, when he heard of the imminent danger that threatened the consul, immediately gave him notice, by the agency of Fulvia, of the treachery which was contemplated. The assassins, in consequence, were refused admission, and found that they had undertaken such an attempt only to be disappointed. In the mean time, Manlius was in Etruria, stirring up the populace, who, both from poverty, and from resentment for their injuries (for, under the tyranny of Sylla, they had lost their lands and other property), were eager for a revolution, lie also attached to himself all sorts of marauders, who were numerous in those parts, and some of Sylla's colonists, whose dissipation and extravagance had exhausted their enormous i plunder. 48 When none of his numerous projects succeeded] ITbi multa, agitanti nikil procedit. 48 XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay] Ea nocte, paulo post. They resolved on going soon after the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the morning, which was the usual tirno for waiting on great men. Ingentem forlbus damus aUa, swperlis Mane salu- titntwm tr honorable or infamous. The praetors, too, Quintus Pompeius Rufus, and Quintus Metellus Celer, were sent off, the one to < '.quia, the other to Picenum, and power was given them to l-vy a force proportioned to the exigency and the danger. The senate also decreed, that if any one should give information of the conspiracy which had been formed against the state, his reward should be, if a slave, his freedom and a hundred sestertia ; if a freeman, a complete pardon and two hundred sestertia". They further appointed that the schools of gladiators'" should be dis- tributed in Capua and other municipal towns, according to the capacity of each ; and that, at Rome, watches should be posted throughout the city, of which the inferior magistrates" should have the charge. XXXI. By such proceedings as these the citizens were struck with alarm, and the appearance of the city was changed. In place of that extreme gayety and dissipation, 68 to which long tranquillity 59 had given rise, a sudden gloom spread over all classes ; they became anxious and agitated ; they felt secure neither in any place, nor with any person ; they were not at war, yet enjoyed no peace ; each measured the public danger by his own fear. The women, also, to whom, from the extent of the empire, the dread of war was new, gave way to lamenta- tion, raised supplicating hands to heaven, mourned over their wait ad urfem, near the city, since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These im/peratores had been de- barred from their expected honor by a party who would sell any thinglwnor- alle, as a triumph, or any thing disJwnorallc, as a license to violate the laws. 65 A hundred sestertia two hundred sestertia] A hundred sestertia were about 8071. 5s. lOd. of our money. M Schools of gladiators] Glaaiatontx, families,. Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (lanista), was called familia. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius, Kupertus, and Gerlach. 61 The inferior magistrates] The sediles, tribunes, qasestors, and all others below the consuls, censors, and praetors. Aul. Gell., xiii. 15. 68 XXXI. Dissipation] Lascivm. "Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v. 1398 : Turn caput atqne humeros plexis redimire coronis. Floribus et f'oliis, lascivia laeta monebat. Then, sportive gayety prompted them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flower it and leaves" JBernouf. 89 Long tranquillity^ Diuturna quies. " Since the victory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust IB speaking, that is, for about twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance." Bernouf. Y OF CATILINE. 35 infants, made constant inquiries, trembled at every thing, and, forgetting their pride and their pleasures, felt nothing but alarm for themselves and their country. Yet the unrelenting spirit of Catiline persisted in the same purposes, notwithstanding the precautions that were adopted against him, and though he himself was accused by Lucius Paullus under the Plautian law. 60 At last, with a view to dis- semble, and under pretense of clearing his character, as if he had been provoked by some attack, he went into the senate- house. It was then that Marcus Tullius, the consul, whether alarmed at his presence, or fired with indignation against him, delivered that splendid speech, so beneficial to the republic, which he afterward wrote and published. 61 When Cicero sat down, Catiline, being prepared to pretend ignorance of the whole matter, entreated, with downcast looks and suppliant voice, that " the Conscript Fathers would not too hastily believe any thing against him ;" saying " that he was sprung from such a family, and had so ordered his life from his youth, as to have every happiness in prospect ; and that they were not to suppose that he, a patrician, whose services to the Roman people, as well as those of his ancestors, had been so numerous, should want to ruin the state, when Marcus Tullius, a mere adopted citizen of Rome," was eager to preserve it." When he was proceeding to add other invectives, they all raised an outer}- against him, and called him an enemy and a The riautian law] Lege PlautiA. "This law was that of M. Planting Silauus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual." Cyprianus Popma. See Dr. Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Koin. Antiquities, sub Vis. "VFhich he afterward wrote and published] Quampostea scriptam edidit. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered " splendid," is luculentam ; that is, says Gerlach, ' lumiuibus verbornm et sententiarum ornatam," dis- tinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Krit- zius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent merely to lucid, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. I/uffulentus, however, seems certainly to mean something more than lucidus. 83 A mere adopted citizen of Kome] Inqutiimt* civis urUs Roma. " Inqui- linus'' means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, 'lyitoviMvov, $ (ff)\na.ri Ka?.ovai rovf tvoinovvTcif iv 36 SALLUST. traitor." Being thus exasperated, " Since I am encompassed l>y enemies," he exclaimed, 64 " and driven to desperation, I will ex- tinguish the flame kindled around me in a general ruin." XXXII. He then hurried from the senate to his own house ; and then, after much reflection with himself, thinking that, as his plots against the consul had been unsuccessful, and as he knew the city to be secured from fire by the watch, his best course would be to augment his army, and make provision for the war before the legions could be raised, he set out in the dead of night, and with a few attendants, to the camp of Maulius. But he left in charge to Lentulus and Cethegus, and others of whose prompt determination he was assured, to strengthen the interests of their party in every possible way, to forward the plots against the consul, and to make arrangements for a massacre, for firing the city, and for other destructive operations of war; promising that he himself would shortly advance on the city with a large army. . During the course of these proceedings at Rome, Caius Man- lius dispatched some of his followers as deputies to Quintus Marcius Rex, with directions to address him" to the following effect : XXXIII. " We call gods and men to witness, general, that we have taken up arms neither to injure our country, nor to occasion peril to any one, but to defend our own persons from harm ; who, wretched and in want, have been deprived, 63 Traitor] Parricidam. See c. 14. "A.n oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide ; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." Wasse. 4 Since I am encompassed by enemies, ho exclaimed, etc.] " It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catilina. It was a rep^ly to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Mursene, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him." Bernouf. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Oatiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to ad- dress the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of Catiline, lie makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Cati- line, says that Catiline could not endure his voice, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, " paruit, quievit," obeyed and submitted in silence. And in his Oration, c. 37, ne says, " That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb." 05 XXXII. "With directions to addresg him, etc.] Cum mandatis Tiujux- oemodi. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 3-7 most of us, of our homes, and all of us of our character and property, by the oppression and cruelty of usurers ; nor has any one of us been allowed, according to the usage of our ancestors, to have the benefit of the law, 06 or, when our prop- erty was lost to keep our persons free. Such has been the inhumanity of the usurers and of the prretor. 67 " Often have your forefathers, taking compassion on the commonalty at Rome, reliered their distress by decrees ; 68 and very lately, within our own memory, silver, by reason of the pressure of debt, and with the consent of all respectable citizens, was paid with brass. 69 "Often too, we must own, have the commonalty them- selves, driven by desire of power, or by the arrogance of their rulers, seceded 70 under arms from the patricians. But at power or wealth, for the sake of which wars, and all kinds of strife, arise among mankind, we do not aim ; we desire only our liberty, which no honorable man relinquishes but with life. We therefore conjure you and the senate to befriend your unhappy fellow-citizens ; to restore us the protection of the law, which the injustice of the praetor has taken from us ; and not to lay on us the necessity of considering how we may perish, so as best to avenge our blood." XXXIV. To this address Quintus Marcius replied, that, "if they wished to make any petition to the senate, they XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law] Lege uti. The law here meant -was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit. 67 The praetor] The pj-cetor urbanvs, or city praetor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors. c - Relieved their distress by decrees] Decretis suis inopia opitulati sunt, In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest. 9 Silver was paid with brass] Agentum are sdutum est. Thus a sester- <;''/.<;, which was or silver, and was worth four asses, was paid with one as, which was of brass ; or the fourth part only of the debt was paid. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3 ; and Velleius Paterculus, 5i. 23 ; who says, quadrantem solvi, that a quarter of their debts were paid by the debtors, 'by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius. 70 Often have the commonalty seceded, etc.] "This happened three times : 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir ; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the "Janiculum, on account of debt ; Liv. Epist. xi." Bernouf. ;;8 SALLUST must lay down their arms, and proceed as suppliants to Koine;" adding, that " such had always been the kindness' 1 and humanity of the Roman senate and people, that none had ever asked help of them in vain." Catiline, on his march, sent letters to most men of consular dignity, and to all the most respectable citizens, stating that " as he was beset by false accusations, and unable to resist the combination of his enemies, he was submitting to the will of fortune, and going into exile at Marseilles ; not that he was guilty of the great wickedness laid to his charge, but that the state might be undisturbed, and that no insurrection might arise from his defense of himself." Quintus Catulus, however, read in the senate a letter of a very different character, which, he said, was delivered to him in he name of Catiline, and of which the following is a copy : "XXXV. "Lucius Catiline to Quintus Catulus, wish ing health. Your eminent integrity, known to me by ex- perience, 73 gives a pleasing confidence, in the midst of great 71 XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.] Ed, mansuettf- dine atque misericordid senatum, populumque Romamim semper f-uisge. " That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I Lave deserted the Latin for the English idiom. 7 XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stiuids thus : Egregiatua fides, re cognita, grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commcndationi mece tribuit. Cortius corrected it as follows : Eyregia, tua fides, re cognita, gratam in maqnispeii- culis fiduciam commendat.ioni mete tribuit. Cortius's reading has oeea adopted by Kritzius, Beruouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius's is the better, few will deny ; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used mihi, meis, and mecE in such close succession. Some, however, as Kupertns and Gerlach, defend Haver- camp's text, by asserting, from the phrase earum exemplam infra xcriptum, that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline s. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe : " Kupertus," says lie, " quod in promptu erat, Catiline culpam tribuit, qni non co, quo Crispus, stilo scrip- serit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita supra c. 20 refertur ? At, inquis, hie ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; ct lege Ciceronem, qni idem exhibet, et sentics sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis hasc quidem excusatio." , Yet it is not to be denied that grata, mihi is the reading of all the manu- scripts. , 73 Known by experience] Re cognita,. " Cognita" be it observed, tiro- mtm gratia,, is the nominative case. " Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius." Bernouf. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 39 perils, to my present recommendation. 74 I have determined, therefore, to make' no formal dei'e;ise ?i with regard to my new course of conduct ; yet I was resolved, though conscious of no guilt, 78 to offer you some explanation, 77 which, on my word of honor, 7 " you may receive as true. 79 Provoked by injuries and indignities, since, being robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion, 80 I did not obtain the post of honor due to me," 1 I have undertaken, according to my custom, the public cause 74 Recommendation] Commendationi. His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus. 75 Formal defense] Defensionem. Opposed to satisfacti&nem, which fol- lows, and which means a private apology or explanation. " Defensio, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adver- sary, or before judges ; satisfactio was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private comuuinication." Cortius. 76 Though conscious of up guilt] Ex nutta conscientid de culpd. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to " Propter conscientam dc nulla culpa, or "inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." "De culpd" lie adds, is the same as culjnce. ; eo in the ii. Epist. to Caesar, c. 1 : Neque de faturo quisquam satix calndus ; and c. 9 : de illis potissimnm jactura fit." 77 To make no formal defense to offer you some explanation] Defensio- nem para re: satisfactionemproponere. " Parare.' 1 ' 1 says Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation ; proponere to such a statement as it was easy to make at once. On my word of honor] Me dius Jidus, BC. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith 1 Diug, say some, is the sains as Deus (Plautns has Dens fidius, Asin i. 1, 18) ; and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (sub dio being equivalent to sub Jove) ; so that Dl us fidius (Jidius being an adjective from fides) will be the Zei'f iriartof of the Greeks. Me dins fidius will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me !" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach. Bernouf, and Dieted). Others, with Festus (sub voce Medius Jidius) make fidius equivalent to Jilius, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and dius fidius will then be the same as AJOJ or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and medius fidius will be the same as mehcrculf* or meJiercule. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprenffsl) mentions a certain ^Elius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of fidius, of which the first syllable is short : QucKrebam Nonas Sancofidone referrem, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider dius the same as deus, we may as well consider dim fidius to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make mediusjidius identical with meliercules, as it probably is. " Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that meliusfidiug is a form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub fidius. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, loc. cit.) Dius Fidius to 'be the same with the Sabine San- cus, or Semo Sancns, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules. 7 You may receive as true] Veram licet cogrwscas. Some editions, before that of Cortiu*, have quae licet vera m'ecuin recognoscas ; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad ^En. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have veram, licet eognoscas. 80 Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion] Fructu laboris industri- ceque mece privatm. "The honors which besought he elegantly calls tho fruit of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other." Gortius. Post of honor due to me] Statum dignitatis. The consulship. 40 SALLUST. of the distressed. Not but that I could have paid, out of my own property, the debts contracted on my own security ; M while the generosity of Orestilla, out of her own fortune and her daughter's, would discharge those incurred on the security of others. But because I saw unworthy men ennobled with honors, and myself proscribed 83 on groundless suspicion, I have for this very reason, adopted a course, 84 amply justifiable in my present circumstances, for preserving what honor is left to me. When I was proceeding to write more, intelli- gence was brought that violence is preparing against me. I now commend and intrust Orestilla to your protection ; 85 in- treating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury. 8 " Farewell." XXXVI. Catiline himself, having stayed a few days with Caius Flaminius Flamma in the neighborhood of Arretium," while he was supplying the adjacent parts, already excited to insurrection, with arms, marched with his fasces, and other ensigns of authority, to join Manlius in his camp. When this was known at Rome, the senate declared Catiline and Manlius enemies to the state, and fixed a day as to the rest of their force, before which they might lay down their arms with impunity, except such as had been convicted of capital offenses. They also decreed that the consuls should 62 On my own security] Mei nominibus. " lie uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to explain this point. For alienis nominibv-s, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Beruouf s com- ment. 83 Proscribed] Alienatum. "Kepulsed from all hope of the consulship." Jternouf. 64 Adopted a course] Spes secutus sum. " Sjaem sequi is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of con- duct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantag- eous, is signified." Cortius. 8 Protection] Fidei. M Intreating you, by jour love for your own children, to defend her from injury] Earn ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus. " Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do BO] by [or for the sake of] your own children." * 7 XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretinm] In agro Arretino. Haver- camp, and many of the old editions, have Reatino ; " but," says Cortius, " if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered extremely prob- able by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read Arretino." Arretium (now Arezzo) lay in his road to FtEsulse ; Keate was many miles out of it. CONSPIRACY OP CATILINE. 41 "hold a levy; that Antonius, with an army, should hasten ia pursuit of Catiline ; and that Cicero should protect the city. At this period the empire of Rome appears to me to have been in an extremely deplorable condition ;" 8 for though every nation, from the rising to the setting cf the sun, lay in sub- jection to her arms, and though peace and prosperity, which mankind think the greatest blessings, were hers in abundance, there yet were found, among her citizens, men who were bent with obstinate determination, to plunge themselves and their country into ruin ; for, notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate, 81 * not one individual, out of so vast a number, was induced by the offer of reward to give information of the conspiracy ; nor was there a single deserter from the camp of Catiline. So strong a spirit of disaffection had, like a pesti- lence, pervaded the minds of most of the citizens. XXXVII. Nor was this disaffected spirit confined to those who were actually concerned in the conspiracy ; for the whole of the common people, from a desire of change, favored the projects of Catiline. This they seemed to do in accordance with their general character ; for, in every state, they that are poor envy those of a better class, and endeavor to exalt the factious ;"" they dislike the established condition of things, and long for something new ; they are discontented with their own circumstances, and desire a general alteration ; they can support themselves amid tumult and sedition, without anxiety, since poverty does not easily suffer loss. 91 As for the populace of the city, they had become disaffected 92 from various causes. In the first place, 93 such as every where 88 In an extremely deplorable condition] Multo maximc miserabile. Multa is added to superlatives, like long?. So c. 52, multo puleherrimam eani nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances. 89 Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate] Duobus senati decretis. I have translated it " the two decrees," with Kose. One of the two wa that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30 ; the other was that spoken of in c. 36, allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day. 90 XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious] Malos extollunt. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves. 1)1 Poverty does not easily sufler loss] Egestas facile Aabetur sine damnn-, He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petrou. Sat., c. 119 : Inops a-u- dutia tuia, est. M Had become disaffected] Prcecfps aburat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallu'st says of Sempronm, prceceps abierat, c. 2i. 98 In the first place] Primum omnium. " These words refer, not to item 42 SALLUST. took the lead in crime and profligacy, with others who had squandered their fortunes in dissipation, and, in a word, all whom vice and villainy had driven from their homes, had flocked to Rome as a general receptacle of impurity. In the next place, many, who thought of the success of Sylla, when they had seen some raised from common soldiers into senators, and others so enriched as to live in regal luxury and pomp, hoped, each for himself, similar results from victory, if they should once take up arms. In addition to this, the youth, who, in the country, had earned a scanty livelihood hy manual labor, tempted by public and private largesses, had preferred idleness in the city to unwelcome toil in the field. To these, and all others of similar character, public disorders would furnish subsistence. It is not at all surprising, therefore, that men in distress, of dissolute principles and extravagant expectations, should have consulted the interest of the state 110 further than as it was subservient to their own. Besides, those whose parents, by the victory of Sylla, had been pro- scribed, whose property had been confiscated, and whose civil rights had been curtailed, 81 looked forward to the event of a war with precisely the same feelings. All those, too, who were of any party opposed to that of the senate, were desirous rather that the state should be embroiled, than that they themselves should be out of power. This was an evil, which, after many years, had re- turned upon the community to the extent to which it now prevailed." 5 XXXVIII. For after the powers of the tribunes, in the con- sulate of Cneius Poinpey end Marcus Crassus, had been fully and postremo in the same sentence, but to deinde at the commencement of the next." Bernmif. 64 Civil rights had been curtailed] Jus libcrtatis imminutvm erat. " Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapa- ble of holding any public office ; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not bo rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." B&rnrmf. See Veil. Puterc., ii., 28 ; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a frag- ment of Cicero's speech, De Proscriptorvm Liberis, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Cses. 41 ; Pln- tarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cnss., xli. 18. 95 This was an evil to the extent to which it now prevailed] Id adei> malum multos post annos in cioitatem reverterat. " Adeo, says Cortius, " is partwufa olegantissima." Allen makes it equivalent t CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 43 restored, 06 certain young men, of an ardent age and temper, having obtained that high office, 97 began to stir up the populace by inveighing against the senate, and proceeded, in course of time, by means of largesses and promises, to inflame them more and more ; by which methods they became popular and power- ful. On the other hand, the most of the nobility opposed their proceedings to the utmost ; under pretense, indeed, of support- ing the senate, but in reality for their own aggrandizement. For, to state the truth in few words, whatever parties, during that period, disturbed the republic under plausible pretexts, some, as if to defend the rights of the people, others, to make the authority of the senate as great as possible, all, though affecting concern for the public good, contended every one for his own interest. In such contests there was neither mod- eration nor limit ; each party made a merciless use of its suc- cesses. XXXIX. After Pompey, however, was sent to the maritime and Mithridatic wars, the power of the people was diminished, and the influence of the few increased. These few kept all public offices, the administration of the provinces, and every thing else, in their own hands ; they themselves lived free from harm, 08 in flourishing circumstances, and without appre- hension ; overawing others, at the same time, with threats of impeachment, 93 so that, when in office, they might be less inclined to inflame the people. But as soon as a pros- pect of change, in this dubious state of affairs, had presented itself, the old spirit of contention awakened their passions ; and had Catiline, in his first battle, come off victorious, or left the struggle undecided, great distress and calamity must cer- tainly have fallen upon the state, nor would those, who might at last have gained the ascendency, have been allowed to enjoy XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes had been fully restored] Tri- bunicia potestas restitute,. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, an'd of lister. - inir to appeals. But m the consulship of Cotta, A.D.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.0.C. CS3, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers. w Having obtained that high office] Summam potestatem nacti. Cortius thinks these words spurious. y8 XXXIX. Free from harm] Innoxii. In a passive sense. 09 Overawing others with threats of impeachment] Cceteros judiciit lerrere. " Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis." Bertumf. 44 SALLTJST. it long, for some superior power would have wrested dominion and liberty from them when weary and exhausted. There were some, however, unconnected with the conspiracy, who set out to join Catiline at an early period of his proceed- ings. Among these was Aulus Fulvius, the son of a senator, whom, being arrested on his journey, his father ordered to be put to death. 1 In Rome, at the same time, Lentulus, in pur- suance of Catiline's directions, was endeavoring to gain over, by his own agency or that of others, all whom he thought adapted, either by principles or circumstances, to promote an insurrection ; and not citizens only, but every description of men who could be of any service in war. XL. He accordingly commissioned one Publius Umbrenus to apply to certain deputies of the Allobroges, 2 and to lead them, if he could, to a participation in the war ; supposing that as they were nationally and individually involved in debt, and as the Gauls were naturally warlike, they might easily be drawn into such an enterprise. Umbrenus, as he had traded in Gaul, was known to most of the chief men there, and per- sonally acquainted with them ; and consequently, without loss of time, as soon as he noticed the deputies in the Forum, he asked them, after making a few inquiries about the state of their country, and affecting to commiserate its fallen condition, " what termination they expected to such calamities ?" When he found that they complained of the rapacity of the magis- trates, inveighed against the senate for not affording them re- lief, and looked to death as the only remedy for their sufferings, " Yet I," said he, " if you will but act as men, will show you a method by which you may escape these pressing difficulties." When he had said this, the Allobroges, animated with the highest hopes, besought Umbrenus to take compassion on them ; saying that there was nothing so disagreeable or difficult, 1 His father ordered to be put to death] Parens necari jussit. "His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority ; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised simi- lar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that, " he had begotten him. not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline." Val. Max., v. 8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children. 4 XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges] Legatos Attdbrogum. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two deputies from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roinou governors. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 45 which they would not most gladly perform, if it would but free their country from debt. He then conducted them to the house of Decimus Brutus, which was close to the Forum, and, on account of Sempronia, not unsuitable to his purpose, as 1 Srutus was then absent from Rome. 3 In order, too, to give greater weight to his representations, he sent for Gabinius, and, ia his presence, explained the objects of the conspiracy, and mentioned the names of the confederates, as well as those of many other persons, of every sort, who were guiltless of it, for the purpose of inspiring the embassadors with greater con- fidence. At length, when they had promised their assistance, he let them depart. XLI. Yet the Allobroges were long in suspense what course they should adopt. On the one hand, there was debt, an in- clination for war, and great advantages to be expected from victory ; 4 on the other, superior resources, safe plans, and cer- tain rewards 6 instead of uncertain expectations. As they were balancing these considerations, the good fortune of the state at length prevailed. They accordingly disclosed the whole affair, just as they had learned it, to Quintus Fabius Sanga, 8 to whose patronage their state was very greatly indebted. Cicero, being apprized of the matter by Sanga, directed the deputies to pre- tend a strong desire for the success of the plot, to seek inter- views with the rest of the conspirators, to make them fair promises, and to endeavor to lay them open to conviction as much as possible. 3 As Brutus was then absent from Kome] Nam turn Brutus ab Roma aherat. From this remark, say Zanchina and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. " What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus ; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Csesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but Bad gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." B(H'!~"-* (,!/ >/>n rd wljmxjere sil/i } vel interfere. 'The truth, on such a point, is of little importance. 4 XLI. To be expected from victory] In spe viotorice. 6 Certain rewards] Certa prttmia. " Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 3i>." Ktihnhardt. * Quintus Fab: is Sanga] "A dcscendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the All^bvoges, was suniamed Allobrogicus." Bernoif. AYl.'ole states often choso (nitrous as well as individuals. 46 SALLUST. XLII. Much about the same time there were commotions T in Hither and Further Gaul, in the Picenian and Bruttian ter- ritories, and in Apulia. For those, whom Catiline had pre- viously sent to those parts, had begun, without consideration, and seemingly with madness, to attempt every thing at once ; and, by nocturnal meetings, by removing armor and weapons from place to place, and by hurrying and confusing every thing, had created more alarm than danger. Of these, Quintus Metellus Celer, the praetor, having brought several to trial,* under the decree of the senate, had thrown them into prison, as had also Caius Mursena in Further Gaul, 9 who governed that province in quality of legate. XLIII. But at Rome, in the mean time, Lentulus, with the other leaders of the conspiracy, having secured what they thought a large force, had arranged, that as soon as Catiline should reach the neighborhood of Ftesulse, Lucius Bestia, a tribune of the people, having called an assembly, should com- plain of the proceedings of Cicero, and lay the odium of this most oppressive war on the excellent consul ; 10 and that the rest of the conspirators, taking this as a signal, should, on the following night, proceed to execute their respective parts. These parts are said to have been thus distributed. Statilius and Gabinius, with a large force, were to set on fire twelve 7 XLII. There were commotions] Motus erat. li Mbtus is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for seditiones and tumultns. No change is therefore to be made in the text." Gerlach. " Motus bellicos in- telligit, tumultus ; nt Flor., iii. 13." Cortius. 8 Having brought several to trial] Complures caussd cognita. " Cavssam cognoscere is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime." Dietscli. 9 Caius Mursena in Further Gaul] In Ulteriore Gallia C. Murcena. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have in citeriore Gallia. " But C. Mursena," says the critic, " commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraeiia, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse of memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confi- dently altered citeriore into ulteriore." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, out to Felicias Durantinus, a friend of Kivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded. 10 XLIII. The excellent consul] Optimo consvli. With 'the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, luculentam, atque utilem reipuMicce, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: " Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum co'usulcm) ; but what enemy could speak more coldly of me ?" CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 47 places of the city, convenient for their purpose, 11 at the same time ; in order that, during the consequent tumult, 12 an easier access might be obtained to the consul, and to the others whose destruction was intended ; Cethegus was to beset the gate of Cicero, and attack him personally with violence ; others were to single out other victims ; while the sons of certain families, mostly of the nobility, were to kill their fathers ; and, when all were in consternation at the massacre and conflagration, they were to sally forth to join Catiline. While they were thus forming and settling their plans, Cethegtis was incessantly complaining of the want of spirit in his associates ; observing, that they wasted excellent opportun^ ities through hesitation and delay ; 13 that, in such an enterprise, there was need, not of deliberation, but of action ; and that he himself, if a few would support him, would storm the senate- house while the others remained inactive. Being naturally bold, sanguine, and prompt to act, he thought that success de- pended on rapidity of execution. XLIV. The Allobroges, according to the directions of Cicero, procured interviews, by means of Gabinius, with the other conspirators ; and from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, they demanded an oath, which they might carry under seal to their countrymen, who otherwise would hardly join in so important an affair. To this the others consented without suspicion ; but Cassius promised them soon to visit their country, 14 and, indeed, left the city a little before the deputies, In order that the Allobroges, before they reached home, might confirm their agreement with Catiline, by giving and re- ceiving pledges of faith, Lentulus sent with them one Titus Volturcius, a native of Crotona, he himself giving Volturcius a letter for Catiline, of which the following is a copy : " Who I am, you will learn from the person whom I have 1 ^ Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose] Duodecim opportune loca. Plutarch, in his Lii'e of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few- narratives lose by repetition. 12 In order that, during the consequent tumult] Quo tumultu. " It is best," says Dietsch, " to take gvo as the particula Jinalis (to the end that), and tumultu as the ablative of the instrument." 13 Delay] Die* prolatando. By putting off from day to day. 14 XLIV. Soon to visit their country] Semet eb brevi ventwmm. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (ad cives) ; and that Cassias expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." Dietsch. 48 SALLUST. sent to you. Reflect seriously in how desperate a situation you are placed, and remember that you are a man. 16 Consider what your views demand, and seek aid from all, even the low- fist." In addition, he gave him this verbal message : " Since ho was declared an enemy by the senate, for what reason should he reject the assistance of slaves ? That, in the city, every thing which he had directed was arranged ; and that he should not delay to make nearer approaches to it." XLV. Matters having proceeded thus far, and a night being appointed for the departure of the deputies, Cicero, being by them made acquainted with every thing, directed the praetors, 18 Lucius Valerius Flaceus, and Caius Pomtinus, to arrest the retinue of the Allobroges, by laying in wait for them on the Milvian Bridge ; 17 he gave them a full explanation of the object with which they were sent, 18 and left them to manage the rest as occasion might require. Being military men, they placed a force, as had been directed, without disturbance, and secretly invested the bridge ; when the deputies, with Volturcius, came to the place, and a shout was raised from each side of the bridge, 19 the Gauls, at once comprehending the matter, sur- rendered themselves immediately to the praetors. Volturcius, at first, encouraging his companions, defended himself against numbers with his sword ; but afterward, being unsupported by the Allobroges, he began earnestly to beg Pomtinus, to whom he was known, to save his life, and at last, terrified and despair- ing of safety, he surrendered himself to the praetors as uncon- ditionally as to foreign enemies. XLVL The affair being thus concluded, a full account of it was immediately transmitted to the consul by messengers. Great anxiety, and great joy, affected him at the same mo- ment. He rejoiced that, by the discovery of the conspiracy, the state was freed from danger ; but he was doubtful how he ought to act, when citizens of such eminence were detected in 15 Remember that you are a man] Memineris te virum. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, Cura ut mr sis. 111 XLV. The praetors] Proetortlnis urbanis, the prators of the city. 17 The Milvian Bridge] Ponte Mulmo. Now Poide Molle. 18 Of the object with which they were sent] Rem cujus gratia mitttkantur. lf From each side of the bridge] Utrinque. " Utrmque," observes Cor- tins. "glossse MSS. exponunt ex, utraque parte pontis, and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself has availed himself of it. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 49 trenson BO atrocious. He saw that their punishment would be n weight upon himself, and their escape the destruction of the (,'ominonwealth. Having, however, formed his resolution, he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and one Quintus Coeparius of Terra cina, who was preparing to go to Apulia to raise the slaves, to be summoned before him. The others came without delay ; but Coeparius, having left his house a little be- fore, and heard of the discovery of the conspiracy, had fled from the city. The consul himself conducted Lentulus, as he was praetor, holding him by the hand, and ordered the others to be brought into the Temple of Concord, under a guard. Here he assembled the senate, and in a very full attendance of that body, introduced Volturcius with the deputies. Hither also he or- dered Valerius Flaccus, the praetor, to bring the box with the letters 50 which he had taken from the deputies. XL VII. Volturcius, being questioned concerning his journey, concerning his letter, 21 and lastly, what object he had Had iu view," 2 and from what motives he had acted, at first began to prevaricate," 3 and to pretend ignorance of the conspiracy; but ;:t length, when he was told to speak on the security of the public faith, 21 he disclosed every circumstance as it had really occurred, stating that he had been admitted as an associate, a few days before, by Gabinius and Coeparius ; that he knew no more than the deputies, only that he used to hear from Gabin- ius, that Publius Autronius, Servius Sylla, Lucius Vargunteius, and many others, were engaged in the conspiracy. The Gauls made a similar confession, and charged Lentulus, who began to affect ignorance, not only with the letter to Catiline, but with - XL VI. The box with the letters] firrinium cum llleris. Litterce may bo rendered either letter or Utter*. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the con- spirators, too. which was a written document, was probably in the box. 11 XLVII. His letter] Litteris. H'* own letter to Catiline, c. 44. Soprceter lit/eras a little below. 22 What object he had had in view, etc.] Quid, (tut qua de causa, cmisilii Tialiuisxet. What design lie had entertained, and from what motive he had ned it. a3 To prevaricate] Flruiere alia. " To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." !!//. 24 On the security of tlie public faith] Fide pv.blicA. " Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate ; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth. 1 ' Bcrnouf. 3 50 SALLUST. remarks which he was in the habit of making, " that the sovereignly of Rome, by the Sibylline books, was predestined to three Cornelii ; that Cinna and Sylla had ruled already ;" and that he himself was the third, whose fate it would be to govern the city ; and that this, too, was the twentieth year since the Capitol was burned ; a year which the augurs, from certain omens, had often said would be stained with the blood of civil war." The letter then being read, the senate, when all had previous- ly acknowledged their seals, 28 decreed that Lentulus, being de- prived of his office, should, as well as the rest, be placed in private custody. 27 Lentulus, accordingly, was given in charge to Publius Lentulus Spinther, who was then sedile ; Cethegus, to Quintus Cornificius ; Statilius, to Cains Caesar ; Gabinius, to Marcus Crassus ; and Coeparius, who had just before been ar- rested in his flight, to Cneius Terentius, a senator. XLVIII. The cojmmon people, meanwhile, who had at first, from a desire of change in the government, been too much in- clined to war, having, on the discovery of the plot, altered their sentiments, began to execrate the projects of Catiline, to extol Cicero to the skies; and, as if rescued from slavery, to give proofs of joy and exultation. Other effects of war they expected as a gain rather than a loss ; but the burning of the city they thought inhuman, outrageous, and fatal, especially to themselves, whose whole property consisted in their daily necessaries and the clothes which they Avore. On the following day, a certain Lucius Tarquinius was brought before the senate, who was said to have been arrested as he was setting out to join Catiline. This person, having 35 That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already] Cinnam alque Syllam antea. " Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marias from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domi- neered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation. 28 Their seals] Signa sua. " Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernonf. Th Komans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they cov- ered with wax, and impressed with a se.il. To open the letter it was neces- sary to cut the string: "nos liniim incidimvs,'" Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. Sea also C. Nep. Pans. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities.. The seal of Leiitulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors ; see Cicero, Ice. tit. 27 In private custody] In liberix custodiis. Literally, in "free custody," but " private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it afifdfiov ^uAa/c^v, as also Dion., cap. Iviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 3. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 51 offered to give information of the conspiracy, if the public faith were pledged to him, 8 * and being directed by the consul to state what he knew, gave the senate nearly the same account as Vol- turcius had given, concerning the intended conflagration, the massacre of respectable citizens, and the approach of the enemy, adding that " he was sent by Marcus Crassus to assure Catiline that the apprehension of Lentulus, Cethegus, and others of tho conspirators, ought not to alarm him, but that he should hasten, with so much the more expedition to the city, in order to re- vive the courage of the rest, and to facilitate the escape of those in custinlv."~ J When Tarquinius named Crassus, a man of no- ble birth, of very great wealth, and of vast influence, some, thinking the statement incredible, others, though they sup- posed it true, yet, judging that at such a crisis a man of such power 30 was rather to be soothed than irritated (most of them, too, from personal reasons, being under obligation to Crassus), exclaimed that he was " a false witness," and.demanded that the matter should be put to the vote. Cicero, accordingly, taking their opinions, a full senate decreed " that the testimony of Tar- quiuius appeared false ; that he himself should be kept in pri- son ; and that no further liberty of speaking 31 should be granted him, unless he should name the person at whose instigation he had fabricated so shameful a calumny." There were some, at that time, who thought that this affair was contrive! by Publius Autronius, in order that the interest of Crassus, if he were accused, might, from participation in the danger, more readily screen the rest. Others said that Tar- quinius was suborned by Cicero, that Crassus might not dis- turb the state, by taking upon him, as was his custom/ 2 the 28 XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him] 81 fides pnUica data 6S8et. See c. 47. 2a And to facilitate the escape of those in custody] Et ttli facilius e peri- culo eriptrentur. 30 A man of such power] Tanta vis fiominis. So great power of the man. j 31 Liberty of speaking] Potestatem. '" Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popina. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth, went for nothing ; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison. ; - As was his custom] More svo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Cnissiw would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity unoug the common people. 52 SALLUST. defense of the criminals. That this attack on his character was made by Cicero, I afterward heard Crassus himself assert. XLIX. Yet, at the same time, neither by interest, nor by so- licitation, nor by bribes, could Quintus Catulus, and Caius Piso, prevail upon Cicero to have Caius Caesar falsely accused, either by means of the Allobroges, or any other evidence. Both of these men were at bitter enmity with Cajsar ; Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on 33 his trial for extor- tion, on a charge of having illegally put to death a Transpadane Gaul ; Catulus, as having hated him ever since he stood for (he pontificate, because, at an advanced age, and after filling the highest offices, he had been defeated by Cassar, who was then comparatively a youth. 34 The opportunity, too, seemed favorable for such an accusation ; for CaBsar, by extraordinary generosity in private, and by magnificent exhibitions in public, 35 had fallen greatly into debt. But when they failed to persuade the consul to such injustice, they themselves, by going from one person to another, and spreading fictions of their own, which (hey pretended to have heard from Volturcius or the Allobroges, excited such violent odium against him, that certain Roman knights, who were stationed as an armed guard round the Tem- ple of Concord, being prompted, either by the greatness of the danger, or by the impulse of a high spirit, to testify more open- ly their zeal for the republic, threatened Caasar with their swords as he went out of the senate-house. 53 XLIX. Fiso, ns having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.} Piso, oppugnaiu-s in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Trans^i sitpjilictuminjitstwn. Such is the reading and punctuation of Corti us. Soimi editions insert pecvniarum before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzins, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Op- pugnatm, says he, is equivalent to graoitur vexatus, or violently assailed; and Piso was thus assailed by Csesar on account of his unjust execution of theGanl; the words in judifio repetundarum merely mark the time when Ctesar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one tiling, he was attacked by Csesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would omit them, and make oppuynatus govern pcwniarum repetundarum^ as if it were accasatus: a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Csesar ; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2 ; ad Fain, xvi. 12. =* Comparatively a youth] Adolescentolo. Caesar was then in the thirty- third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3. 3* By magnificent exhibitions in public] Publice maximis munerUnm. Shows of gladiators. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 5;j L. While these occurrences were passing in the senate, and while rewards were being voted, an approbation of their evi, deuce, to the Allobrogian deputies and to Titus Volturcius, the freedmen, and some of the other dependents of Leutulus, were urging the artisans and slaves, in various directions throughout the city, 30 to attempt his rescue ; some, too, applied to the ring- leaders of the mob, who were always ready to disturb the state for pay. Cethegus, at the same time, was soliciting, through his agents, his slaves 37 and freedinen, men trained to deeds of audacity, to collect themselves into an armed body, and force a way into his place of confinement. The consul, when he heard that these things were in agita- tion, having distributed armed bodies of men, as the circum- stances and occasion demanded, called a meeting of the senate, and desired to know " what they wished to be done concerning those who had been committed to custody." A full senate, how- ever, had but a short time before 38 declared them traitors to their country. On this occasion, Decimus Junius Silanus, who, as consul elect, was first asked his opinion, moved 38 that capital punishment should be inflicted, not only on those who were in confinement, but also on Lucius Cassius, Publius Furius, Publius Umbrenus, and Quintus Annius, if they should be apprehended; but atVerward, being influenced by the speech of Caius Csesar, he said that he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero, 40 38 L. In various directions throughput the city] Varils itineribus in vicis. Going hither and thither through the streets. 3 ? Slaves] Familiam. " Servos suos, qui proprie/araiZia." Cortius. Fa- milia is a number of famuli. 38 A full senate, however, had but a short time before, etc.] The senate had already decreed that they were enemies to their country ; Cicero now calls a meeting to ascertain what sentence sliould be passed on them. 39 On this occasion moved] Tuncdeireverat. The tune (or, as most edi- tors have it, turn) must be referred to the second meeting ot the senate, for it does not appear that any proposal concerning the punishment of the prisoners was made at the first meeting. There would be no doubt on this point, were it not for the pluperfect tense, decreverat. I have translated it as the perfect. We must suppose that Sallust had his thoughts on Csesar'a speech, which was to follow, and signifies that all this business had been done, before Caesar addressed the house. Kritzius thinks that the pluperfect wus referred by Sallust, not to Caesar's speech, but to the decree of the sen- ate which was finally made; but this is surely a less satisfactory method of settling the matter. Sallust often uses the pluperfect, where his reader would expect the perfect ; see, for instance, concusserat, at the beginning of c. 24. i That he would go over to the opinion of Tiberius Nero] Pedibus in sen- tenlian Tib. Neronis iturum. Any question submitted to the senate was decided by the majority of votes, which was ascertained either by numera- 54 SALLUST. who had proposed that the guards should be increased, and that the senate should deliberate, further on the matter. Caesar, when it came to his turn, being asked his opinion by the con- sul, spoke to the following effect: LI. "It becomes all men, 41 Conscript Fathers, who deliberata on dubious matters, to be influenced neither by hatred, affec- tion, anger, nor pity. The mind, when such feelings obstruct its view, can not easily see what is right ; nor has any human being consulted, at the same moment, his passion and his inter- est. When the mind is freely exerted, its reasoning is sound ; but passion, if it gain possession of it, becomes its tyrant, and reason is powerless. " I could easily mention, Conscript Fathers, numerous exam- ples of kings and nations, who, swayed by resentment or com- passion, have adopted injudicious courses of conduct ; but I had rather speak of these instances in which our ancestors, in op- position to the impulse of passion, acted with wisdom and sound policy. " In the Macedonian war, which we carried on against king Perses, the great and powerful state of Rhodes, which had risen by the aid of the Roman people, was faithless and hostile to us ; yet, when the war was ended, and the conduct of the Rhodians was taken into consideration, our forefathers left them unmolest- ed lest any should say that war was made upon them for the sake of seizing their wealth, rather than of punishing their faithlessness. Throughout the Punic war, too, though the Car- thaginians, both during peace and in suspension of arms, Avere guilty of many acts of injustice, yet our ancestors never took occasion to retaliate, but considered rather what was worthy of themselves, than what might be justly inflicted on their enemies. " Similar caution, Conscript Fathers, is to be observed by tio. a counting of the votes, or by diacessio, when those who were of ono opinion, at the direction of the presiding magistrate, passed over to one side of the house, and those who were of the contrary opinion, to the other. See Aul. Gell. xiv. 7 ; Suet. Tib. 31 ; Adam's Eoin. Ant. ; Dr. Smith's Diction- ary, Art. Senntus. 41 LI. It becomes all men, etc.] The beginning 1 of this speech, attributed to Caesar, is imitated from Demosthenes, TLepi TUV EV Xepaow/ov Trpay/tuTuv ; *E(5ei /zf, u uvdpef Adyvaloi, rotif ^eyovra^ unavraq tv vfilv pr/re irpuq tydpav iroieirsftai 'Sioyov /irjAev a, ftrjre rrpoc x<*P lv - "It should be incum- bent on all who speak before you, O Athenians, to advance no sentiment with any view either to enmity or to favor." CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 55 yourselves, that the guilt of Lentulus, and the other conspira- tors, may not have greater weight with you than your own dignity, ftnd that you may not regard your indignation more than your character. If, indeed, a punishment adequate to their crimes be discovered, I consent to extraordinary measures ;" but if the enormity of their crime exceeds whatever can be devised, 43 I think that we should inflict only such penalties as the laws have provided. " Most of those, who have given their opinions before me, have deplored, in studied and impressive language," the sad fate that threatens the republic ; they have recounted the bar- barities of war, and the afflictions that would fall on the van- quished ; they have told us that maidens would be dishonored, and youths abused ; that children would be torn from the em- braces of their parents ; that matrons would be subjected to the pleasure of the conquerors ; that temples and dwelling-houses would be plundered ; that massacres and fires would follow ; ane that every place would be filled with arms, corpses, blood, and lamentation. But to what end, in the name of the eternal gods ! was such eloquence directed ? Was it intended to ren- der you indignant at the conspiracy ? A speech, no doubt, will inflame him whom so frightful and monstrous a reality has not provoked ! Far from it : for to no man does evil, directed against himself, appear a light matter ; many, on the contrary, have felt it more seriously than was right. "But to different persons, Conscript Fathers, different degrees of license are allowed. If those who pass a life sunk in obscur- ity, commit any error, through excessive anger, few become aware of it, for their fame is as limited as their fortune ; but of those who live invested with extensive power, and in an exalted station, the whole world knows the proceedings. Thus in the highest position there is the least liberty of action ; and it be- comes us to indulge neither partiality nor aversion, but least of all animosity ; for what in others is called resentment, is in the powerful termed violence and cruelty. 42 I consent to extraordinary measures] Novum concilium adprobo. " That is, I consent that you depart from the usage of your ancestors, by which Eoman citizens were protected from death." Bernmif. 43 Whatever can be devised] Omnium ingenia-. 44 Studied and impressive language] Composite al uv6pe ' A.0ijvaloc, orav ~s etc ru Trpd-yfiara uTro/?/.ei/;o KOI orav Trpcf Tovf ?.f>-/ov oiif UKOVU' roi't; utv }/) /.('<; orf :rfpt rof Tiftupjjaaadai Qi/umrov 6pu yiyvo/Ltt-vovf, TU 6 npuy/j.ara hf rovro irpof/Kavra wore unu pi Tteicuiieda uvrol Trporepov KO-KiJf aKtipaaOai fiiw, " I am by no means affected in the same manner, 60 SALLUST. when 1 contemplate our circumstances and dangers, and when I revolve in my mind the sentiments of some who have spoken before me. Those speakers, as it seems to me, have considered only how to punish the traitors who have raised war against their country, their parents, their altars, and their homes ; M hut the state of affairs warns us rather to secure ourselves against them, than to take counsel as to what sentence we should pass upon them. Other crimes you may punish after they have been committed ; but as to this, unless you prevent its com- mission, you will, when it has once taken effect, in vain appeal to justice. " When the city is taken, no power is left to the vanquished. " But, in the name of the immortal gods, I call upon you, who have always valued your mansions and villas, your statues and pictures, at a higher price than the welfare of your coun- try ; if you wish to preserve those possessions, of whatever kind they are, to which you are attached ; if you wish to se- cure quiet for the enjoyment of your pleasures, arouse your- selves, and act in defense of your country. We are not now debating on the revenues, or on injuries done to our allies, but our liberty and our life is at stake. "Often, Conscript Fathers, have I spoken at great length in this assembly ; often have I complained of the luxury and avarice of our citizens, and, by that very means, have incurred the displeasure of many. I, who never excused to myself, or At hcniiuis, when I review the Plate of our affairs, and when I attend to those speakers who have now declared their sentiments. They insist that wo should punish 1'hilip, but our affairs, situated as they now appear, warn us to guard against tlie dangers with which we ourselves are threatened.'" Island,. * Their altars and their homes] Aris atquefocit suis. " When arm and foci are joined, beware of supposing that they are to be distinguished as referring the one (axe) to the public temples, and the other (foci) to pri- vate dwellings. * * * Both are to be understood of private houses, in which the ara belonged to the Dii Ptnatts, and was placed in the implu- viiim in the inner part of the house ; the //< was dedicated to the lares, and was in the hall." Ernesti, Clav. Cic., sub. v. Ara. Of the commenta- r tors on Sallust, Kritzius is, I believe, the only one who has concurred in, 1 this notion of Ernesti ; Langius and Dietsch (with Cortius) adhere to the common opinion that arcu are the public altars. Dietsch refers, for a com- plete refutation of Ernesti, to G. A. B. Hertzberg de Dils Rmnanarvm Pe- natibus, Haiti*, 1840, p. 64 ; a book which I have not seen. Certainly, in the observation of Cicero ad Att., vii. 11, u Non est respublica in panetibus, seel in aria et focis," arce. must be considered (as Schiller observes) to denote the public altars and national religion. See Schiller's Lex. v. Ara. " In vain appeal to justice] Frusta judicia implores. Judicia, trials, to procure the inflictions of legal penalties. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. .. Gl to my own conscience, the commission of any fault, could not easily pardon the misconduct, 1 " or indulge the licentiousness, of others. But though you little regarded my remonstrances, yet the republic remained secure ; its own strength 6 "' was proof against your remissness. The question, however, at present under discussion, is not whether we live in a good or a had state of morals ; nor how great, or how splendid, the empire of the Roman people is ; but whether these things around us, of whatever value they are, are to continue our own, or to fall, with ourselves, into the hands of the enemy. " In such a case, does any one talk to me of gentleness and compassion ? For some time past, it is true, we have lost the real name of things ; 63 for to lavish the property of others is called generosity, and audacity in wickedness -is called heroism ; and hence the state is reduced to the brink of ruin. But let those, who thus misname things, be liberal, since such is the practice, out of the property of our allies ; let them be merci- ful to the robbers of the treasury ; but let them not lavish our blood, and, while they spare a few criminals, bring destruction on all the guiltless. " Cains Caesar, a short time ago, spoke in fair and elegant language, "* before this assembly, on the subject of life and death ; considering as false, I suppose, what is told of the dead ; that the bad, going a different way from the good, in- " Could not easily pardon the misconduct, etc.] Bafltd facile alteri'is In- Hdini malffacta conaona>Mm. " Coiild not easily forgive the licentiousness of auotlier its evil deeds." 62 Yet the republic remained secure ; its own strength, etc.] Tamenrts- pnMica firma, opuUntia negl-eqentiam tolerahat. This is Cortius's reading; pome editors, as Havercamp, Kritziu*, and Dietsch, insert erat after firma. Whether opulentia is the nominative or ablative, is disputed. " Opnlenlui" Bays Allen, " casum sextum intellige, et repete respuMica, (ad tolfrabat)." u ~Opiia cn^.traifxif tvanicOr), fie7.- /.uais re Trpoitr]()/)r, dfrf.ta ivirpf.Trt/f TO 6i: autypov. TOV avuvtipov npoa^nf^o, Ktii TO Tpof u~av ovverbv, ixi ~av upjov. "The ordinary meaning of words was changed by them as they thought proper. For reckless daring was regarded as courage that was true to its friends; prudent delay, as specious cowardice ; moderation, as a cloak for unmanliness ; being intelli- gent in every thing, as being useful for nothing." Dale's translation: Bohu's Classical Library. * Elegant language] Composite. See above, c. 51. 02 SALLTJST habit places gloomy, desolate, dreary, and full of horror. lie accordingly proposed that the property of the conspirators should be confiscated, and themselves kept in custody in the municipal towns ; fearing, it seems, that, if they remain at Kome, they may be rescued either by their accomplices in the conspiracy, or by a hired mob ; as if, forsooth, the mischievous and profligate were to be found only in the city, and not through the whole of Italy, or as if desperate attempts would not be more likely to succeed where there is less power to resist them. Jlis proposal, therefore, if he fears any danger from them, is absurd ; but if, amid such universal terror, he alone is free from alarm, it the more concerns me to fear for you and myself. " Be assured, then, that when you decide on the fate of Len- tulus and the other prisoners, you at the same time determine that of the army of Catiline, and of all the conspirators. The more spirit you display in your decision, the more will their confidence be diminished ; but if they shall perceive you in the smallest degree irresolute, they will advance upon you with fury. " Do not suppose that our ancestors, from so small a com- mencement, raised the republic to greatness merely by force of arms. If such had beeu the case, we should enjoy it m a most excellent condition; 8 ' for of allies and citizens, " as well as arms and horses, we have a much greater abundance than they had. But there were other things which made them great, but which among us have no existence ; such as industry at home, equitable government abroad, and minds impartial in council, uninfluenced by any immoral or improper feeling. Instead of such virtues, we have luxury and avarice ; public- distress, and private superfluity ; we extol wealth, and yield lo indolence ; no distinction is made between good men and bad ; and ambition usurps the honors due to virtue. Nor is this wonderful ; since you study each his individual interest, and since at home you are slaves to pleasure, and here to money or favor ; and hence it happens that an attack is made on the de- fenseless state. "But on these subjects I shall say no more. Certain citizen*, 66 In a most excellent condition] M'tltopi/lcherr/tmam. See c. 3fi. " For of allies and citizens, etc.] Imitated from Demosthenes, Philinp, til. 4. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 03 of the highest, tank, have conspired to ruin their country; they arc engaging the Gauls, the lutterest foes of the Roman name, to join in a war against us ; the leader of the enemy i.5 really to make a descent upon u.s ; and do you hesitate, even iu such circumstances, how to treat armed incendia: ies arrested Avithin your walls ? I advise you to have mercy upon them ;" they are young men who have been led astray by ambition ; send them away, even with arms in their hands. But such mercy, and such clemency, if they turn those arms against you, will end in misery to yourselves. The case is, assuredly, dan- cerous, but you do not fear it ; yes, you fear it greatly, but you hesitate how to act, through weakness and want of spirit, wait- ing one for another, and trusting to the immortal gods, who have so often preserved your country in the greatest dangers. But the protection of the gods is not obtained by vows and effeminate supplications ; it is by vigilance, activity, and prudent measures, that general welfare is secured. When you are once resigned to sloth and indolence, it is in vain that you implore the gods ; for they are then indignant and threaten vengeance. " In the days of our forefathers, Titus Manlius Torquatus, during a war with the Gauls, ordered his own son to be put to death, because he had fought with an enemy contrary to orders. That noble youth suffered for excess of bravery ; and do you hesitate what sentence to pass on the most inhuman of traitors ? Perhaps their former life is at variance with their present crime. Spare, then, the dignity of Lentulus, if he has ever spared his own honor or character, or had any regard for gods or for men. Pardon the youth of Cethegus, unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country. 69 As to Gabinius, Statilms, Cceparius, why should I make any re- mark upon them ? Had they ever possessed the smallest share of discretion, they would never have engaged in such a plot against their country. " In conclusion, Conscript Fathers, if there were time to *' 1 advise joii to have mercy upon them] Miweamini censeo, i. e., cenaeo iit misereammi, spoken ironically. Most translators have taken the word* !! the sense of "You would take pity on them, I suppose," or something similar. w Unless this be the second time that he has made war upon his country] "Cethegus first made war on his country in conjunction with Marius.'' Bernovf. Whether Sail list alludes to this, or intimates (as Gerlach thinks) that he was engaged in the first conspiracy, is doubtful. 64 SALLUST. amend an error, I might easily suffer yon, since you disregard words, to be corrected by experience of consequences. But we are beset by dangers on all sides ; Catiline, with his army, is ready to devour us ;"" while there are other enemies within the walls, and in the heart of the city ; nor can any measures be taken, or any plans arranged, without their knowledge. The more necessary is it, therefore, to act with promptitude. What I advise, then, is this : that since the state, by a treasonable combination of abandoned citizens, has been brought into the greatest peril ; and since the conspirators have been convicted on the evidence of Titus Volturcius, and the deputies of the Allobroges, and on their own confession, of having concerted massacres, conflagrations, and other horrible and cruel out- rages, against their fellow-citizens and their country, punish- ment be inflicted, according to the usage of our ancestors, on the prisoners who have confessed their guilt, as on men con- victed of capital crimes." LIII. When Cato had resumed his seat, all the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest, 70 applauded his opinion, and extolled his firmness of mind to the skies. With mutual reproaches, they accused one another of timidity, while Cato was regarded as the greatest and noblest of men ; and a decree of the senate was made as he had advised. After reading and hearing of the many glorious achieve- ments which the Roman people had performed at home and in the field, by sea as well as by land, I happened to be led to consider what had been the great foundation of such illustrious deeds. I knew that the Romans had frequently, with small bodies of men, encountered vast armies of the enemy ; I was aware that they had carried on wars"' 1 with limited forces 8 Is ready to devour us] Faudbus vryet. Cortina, Kritziua, Gerlaoh, Burnouf, Allen, aud Dietsch, are unanimous in interpreting this as a meta- phorical expression, alluding to a wild beast with open jaws ready to spring upon its prey. They support this interpretation by Val. Max., v. 3 : " Fan- cimis npprehensam veinpublicani ;" Cic. pro. Cluent., 31 : " Quum faucibim premetur;" and Plant. Casin. v. 3, 4, " Manifesto i'auoibns teneor." Soino editors have read infaucit/ita, and understood the words as referring to the jaws or narrow passes of Etruria, where Catiline was with his army. 70 LIII. All the senators of consular dignity, and a great part of the rest] Const/lares otnnes, itemque senalus nutffna pats. "As the consular* were senators, the reader would perhaps expect Sallust to have said reliqui senatus, but itemque is equivalent to etprcnter eos." Dietsch. 71 That they had carried oil wars] Bella yeata. That wars had been car- ried on by them. CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. C5 against powerful sovereigns; that they had often sustained, loo, the violence of adverse fortune ; yet that, while the Greeks excelled them in eloquence, the Gauls surpassed them in mili- tary glory. After much reflection, I felt convinced that the eminent virtue of a few citizens had been the cause of all these successes ; and hence it had happened that poverty had triumphed over riches, and a few over a multitude. And even in later times, when the state had become corrupted by luxury and indolence, the republic still supported itself, by its own strength, under the misconduct of its generals and magistrates; when, as if the parent stock were exhausted, 73 there was cer- tainly not produced at Rome, for many years, a single citizen of eminent ability. Within my recollection, however, there arose two men of remarkable powers, though of very different character, Marcus Cato and Caius Caesar, whom, since the sub- ject has brought them before me, it is not my intention to pass in silence, but to describe, to the best of my ability, the dispo- sition and manners of each. LIV. Their birth, age, and eloquence, were nearly on an equality ; their greatness of mind similar, as was also their re- 72 As if the parent stock were exhausted] Siciiti effofta parent/am. This is 1'ic reading of Cortius, which he endeavors to explain thus: " Ac sicwi t-ifae.Ui parehs, inter parentes, sese habere aolet, tit nuilos amphus liberas pro- iorat, sic Roma sese habuit, ubi multis tempestatibus nemo virtute inagnus fr.it." " Est," he adds, "or solet esse, or sese habere solet, 7imy very well bo understood from thefuti which follows." But all this only serves to show what a critic may imd to say in. defense of a reading to which he is deter- mined to adhere. All the MSS., indeed, hnveparentum. except one, which has parente. Dietsch thinks that some word has been lost between fffaeta und parent-urn, and proposes to read sicuti effoeta aUtte parentum, with the sense, as tfthe age of the parents were too much e.rhutisttd to produce slroixj children. Kritzi'us, from a suggestion of Cortius (or rather of his predeces- sor, Rupertus), reads (ficetce parent-urn (the effoetae agreeing with Jiomcu which follows), considering the sense to be the same as ejfcetcK purcnlis as dimna. dtarum for dtvina Sea, etc. Gerlach retains the reading of Cortius, and adopts his explanation (4to. ed., 1827), but says that the e.cpUcatio may seem durior, and that it is doubtful whether we ought not to have recourse to the efffita parente of the old critics. Assuredly if we retain pateitttim. anything.' . _ . locus intellectus nemini, and at last decided on understanding mrttite with (ffaetiK parent urn, which, pace ianti >n, and although Allen lias followed liim, is little better than folly. The concurrence of the majority of manu- scripts in giving parentum "makes the sclmlar unwilling to set it aside. However, as no one has explained it satisfactorily even to himself, I have thought it better, with Dietsch, to regard it a scriptura iwnftrtnda, and to acquiesce, with Glareanus, Rivius, Burnouf, and the Bipout edition, in tho reading ejfat A parente. 66 SALLUST. pu tat ion, though attained by different means/ 3 Caesar grew eminent by genesroity and munificence; Cato by the integrity of his life. Caesar was esteemed for his humanity and benevo- lence ; austereness had given dignity to Cato. Caesar acquire:] renown by giving, relieving, and pardoning; Cato by bestov,'- ing nothing. In Ccesar, there was a refuge for (he unfortunate; in Cato, destruction for the bad. In Ca3sar, his easiness ofter.:- per was admired; in Cato, his firmness. Caesar, in fine, ha:l applied himself to a life of energy and activity ; intent upon the interest of his friends, he was neglectful of his owu ; he refused nothing to others that was worthy of acceptance, while for him- self he desired great power, the command of an army, and a new war in which his talents might be displayed. But C:ito 1 :; ambition was that of temperance, discretion, and, above all, of austerity ; he did nt contend ii\ splendor with the rich, or in faction witli the seditious, but with the brave in fortitude, with the modest in simplicity, 74 with the temperate 75 in abstinence; he was more desirous to be, than to appear, virtuous ; and thus, the less he courted popularity, the more it pursued him. LV. When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the counsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coming on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirs 70 to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. Ho himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentu- lus to the prison ; and the same office was performed for the rest by the pnetors. There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tulliaa dungeon, 77 and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk " 3 LIV. Though attained by different mean*] Sed alia alii. "Alii alia gloria" for altera alteri. So l^ivy, i. 21 : Duo reges, alius alia via. 71 Simplicity] Pudore. The word here seems to mean the absence of dis- play and ostentation. i5 With the temperate] Cum innocente. " That is cum inttgro ei abstinent*. For innocentia is used for al>gt,inentia, and opposed to avaritia. See Cic. pro Legc Maml., c. 13." Jiurnovf, 'o LV. The triumvirs] Triumviros. The triumviri capitales. who had the charge of the prison and. of the punishment of the condemned. They per- lormed their office by deputy, Val. Max., v. 4, 7. 77 The Tullian dungeon] Tullianum. " Tulliannm" is an adjective, with which robnr must be understoood, as it was originally constructed, wholly or partially, with oak. See Festus, sub voce Rbum or Robur: his words are arcw robustis includebatur, of which the sense is not very clear. The rr.son at Kome was built by Ancus Marcius, and enlarged by Serviu? Tul- l>ub from whom this part of it had its name ; Varro de L. L., iv. 33. It is CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 07 nl>out twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it ou every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone arches ; ? " but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the fikh, d.irkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into (his place, certain men, to whom orders had been given,'* stran- gled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illus- trious family of the Cornehi, and who filled the office of consul r_t Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabiuius, and Coeparius, punishment Y.T.S inflicted in a similar manner. LVI. During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that Avhich Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow ; 8U and afterward, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates," 1 arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth now transformed into a subterranean chapel, beneath a small church erected over it, called San Pietro in Carcere. De Brosses and Eustace both visited it ; See Eustace's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 260, iii the Family Library. See :.lso Wasse's note on this passage. 78 A vaulted roof connected with stone arches] Camera lapideis fomicibus vincta. " That camera was a roof curved in the form of a testudo, is gener- ally admitted ; see Vitruv. vii. 3 ; Varr., R. K. iii. 7, init." Dietsch. Tho roof is now arched in the usual wav. 79 Certain men, to whom orders had been given] Quibns praceptum erat. The editions of Havercamp, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have vindieesre- riim capitalism, miihus, etc. Cortius ejected the first three words from his text, as an intruded gloss. If the words be genuine, we must consider these mnaices to have been the deputies, or lictors, of the "triumvirs" mentioned above. so LVI. As far as his numbers would allow] Pro_ nvmero militvm. Ho formed his men into two bodies, which he called legions, and divided each legion, as was usual, into ten cohorts, putting into each cohort as many men as he could. The cohort of a full legion consisted of three maniples, or six hundred men ; the legion would then be six thousand men. But the le- gions were seldom so large as this ; they varied at different periods, from MX thousand to three thousand ; in the time of Polybius they were usually four thousand two hundred. See Adam's Rom. Ant., and Lipsius de Mil. Rom Dial. iv. "' From his confederates] Re sociis. " Understand, not only the leaders in the conspiracy, but those who, in c. 35, are said to have set out to join Catiline, though 'not at that time exactly implicated in the plot." Kritziu*. It is necessary to notice this, because Cortius erroneously supposes "pociis" to mean the allies of Home. Dahl, Longius, Muller, Bumout, Gerlacli, and Dietsch, all interpret in the same manner as Kritzius. 68 SALLUST. part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes. As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that ot' Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one," 2 if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects. flares, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers'" 3 had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic 54 to ap- pear to share the cause of citizens with runagates. LVII. When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remain- der Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to es- cape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul. But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul. fla Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, M Hoped himself shortly to find one] Sperabat propediem sese Jiabiturvm. Other editions, as those of Havercanip, Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have the words maynas cttpiux before sese. Cortius struck them out, observing that copice occurred too often in this chapter, and that in one- MS. they were wanting. One manuscript, however, was insufficient author- ity for discarding them ; and the phrase suits much better with what fol- lows, si ROTTKK sitc'd incepta patrauisscnt, if they arc retained. 83 Slaves of whom vast numbers, etc.] Servit'ui cujits magncR copice. "Cujits" says Priscian (xvii. 20, vol. ii., p. 81, cd. Krehl), "is referred ad rem, that is cujus rel servilvtrum.' 1 '' Seroorvan or hmninum genus, is, pcrliaps, rather what Sallust had in his mind, as the subject of his relation. Gerlach adduces as an expression most nearly approaching to Sallust 1 *, Thncyd., iii. 02; Kat Aupit, so much will be shown by him in the field ; and on him whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation i.; bestowed in vain ; for the terror in his breast stops his ears. "I have called you together, however, to give you a few in- structions, and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know, soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us ; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable to march into Gaul. As he was pursuing, though with a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderanceSj the enemy in retreat] Utpote qui mcyno exercitu, locis cequioribu-s, expedites, infuga sequeretur. It would be tedious to notice all that 1ms been written upon this passage of Sallust. All the edi- tions, before that of Cortius, had expedites, infugam, some joining expedites with locis atffviorSnu, and some with infugam. Expedites infugam was first condemned by Wasse, no negligent observer of phrases, who said that no expression parallel to it could be found in any Latin writer. Cortius, seeing that the expedition, of which Sallust is speaking, is on the part of Antonius, not of Catiline, altered expedites, though found in all the manuscripts, into expedites ; and infugam, at the same time, into infuqa,; and in both these emendations he has been cordially followed by the subsequent editors, Gcr- laeh, Kritzius, and Dietseh. I have translated magno exercitu, "though with a larsre army," although, according to Dietseh and some others, we need not consider a large army as a cause of slowness, but may rather regard it as a cause of speed ; since the more numerous were Metcllus's forces, the less he would care how many he might leave behind through fatigue, or to guard the baggage ; so that he might be the more e.rpeditus, unincumbered. "With ff txi re 'tietsch. 83 All the ablest centurions] Centarionea omnes lectos. " Lectos you may consider to be the same as extBttoe, prastantet, centurionum praestantissimuin quemque." Kritzim. Cortius and others take it for a participle, chosen. 94 \ eterans] Ewcatos. Some would make this also a participle, because, ray they, it can not signify evocati, or called-out veterans, since, though there were such soldiers in a regular Roman army, there could be none so called in the tumultuary forces of Catiline. But to "this it is answered that Catiline had imitated the regular disposition of a Roman army, and that his veterans might consequently be called evocati, just as if they had been in one ; and, i also that evocatus as a participle would be useless ; for if Catiline removed (snbdvcU) the centurions, it is unnecessary to add that he called them out. lougo uso militise peritissimi. Dio., xlv. p. TZJV dvfipwv Kal TO TUV 'HOVOKUTUV TJ 'OvoKuTuv ffj'xTD^urt (ovf ' /taav, ovofiuaeiei') IvofiioBrj. Intelligit itaque ejusmodi homines veterano*, clsi non proprid crant tales evocati, sed sponte castra Catilinaj essent scout;."' riius. 72 SALLUST. common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost ranks. 04 He ordered Gains Maulins to take the command on the right, and a certain officer of FaesulaB 00 on the left ; while he himself, with his freedmen 07 and the colonists," took his station by the eagle," 9 which Caius Marius was said to have had in his army in the Cimbrian war. On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame,' was unable to be present in the engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus Petreius, his lieutenant-general. Petreius, ranged the cohorts of veterans, which he had raised to meet the present insurrection," in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding round among his troops, and ad- dressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes. 3 ]3eing a military man, aad having served with great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, prsefect, lieutenant, or prastor, he knew most of the soldiers and' their 65 Into the foremost ranks] Inprimam aciem. Whether Sallust means that he ranged them with the eight cohorts, or only in the first line of the subsidia, is not clear. B8 A certain officer of Fsesulae] Ftesulanum quondam. "lie is thought to have been that P. Furius, whom Cicero (Oat., iii. 6. 14) mentions as having been one of the colonists that Sylla settled at Foosulse, and who was to have been executed, if he had been apprehended, for having been concerned in corrupting the Allobrogian deputies." Dietsch. Plutarch calls this officer Furius. 1)7 His freedmen] Liberti*. " His own freedmen, whom he probably had about him as a body-guard, deeming them the most attached of his aclher- ents. Among them was, possibly, that Sergius, whom we find from Cic. pro Domo, 5, 6, to have been Catiline's armor -bearer." Dietsch. 8B The colonists] Colonis. " Veterans of Sylla, who had been settled by him as colonists in Etruria, and who had now been induced to join Catiline.'' Gerlach. See c. 25. OT By the eagle] Propter aquilim. Sec Cic. in Cat., i. 9. * Being lame] Pedlous Ottering but partial resistance] Aiwa alibi rexistentes. Not making a stand in a body, but only some in one place, and some in another. Among the first, etc.] In primls puynantet cadunt. Cortius very prop, erly refers inprimle to cadunt. 74 SALLUST. of the enemy ; he was not quite breathless, and still expressed in his countenance the fierceness of spirit which he had shown during his life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor in flight, was any free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives no more than those of the enemy. Nor did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless victory ; for all their bravest men were either killed in the battle, or left the field severely wounded. Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the slain, some, in turning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a friend, others an acquaintance, others a relative ; some, too, recognized their enemies. Thus, gladness and sorrow, grief and joy, were variously felt throughout tho whole army. CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. EXTRACTED FROM DE BROSSES. A.n.c. 685. Coss. L. C^ECILIUS METELLUS, Q. MARCIUS REX. Catiline is Praetor. 686. C. CALPURNIUS Piso, M. ACILIUS GLABRIO. Catiline Governor of Africa. 687. L. VOLCATIUS TULLUS, M. ^EMILIUS LEPIDUS. Deputies from Africa accuse Catiline of extortion, through the agency of Clodius. He is obliged to desist from standing for the consulship, and forms the project of the first con- spiracy. See Sail. Cat, c. 18. 688. L. MANLIUS TORQUATUS, L. AURELIUS COTTA. Jan. 1 : Catiline's project of the first conspiracy becomes known, and he defers the execution of it to the 6th of February, when lie makes an unsuccessful attempt to execute it. July 17 : He is acquitted of extortion, and begins to can- vass for the consulship for the year 690. 689. L. JULIUS CAESAR, C. MARCIUS FIGULUS THERMUS. Jane 1 : Catiline convokes the chiefs of the second con- spiracy. He is disappointed in his views on the consul- ship. 690 M. TULLIUS CICERO, C. ANTONIUS HVBRIDA. Oct. 19 : Cicero lays the affair of the conspiracy before the senate, who decree plenary powers to the consuls for defending the state. Oct. 21 : Silanus and Murasna are elected con- suls for the next year, Catiline, who was a candidate, being rejected. Oct. 22 : Catiline is accused under the Plautian Law de vi. Sail. Cat., c. 31. Oct. 24 : Manlius takes up arms in Etruria. Nov. 6 : Catiline assembles 76 SALLUST. A.tJ.C. the chief conspirators, by the agency of Porcius Laeca, Sail. Cat, c. 27. Nov. 7 : Vargunteius and Cornelius un- dertake to assassinate Cicero. Sail. Cat., c. 28. Nov. 8 : Catiline appears in the senate ; Cicero delivers his first Oration against him ; he threatens to extinguish the flame raised around him in a general destruction, and quits Rome. Sail. Cat., c. 31. Nov. 9 : Cicero delivers his second Oration against Catiline, before an assembly of the people, convoked by order of the senate. Nov. 20, or thereabouts : Catiline and Manlius are declared public enemies. Soon after this the conspirators attempt to se- cure the support of the Allobrogian deputies. Dec. 3 : About two o'clock in the morning the Allobroges are ap- prehended. Toward evening Cicero delivers his third* Oration against Catiline, before the people. Dec. 5. Cic- ero's fourth Oration against Catiline, before the senate. Soon after, the conspirators are condemned to death, and great honors are decreed by the senate to Cicero. 691. D. JUNIUS SILANUS, L. LICINIUS MUR^ENA. Jan. 5 : Battle of Pistoria, and death of Catiline. The narrative of Sallust terminates with the account of the battle of Pistoria, There are a few other particulars connected with the history of the conspiracy, which, for the sake of the English reader, it may not be improper to add. When the victory was gained, Antonius caused Catiline's head to be cut off, and sent it to Rome by the messengers who carried the news. Antonius himself was honored, by a public decree, with the title of Imperator, although he had done little to merit the distinction, and although the number of slain, which was three thousand, was less than that for which the title was generally given. See Dio Cass. xxxvii., 40, 41. The remains of Catiline's army, after the death of their leader, continued to make efforts to raise another insurrec- tion. In August, eight months after the battle, a party, under the command of Lucius Sergius, perhaps a relative or freedman of Catiline, still offered resistance to the forces of tho government in Etruria. Reliquice conjuratorum, cum L. CHRONOLOGY OF THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 77 Sergio, tumultuantur in Hetruria. Fragm. Act. Diurn. The responsibility of watching these marauders was left to the proconsul Metellus Celer. After some petty encounters, in which the insurgents were generally worsted, Sergius, having collected his force at the foot of the Alps, attempted to pene- trate into the country of the Allobroges, expecting to find them ready to take up arms ; but Metellus, learning nis inten- tion, pre-occupied the passes, and then surrounded and de- stroyed him and his followers. At Rome, in the mean time, great honors were paid to Cicero. A thanksgiving of thirty days was decreed in his name, an honor which had previously been granted to none but military men, and which was granted to him, to use his own words, because he had delivered the city from, fire, the citi- zens from slaughter, and Italy from war. " If my thanks- giving," he also observes, " be compared with those of others, there will be found this difference, that theirs were granted them for 'having managed the interests of the republic suc- cessfully, but that mine was decreed to me for having pre- served the republic from ruin." See Cic. Orat. iii., in Cat., c. 6. Pro Sylla, c. 30. In Pison. c. 3. Philipp. xiv., 8. Quihtus Catuhas, then princeps senatus, and Marcus Cato styled him, several times, the father of his country. Roma parentem, Roma patrem patrise Cieeronem libera dixit. Juv. Sat., viii. 244. Of the inferior conspirators, who did not follow Sergius, and who were apprehended at Rome, or in other parts of Italy, after the death of the leaders in the plot, some were put to death, chiefly on the testimony of Lucius Vettius, one of their number, who turned informer against the rest. But many whom he accused were acquitted ; others, supposed to be guilty, were allowed to escape. THE JTJGURTHINE WAR, THE ARGUMENT. THB INTRODUCTION, I.-IV. The aiithor's declaration of his design, and pre- fatory account of Jugurtha's family, V. Jugurtha'a character, VI. His talents excite apprehensions in his uncle, Micipsa, VII. He is sent to Nnmantia. His merits, his favor with Scipio, and his popularity in the army, VIII. He receives commendation and advice from Scipio, and is adopted by Micipsa, wlio resolves that Jugurtha, A'lhcrbal, and Iliempsal, shall, at his death ; divide his kingdom equally between thorn, IX. He is addressed by Micinsa on his death-bed, X. His proceedings, and those of Adherbal and Iliempsal, after the death of Micipsa, XI. He murders Hiempsal, XII. He defeats Adherbal, and drives him tpr refuge to Eome. He dreads the vengeance of the senate, and sends cinbassadors to Eome, who are confronted with those of Adherbal in the senate-house, XIII. The speech of Adherbal, XIV. The reply of Jugurtha's embasaadors, and the opinions of the senators, XV. The prevalence of Jugurtha's money, and the partition of the kingdom between him and Adherbul, XVI. A description of Africa, XVII. An account of its inhabitants, and of its principal divisions at the commencement of the Jugurthino war, XVIII., XIX. Jngurtha invades Adherbal's part of the kingdom, XX. He defeats Adherbal, and besieges him in Cirta, XXI. He frus- trates the intentions of the Roman deputies, XXII. Adherbal's distresses, XXIII. His letter to the senate, XXIV. Jugurtha disappoints a second Roman deputation, XXV. He takes Cirta, and puts Aaberdal to death, XXVI. The senate determine to make war upon him, and commit the management of it to Calpurnius, XXVII. He sends an ineffectual em- bassy to the senate. His dominions are vigorously invaded by Calpurnins, XXVIII. He bribes Calpurnius, and makes a treaty with him, XXIX. His proceedings are discussed at Rome, XXX. The speech of Memmius concerning them, XXXI. The consequences of it, XXXII. The arrival of Jugurtha at Rome, and his appearance before the people, XXXIII., XXXIV. He procures the assassination of Massivn, and is ordered to quit Italy, XXXV. Albinus, the successor of Calpurnius, renews the war. He returns to Rome, and leaves his brother Aulus to command in his ab- sence, XXXVI. Aulus miscarries in the sieire of Sutliul, and concludes a dishonorable treaty with Jugurtha, XXXVII., XXXVIIT. His treaty 5s annulled by the senate. His brother, Albinus, resumes the command, XXXIX. The people decree an inquiry into the conduct of those who had treated with Jugurtha, XL. Consideration on the popular and scna- THE JUGTJRTTriNK WAR. 70 tori-.il factions, XLI., XLTI. M etc! Ins assumes the conduct of the war, XLIII. He finds the army in Numidia without discipline, XL1V. Ho restores subordination, XLV. He rejects Jugurtha's offers of submission, bribes his deputies, and inarches into the country, XLVI. He places a garrison in Vacca, and seduces other deputies of Jugurtha, XLVII. He engages with Jugurtha, and defeats him. His lieutenant, Rutilius, puts to flight Bomilcar, the general of Jugurtha, XLVlIi.-LIII. He is threat- ened with new opposition. He lays waste the country. His stragglers are cut off by Jugurtha, LIV. His merits are celebrated at Home. Hia caution. His progress retarded, LV. He commences the siege of Zama, which is reinforced by Jugurtha. His lieutenant, Marius, repulses Jugurtha at Sicca, LVI. He is joined by Marias, and prosecutes the siege. Ilis camp is surprised, LV1L, LV1II. His struggles with Jugurtha, and his operations before the town, LIX..LX. He raises the siege, and goes into winter quarters. He attaches Bomilcar to his interest, LXI. He makes a treaty with Jugurtha, who breaks it, LXII. The ambition of Murius. His character. His desire of the consulship, LXIII. His ani- mosity toward Metcllus. His intrigues to supplant him, LXIV, LXV. The- Vaccians surprise the Eoman garrison, and kill all the Komans but Turpilius, the governor, LXVL, LXVII. Metellus recovers Vacca, and puts Turpilius to death, LXVilL, LX1X. The conspiracy of Bomilcar and Nabdalsa against Jugurtha, and the discovery of it. Jugurtha's dis- quietude, LXX.-LXXII. Metellus makes preparations for a second cam- paign. Marius returns to Koine, and is chosen consul, and appointed to command the army in Numidia, LXXIII. Jugurtha's irresolution. Me- tellus defeats Mm, LXXIV. The flight of Jugurtha to Thala. The march of Metellus in pursuit of him, LXXV. Jugurtha abandons Thala, and. Metellus takes possession of it, LXXVI. Metellus receives a deputation from Lcptis, and sends a detachment thither, LXXV1I. The situation of Leptis, LXXVIII. Tho history of the Philceni, LXXIX. Jugurtha collects an army of Getulians, and gains the support of Bocchus, King of Mauritania. The two kings proceed toward Cirta, LXXX., LXXXI. Metellus marches against them, but hearing that Marias is appointed to succeed him, contents himself with endeavoring to alienate Bocchus from Jnu'urtlia, and protracting the war rather than prosecuting it, LXXXII., LX X XIII. The preparations of Marius for his departure, His disposition toward the nobility. His popularity, LXXXIV. His speech to the peo- ple, LXXXV. He complete* his levies, and arrives in Africa, LXXXVI. lie opens the campaign, LXXXVII. The reception of Metellus in Rome. The successes and plans of Marius. The applications of Bocchus, LXXXV1II. Marius marches against Capsa, and takes it, LXXXIX-XCI. He gains possession of a fortress which the Numidians thought impreg- nable, XC1I.-XCIV. The arrival of Sylla in the camp. His character, XCV. His arts to obtain the favor of Marius and the soldiers, XCVI. Jugurthaand Bocchus attack Marius, and are vigorously opposed, XCV1I., XCVIII. Marius surprises them in the night, and routs them with great slaughter, XC1X. Marius prepares to go into winter quarters. His vig- ilance, and maintenance of discipline, 0. He fights a second battle with Jugurtha and Bocchus, and gains a second victory over them, CI. Ho arrives at Cirta. He receives a deputation from Bocchus, and sends Sylla and Manlius to confer with him, CII. Marius undertakes an expedition. Bocchus prepares to send embassadors to Rome, who being stripped by robbers, takes refuge in the Roman camp, and are entertained by Sylla during the absence of Marius, GUI. Marius returns. The embassadors set out; for Rome. The answer which they receive from the senate, CIV. Bocchus desires a conference with Sylla ; Sylla arrives at the camp of Bocchus, CV.-CVII. Negotiations between Sylla and Bocchus, CVIII., 80 SALLTTST. CIX. The address of Bocchus to Sylla., CX. The reply of Sylla. The subsequent transactions between them. The resolution of Bocchus to betray Jugurtha, and the execution of it. CXI-CXIII. The triumph of Marius, CX1V. I. Mankind unreasonably complain of their nature, that, being weak and short-lived, it is governed by chance rather than intellectual power; 1 for, on the contrary, you will find, upon reflection, that there is nothing more noble or excellent, and that to nature is wanting rather human industry than ability or time. The ruler and director of the life of man is the mind, which, when it pursues glory in the path of true merit, is sufficiently powerful, efficient, and worthy of honor, 2 and needs no assistance from fortune, who can neither bestow integrity, industry, or other good qualities, nor can take them away. But if the mind, ensnared by corrupt passions, abandons itself 3 to indolence and sensuality, when it has indulged for a season in pernicious grati- fications, and when bodily strength, time, and mental vigor, have been wasted in sloth, the infirmity of nature is accused, and those who are themselves in fault impute their delinquency to circumstances. 4 1 I. Intellectual power] Virtute. See the remarks on virtus, at the com- mencement of the Conspiracy of Catiline. A little below, I have rendered via virtutis, "the path of true merit." a Worthy of honor] Clarus. " A person may be called clarus either on account of his great actions and merits ; or on account of some honor which he has obtained, ns the consuls were called clarissimi viri ; or on account of great expectations which are formed from him. But since the worth of him who is clarus is known by all, it appears that the mind is here called dims because its nature is such that pre-eminence is generally attributed to it, and the attention of all directed toward it." Dietsch. 3 Abandons itself] Pessum datus est. Is altogether sunk and over- whelmed. Impute their delinquency to circumstances, etc.] Suam quiiqve ct/lpam ad negotia transferunt. Men excuse their indolence and inactivity, by saying that the weakness of their faculties, or the circumstances in which they are placed, render them unable to accomplish any thing of importance. But, says Seneca, Satis natura Tiomini dedit robwis, si itto vtamur ; nolle in causa, non poise prxtenditur. " Nature has given men sufficient powers, if they will but use them ; but they pretend that they can not, when the truth is that they will not." " Negotia is a common word with Salluet, for which other writers would use res, facta.' 1 ' 1 Gerlach. "Cujus rei nos ipsi sumus auctores, ejus culpam rebus externis attribuimus." Mutter, " Auc- tores" is the same as the Greek UITIOI. THE JUGURTITINE WAR. 81 If man, however, had as much regard for worthy objects, as he has spirit in the pursuit of what is useless, 6 unprofitable, and even perilous, he would not be governed by circumstances more than he would govern them, and would attain to a point of greatness, at which, instead of being mortal,' he would bo immortalized by glory. II. As man is composed of mind and body, so, of all our con- cerns and pursuits, some partake the nature of the body, and some that of the mind. Thus beauty of person, eminent wealth, corporeal strength, and all other things of this kind, speedily pass away ; but the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal. Of the advantages of person and fortune, as there is a begin- ning, there is also an end ; they all rise and fall, 7 increase and decay. But the mind, incorruptible and eternal, the ruler of the human race, actuates and has power over all things, 8 yet is itself free from control. The depravity of those, therefore, is the more surprising, who, devoted to corporeal gratifications, spend their lives in luxury and indolence, but sufier the mind, than which nothing is better or greater in man, to languish in neglect and inactivity ; es- pecially whea there are so many and various mental employ- ments by which the highest renown may be attained. III. Of these occupations, however, civil and military offices,' Useless] Alienn. Unsuitable, not to the purpose, not contributing to the improvement of life. Instead of being mortal! Pro mortolibus. There are two senses in which these words may be taken : as far as mortals can, and instead of being mortals. Kritz and Dietech say that the latter is undoubtedly the true sense. Other commentators are either silent or say little to the purpose. As for the translators, they have studied only how to get over the passage delicately. The latter sense is perhaps favored by what is said in c. 2, that " the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, im- mortal." 7 II. They all ri?e and fall, etc.] Omnia orta occidvnt, et aucta senescunt. This is true of things in general, but is here spoken only of the qualities of the body, as De Brasses clearly perceived. 8 Has power over all things] Habetcuncta. " All things are in its power." Dietech. "&w& ditione tenet. So Jupiter, Ov. Met. i. 197 : Quum mihi qui fulmen, qui vos habeoque rogoque." Bitrnouf. So Aristippns said, Habeo Laidem, non Tudbeor a Laide, ,t ovtc l^o/itu. Cic. Epist. ad Fam. ix. 26. 9 III. Civil and military offices] Haglstratus etimperia. " Illo vocabulo ci villa, hoc niilituria nmnera, significan'tur." J>ietecA. 4* 82 SALLUST. aud all administration of public affairs, seem to me at tlic pivs- ent time, by no means to be desired; for neither is honor con- ferred on merit, nor are those, who have gained power by un- lawful means, the more secure or respected for it. To rule our country or subjects 10 by force, though we may have the ability, and may correct what is wrong, is yet an ungrateful undertak- ing ; especially as all changes in the state lead to 11 bloodshed, exile, and other evils of discord ; while to struggle in ineffectual attempts, and to gain nothing, by wearisome exertions, but pub- lic hatred, is the extreme of madness ; unless when a base and pernicious spirit, perchance, may prompt a man to sacrifice his honor and liberty to the power of a party. IV. Among other employments which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of pre-eminent utility ; but of its merits I may, I think, be silent, since many have spoken of then}, and since, if I were to praise my own occupa- tion, I might be considered as presumptuously 12 praising my- 18 To rule our country or subjects, etc.] Nam ti quidem reycre patriam aut parental, etc. Cortius, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Miiller are unanimous in understandingawifes as the participle of the verb par eo. That this is the sense, says Gerlach, is sufficiently proved by the conjunction aut; for if Sallust had meant parents, he would have used ut; and in this opinion Allen coincides. Doubtless, also, this sense of the word suits extremely well with the rest of the sentence, in which changes in government arc mentioned. But Burnouf, with Crispinus, prefers to follow Aldus Manu- tius, who took the word in the other signihcation, supposing that Stillust borrowed the sentiment from Plato, who says in his Epistle ad Dionis Prir- pinquos: Tlarcpa <5 ^ fir/rfpa uvx oaiov j/yovfiai, Trpoofiiu&oOai, ur/ r'oaij TrapaQpoovvi/f ixoftfyoVf' Bi'av <5 narpldi. Tro/U-maf /j,era/3oAf/f r/r/ TT/WIT- tyepeiv, orav uvev fyvyuv, nal afyayi/f uvfipuv, fj.ij fivvarbv y yivecsdai rf/v dpiarf/v. And he makes a similar observation in his Crito: Tlavraxou TroiijTtov, o ui> KEASVOI % 7ro/Uf re, KOI {/ TTorpif. - Biu&rdai <5l 6v% oaiov OVTE fj.j)Tf:pa, bvTE nartpa' noM 6? TOVTUV ETI T/TTOV r^v narpi6a. On which sentiments Cicero, ad Fam. i. 9, thus comments: Id enim Juliet idem ille Plato, quern ego aitctorem vcJiementer sequor; tantum contendere in reputt- lica, quantum probare tuis civibus possis: vim neque parenti, neque patrlai afferre oportere. There is also another passage in Cicero, Cat. i. 3, which, Beems to favor this sense of the word : Si teparenies timerent atque odissfni tui, nequeeos ulla ratione placare posses, ut opmor, ab eorum oculis allquo con- celeres; nunc te patria, quce com/munis est omnivm nostrum purens odit ac metuit, etc. Of the first passage cited from Plato, indeed, Sallust's words may seem to be almost a translation. Yet, as the majority of commenta- tors have followed Cortius, I have also followed him. Sallust has the word in this sense in Jug., c. 102: Parentes abunde habemus. So Veil. Pat. ii. 108 : Principatis constans ex voluntate parentium. 11 Lead to] Portendant. " Portendere in a, pregnant sense, meaning not merely to indicate, but quasi secum ferre, to carry along with them." ' IV. Presumptuously] Per insolentiam. The same as insolenter, though THE JUOURTniNE WAR. S3 self, f believe, (<><>. that (lien- will be some, who, because I have resolved to live unconnected with political affairs, will apply to my arduous and useful labors the name of idleness ; especially those who think it an important pursuit to court the people, and gain popularity by entertainments. But if such persons will consider at what periods I obtained office, what sort of men 13 were then unable to obtain it, and what de- scription of persons have subsequently entered the senate, 14 they will think, assuredly, that I have altered my sentiments rather from prudence than from indolence, and that more good will arise to the state from my retirement, than from the busy efforts of others. I have often heard that Quintus Maximus, 15 Publius Scipio, 1 ' and many other illustrious men of our country, were accus- tomed to observe, that, when they looked on the images of their ancestors, they felt their minds irresistibly excited to the pursuit of honor. 17 Not, certainly, that the wax, 18 or the shape, had any such influence ; but, as they called to mind their forefathers' achievements, such a flame was kindled in the breasts of those eminent persons, as could not be extinguished till their own merit had equaled the fame and glory of their ancestors. But, in the present state of manners, who is there, on the tomporibus matfistratus adeptus sum, et quotes viri, etc. " Sallust obtained the qusestorship a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, about the time when the state was agitated by the disorders of Clodius and his party. He was tribune of the people, A.U.C. 701, the year in which Clodius was killed by ililo. He was prastor in 708, when Csesar had made himself ruler. In the expression qualfs riri, etc., he alludes chiefly to Cato, who, when he stood for the prsetorship, was unsuccessful." Burnovf. Kritzius defends adept us sum. 14 What description of persons have subsequently entered the senate] " Caesar chose the worthy and unworthy, as suited his own purposes, to bo members of the senate." Burni(f. 15 Quintus Maximus] Qnintus I'abms Maximus, of whom Ennius says, Unus qni nobis cunctando restituit rem ; Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem. 18 Publins Scipio] Scipio Africanus the Elder, the conqueror of Hannibal. See c. 5. 17 To the pursuit of honor] Ad vertutem. Virtus in the same sense as ip virtutis via, c. 1. 18 The wax] Ceram illam. The images or busts of their ancestors, which the nobility kept in the halls of their Houses, were made of wax. See Pirn. H. N. xxxv., 2. 84 SALLUST. contrary, that does not rather emulate his forefathers In riches and extravagance, than in virtue and labor ? Even men of humble birth, 18 who formerly used to surpass the nobility in m^rit, pursue power and honor rather by intrigue and dishon- esty, than by honorable qualifications ; as if the praeforship, consulate, and all other offices of the kind, were noble and dig- nified in themselves, and not to be estimated according to the Worth of those who fill them. But, in expressing my concern and regret at the manners of the state, I have proceeded with too great freedom, and at too groat length. I now return to my subject. V. I am about to relate the war which the Roman people carried on with Jugurtha, King of the Numidians ; first, be- cause it was great, sanguinary, and of varied fortune ; and secondly, because then, for the first time, opposition was offered to the power of the nobility ; a contest which threw every thing, religious and civil, into confusion, 20 and was carried to such a height of madness, that nothing but war, and the devas- tation of Italy, could put an end to civil dissensions. 21 But before I fairly commence my narrative, I will take a review of a few preceding particulars, in order that the whole subject may be more clearly and distinctly understood. In the second Punic war, in which Hannibal, the leader of the Carthaginians, had weakened the power of Italy more than any other enemy 52 since the Roman name became great, 23 Masinissa, King of the Numidians, being received into alliance by Publius Scipio, who, from his merits was afterward sur- named Africanus, had performed for us many eminent exploits in the field. In return for which services, after the Carthagin- 18 Men of humble birth] Homines novl. See Cat., c. 23. V. Threw every tiling, religious and civil, into confusion] Divina et Tiumana cuncta permiacuit. "All things, both divine and human, were so changed, that their previous condition was entirely subverted." DietscTi. ai Civil dissensions] Studiis civilibns. This is the sense in which most commentators take stadia; and if this be right, the whole phrase must be understood as I have rendered it. So Cortina ; "Ut non prius finirentur [studio, clmlld] nisi bello et vastitate Italiae." Sallust has studiapartium, Jug. c. 42 ; and Gerlach quotes from Cic. pro Marcell. c. 10 : " Nbn enim oon#ili/is colls et studiis. sed armis etiam et castris dissidebamus.' 1 '' 25 More than any other enemy] Maxime. 23 Since the Kotnan name became great] Post magnitudinem nominix Komani. "I know not why interpreters should find any difficulty in this passage. I understand it to signify simply since the Romans became so great as they were in the time of Hannibal : for, before that period they had suffered even heavier calamities, especially from the Gauls." Cortius. THE JUGURTHINE WAR 85 inns were subdued, and after Syphax, 24 whose power in Italy was great and extensive, was taken prisoner, the Roman people presented to Masinissa, as a free gift, all the cities and lands that they had captured. Masinissa's friendship for us, accord- ingly, remained faithful and inviolate ; his reign 25 and his lifo ended together. His son, Micipsa, alone succeeded to his king- dom ; Mastanabal and Gulussa, his two brothers, having been carried off by disease. Micipsa had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and had brought up in his house, with the same care as his own children, a son of his brother Mastanabal, named Jugurtha, whom Masinissa, as being the son of a concubine, had left in a private station. VI. Jugurtha, as he grew up, being strong in frame, grace- ful in person, but, above all, vigorous in understanding, did not allow himself to be enervated by pleasure and indolence, but, as is the usage of his country, exercised himself in riding, throwing the javelin, and contending in the race with his equals in age ; and, though he excelled them all in reputation, he was yet beloved by all. He also passed much of his time in hunting ; he was first, or among the first, to wound the lion and other beasts ; he performed very much, but spoke very little of himself. Micipsa, though he was at first gratified with these circum- stances, considering that the merit of Jugurtha would be an honor to his kingdom, yet, when he reflected that the youth was daily increasing in popularity, while he himself was ad- vanced in age, and his children but young, he was extremely disturbed at the state of things, and revolved it frequently in his mind. The very nature of man, ambitious of power, and eager to gratify its desires, gave him reason for apprehension, as well as the opportunity afforded by his own age and that * Syphax] " He was King of the Masaesyli in Numidia ; was at first an enemy to the Carthaginians (Liv. xxiv. 48}, and afterward their friend [Liv. xxviii. 17). He then changed sides again, and made a treaty with Scipio ; but having at length been offered the hand of Sophoniaba, the daughter of Asdrubal, in marriage, ho accepted it, and returned into alliance with the Carthaginians. Being subsequently taken prisoner by Masinissa and Laelius, the lieutenant of Scipio, (Liv. xxx. 2) he was carried into Italy, and died at Tibur (Liv. xxx. 45)." Surnouf. 25 His reign] Imperii. Corti'us thinks that the grant of the Eornans ceased with the life of Masinissa, and that his son. Alicipsa, reigned only over that part of Numidia which originally belonged, to his father. But in tliis opinion succeeding commentators have generally supposed him to be mistaken. 80 SALLUST. of his children, which was sufficient, from the prospect of such a prize, to lead astray even men of moderate desires. The affection of the Numidians, too, which was strong toward Jugurtha, was another cause for alarm ; among whom, if he should cut off such a man, he feared that some insurrection or war might arise. VII. Surrounded by such difficulties, and seeing that a man, so popular among his countrymen, was not to be destroyed either by force or by fraud, he resolved, as Jugurtha was of an active disposition, and eager for military reputation, to expose him to dangers in the field, and thus make trial of fortune. During the Numantine Avar, 20 therefore, when he was sending supplies of horse and foot to the Romans, he gave him the command of the Numidians, whom he dispatched in(ace, signifies that part of Africa which, after the destruction of Carthage, 92 SALLUST. Jugurtha, having thus accomplished his purposes, 41 and re- flecting, at leisure, on the crime which he had committed, began to feel a dread of the Roman people, against whose resentment he had no hopes of security but in the avarice of the nobility, and in his own wealth. A few days afterward, therefore, he dispatched embassadors to Rome, with a profu- sion of gold and silver, whom he directed, in the first place, to make abundance of presents to his old friends, and then to pro- cure him new ones ; and not to hesitate, in short, to effect whatever could be done by bribery. When these deputies had arrived at Rome, and had sent large presents, according to the prince's direction, to his inti- mate friends," and to others whose influence was at that time powerful, so remarkable a change ensued, that Jugurtha, from being an object of the greatest odium, grew into great regard and favor with the nobility; who, partly allured with hope, and partly with actual largesses, endeavored, by soliciting the members of the senate individually, to prevent any severe measures from being adopted against him. When the em- bassadors, accordingly, felt sure of success, the senate, on a fixed day, gave audience to both parties. 43 On that occasion, Adherbal, as I have understood, spoke to the following effect: XIV. " My father Micipsa, Conscript Fathers, enjoined me, on his death-bed, to look upon the kingdom of Numidia as mine only by deputation ; 44 to consider the right and authority as belonging to you ; to endeavor, at home and in the field, to be as serviceable to the Roman people as possible ; and to regard you as my kindred and relatives : 4S saying that, if I ob- served these injunctions, I should find, in your friendship, fell to the Romans by the right of conquest, in opposition to the kingdom of Micipsa." Wasse. 41 Having thus accomplished his purposes] Patratis consUiis. After eon- gilii-s, in all the manuscripts, occur the words postquam onmis Numidiat potitbatur, which were struck out by (Jortius, as being turpissima glossa. The recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Burnout', have restored them. His intimate friends] HospiiVms. Persons probably with whom he had been intimate at Nuraantia, or who had since visited him in Numidia. The senate gave audience to both parties] senatus ittrisqve datur. "The embassadors of Jugurtha, and Adherbal in person, are admitted into the senate-house to plead their cause." Bu/rnouf. 44 XIV. By deputation] Procuration*. He was to consider himself only the procurator, manager, or deputed governor, of the kingdom. 48 Kindred and relatives] Goynatorum ajfiwvum. Cognatua is a blood relation ; affims is properly a relative by marriage. THE JUG-URTHINE WAR. 93 armies, riches, and all necessary defenses of my realm. By these precepts I was proceeding to regulate my conduct, when Jugurtha, the most abandoned of all men whom the earth con- tains, setting at naught your authority, expelled me, the grand- sou of Masinissa, and the hereditary 46 ally and friend of the Roman people, from my kingdom and all my possessions. " Since I was thus to be reduced to such an extremity of wretchedness, I could wish that I were able to implore your aid, Conscript Fathers, rather for the sake of my own services than those of my ancestors ; I could wish, indeed, above all, that acts of kindness were due to me from the Romans, 01 which I should not stand in need ; and, next to this, 47 that, if I required your services, I might receive them as my due. But as integrity is no defense in itself, and as I had no power to form the character of Jugurtha, 48 I have fled to you, Con- script Fathers, to whom, what is the most grievous of all things, I am compelled to become a burden before I have been an assistance. " Other princes have been received into your friendship after having been conquered in war, or have solicited an alliance with you in circumstances of distress ; but our family com- menced its league with the Roman* in the war with Carthage, at a time when their faith was a greater object of attraction than their fortune. Suffer not, then, O Conscript Fathers, a descendent of that family to implore aid from you in vain. If I had no other plea for obtaining your assistance but my wretched fortune; nothing to urge, but that, having been recently a king, powerful by birth, by character, and by resources, I am now dishonored, afflicted, 49 destitute, and de- pendent on the aid of others, it would yet become the dignity of Rome to protect me from injury, and to allow no man's dominions to be increased by crime. But I am driven from those very territories which the Roman people gave to my 46 Hereditary] Ab stirpe. . " Next to this] Secundum ea. " Priscianus, lib. xiii., de proposition a asrens, Secundum, inqnit, quandopro K.O.TU et //eru accipitur, loco prcepositionis est. Sallustius in Ju^urthino : secundum ea, uti deditis uterer. Vide- licet hoc dicit, Secundum in Sallustii exemplo, post \elproxime significare." Rivius. Corti/us. ** Dishonored, afflicted] Deformat 94 SALLUST. ancestors, and from which my father and grandfather, in con- junction with yourselves, expelled Syphax and the Cartha- ginians. It is what you bestowed that has been wrested from me ; in my wrongs you are insulted. " Unhappy man that I am ! Has your kindness, O my father Micipsa, come to this, that he whom you made equal with your children, and a sharer of your kingdom, should be- come, above all others, 60 the destroyers of your race ? Shall our family, then, never be at peace ? Shall we always be harassed with war, bloodshed, and exile ? While the Cartha- ginians continued in power, we were necessarily exposed to all manner of troubles ; for the enemy were on our frontiers ; you, our friends, Avere at a distance ; and all our dependence Avas on our arms. But after that pest was extirpated, we were happy in the enjoyment of tranquillity, as having no enemies but such as you should happen to appoint us. But lo ! on a sudden, Jugurtha, stalking forth with intolerable audacity, wickedness, and arrogance, and having put to death my brother, his own cousin, made his territory, in the first place, the prize of his guilt; and next, being unable to ensnare me with similar stratagems, he rendered mo, Avhen under your rule I expected any thing rather than violence or war, an exile, as you see, from my country and my home, the prey of poverty and misery, and safer any Avhere than in my own kingdom. " I was always of opinion, Conscript Fathers, as I had often heard my father observe, that those Avho cultivated your friend- ship might indeed have an arduous service to perform, but would be of all people the most secure. What our family could do for you, it has done ; it has supported you in all your wars ; and it is for you to provide for our safety in time of peace. Our father left two of us, brothers ; a third, Jugurtha, he thought would be attached to us by the benefits conferred upon him ; but one of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness. 61 What course 50 Above all others] Potissimijm. 51 Ouc of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness] Alter warn necatus, altering vpseeqo manus impias vix efft/yi. This is the general reading, but it can not be right. Adherbal speaKS of himself and his brother as two persons, and of Jugurtha as ft third, and says that of those two the one (alter) has been killed ; he would then naturally proceed to speak of himself as the other; i. e. he would u.-'o the word alter concerning himself, not apply it to Jugurtha. Allen, thcrf- fore, proposes to read alter necatus, alkr inanus impias vix effityi. This mode THE JUGtJRTHINE WAR. 95 can I now take ? Unhappy that I am, to what place, rather than another, shall I betake myself? All the props of our family are extinct ; my father, of necessity, has paid the debt of nature ; a kinsman, whom least of all men it became, has wickedly taken the life of my brother ; and as for my other relatives, and friends, and connections, various forms of destruc- tion have overtaken them. Seized by Jugurtha, some have been crucified, and some thrown to wild beasts, while a few, whose lives have been spared, are shut up in the darkness of the dungeon, and drag on, amid suffering and sorrow, an existence more grievous than death itself. " If all that I have lost, or all that, from being friendly, has become hostile to me, 62 remained unchanged, yet, in case of any sudden calamity, it is of you that I should still have to implore assistance, to whom, from the greatness of your empire, justice and injustice in general should be objects of regard. And at the present time, when I am exiled from my country and my home, when I am left alone, and destitute of all that is suitable to my dignity, to whom can I go, or to whom shall I appeal, but to you ? Shall I go to nations and kings, who, from our friendship with Rome, are all hostile to my family ? Could I go, indeed, to any place where there are not abundance of hostile monuments of my ancestors ? Will any one, who has ever been at enmity with you, take pity upon me ? " Masinissa, moreover, instructed us, Conscript Fathers, to cultivate no friendship but that of Rome, to adopt no new leagues or alliances, as we should find, in your good-will, abundance of efficient support ; while, if the fortune of your empire should change, we must sink together with it. But, by your own merits, and the favor of the gods, you are great a; id powerful ; the whole world regards you with favor and yields to your power ; and you are the better able, in conse- quence, to attend to the grievances of your allies. My only fear is, that private friendship for Jugurtha, too little under- stood, may lead any of you astray ; for his partisans, I hear, are doing their utmost in his behalf, soliciting and impor- of correction strikes out too much ; but there is no doubt that the second alter should he in the nominative case. E3 From being friendly, has become hostile to me] Ex nMegsariis advvrsa 'Si omnia milii ineolnmia mam-rent, ncnue quidqnam ri-rnni 'im-arum (s. prseaidiortim) amisissi-m, neque Jugurtha aliiquc iniid ex nccts- sariis humki 1'ueti csMjnt.'' Krit^- 9*5 SALLUST. tuning you individually, to pass no decision against one who is absent, and whose cause is yet untried ; and saying that I state what is false, and only pretend to be an exile, when I might, if I pleased, have remained still in my kingdom. But would that I could see him, 53 by whose unnatural crime I am thus reduced to misery, pretending as I now pretend; and would that, either with you or with the immortal gods, there may at length arise some regard for human interests ; for then assuredly will he, who is now audacious and triumphant in guilt, be tortured by every kind of suffering, and pay a heavy penalty for his ingratitude to my father, for the murder of my brother, and for the distress which he has brought upon myself. " And now, my brother, dearest object of my affection, though thy life has been prematurely taken from thee, and by a hand that should have been the last to touch it, yet I think thy fate a subject for rejoicing rather than lamentation, for, in losing life, thou hast not been cut off from a throne, but from flight, expatriation, poverty, and all those afflictions which now press upon me. But I, unfortunate that I am, cast from the throne of my father into the depths of calamity, afford an example of human vicissitudes, undecided what course to adopt, whether to avenge thy wrongs, while I myself stand in need of assistance, or to attempt the recovery of my kingdom, while my life or death depends on the aid of others." " Would that death could be thought an honorable ter- mination to my misfortunes, that I might not seem to live an object of conteinpt, if, sinking under my afflictions, I tamely submit to injustice. But now I can neither live with pleasure, nor can die without disgrace." I implore you, therefore, Con- 63 But would that I could see him, etc.] Quodutinamittum videam. The quod, in quod uti/nam, is the same as that in quod si, which we commonly translate, but if. Quod, in such expressions, serves as a particle of connection between what precedes and what follows it; the Latins being fond of con-, nection by means of relatives. See Zumpt's Lat. Grammar on this point, Sect. 63, 82, Kenrick's translation. Kntzius writes quodvtinam, gvodsi, quodmlsi, etc., as one word. Cortius injudiciously interprets quod in this passage as having facientem understood with it. 64 My life or death depends on the aid of others] Gujas vita necisque ex opibus alienis pendet. On the aid of the Eomans. Unless they protected him, he expected to meet with the same fate as Hiempsal at the hands of Jugurtha. 5 * Without disgrace] Sine dedec&re. That is, if he did not succeed in get' ting revenge on Jugurtha. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 97 script Fathers, by your regard for yourselves, 50 for your children, and for your parents, and by the majesty of the lioman people, to grant me succor in my distress, to arrest the progress of injustice, and not to sufter the kingdom of Kumidia, which is your own property, to sink into ruin" through villainy and the slaughter of our family." XV. When the prince had concluded his speech, the em- bassadors of Jugurtha, depending more on their money than their cause, replied, in a few words, " that Hiemps.J had been put to death by the Numidians for his cruelty ; that Adherbal, commencing war of his own accord, complained, after he was defeated, of being unable to do injury ; and that Jugurtha en- treated the senate not to consider him a different person from what he had been known to be at Xumautia, nor to set the assertions of his enemy above his own conduct." Both parties then withdrew from the senate-house, and the senate immediately proceeded to deliberate. The partisans of the embassadors, wiih a great many others, corrupted by their influence, expressed contempt for the statements of Adherbal, extolled with the highest encomiums the merits of Jugurtha, and exerted themselves as strenuously, Avith their interest and eloquence, in defense of the guilt and infamy of another, as By your regard for yourselves, etc.] I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads per, wts, liberos atq-ue parentes, i. e. vos (obsecro) per liberos, etc., as most critics would explain it, though Cortins himself prefers taking vos as the nominative case, and joining it with sul/venite, winch fol- lows. Most other editions have per vos, per liberos, atque parentes vestros, to which I have adhered. Per vos, though an ndjura'ion not used in modern times, is found in other passages of the Roman writers. Thus Liv. xxix. 18 : Per vos, fidtmque vest ram. Cic. pro Plane., c. 42 ; Per vos, perfortunas vestras. 57 To sink into ruin] Tabescere. "Paullatim interire." Corlins. Lucret. ii. 1172 : Omnia paullatim talescere el ire Ad capulum. "This speech, says Gerlach, "though of less weighty argument than the other speeches of Sallust, is composed with great ait. Neither the speaker nor his cause was adapted for the highest nights of eloquence ; but Sallust has shrouded Adherbal's weakness in excellent language. That there is a constant recurrence to the same tonics, is no ground for blame : indeed, such recurrence could hardly be avoided, for it is natural to all speeches in which the orator earnestly labors to make his hearers adopt his own feelings and views. The Romans were again and again to be suppli- cated, and again and again to be reminded of the character and services of Masinissa, that they might be induced, if not by the love of justice, yet by the dread of censure, to relieve the distresses of his grandson. ... He omits no argument or representation that could move the pity of the Ro- mans ; and if his abject prostration of mind appears more suitable to a v.-i Miian than a man, it is to be remembered that it is purposely introduced 1 -. .S-llubt to exhibit the weakness of his character." 5 98 SALLUST. they would have striven for their own honor. A few, however, on the other hand, to whom right and justice were of more estimation than wealth, gave their opinion that Adherbal should be assisted, and the murder of Iliempsal severely avenged. Of all these the most forward was ^Emilius Scaurus/ 8 n man of noble birth and great energy, but factious, and ambitious of power, honor, and wealth ; yet an artful concealer of his own vices. He, seeing that the bribery of Jugurtha was notorious and shameless, and fearing that, as in such cases often happens, its scandalous profusion might excite public odium, restrained himself from the indulgence of his ruling passion. 6 " XVI. Yet that party gained the superiority in the senate, which preferred money and interest to justice. A decree was made, " that ten commissioners should divide the kingdom, which Micipsa had possessed, between Jugurtha and Adherbal." Of this commission the leading person was Lucius Opimius, cu a man of distinction, and of great influence at that time in the senate, from having in his consulship, on the death of Caius 58 XV. jEmilius Scaurus] He yra&prineept senatita (see c. 25), and to be pretty faithfully characterized by Sallust as a m:m of eminent abilities, but too avaricious to be strictly honest. Cicero, who alludes to him in many passages with commendation (Oft 1 ., i. 20, 30 ; Brut., 29 ; Pro Muracn., 7 ', Pro ionteio, 7), mentions an anecdote respecting him (De Orat. 5i. 70), which shows that he had a general character for covetousness. See Pliny, II. N. xxxvi. 14. Valerius Maxiinus(iii. 7, 8) tells another anecdote of him, which shows that he must have been held in much esteem, for whatever qualities, by the public. Being accused before the people of having taken a bribe from Mithridates, he made a few remarks on hid own general con- duct ; and added, " Varius of Sucro says that Marcus Scaurus. being bribed with the king's money, has betrayed the interests of the Roman people. Marcus Scaurus denies that lie is guilty of what is laid to his charge. Which of the two do you believe ?" The people dismissed the accusation ; but the words of Scaurus may be regarded as those of a man rather seeking to con- vey a notion of his innocence, than cupablc of proving it. The circum- stance which Cicero relates is this : Scaurus had incurred some obloquy for having, as it was said, taken possession of the property of a certain rich man, named Phyrgio Pompeius, without being entitled to it by any will; and being engaged as an advocate in some cause, Memmius, who was plead- ing on the opposite side, seeing a funeral pass by at the time, said, " Scau- rus, yonder is a dead man, on his way to the grave ; if you can but get pos- session of his property !" I mention these matters, because it has been thought that Sallust, from some ill-feeling, represents Scaurus as more avaricious than he really was. His ruling passion] Ccmsueta liJndme. Namely, avarice. * XVI. Lucius Opimius] His contention with the party of C. Gracchus ,^ay be seen in any history of Rome. For receiving bribes from Jugurtha lie was publicly accused, and being condemned, ended his life, which waa protracted to old age, in exile and neglect. Cic. Brut. 33 ; Plane. 28. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 99 Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, prosecuted the victory of the nobility over the plebeians with great severity. Jugurtha, though he had already counted Scaurus among his friends at Rome, yet received him with the most studied ceremony, and, by presents and promises, wrought on him so effectually, that he preferred the prince's interest to his own character, honor, and all other considerations. The rest of the commissioners he assailed in a similar way, and gained over most of them ; by a few only integrity was more regarded than lucre. In the division of the kingdom, that part of Xu- midia which borders on Mauretania, and which is superior in fertility and population, was allotted to Jugurtha ; of the other part, which, though better furnished with harbors and build- ings, was more valuable in appearance than in reality, Adherbal became the possessor. XVII. My subject seems to require of me, in this place, a brief account of the situation of Africa, and of those nations in it with whom we have had war or alliances. But of those tracts and countries, which, from their heat, or difficulty of access, or extent of desert, have been but little visited, I can not possibly give any exact description. Of the rest I shall speak with all possible brevity. In the division of the earth, most writers consider Africa as a third part ; a few admit only two divisions, Asia and Europe, 61 and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded, on the west, by the strait connecting our sea with the ocean ; 62 on the east, by a vast sloping tract, which the natives call the Catabathmos. 63 The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors ; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees. There is a scarcity of water both from rain and from land- springs. The natives are healthy, swift of foot, and able to 81 XVII. Only two divisions, Asia and Europe] Thus Varro, de L. L. iv. 13, ed. Bip. " As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Broukh. ad Tibull., iv. 1, 176. m The strait connecting our sea with the ocean] Frttvm nostri maris et '. That is, the Fretum Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. By our sea, be means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i. 1. 63 A vast sloping tract Catabathmos] Dedivem latitudinem, quern locum Hint. Catabathmux valli* r>>"ii;< mr<.ra, Plin. H. N. v. 5. Catafiathmns, vallit devexa in jEqptum, Pomp. Mela, i. 8. I havo translated dfcli'Cfm latUudinem in conformity with these passages. Cutabafi.- m>/8, a Greek word, means a descent. There were two, the majcr ai^ minor; Sallust speaks of the major. 100 SALLUST. endure fatigue. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, 84 except such as perish by the swr r,l or beasts of prey ; for disease finds but few victims. Animnls of a venomous nature they have in great numbers. Concerning the original inhabitants of Africa, the settlers that afterward joined them, and the manner in which they intermingled, I shall offer the following brief account, which, though it differs from the general opinion, is that which was interpreted to me from the Punic volumes said to have be- longed to King Hiempsal, 65 and which the inhabitants of that country believe to be consistent with fact. For the truth of the statement, however, the writers themselves must be re- sponsible. XVIII. Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getu- lians and Libyans, 66 rude and uncivilized tribes, who sub- sisted on the flesh of wild animals, or, like cattle, on the herb- age of the soil. They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler ; they wandered about, without fixed habitations, and slept in the abodes to which night drove them. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, 07 having lost its leader, and many candidates severally claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Of its constituent troops, the Modes, Persians, and Armenians, 8 " hav- 61 Most of them die by the gradual decay of age] Plerosque senectus dis- solvit "A happy expression; since the effect of old age on the bodily frame is not to break it in pieces suddenly, but to dissolve it, as it were, gradually and imperceptibly." B>u 85 King Hiempsul] "This is not the prince that was murdered by Jngur- tha, but the king who succeeded him ; ho was grandson of Masinissa, sou of Gulussa, and father of Juba. After Juba was killed at Tliapsus, Caesar reduced Numidia to the condition of a province, and appointed Snllust over it, who had thus opportunities of gaining a knowledge of the country, and of consulting the books written in the language of it. 1 ' Burmcmf. 66 XVIII. Getulians and Libyans] Gcetuli et Libyes. " See Pompon. Mel. i. 4; Plin. II. N. v. 4, 6, 8, v. 2, xxi. 13; Herod, iv. 159, 108." Gerladi. The name Gattuli, is, however, unknown to Herodotus. They lay to the south of Numidia and Mnuretania. See Strabo, xvii. 3. Libi/es is a term applied by the Greek writers properly to the Africans of the JN'orth coast, but frequently to the inhabitants of Africa in general. 07 His army, which was composed of various nations] This seems to have been an amplification of the adventure of Hercules with Geryon, who was a king in Spain. But all stories that make Hercules a leader of armies ap- pear to be equally fabulous. 8 Medes, Persians, and Armenians] De Brosses thinks that these were not real Medes, etc., but th::t the names were de ived from ceituiu compan- ions of Hercules. The point is not worth discussion. THE JUGURTniNE WAR. 101 ing sailed over into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea."" The Persians, however, settled more toward the ocean, 7 " and used the inverted keels of their vessels for huts, there being n<> wood in the country, and no opportunity of obtaining it, either by purchase or barter, from the Spaniards ; for a wide sea, and an unknown tongue, were barriers to all intercourse. These, by degrees, formed intermarriages with, the Getulians ; and because, from constantly trying different soils, they were perpetually shifting their abodes, they called themselves Nu- MiDiANS. 71 And to this day the huts of the Numidian boors, which they call mapalia, are of an oblong shape, with curved roofs ; resembling the hulls of ships. The Modes and Armenians connected themselves with the Libyans, who dwelled near the African sea ; while the Getulians lay more to the sun, 72 not far from the torrid heats ; and these soon built themselves towns, 73 as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. The name of Medes the Libyans gradually cor- rupted, changing it, in their barbarous tongue, into Moors. 7 * Of the Persians 7 b the power rapidly increased ; and at length, 89 Our sea] The Mediterranean. See above, c. 17. ' More toward the Ocean] Intro, oceanum nuigis. "Inira oceanum is dif- ferently explained by different commentators. Cortius, Muller and Gerlach, understand the parts bounded by the ocean, lying close upon it, and stretch- ing toward the west ; while Langius thinks that the regions more remote from the Atlantic Ocean, and extending toward the east, are meant. But Langius did not consider that those who had inverted keels of vessels for cottages, could not have strayed fur from the ocean, but must have settled in parts bordering upon it. And this is what is signified by intra oceanum. For intra, allquam rem is not always used to denote what is actually in a thing, and circumscribed by its boundaries, but what approaches toward it, and reaches close to it." 'Kntzius. He then instances 'intra modum, intra legem ; Hortensii scripia intra famam stint, Quintil. xi. 3, 8. But the best example which he produces is Liv. xxv. 11 : Fossa ingens ducta, etvattunt, intra earn erigitur. Cicero, in Verr. iii. 89, has also, he notices, the same expression, Locus iutraoceanum^'awi nuttus est quo twn nostrorum Tiomimim libulo iniquiiasque pervaserit, i. e., locus oceano conterminus. Burnouf ab- surdly IbLows Langius. 71 Numidians] Simula** The same as Nomades, or wanderers ; a term applied to pastoral nations, and which, as Kritzins observes, the Africans must have had from the Greeks, perhaps those of Sicily. 751 More to the sun] sub sole magis. 1 have borrowed this expression from Eose. The Getulians were more southward. 73 These soon built themselves towns] That is, the united Medes, Arme- nians, and Libyans. 73 Medes into Moors] Mauris pro Medis. A most improbable, not to say impossible corruption. 74 Of the Persians] Persarum. That is, of the Persians and Getuliana united. 102 SALLUST. the children, through excess of population, separating from the parents, they took possession, under the name of Numidians, of tho33 regions bordering on Carthage which are now called Numidia. In process of time, the two parties, 78 each assisting the other, reduced the neighboring tribes, by force or fear, under their sway ; but those who had spread toward our sen, made the greater conquests : for the Lybians are less warlike fian the Getulians. 77 At last nearly all lower Africa 7 " wa.; occupied by the Numidians; and all the conqiK-re 1 tribe.-, were merged in the nation and name of their conquerors. XIX. At a later period, the Phoenicians, some of whom wished to lessen their numbers at home, and others, ambitious of empire, engaged the populace, and such as were eager for change, to follow them, founded Hippo, 78 Adrumetum, Leptis, 80 and other cities, on the sea-coast ; which, soon growing power- ful, became partly a support, and partly an honor, to their parent state. Of Carthage I think it better to be silent, than to say but little ; especially as time bids me hasten to other matters. Next to the Catabathmos, 81 then, which divides Egypt from Africa, the first city along the sea-coast" is Cyrene, a colony of 70 The two parties] Utriqiie. The older Numidians, and the younger, who had emigrated toward Carthage. 77 Those who had spread toward our sea for the Libyans are less war- like than the Getulians] Mag'is hi, qui ad nostrum mare processerant ; quia Libyfs quam Gcetuli minus bellicf/si. The Persians and Getulians (under the name of Numidians), and their colonists, who were more toward the Medi- terranean, and were more warlike than the Libyans (who were united with the Medes and Armenians) took from them portions of their territories by conquest. This is clearly the sense, as deduciblc from the preceding por- tion of the text. Lower Africa] Africa pars inferior. The part nearest to the r-ea. The nncients called the maritime parts of a country the lower parts, and the in- land parts the Jiiqher, taking the notion, probably, from the course of the rivers. Lower l^gypt was the part at the mouth of the Nile. 79 XIX. Hippo] "It is not Hippo Regius" (now called Bono) "that is meant, but another Hippo, otherwise called Diarrhytnm or Zarytum, situate in Zengitana, not far from Utica. This is shown by the order in which the places are named, as has already been observed by Cortius." Kritziu*. b(J Leptis] There were two cities of this name. Leptis Major, now Lebida, lay between the two Syrtes ; Leptis Minor, now Lempta, between the smaller Sytis and Carthage. It is the latter that is meant Jicre, and in c. 77, 78. 81 Next to the Catabathmos] Ad Catabatkmon. Ad means, on the side of the country toward the Catabathmos. " Catabathmon initium ponens Sal- 1 nsti as ab eo disced!*,." Kritzius. "2 Along the sea-coast] Secundo mari. " Si quis secundum mare pergat." Wj,ssc. THE JUGURTHINR WAR 103 Therreans f 3 after which are the two Syrtes, 84 with Leptis 83 between them ; then the Altars of the Philseni, 88 which the Carthaginians considered the boundary of their dominion on the side of Egypt; beyond these are the other Punic towns. The other regions, as far as Mauretania, the Numidians occupy ; the Moors are nearest to Spain. To the south of Numidia, 87 as we are informed, are the Getulians, of whom some live in huts, and others lead a vagrant and less civilized life ; beyond these are the Ethiopians ; and further on, regions parched by the heat of the sun. At the time of the Jugurthine war, most of the Punic towns, and the territories which Carthage had lately possessed, 88 were under the government of Roman pnetors ; a great part of the Getulians, and Numidia as far as the river Mulucha, were sub- ject to Jugurtha ; while the whole of the Moors were governed by Bocchus, a king who knew nothing of the Romans but their name, and who, before this period, was as little known to us, either in war or peace. Of Africa and its inhabitants I have now said all that my narrative requires. XX. When the commissioners, after dividing the kingdom, had left Africa, and Jugurtha saw that, contrary to his appre- hensions, he had obtained the object of his crimes ; he then being convinced of the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Numantia, "that all things were purchasable at Rome," and being also encouraged by the promises of those whom he had recently loaded with presents, directed his views to the domain of Adherbal. He was himself bold and warlike, while the other, at whose destruction he aimed, was quiet, unfit for arms, of a mild temper, a fit subject for injustice, and a prey to fear rather than an object of it. Jugurtha, accordingly, with a powerful force, made a sudden irruption into his do- minions, took several prisoners, with cattle and other booty, set fire to the buildings, and made hostile demonstrations against 83 Of Therseans] Therceon. From the island of Thcra, one of the Sporades, in the JEgean Sea, now called Santorin. Battus was the leader of the colony. See Herod., iv. 145; Strab., xvii. 3; Find. Pyth., iv. * Two Syrtes] See c. 78. fo Leptis] That is, Ltptis Major. See above on this c. M Altars of the PhilseniJ see c. 79. " To the south of Numidia] Super Sumidiam. "Ultra Nnmidiam, meri- diem versus. Burnouf. Had lately possessed] Jfovissime habutrant. In the interval between the second and third Punic wars. 104 SALLUST. several places with his cavalry. He then retreated, with all IIM followers, into his own kingdom, expecting that Ad herbal, roused by such provocation, would avenge his wrongs by force, and thus furnish a pretext for war. But Adherbal, thinking himself unable to meet Jugurtha in the field, and relying on the friendship of the Romans more than on the Numidians, merely sent embassadors to Jugurtha to complain of the out- rage ; and, although they brought back but an insolent reply, yet he resolved to endure any thing rather than have recourse to war, which, when he attempted it before, had ended in his defeat. By such conduct the eagerness of Jugurtha was not at all allayed ; for he had now, indeed, in imagination, possessed himself of all Adherbal's dominions. He therefore renewed hostilities, not, as before, with a predatory band, but at the head of a large army which he had collected, and openly aspired to the sovereignty of all Numidia. Wherever he marched, he ravaged the towns and the fields, drove off booty, and raised confidence in his own men and dismay among the enemy. XXI. Adherbal, when he found that matters had arrived at such a point, that he must either abandon his dominions, or defend them by force of arms, collected an army from necessity, and advanced to meet Jugurtha. Both armies took up 89 their position near the town of Cirta, 90 at no great distance from the sea ; but, as evening was approaching, encamped without coming to an engagement. But when the night was far advanced, and twilight was beginning to appear, 91 the troops of Jugurtha, at a given signal, rushed into the camp of the enemy, whom they routed and put to flight, some half asleep and others resuming their arms. Adherbal, with a few of his cavalry, fled to Cirta ; and, had there not been a number of Romans 95 in the 8 XXI. Both armies took up, etc.] I have omitted the word interim at the beginning of this sentence, as it would b? worse than useless in the translation. It signifies, during the interval Ix'fore the armies came to an en- gagement; but this is sufficiently expressed at the termination of the sen- tence. Cirta] Afterward named SiMianwum Cf>lonia, from P. Sittius Nucerinua (mentioned in Cat., c. 21), who assisted Caesar in the African war, and was rewarded by him with the possession of this city and its lands. It is now called Constantino,, from Constantino the Great, who enlarged and restored it when it had fallen into decay. Strabo describes it, xvii. 3. 111 Twilight was beginning to appear] Olscuro etiam turn lumine. Before day had fairly dawned. 1)3 Romans] Toqatorum. Eomans, with, perhaps, some of the allies, en- gaged in merchandise, or other peace ;'ul occupations, and therefore wearing the totja. They are called Ilalici in c. 26. THE JUGURTIIINE WAR. 105 town, who repulsed his Nuinidian pursuers from the walls, the war between the two princes would have been begun and ended on the same day. Jugurtha proceeded to invest the town, and attempted to storm it with the aid of mantelets, towers, and every kind of machines ; being anxious above all things, to take it before the embassadors could arrive at Rome, who, he was informed, had been dispatched thither by Adherbal before the battle was fought. But as soon as the senate heard of their contention, three young men 93 were sent as deputies into Africa, with direc- tions to go to both of the princes, and to announce to them, in the words of the senate and people of Rome, " that it was their will and resolution that they should lay down their arms, and settle their disputes rather by arbitration than by the sword ; since to act thus would be to the honor both of the Romans and themselves." XXII. These deputies soon arrived in Africa, using the greater dispatch, because, while they were preparing for their journey, a report was spread at Rome of the battle which had been fought, and of the siege of Cirta; but this report told much less than the truth. 91 Jugurtha, having given them an audience, replied, "that nothing was of greater weight with him, nothing more respected, than the authority of the senate ; that it had been his endeavor, from his youth, to deserve the esteem of all men of worth ; that he had gained the favor of Publius Scipio, a man of the highest eminence, not by dishonor- able practices, but by merit ; that, for the same good qualities, and not from want of heirs to the throne, he had been adopted by Micipsa ; but that, the more honorable and spirited his con- duct had been, the less could his feelings endure injustice ; that Adherbal had formed designs against his life, on discovering 93 Three young men] Tree adolescents. Cortina includes these words in brackets, regarding them as the insertion of some sciolist. But a sciolist, as Burnouf observes, would hardly have thought of inserting ires adoles- centes. The words occur in all the MSS., and are pretty well confirmed by what is said below, c. 25, that when the senate next sent a deputation, they took care to make it consist of majores natu, nob'de*. See on adolescent, Cat., c. 38. 84 XXII. Told much less than the truth] Sed is rumor clement erat. " It fell below the truth, not telling the whole of the atrocity that had been committed." G-ruter. " Priscian (xviii. 26) interprets clemens ' non nimius,' alluding to this passage of Sallust." Kritziw. All the later commentators have adopted this interpretation, except Burnouf, who adopts the supposi- tion of Ciacconius, that a vague and uncertain rumor is meant. 1 06 SALLUST. which, he had counteracted his malice ; that the Romans would act neither justly nor reasonably, if they withheld from him the common right of nations ; 95 and, in conclusion, that he would soon send embassadors to Rome to explain the whole of his proceedings." On this understanding, both parties sepa- rated. Of addressing Adherbal the deputies had no oppor- tunity. XXIII. Jugurtha, as soon as he thought that they had quil- ted Africa, surrounded the walls of Cirta, which, f:om the i:a u:c of its situation, he was unable to take by assault, wiih a ram- part and a trench ; he also erected lowers, and manned them with soldiers; he made attempts on the place, by force or by stratagem, day and night ; he held out bribes, and some times menaces, to the besieged ; he roused his men, by exhortations, to efforts of valor, and resorted, with the utmost perseverance, to every possible expedient. Adherbal, on the other hand, seeing that his affairs were in a desperate condition, that his enemy was determined on his ruin, that there was no hope of succor, and that the siege, from want of provisions, could not long be protracted, selected from among those who had fled with him to Cirta, two of his most resolute supporters, whom he induced, by numerous promises, and an affecting representation of his distress, to make their way in the night, through the enemy's lines, to the nearest point of the coast, and from thence to Rome. XXIV. The Numidians, in a few days executed their com- mission ; and a letter from Adherbal was read in the senate, of which the following was the purport : " It is not through my own fault, Conscript Fathers, that I so often send requests to you ; but the violence of Jugurtha com- pels mo ; whom so strong a desire for my destruction has seized, that he pays no regard 96 either to you or to the immortal gods ; my blood he covets beyond every thing. Five months, in consequence, have I, the ally and friend of the Roman people, been besieged with an armed force ; neither the remembrance of my father Micipsa's benefits, nor your decrees, are of any avail for my relief; and whether I am more closely pressed by the sword, or by famine, I am unable to say. * Eight of nations] Jure gentmm. " That is, the right of avenging him- self." Rupertus. XXIV. Pays no regard] Nequt in animo habeat. This letter of Ad- herbal's, both in matter and tone, is very similar to his speech in c. 14. THE JUGURTIIINK WAR. 107 " From wiiting further concerning Jugurtha, my present con- dition deters me.; for I have experienced, even before, 07 that, little credit is given to the unfortunate. Yet I can perceive that his views extend further than to myself, and that he does not expect to possess, at the same time, your friendship and my kingdom ; which of the two he thinks the more desirable, must be manifest to every one. For, in the first place, he murdered my brother Hiempsal ; and, in the next, expelled me from my dominions; which, however, may be regarded as our own wrongs, and as having no reference to you. But now he occu- pies your kingdom with an army ; he keeps me, whom you appointed a king over the Numidians, in a state of blockade ; and in what estimation he holds the words of your embassa- dors, my perils may serve to show. What then is left, except your arms, that can make an impression upon him ? " I could wish, indeed, that what I now write, as well as the complaints which I lately made before the senate, were false, rather than that my present distresses should confirm the truth of my statements. But since I am born to be an example of Jugurtha's villainy, I do not now beg a release from death or distress, but only from the tyranny of an enemy, and from bodily torture. Respecting the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, determine as you please, but if the memory of my grandfather Masinissa is still cherished by you, deliver me, I entreat you, by the majesty of your empire, and by the sacred ties of friendship, from the inhuman hands of Jugurtha." XXV. When this letter was read, there were some who thought that an army should be dispatched into Africa, anl relief afforded to Adherbal, as soon as possible ; and that the senate, in the mean time, should give judgment on the conduct of Jugurtha, in not having obeyed the embassadors. But by the partisans of Jugurtha, the same that had before supported his cause, effectual exertions were made to prevent any decree from being passed ; and thus the public interest, as is too fre- quently the case, was defeated by private influence. An embassy was, however, dispatched into Africa, consisting of men of advanced years, and of noble birth, and who had filled the highest offices of the state ; among whom was Marcus Scaurus, already mentioned, a man who had held the consulship, 87 T have experienced, even before] Jam antea expertus gum. He means, in the result of his speech to the senate. 1 08 SALLUST. and who was at that time chief of the senate.** These emb;issa- dors, as their business was an afiair of public odium, and as they were urged by the entreaties of the Numidians, embarked in three days ; and having soon arrived at Utica, sent a letter from thence to Jugurtha, desiring him " to come to (he province as quickly as possible, as they were deputed by the senate to meet him." Jugurtha, when he found that men of eminence, whose influ- ence at Rome he knew to be powerful, were come to put a stop to his proceedings, was at first perplexed, and distracted between fear and cupidity. He dreaded the displeasure of the senate, if he should disobey the embassadors ; while his eager spirit, blinded by the lust of power, hurried him on to complete the injustice which he had begun. At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed." He accordingly dievv his army round the city of Cirta, and endeavored, with his utmost efforts, to force an entrance ; having the strongest hopes, that, by dividing the attention of the enemy's troops, he should be able, by force or artifice, to secure an opportunity of success. When his attempts, however, were unavailing, and he found himself una- ble, as he had designed, to get Adherbal into his power before he met the embassadors, fearing that, by further delay, he might irritate Scaurus, of whom he stood in great dread, he pro- ceeded with a small body of cavalry into the Province. Yet, though serious menaces were repeated to him in the name of the senate, because he had not desisted from the siege, never- theless, after spending a long time in conference, the embassa- dors departed without making any impression upon him. XXVI. When news of this result was brought to Cirta, the Italians, 1 by whosa exertions the city had been defended, and who trusted that, if a surrender were made, they would be able, 98 XXV. Chief of the senate] Princep* senatus. " He whose name was first entered in the censors' books was called Princeps Senatus, which titlo used to be given to the person who of those alive had been censor first (qui primus censor, ex iis qui viverent,fui8set), but after the year 544, to him whom the censors thought most worthy, Liv., xxvii. 13. This dignity, al- though it conferred no command or emolument, was esteemed thp very highest, and was usually retained for life, Liv., xxxiv. 44 ; xxxix. 52. It ia called Principatus ; and hence afterward the Emperor was named Princ&ps, which word properly denotes rank, and not power." Adam's Eom. Antiq., p. 3. 89 At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed] Vicit tamen in mvido ingenio pravum consilium. " Evil propensities gained the ascendency in his ambitious disposition." ' XXVI. The Italians] Ifalici. See c. 21. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. l,,.j from respect to the greatness of the Roman power, to csc;i]n- without personal injury, advised Adherbal to deliver himself' and the city to Jugurtha, stipulating only that his life should be spared, and leaving all other matters to the care of the senate. Adherbal, though he thought nothing less trustworthy than the honor of Jugurtha, yet, knowing that those who advised could also compel him if he resisted, surrendered the place according to their desire. Jugurtha immediately proceeded to put Adher- bal to death with torture, and massacred all the inhabitants that were of age, whether Numidians or Italians, as each fell in the way of his troops. XXVII. When this outrage was reported at Rome, and be- came a matter of discussion in the senate, the former partisans of Jugurtha applied themselves, by interrupting the debates and protracting the time, sometimes exerting their interest, and sometimes quarreling with particular members, to palliate the atrocity of the deed. And had not Caius Memmius, one of the tribunes of the people elect, a man of energy, and hostile to the power of the nobility, convinced the people of Rome that an at- tempt was being made, by the agency of a small faction, to have the crimes of Jugurtha pardoned, it is certain that the public indignation against him would have passed off under the protraction of the debates ; so powerful was party interest, and the influence of Jugurtha's money. When the senate, however, from consciousness of misconduct, became afraid of the people, Numidia and Italy, by the Sempronian law, 2 were appointed as provinces to the succeeding consuls, who were declared to be Publius Scipio Nasica, 3 and Lucius Bestia Calpurnius. 4 Numi- a XXVII. By the Sempronian law] Lege Scmpronia. This was the Lex Sempronia de Provinciis. In the early ages of the republic, the provinces were decreed by the senate to the consuls after they were elected ; but by this law, passed A.u.c. 631, the senate fixed on two provinces for the future consuls before their election (Cic. Pro Dom., 9 ; De Prov. Cons., 2), which they, after entering on their office, divided between themselves by lot or agreement. The law was passed by Caius Gracchus. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 105. Publius Scipio Nasica] "The great-grandson of him who was pro- r.onnced by the senate to be mr optimus; and son of him who 4 though holding no office at the time, took part in putting to death Tiberius Grac- chus. He was consul with Bestia, A.U.C. 643, and died in his consulship. Cic. Brut., 34." Burnouf. 4 Lucius Bestia Calpurnius] "He had been on the side of the nobility against the Gracchi, and was therefore in favor with the senate. After his consulship he was accused and condemned by the Mamilian law (c. 40), for having received money from Jugurtha, Cic. irut. c. 34. De Brossea thinks 110 SALLUST. i}\;\ fell to Calpurnius, and Italy to Scipio. An aimy was then r.-iised to bo sent into Africa; and pay, and all other necessaries of war, were decreed for its use. XXVIII. When Jugurtha received this news, which was ut- terly at variance with his expectations, as he had felt convinced that all things were purchasable at Rome, he sent his son, with two of his friends, as deputies to the senate, and directed them, like those whom he had sent on the murder of Hiempsal, to attack every body with bribes. Upon the approach of these deputies to Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia, whether they would allow them to be admitted within the gates ; and the senate decreed, " that, Unless they came to surrender Jugur- tha's kingdom and himself, they must quit Italy within the ten following days." The consul directed this decree to be com- municated to the Nurnidians, who consequently returned home without effecting their object. Calpurnius, in the mean time, having raised an army, chose for his officers men of family and intrigue, hoping that what- ever faults he might commit, would be screened by their influ- ence ; and among these was Scaurus, of whose disposition and character we have already spoken. There were, indeed, in our consul Calpurnius, many excellent qualities, both mental and personal, though avarice interfered with the exercise of them ; lie was patient of labor, of a penetrating intellect, of great fore- sight, not inexperienced in war, and extremely vigilant against danger and surprise. The troops were conducted through Italy to Rhegium, from thence to Sicily, and from Sicily into Africa ; and Calpurnius's first step, after collecting provisions, was to invade Numidia with spirit, where he took many prisoners, and several towns, by force of arms. XXIX. But when Jugurtha began, through his emissaries, to tempt him with bribes, and to show the difficulties of the war which he had undertaken to conduct, his mind, corrupted with avarice, was easily altered. His accomplice, however, and manager in all his schemes, was Scaurus; who, though he had at first, when most of his party were corrupted, displayed violent hostility to Jugurtha, yet was afterward seduced, by a vast sum of money, from integrity and honor to injustice and perfidy. that he was the grandfather of that Bestia who was engaged in the con- spiracy of Catiline." Burnouf. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. Ill Jtigurtha, however, at first sought only to purchase a suspension of hostilities, expecting to be able, during the interval, to make some favorable impression, either by bribery or by interest, at Rome ; but when he heard that Scaurus was co-operating with Galpurnius, he was elated with great hopes of regaining peace, and resolved upon a conference with them in person respecting the terms of it. In the mean time, for the. sake of giving con- fidence 5 to Jugurtha, Sextus the quaestor was dispatched by the consul to Vaga, one of the prince's towns ; the pretext for his journey being the receiving of corn, which Calpurnius had openly demanded from Jugurtha's emissaries, on the ground that a truce was observed through their delay to make a sur- render. Jugurtha then, as he had determined, paid a visit to the consul's camp, where, having made a short address to the council, respecting the odium cast upon his conduct, and his desire for a capitulation, he arranged other matters with Bestia and Scaurus in secret ; and the next day, as if by an evident majority of voices, 1 he was formally allowed to surrender. But, as was demanded in the hearing of the council, thirty elephants, a considerable number of cattle and horses, and a small sum of money, were delivered into the hands of the quaestor. Calpur- nius then returned to Rome to preside at the election of magis- trates, 7 and peace was observed throughout Numidia and the Roman army. XXX. When rumor had made known the affairs transacted in Africa, and the mode in which they had been brought to 5 XXIX. For the sake of giving confidence] Fidei causa. " In order that Jugurtha might have confidence in Bestia, Sextius the quasstor was sent as a sort of hostage iuto one of Jugurtha's towns." Cortius. 6 As if bv an evident majority of voices] Quasi per saturam exquisitis sen- tentiis. " Tue opinions being taken in a confused manner," or, as we say, in the lump. The sense manifestly is, that there was (or was said to be) such a preponderating majority in Jujjurtha's favor, that it was not neces- sary to ask the opinion of each individual in order. Satura, which some think to be always an adjective, with lanx understood, though lanx, accord- ing to Scheller, is never found joined with it in ancient authors, was a plate filled with various kinds of fruit, such as was annually offered to the gods. " Lanx plena diversis frugibus in templum Cereris inferior, quae satura nomine appellatur," Acron. ad Hor. Sat., i. 1, init. " Lanx, referta variis multisque primitiis, sacris Cereris inferebatur," Diomed., iii. p. 483. " Satura, cibi genus ex variis rebus conditum," Festussubvoce. See Casau- bon. de Rom. Satira, ii. 4; Kritzius ad h. 1., and Scheller's Lex. v., Satur. In the Pref. to Justinian's Pandects, that work is called opus sparsim et quasi per saturam coUectum, utile cum inutilibus mixtim. 7 To preside at the election of magistrates] Ad mar/istrabus rogandos. The presiding magistrate had to ask the consent of the people, sayiirg Velitis, jubeatis rogo Quirites. 112 S A I, LUST. pass, the conduct of the consul became n, subject of discussion in every place and company at Rome. Among the people there was violent indignation ; as to the senators, -whether they would ratify so flagitious a proceeding, or annul the act of the consul, was a matter of douht. The influence of Scaurus, as he was said to be the supporter and accomplice of Bestia, was what chiefly restrained the senate from acting with justice and honor. But Caius Memmius, of whose boldness of spirit, and hatred to the power of the nobility, I have already spoken, excited the people by his harangues, during the perplexity and delay of the senators, to take vengeance on the authors of the treaty ; he exhorted them not to abandon the public interest or their own liberty ; he set before them the many tyrannical and violent proceedings of the nobles, and omitted no art to inflame the popular passions. But as the eloquence of Memmius, at that period, had great reputation and influence I have thought proper to give in full 8 one out of many of his speeches ; and I take, in preference to others, that which he delivered in the assembly of the people, after the return of Bestia, in words to the following effect : XXXI. " Were not my zeal for the good of the state, my fellow-citizens, superior to every other feeling, there are many considerations which would deter me from appearing in your cause ; I allude to the power of the opposite party, your own tameness of spirit, the absence of all justice, and, above all, the fact that integrity is attended with more danger than honor. Indeed, it grieves me to relate, how, during the last fifteen years, 9 you have been a sport to the arrogance of an oligarchy ; how dishonorably, and how utterly unavenged, your defenders XXX. To give in full] Perscribere. " To write at length." The reader might suppose, at first, that Sallust transcribed this speccli from some pub^ licatipn ; but in that case, as Burnouf observes, lie would rather have said txscribere. Besides, the following Jivj uscemodi shows that Sallust did not pro- fess to give the exact words of Memmius. And the speech is throughout marked with Sallustian phraseology. "The commencement of it, there is little doubt, is imitated from Cato, of whose speech De Lusitanis the follow- ing fragment is extant in Aul. Gell. xiii. 24 : Multa me dehortata snnt hue prodire, anni, cetag, vox vires, senectus.' 1 ' 1 Kritzius. 9 XXXI. During the last fifteen years] Ifix annis quindccim. "Itwasut this time, A.U.C. 641, twenty-two years since the death of Tiberius Grac- chus, and. ten since that of Caius ; Sallust, or Memmius.not to appear to make too nice a computation, takes a mean." Burnouf. The manuscripts, however, vary ; some read fifteen, and others twelve, Cortius^conjccturcd twenty, aa a rounder number, which Kritzius and Dietsch have inserred in, their texts. Twenty is also found in the E-iitio v^ictoriana, Florence, 157G. THK JUCURT1IIXK \VAR. UH have perished ; 10 and liow your spirit lias become degeneiale by sloth and indolence ; for not even now, when your enemies are in your power, will you rouse yourselves to action, but con- tinue still to stand in awe of those to whom you should be a. terror. " Yet, notwithstanding this state of tilings, I feel prompted to make an attack on the power of that faction. That liberty of speech," therefore, which has been left me by my father, I shall assuredly exert against them ; but whether I shall use it in vain, or for your advantage, must, my fellow-citizens, de- pend upon yourselves. I do not, hoAvever, exhort you, as your ancestors have often done, to rise in arms against injustice. There is at present no need of violence, no need of seces- sion ; for your tyrants must work their fall by their own mis- conduct. " After the murder of Tiberius Gracchus, whom they accused of aspiring to be king, persecutions were instituted against the common people of Rome; and after the slaughter of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, many of your order were put to death in prison. But let us leave these proceedings out of the question ; let us admit that to restore their rights to the people, was to aspire to sovereignty ; let us allow that what can not be avenged without shedding the blood of citizens, was done with justice. You have seen with silent indignation, however, in past years, the treasury pillaged ; you have seen kings, and free people, paying tribute to a small party of Pa- tricians, in whose hands were both the highest honors and the greatest wealth ; but to have carried on such proceedings with impunity, they now deem but a small matter ; and, at last, your laws and your honor, with every civil and religious obligation, 12 have been sacrificed for the benefit of your enemies. Nor do they, who have done these things, show either shame or contrition, but parade proudly before your 10 Your defenders have perished] Perierint vestri defensores. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, and their adherents. 11 Liberty of speech] Litertatem. Liberty of speech is evidently in- tended. 13 Every civil and religions obligation] Divina t humana omnia. " They offended against the laws, when they took bribes from an enemy ; agains't the honor of Rome, when they did what was unworthy of it, and greatly to its injury; and against gods and men, against all divine and Vmniah obhgs- tions, when they granted to a wicked prince not onlj impunity, but ev^u rewards, for his crimes." Dletsch. 114 SALLUST. faces, displaying their sacerdotal dignities, their consulships, and some of them their triumphs, as if they regarded them as marks of honor, and not as fruits of their dishonesty. Slaves, purchased with money, 13 will not submit to unjust commands from their masters ; yet you, my fellow-citizens, who are born to empire, tamely endure oppression. " But who are these that have thus taken the government into their hands 1 Men of the most abandoned character, of blood-stained hands, of insatiable avarice, of enormous guilt, and of matchless pride ; men by whom integrity, reputation, public spirit, 14 and indeed every thing, whether honorable or dishonorable, is converted to a means of gain. Some of them make it their defense that they have killed tribunes of the people ; others, that they have instituted unjust prosecutions ; others, that they have shed your blood ; and thus, the more atrocities each has committed, the greater is his security ; while your oppressors, whom the same desires, the same aver- sions, and the same fears, combine in strict union (a union which among good men is friendship, but among the bad con- fe leracy in guilt), have excited in you, through your want of spirit, that terror which they ought to feel for their own crimes. " But if your concern to preserve your liberty were as great a^ their ardor to increase their power of oppression, the state would not be distracted as it is at present; and the marks of favor which proceed from you, 15 would be conferred, not on the most shameless, but on the most deserving. Your forefathers, in order to assert their rights and establish their authority, twice seceded in arms to Mount Aventine ; and will not you exert yourselves, to the utmost of your power, in defense of that liberty which you received from them ? Will you not display 13 Slaves purchased with money, etc.] Servi, CEreparati, etc. This is taken from another speech of Cato, of which a portion is preserved in Aul. Gcll. x. 3 : Servi inj arias minis cegreferunt ; quid illos bono f/enerenato*, magrul virtute prceditvH, animi habuisse atque habituros, dvm mventf "Slaves are apt to be too impatient of injuries ; and what feelings do you think that men of good family, and of great merit, must have had, and will have as long as they live ?" 14 Public spirit] Pietas. Under this word are included all duties that we ought to perform to those with whom we are intimately connected, or on whom we are dependent, as our parents, our country, and the gods. I have borrowed my translation of the word from Rose. i* The marks of favor which proceed from you] Berwficia vestra. Offices of state, civil and military. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 115 *o much the more spirit in the cause, from the reflection that it is a greater disgrace to lose 16 what has been gained, than not to have gained it at all ? "But some will ask me, 'What course of conduct, then, would you advise us to pursue ?' I would advise you to inflict punishment on those who have sacrificed the interests of their country to the enemy ; not, indeed, by arms, or any violence (which would be more unbecoming, however, for you to inflict than for them to suffer), but by prosecutions, and by the evi- dence of Jugurtha himself, who, if he has really surrendered, will doubtless obey your summons ; whereas, if he shows con- tempt for it, you will at once judge what sort of a peace or sui-- render it is, from which springs impunity to Jugurtha for his crimes, immense wealth to a few men in power, and loss and infamy to the republic. " But perhaps you are not yetAveary of the tyranny of these men; perhaps these times please you less than those" when kingdoms, provinces, laws, rights, the administration of justice, war and peace, and indeed every thing civil and religious, was in the hands of an oligarchy ; while you, that is, the people of Rome, though tinconquered by foreign enemies, and rulers of all nations around, were content with being allowed to live ; for which of you had spirit to throw off your slavery? For myself, indeed, though I think it most disgraceful to receive an injury without resenting it, yet I could easily allow you to pardon these basest of traitors, because they are your fellow-citizens, were it not cer- tain that your indulgence would end in your destruction. For such is their presumption, that to escape punishment for their misdeeds will have but little effect upon them, unless they be deprived, at the same time, of the power of doing mischief; and endless anxiety will remain for you, if you shall have to reflect that you must either be slaves or preserve your liberty by force of arms. " Of mutual trust, or concord, what hope is there ? They wish to be lords, you desire to be free ; they seek to inflict in- 1(1 A greater disgrace to lose, etc.] Quod majus dedecus estparta amitere qn.am omnino non paravisse. 'Aiaxiov 6e t^ovraf u<]>aipd/'/vai f] KTupevov? drv^i'-ciL. Thucyd. ii. 62. 17 Them times please you less than those, etc.] Ilia quam time tempora maffie pfacent, etc. " Those times, which immediately succeeded the deaths of the Gracchi, and which were distinguished for the tyranny of the nobles, and the humiliation of the people ; these timc-s, in wh'ich the people have begun to rouse their spirit und exert their liberty." Burn&uf. 116 SALLUST. jury, you to repel it; they treat your allies as enemies, your enemies as allies. With feelings so opposite, can peace or friendship subsist between you ? I warn, therefore, and exhort you, not to allow such enormous dishonesty to go unpunished. It is not an embezzlement of the public money 18 that has been committed ; nor is it a forcible extortion of money from your allies; offenses which, though great, are now, from their fre- quency, considered as nothing; but the authority of the senate, and your own power, have been sacrificed to the bitterest of enemies, and the public interest has been betrayed for money, both at home and abroad ; and unless these misdeeds be inves- tigated, and punishment be inflicted on the guilty, what remains for us but to live the slaves of those who committed them ? For those who do what they will with impunity are undoubt- edly kings. 19 " I do not, however, wish to encourage you, O Romans, to be better satisfied at finding your fellow-citizens guilty than inno- cent, but merely to warn you not to bring ruin on the good, by suffering the bad to escape. It is far better, in any government, to be unmindful of a service than of an injury ; for a good man, if neglected, only becomes less active ; but a bad man, more daring. Besides, if the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, 20 the state will seldom need extraordinary support from the virtuous." XXXII. By repeating these and similar sentiments, Mem- mius prevailed on the people to send Lucius Cassius, 21 who was 18 Embezzlement of the public money] Peculcitux cerarii. Peculator, qui furtum facit pecuniaj public-Be." Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Verr. i. 18 Kings] 1 have substituted the plural for the singular. " No name was more hated at Rome than that of a king ; and no sentiment, accordingly, could have been better adapted to inflame the minds of Memmius's hearers, than that which he here utters." Dietsch. 20 If the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, etc.] Si injuries non sint, Jiaud scepe auxilii etjeas. " Some foolishly interpret at/xilium as signifying auxilium tribunicinm, the aid of the tribunes ; but it is evident to me that Sallust means aid against the injuries of bad men, i. e. revenge or punish- ment." Kritzlus. "If injuries are repressed, or prevented, there will be less need for the help of good men, and it will be of less consequence if they become inactive." Die/sch. 31 XXXII. Lucius Cassius] This is the man from whom came the com- mon saying cvi bonof " Lucius Cassius, whom the Roman people thought the most accurate and wisest of judges, was accustomed constantly to in- quire, in the progress of a cause, cui bono fuisset, of what advantage any thing had been." Cic. pro Rose. Am. 30. ' " His tribunal," says Valerius Maximus (iii. 7), " was called, from his excessive severity, the rock of the accused." It was probably on account of this quality in his character that he was now sent into Numidia. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 117 then prsetor, to Jugurtha, and to bring him, under guarantee of the public faith," to Rome, in order that, by the prince's evidence, the misconduct of Scaurus and the rest, whom they charged with having taken bribes, might more easily be made manifest. During the course of these proceedings fit Rome, those whom Bestia had left in Numidia in command of the army, following the example of their general, had been guilty of many scan- dalous transactions. Some, seduced by gold, had restored Jugurtha his elephants ; others had sold him his deserters ; others had ravaged the lands of those at peace with us ; so strong a spirit of rapacity, like the contagion of a pestilence, had pervaded the breasts of all. Cassius, when the measure proposed by Memmius had been carried, and while all the nobility were in consternation, set out on his mission to Jugurtha, whom, alarmed as he was, and des- pairing of his fortune, from a sense of guilt, he admonished " that since he had surrendered himself to the Romans, he had better make trial of their mercy than their power." He also pledged his own word, which Jugurtha valued not less than that of the public, for his safety. Such, at that period, was the reputation of Cassius. XXXIII. Jugurtha, accordingly, accompanied Cassius to Rome, but without any mark of royalty, and in the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant ;" and, though he felt great confidence on his own part, and was supported by all those through whose power or villainy he had accomplished his pro- jects, he purchased, by a vast bribe, the aid of Caius Bsebius, a tribune of the people, by whose audacity he hoped to be pro- tected against the law, and against all harm. An assembly of the people being convoked, Memmius although they were violently exasperated against Jugurtha, (some demanding that he should be cast ^nto prison, others that, unless he should name his accomplices in guilt, he should be put to death, according to the usage of their ancestors, as a public enemy), yet, regarding rather their character than their M Under guarantee of the public faith] Inlerposita, fide publica. See Cat. 47, 48. o a little below, Jidem suam interponit. Interp&no is " to pledge." 23 XXXIII. In the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant] C'uUu tjnittn maximk miterahili. " In such a crarb as accused persons, or suppliants, were accustomed to adopt, when they wished to excite compassion, putting on a mean dress, and allowing their hair and beard to grow." Uui'not'f. 118 SALLUST. resentment, endeavored to calm their turbulence and mitigate their rage ; and assured them that, as far as depended on him, the public faith should not be broken. At length, when silence was obtained, he brought forward Jugurtba, and addressed them. He detailed the misdeeds of Jugurtha at Rome and in Numidia, and set forth his crimes toward his father and brothers ; and admonished the prince, " that the Roman people, though they were well aware by whose support and agency he had acted, yet desired, further testimony from himself; that, if he dis- closed the truth, there was great hope for him iu the honor and clemency of the Romans ; but if he concealed it, he would cer- tainly not save his accomplices, but ruin himself and his hopes forever." XXXIV. But when Memmius had concluded his speech, and Jugurtha was expected to give his answer, Caius Baebius, the tribune of the people, whom I have just noticed as having been bribed, enjoined the prince to hold his peace ; 21 and though the multitude, who formed the assembly, were desperately enraged, and endeavored to terrify the tribune by outcries, by angry looks, by violent gestures, and by every other act to which nnger prompts, 25 his audacity was at last triumphant. The 24 XXXIV. Enjoined the prince to hold his peace] A single tribune might, by such intervention, offer an effectual opposition to almost any pro- ceeding. On the great power of the tribunes, see Adam's Bom. Ant., under the head " Tribunes or the People." 25 Every other act to which anger prompts] Aliis omnibus, qu but both are to be taken in the same sense ; for mutabant is equivalent to mutabant sf. Cortius's interpretation appears the most eligible : " Per- mutabantur cum metuenda morte," i. e. there were those conditions on one side, and death on the other, and if they did not accept the conditions, they must die. Kritzius fancifully and strangely interprets, propter mortis metum K mutabant, i. e., alia videbantur atque erant, or the acceptance of the terms jippeared excusable to the soldiers, because they were threatened with death it" they did not accept them. It is worthwhile to notice the variety of readings exhibited in the manuscripts collated by Cortius : ten exhibit mtt- t(int.V<= <' suliih'ire t (Ei-Jam miitamardriitla mifterc, which has been adopted by Kritzius and Piet^ch, except that they have changed arJentia, on the authority of iwiiie of tl.o muiiuscrij'ts, into ardcnti. 142 SALLUST. on most of them ; and thus the brave and the timid, though of unequal merit, were exposed to equal danger. LYIIL While the struggle was thus continued at Zama, Jugurtha, at the head of a large force, suddenly attacked the camp of the Romans, and, through the remissness of those left to guard it, who expected any thing rather than an attack, effected an entrance at one of the gates. Our men, struck with sudden consternation, acted each on his own impulse ; some fled, others seized their arms ; and many of them were wounded or slain. About forty, however, out of the whole number, mindful of the honor of Rome, formed themselves into a body, and took possession of a slight eminence, from which they could not be dislodged by the utmost efforts of the enemy, but hurled back the darts discharged at them, and, as they were few against many, not without execution. If the Numidians came near them, they displayed their courage, and slaughtered, repulsed, and ^dispersed them, with the greatest fury. Metellus, meanwhile, who was vigorously pursuing the siege, heard a noise, as of enemies, in his rear, and, turning round his horse, per- ceived a party of soldiers in flight toward him ; a certain proof that they were his own men. He instantly, therefore, dispatched the whole of the cavalry to the camp, and immediately after- ward Caius Marius, with the cohorts of the allies, entreating him with tears, by their mutual friendship, and by his regard for the public welfare, to allow no stain to rest on a victorious army, and not to let the enemy escape with impunity. Marius soon executed his orders. Jugurtha, in consequence, after being embarrassed in the intrenchments of the camp, while some of his men threw themselves over the ramparts, and others, in their haste, obstructed each other at the gates, fled, with considerable loss, to his strongholds, Metellus, not succeeding in his attempt on the town, retired with his forces, at the approach of night, into his camp. LIX. On the following day, before he marched out to resume the siege, he ordered the whole of his cavalry to take their sta- tion before the camp, on the side where the approach of Jugur- tha was to be apprehended ; assigning the gates, and adjoining posts, to the charge of the tribunes. He then marched toward the town, and commenced an assault upon the walls as on the day before. Jugurtha, meanwhile, issuing from hi? concealment, suddenly attacked our men iu the camp, of whom those station- THE JUGURTHINE WAR 143 ed in advance were for the moment alarmed and thrown into confusion ; but the rest soon came to their support ; nor would the Numidians have longer maintained their ground, had not their foot, which were mingled with the cavalry, done great execution in the struggle ; for the horse, relying on the infantry, did not, as is common in actions of cavalry, charge and then retreat, but pressed impetuously forward, disordering and break- ing the ranks, and thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the army a defeat. 80 LX. The conflict at Zama, at the same time, was continued with great fury. Wherever any lieutenant or tribune com- manded, there the men exerted themselves with the utmost vigor. No one seemed to depend for support on others, but every one on his own exertions. The townsmen, on the other side, showed equal spirit. Attacks, or preparations for defense, were made in all quarters. 81 All appeared more eager to wound their enemies than to protect themselves. Shouts, mingled with exhortations, cries of joy, and the clashing of arms, resounded through the heavens. Darts flew thick on every side. If the besiegers, however, in the least relaxed their efforts, the defenders of the Avails immediately turned their attention to the distant engagement of the cavalry ; they were to be seen sometimes exhibiting joy, and sometimes apprehension, according to the varying fortune of Jugurtha, and, as if they could be heard or seen by their friends, uttering warnings or exhortations, making signs with their hands, and moving their bodies to and fro, like men avoiding or hurling darts. This being noticed by Marius, who commanded on that side of the town, he artfully relaxed his efforts, as if despairing of success, and allowed the besieged to view the battle at the camp unmolested. Then, while their 80 LIX. And thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded In giving the cneuiy_ a defeat] Ita expeditis pedititnis snis hosies pane victos dare. Cortius, Kritzius, and Allen, concur in regarding expeditis peditibvg as an ablative of the instrument, i. e. as equivalent to per expedites pedties, and victos dare as nothing more than mncere. This appears to be the right i mode of explanation : but most of the translators. French as well as Eng- lish, have taken expeditis peditibus as a dative, and given to the passage the sense that " the cavalry delivered up the enemy, when nearly conquered, to be dispatched by the light-armed foot." 61 LX. Attacks, or preparations for defense, were made in all quarters] Oppuynare autparare omnibus locis. There is much discussion among the critics whether these verbs are to be referred to the besiegers or the besieged. Cortius and Gerlach attribute uppugnare to the Romans, im¶re to tlio men of Zama; a distinction which Kritzius justly condemns. There cuii he little doubt that they are spoken of both parties equally. 144 SALLUST. attention was closely fixed on their countrymen, he made a \-igorous assault on the wall, and the soldiers mounting their scaling ladders, had almost gained the top, when the townsmen rushed to the spot in a body, and hurled down upon them stones, firebrands, and every description of missiles. Our men made head against these annoyances for a while, but at length, when some of the ladders were broken, and those who had mounted them dashed to the ground, the rest of the assailants retreated as they could, a few indeed unhurt, but the greater number miserably wounded. Night put an end to the efforts of both parties. LXI. When Metellus saw thfitr all his attempts were vaia ; that the town was not to be taken ; that Jugurtha was resolved to abstain from fighting, except from an ambush, or on his own ground, and that the summer was now far advanced, he with- drew his army from Zama, and placed garrisons in such of the cities that had revolted to him as were sufficiently strong in situation or fortifications. The rest of his forces he settled in winter quarters, in that part of our province nearest to Numidia. 83 This season of repose, however, he did not, like other com- manders, abandon to idleness and luxury ; but as the war had been but slowly advanced by fighting, he resolved to try the effect of treachery on the king through his friends, and to employ their perfidy instead of arms. He accordingly addressed himself with large promises, to Bomilcar, the same nobleman who had been with Jugurtha at Rome, and who had fled from thence, notwithstanding he had given bail, to escape being tried for the murder of Massiva ; selecting this person for his instrument, because, from his great intimacy with Jugurtha, he had the best opportunities of betraying him. lie prevailed on him, in the first place, to come to a conference with him privately, when, having given him his word, " that, if he should deliver up Jugurtha, alive or dead, the senate would grant him a pardon, " LXI. Tho rest of his forces in that part of our province nearest to Nu- midin] Gxtervm exercitum inprovinciam, qua proximo, est Numidi fxvii. 3, p. 488, Ed. Tauch.) speaks of a place named Ttaiatol, M-l:ic!i was utterly destroyed, and not a vestige of it left." Gerlach. 146 SALLUST. punishment due to his crimes. Having spent several days in hesitation, sometimes, from disgust at his ill success, believing any thing better than war, and sometimes considering with himself how grievous would be the fall from sovereignty to slavery, he at last determined, notwithstanding that he had lost so many and so valuable means of resistance, to commence hostilities anew. At Rome, meanwhile, the senate, having been consulted about the provinces, had decreed Numiclia to Metellus. LXIII. About the same time, as Caius Marius, who hap- pened to be at Utica, was sacrificing to the gods, 84 an augur told him that great and wonderful things were presaged to him ; that he might therefore pursue whatever designs he had formed, trusting to the gods for success ; and that he might try fortune as often as he pleased, for that all his undertakings would prosper. Previously to this period an ardent longing for the consulship had possessed him ; and he had, indeed, every qualification for obtaining it, except antiquity of family ; he had industry, integrity, great knowledge of war, and a spirit undaunted in the field ; he was temperate in private life, su- perior to pleasure and riches, and ambitious only of glory. Having been born at Arpinum, and brought up there during his boyhood, he employed himself, as soon as he was of age to bear arms, not in the study of Greek eloquence, nor in learn- ing the refinements of the city, but in military service ; and thus, amid the strictest discipline, his excellent genius soon at- tained full vigor. When lie solicited the people, therefore, for the military tribuneship, he was well known by name, though most were strangers to his face, and unanimously elected by the tribes. After this office lie attained others in succession, and conducted himself so well in his public duties, that he was always deemed worthy of a higher station than he had reached. Yet, though such had been his character hitherto (for he was afterward carried away by ambition), he had not ventured to stand for the consulship. The people, at that time, still dis- w LXIII. Sacrificing to the gods] Per hostiaa d\$ supplicante. Supplicat- ing or worshiping the gods with sacrifices, and trying to learn their inten- tions as to the future by inspection of the entrails. " Marius was either a sincere believer in the absurd superstitions and dreainB of the soothsayer*, or pretended to be so, from a knowledge of the nature of mankind, who are eager to listen to wonders, and are more willing to be deceived than to be taught." Burnouf. See Plutarch, Life of Marius. He could interpret smeus for himself, according to Valerius Maximus, i. 5. THE JUGUBTHINE WAR. 147 posed of 5 other civil offices, but the nobility transmitted the consulship from hand to hand among themselves. Nor had any commoner appeared, however famous or distinguished by his achievements, who would not have been thought unworthy of that honor, and, as it were, a disgrace to it. 89 LXIV. But when Marius found that the words of the augur pointed in the same direction as his own inclinations prompted him, he requested of Metellus leave of absence, that he might offer himself a candidate for the consulship. Metellus, though eminently distinguished by virtue, honor, and other qualities valued by the good, had yet a haughty and disdainful spirit, the common failing of the nobility. He was at first, therefore, astonished at so extraordinary an application, expressed sur- prise at Marius's views, and advised him, as if in friendship, " not to indulge such unreasonable expectations, or elevate his thoughts above his station ; that all things were not to be cov- eted by all men ; that his present condition ought to satisfy him ; and, finally, that he should be cautious of asking from the Roman people what they might justly refuse him." Hav- ing made these and similar remarks, and finding that the reso- lution of Marius was not at all affected by them, he told him " that he would grant what he desired as soon as the public business would allow him." 87 On Marius repeating his request several times afterward, he is reported to have said, " that he need not be in a hurry to go, as he would be soon enough if he became a candidate with his own son." 88 Metellus's son was then on service in the camp with his father, 89 and was about twenty years old. This taunt served only to rouse the feelings of Marius, as 85 The people disposed of, etc.] Etiam turn alias magistratus plebes, con- fulttum nobttitas, inter se per manu-s tradebat. The commentators have seen the necessity of understanding a verb with plebes. Kritzius suggests habebat ; Gerlach greoat or accipiebat. 84 A disgrace to it] Pottutus. He -was considered, as it were, unclean. See Cat., c. 23, fin. 87 LXIV. As soon as the public business would allow him] Uf/ivrimum fohtlsset per negotia publica. As soon as he could through (regard to) the public business. 88 With his own son] Cumfiliosuo. With the son of Metellus. He tells Marius that it would be soon enough for him to stand for the consulship in tweuty-three years' time, the legitimate age for the consulship being forty- three. ** In the camp with his father] Contubernio patris. He was among the young noblemen in the consul's retinue, who were sent out to see military service under him. This was customary. Sec Cic. 1'ro Coel. 30 ; Pro i'lanc. 11. 148 SALLUST. well for the honor at which he aimed, as against Metellus. lie suffered himself to be actuated, therefore, l>y ambition and resentment, the worst of counselors. He omitted nothing henceforward, either in deeds or words, that could increase his own popularity. He allowed the soldiers, of whom he had the command in the winter quarters, more relaxation of discipline than he had ever granted them before. He talked of the war among the merchants, of whom there was a great number at Utica, censoriously with respect to Metellus, and vauntingly with regard to himself; saying "that if but half of the army were granted him, he would in a few days have Jugurtha in chains ; but that the war was purposely protracted by the con- sul, because, being a man of vanity and regal pride, he was too fond of the delights of power." All these assertions appeared the more credible to the merchants, as, by the long continuance of the war, they had suffered in their fortunes ; and to impa- tient minds no haste is sufficient. LXV. There was then in our army a Numidian named Gauda, the son of Mastanabal, and grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa, in his will, had appointed next heir to his im- mediate successors. This man had been debilitated by ill-health, and, from the effect of it, was somewhat impaired in his under- standing. He had petitioned Metellus to allow him & seat, like a prince, next to himself, and a troop of horse for a body- guard ; but Metellus had refused him both ; the seat, because, it was granted only to those whom the Roman people had ad- dressed as kings, and the guard, because it would be an indig- nity to Roman cavalry to act as guards to a Numidian. While Gauda was discontented at these refusals, Marius paid him a visit, and prompted him, with his assistance, to seek revenge for the affronts put upon him by the general ; in- flating his mind, which was as weak as his body, 90 with flatter- ing speeches, telling him that he was a prince, a groat man, and the grandson of Masinissa ; that if Jugurtha were taken or killed, he would immediately become king of Numidia; and that this event might soon happen, if he himself were sent as consul to the war. Thus partly the influence of Marius himself, and partly the liope of obtaining peace, induced Gauda, as well as most of 80 LXV. Which was as weak as his body] Ob morbosparum valido. Sullust hud already expressed this a few lines above. THE JUGURTTIINE WAR. i.jg the Roman knights, both soldiers and merchants, 91 to write to their friends at Rome, in a style of censure, respecting Mc- tellus's management of the war, and to intimate that Marius should be appointed general. The consulship, accordingly, was solicited for him by numbers of people, with the most honor- able demonstrations in his favor." It happened that the people too, at this juncture, having just triumphed over the nobility by the Mamilian law, 03 were eager to raise commoners to office. Hence every thing was favorable to Marius's views. LXVI. Jugurtha, meantime, who, after relinquishing his intention to surrender, had renewed the war, was now hasten- ing the preparations for it with the utmost diligence. He assembled an army ; he endeavored, by threats or promises, to recover the towns that had revolted from him ; he fortified ad- vantageous positions ; M he repaired or purchased arms, weapons, and other necessaries, which he had given up on the prospect of peace ; he tried to seduce the slaves of the Romans, and even tempted with bribes the Romans themselves who occupied the garrisons ; he, indeed, left nothing untried or neglected, but put every engine in motion. Induced by the entreaties of their king, from whom, indeed, they had never been alienated in affection, the leading inhabit- ants of Vacca, a city in which Metellus, when Jugurtha began to treat for peace, had placed a garrison, entered into a con- spiracy against the Romans. As for the common people of the town, they were, as is generally the case, and especially among the Numidians, of a fickle disposition, factious and turbulent, and therefore already desirous of a change, and adverse to peace and quiet. Having arranged their plans, they fixed upon the third day following for the execution of them, because that day, being a festival, celebrated throughout Africa, would promise merriment and dissipation rather than alarm. When the time came, they invited the centurions and military tii- _<" Merchants] Negotiatores. " Every one knows that Romans of eques- trian dipiity were accustomed to trade in the provinces." Burnouf. w "With the most honorable demonstrations in his favor] Honeatissima, suffragaKane. " Svffragaiie was the zealous recommendation of those who solicited the votes of their fellow-citizens in favor of some candidate. See Festus, s. v. Sijfragatores, p. 266, Lindem." Dietsch. It was honorable, in the case of Manus, as it was without bribery, and seemed to have the good of the republic in view. " The Mamilian law] See c. 40. M LXVI. Advantageous positions] Suos locos. Places favorable for his views. See Kritzius on c. 54. 1 50 SALLUST. bunes, with Titus Turpilius Silanus, the governor of the town, to their several houses, and butchered them all, except Tur- pilius, at their banquets ; and then fell upon the common sol- diers, who, as was to be expected on such a day, when discipline was relaxed, were wandering about without their arms. Tho populace followed the example of their chiefs, some of them having been previously instructed to do so, and others induced by a liking for such disorders, and, though ignorant of what had been done or intended, finding sufficient gratification in tumult and variety. LXVII. The Roman soldiers, perplexed with sudden alarm, and not knowing what was best for them to do, were in trepi- dation. At the citadel, 85 where their standards and shields were, was posted a guard of the enemy ; and the city-gates, previously closed, prevented escape. Women and children, too, on the roofs of the houses, 66 hurled down upon them, with great eagerness, stones and whatever else their position fur- nished. Thus neither could such twofold danger be guarded against, nor could the bravest resist the feeblest ; the worthy and the worthless, the valiant and the cowardly, were alike put to death unavenged. In the midst of this slaughter, while the Numidians were exercising every cruelty, and the town was closed on all sides, Turpilius was the only one, of all the Ita- lians, that escaped unhurt. Whether his flight was the conse- quence of compassion in his entertainer, of compact, or of chance, I have never discovered ; but since, in such a general massacre, he preferred inglorious safety to an honorable name, he seems to have been a worthless and infamous character. 87 LXVIII. When Metellus heard of what had happened at Vacca, he retired for a time, overpowered with sorrow, from the public gaze ; but at length, as indignation mingled with his 05 LXVIT. Were in trepidation. At the citadel, etc.] I have translated this passage in conformity with the texts of Gerlach, Kritzins, Dietsch, M tiller, and Allen, who put a point between trepid-are and ad arcem. Cor- tius, Havercamp, and Burnout have trepidare ad arcem, without any point. Which method gives the better sense, any reader can judge. " On the roofs of the houses] Pro tect-is (Kdiftciorum. In front of the roofs of the houses ; that is, at the parapets. ' ! In prima tectorum parte." Kritzvus. The roofs were flat. 7 Worthless and infamous character] Improbus intestabilisque. These words are taken from the twelve tables of the Koman law : See Aul. Gell. vi. 7 ; xv. 8. Horace, in allusion to them, has intestoMlis et sacer, Sat. ii. 3. 181. Intestabilia signified a person to be of so infamous a character that he was not allowed to give evidence in a court of justice. THE JUGTJRTHTNE WAR. 151 grief, he hastened, with the utmost spirit, to take vengeance for the outrage. He led forth, at sunset, the legion that was in winter quarters with him, and as many Numidian horse as he could, and arrived, about the third hour on the following day, nt a certain plain surrounded by rising grounds. Here he ac- quainted the soldiers, who were now exhausted with the length of their march, and averse to further exertion, 98 that the town of Vacca was not above a mile distant , and that it became them to bear patiently the toil that remained, with the hope of exacting revenge for their countrymen, the bravest and most unfortunate of men. He likewise generously promised them the whole of the plunder. Their courage being thus revived, he ordered them to resume their march, the cavalry maintain- ing an extended line in front, and the infantry, with their stand- ards concealed, keeping the closest order behind. LXIX. The people of Vacca, perceiving an army coming toward them, judged rightly at first that it was Metellus, and shut their gates ; but, after a while, when they saw that their fields were not laid waste, and that the front consisted of Nu- midian cavalry, they imagined that it was Jugurtha, and went out with great joy to meet him. A signal being immediately given, both cavalry and infantry commenced an attack ; some cut down the multitude pouring from the town, others hurried to the gates, others secured the towers, revenge and the hope of plunder prevailing over their weariness. Thus Vacca triumphed only two days in its treachery ; the whole city, which was great and opulent, was given up to vengeance and spoliation. Turpilius, the governor, whom we mentioned as the only person that escaped, was summoned by Metellus to answer for his conduct, and not being able to clear himself, was condemned, as a native of Latium, 99 to be scourged and put to death. 98 LXVIII. Averse to further exertion] Turn abnuentes omnia. Most of the translators have understood by these words that the troops refused to obey orders ; but Sallust's meaning is only that they expressed, by looks and gestures, their unwillingness to proceed. LXIX As a native of Latium] Aam is civis ex, Latlo erat. " As he was a Latin, he was not protected by the Porcian law (see Cat., c. 51), though how far this law had power in the camp, is not agreed." Allen. Gerlach thinks that it had the same power in the camp as elsewhere, with reference to Roman citizens. But Roman citizenship was not extended to the Latins till the end of the Social War, A.TT.C. 662. Plutarch, however, in his Life of Cains Gracchus (c. 9), speaks of Livius Drusus having been abetted by the patricians in proposing a law for exempting the Latin soldiers from 152 SALLUST. LXX. About this time, Bomilcar, at whose persuasion Ju- gurtha had entered upon the capitulation which he had discon- tinued through fear, being distrusted by the king, and distrust- ing him in return, grew desirous of a change of government, lie accordingly meditated schemes for Jugurtha's destruction, racking his invention night and day. At last, to leave nothing untried, he sought an accomplice in Nabdalsa, a man of noble birth and great Avealth, who was in high regard and favor with his countrymen, and who, on most occasions, used to command a body of troops distinct from those of the king, and to trans- act all business to which Jugurtha, from fatigue, or from being occupied with more important matters, was unable to attend; 1 employments by whicli he had gained both honors and wealth. By these two men in concert, a day was fixed for the execution of their treachery ; succeeding matters they agreed to settle as the exigences of the moment might require. Nabdalsa then proceeded to join his troops, which he kept in readiness, according to orders, among the winter quarters of the Romans," to prevent the country from being ravaged by the enemy with impunity. But as Nabdalsa, growing alarmed at the magnitude of the being flogged, about thirty vears earlier ; and it seems to have been passed, but, from this passage of Sallnst, appears not to have remained in force. Lipsius touches on this obscure point in his Militia Itomana, v. 18, but settles nothing. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, c. 8, says that Turpilius was an old re- tainer of the family of Metellus, whom he attended, in this war, as prce- fectus f (thrum, or master of the artificers ; that, being afterward appointed governor of Vacca, he exercised his office with great justice and humanity; that his life was spared by Jugurtha at the solicitation of the inhabitants ; that, when he was brought to trial, Metellus thought him innocent, and that he would not have been condemned but for the malice of Marius, who exasperated the other members of the council against him. He adds, that after his death, his innocence became apparent, and that Marius boasted of having planted in the breast of Metellus an avenging fury, that would not fail to torment him for having put to death the innocent friend of his family. Hence Sir Henry Steuart has accused Sallnst of wilfully misrepre- senting the character of Turpilius, as well as the whole transaction. Butaa 1 much credit is surely due to Sallust as to Plutarch. 1 LXX. To which Jugurtha was unable to attend] Qua JngartJi(E,fe*so, aut majorlbus astrido, svperaverant. " Whicli had remained to (or been too much for) Jugurtha, when weary, or engaged in more important affairs." 3 Among the winter-quarters of the Romans] Inter "hiberna Romanorum. It is armj of jugr being thus dispersed, Nabdalsa might justly be said to have his army inter /li/itrnti, "among their winter-quarters." THE JUflURTniNE WAR. 153 undertaking^ failed to appear at the appointed time, and al- lowed his fears to hinder their plans, Bomilear, eager for their execution, and disquieted at the timidity of his associate, lest he should relinquish his original intentions and adopt some new course, sent him a letter by some confidential person, in which he " reproached him with pusillanimity and irresolution, and conjured him by the gods, by whom he had sworn, not to turn the offers of Metellus to his own destruction ;" assuring him " that the fall of Jugurtha was approaching ; that the only thing to be considered was whether he should perish by their hand or by that of Metellus ; and that, in consequence, he might consider whether to chooss rewards, or death by torture." LXXI. It happened that when this letter was brought, Nab- dalsa, overcome with fatigue, was reposing on his couch, where, after reading Bomilcar's letter, anxiety at first, and afterward, as is usual with a troubled mind, sleep overpowered him. In his service there was a certain Numidian, the manager of his affairs, a person who possessed his confidence and esteem, and who was acquainted with all his designs except the last. lie, hearing that a letter had arrived, and supposing that there would be occasion, as usual, for his assistance or suggestions, went into the tent, and, while his master was asleep, took up the letter thrown carelessly upon the cushion behind his head, 3 and read it ; and, having thus discovered the plot, set off in haste to Jugurtha. Nabdalsa, who awoke soon after, missing the letter, and hearing of the whole affair, and how it had hap- pened, at first attempted to pursue the informer, but finding that pursuit was vain, he went himself to Jugurtha to try to appease him ; saying that the disclosure which he intended to make, ha 1 been anticipated by the perfidy of his servant ; and beseech- ing him with tears, by his friendship, and by his own former proofs of fidelity, not to think that he could be guilty of such treachery. LXXII. To these entreaties the king replied with a mildness far different from his real feelings. After putting to death Bo- mi Icar, and many others whom he knew to be privy to the plot, he refrained from any further manifestation of resentment, lest an insurrection should be the consequence of it. But after this 3 LXXI. Behind his head] Super cnput. On the hack of the holster that supported his head ; part of which might be higher than the head itself. T* 1 54 SALLUST. occurrence he had no peace either by day or by night ; he thought himself safe neither in any place, nor with any person, nor at any time ; he feared his subjects and his enemies alike ; he was always on the watch, and was startled at every sound ; he passed the night sometimes in one place, and sometimes in another, and often in places little suited to royal dignity ; and sometimes, starting from his sleep, he would seize his arms and raise an alarm, lie was indeed so agitated by extreme terror, that he appeared under the influence of madness. LXXIII. Metellus, hearing from some deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the discovery of the conspiracy, made fresh preparations for action, and with the utmost dispatch, as if en- tering upon an entirely new war. Marius, who was still impor- tuning him for leave of absence, he allowed to go home ; think- ing that as he served with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity, he was not likely to prove a very useful officer. The common people at Rome, having learned the contents of the letters written from Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, had listened to the accounts given of both with eagerness. But the noble birth of Metellus, which had previously been a motive for paying him honor, had now become a cause of unpopular- ity ; while the obscurity of Marius's origin had procured him favor. In regard to both, however, party feeling had more in- fluence than the good or bad qualities of either. The factious tribunes, 4 too, inflamed the populace, charging Metellus, in their harangues, with offenses worthy of death, and exaggerating the excellent qualities of Marius. At length the people were so ex- cited that all the artisans and rustics, whose whole subsistence and credit depended on their labor, quitting their several em- ployments, attended Marius in crowds, and thought less of their own wants than of his exaltation. Thus the nobility being borne down, the consulship, after the lapse of many years, 5 was once more given to a man of humble birth. And afterward, when the people were asked by Manilius Mancinus, one of their tribunes, whom they would appoint to carry on the war against Jugurtha, they, in a fuh 1 assembly, voted it to Marius. The * LXXIII. The factious tribunes] Sedltwsi magistrates. After the lapse of many yearsj Post multas tempestates. Apparently the period since A.U.C. 611, when Quintus Pompeius, who, as Cicero says (in Verr. ii. 5), was humile atque obscuro loco natus, obtained the consulship ; that is, a term of forty-three or forty-four years. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 165 senate had previously decreed it to Metellus ; but that decree was thus rendered abortive. 6 LXXIV. During this period, Jugurtha, as he was bereft of his friends (of whom he had put to death the greater number, while the rest, under the influence of terror, had fled partly to the Romans, and partly to Bocchus), as the war, too, could not be carried on without officers, and as he thought it dangerous to try the faith of new ones after such perfidy among the old, was involved in doubt and perplexity ; no scheme, no counsel, no person could satisfy him ; he changed his route and his cap- tains daily ; he hurried sometimes against the enemy, and some- times toward the deserts ; depended at one time on flight, and at another on resistance ; and was unable to decide whether he could less trust the courage or the fidelity of his subjects. Thus, in whatever direction he turned his thoughts, the prospect was equally disheartening. In the midst of his irresolution, Metellus suddenly made his appearance with his army. The Numidians were assembled and drawn up by Jugurtha, as well as time permitted ; and a battle was at once commenced. Where the king commanded in person, the struggle was maintained for some time ; but the rest of his force was routed and put to flight at the first onset. The Romans took a considerable number of standards and arms, but not many prisoners ; for, in almost every battle, their feet afforded more security to the Numidians than their swords. LXXV. In consequence of this defeat, Jugurtha, feeling less confidence in the state of his affairs than ever, retreated with the deserters, and part of his cavalry, first into the deserts, and afterward to Thala, 7 a large and opulent city, where lay the 8 That decree was thus rendered abortive] Ea resfrustrafuit, 'By & lex Sempronia, a law of Caius Gracchus, it was enacted that the senate should fix the provinces for the future consuls before the comitia for electing them were held. But from Jug. c. 26, it appears that the consuls might settle by lot, or by agreement between themselves, which of those two provinces each of them should take. How fur the senate were allowed or accustomed in general, to interfere in the arrangement, it is not easy to discover : but on this occasion they had taken on themselves to pass a resolution in favor of the patrician. Lest similar scenes, however, to those of the Semprouiau times should be enacted, they yielded the point to the people. 7 LXXV. Thaln] The river on which this town stood is not named by Sallust, but it appears to have been the Bagrada. It seems to have been nearly destroyed by the Romans, after the defeat of Juba, in the time of Julius Cffisar ; though Tacitus^ Ann. iii. 21, mentions it as having afforded a refuge to the Romans in the insurrection of the Numidian chief, Tacfari- nas. D'Aiivillo aud Dr. Shaw, Travels in Bombay, vol. i. pt. 2, ch. 5, think 156 SALLUST. greater portion of his treasures, and where there was magni- ficent provision for the education of his children. When Metel- lus was informed of this, although he knew that there was, be- tween Thalu and the nearest river, a dry and desert region fifty miles broad, yet, in the hope of finishing the war if he should gain possession of the town, he resolved to surmount all diffi- culties, and to conquer even Nature herself. He gave orders that the beasts of burden, therefore, should be lightened of all the baggage excepting ten days' provision ; and t'lat they should be laden with skins and other utensils for hoi-ling water. Ho also collected from the fields as many laboring cattle as ho could find, and loaded them with vessels of all sorts, but chiefly wooden, taken from the cottages of the Nurnidians. He directed such of the neighboring people, too, as had submitted to him after the retreat of Jugurtha, to bring him as much water as they could carry, appointing a time and a place for them to be in attendance. He then loaded his beasts from the river, which, as I have intimated, was the nearest water to the town, and, thus provided, set out for Thahu When he came to the place at which he had dcsire'l the Nu- midians to meet him, and had pitched and fortified his camp, so copious a fall of rain is said to have happened, as would have furnished more than sufficient water for his whole army. Provisions, too, were brought him far beyond his expectations ; for the Numidians, like most people after a recent surrender, had done more than was required of them. 8 The men, how- ever, from a religious feeling, preferred using the rain-water; the fall of which greatly increased their courage, for they thought themselves the peculiar care of the gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they arrived at Thala. The inhabitants, who thought themselves secured by the difficulties of the approach to them, were astonished at so strange and un- expected a sight, but, nevertheless, prepared for their defense. Our men showed equal alacrity on their side. LXXVI. But Jugurtha himself, believing that to Metellus, who, by his exertions, had triumphed over every obstacle, over arms, deserts, seasons, and finally over Nature herself that con- trols all, nothing was impossible, fled with his children, and a it the same with Telepte, now Ferre-anaJi ; hut this is very doubtful. See Cellar, iv. 5. It was in ruins in the time of Strabo. s Had done more than was required of theinj Officiaintenderant. "Auxit intenditque ssevitiam oxacerbatus indicio filii sui D'rusi." Suet. Tib. 62. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. I.-, 1 ? great portion of his treasure, from the city during the night. Nor did he ever, after this time, continue 9 more than one day or night iu any place ; pretending to be hurried away by business, but in reality dreading treachery, which he thought he might escape by change of residence, as schemes of such a kind are the result of leisure and opportunity. Metellus, seeing that the people of Thala were determined on resistance, and that the town was defended both by art and sit- uation, surrounded the walls with a rampart and a trench. lie then directed his machines against the most eligible points, threw up a mound, and erected towers upon it to protect 10 the works and the workmen. The townsmen, on the other hand, were exceedingly active and diligent ; and nothing was ne- glected on either side. At last the Romans, though exhausted with much previous fatigue and fighting, got possession, forty days after their arrival, of the town, and the town only ; for all the spoil had been destroyed by the deserters ; who, when they saw the walls shaken by the battering-ram, and their own situ- ation desperate, had conveyed the gold and silver, and whatever else is esteemed valuable, to the royal palace, where, after being sated with wine and luxuries, they destroyed the treasures, the building, and themselves, by fire, and thus voluntarily submit- ted to the sufferings which, in case of being conquered, they dreaded at the hands of the enemy. LXXVII. At the very time that Thala was taken, there came to Metellus embassadors from the city of Leptis, 11 re- questing him to send them a garrison and a governor ; saying " that a certain Hamilcar, a man of rank, and of a factious dis- position, against whom the magistrates and the laws were alike powerless, was trying to induce them to change sides ; and that unless he attended to the matter promptly, their own safety," and the allies of Rome, would be in the utmost danger." For the people at Leptis, at the very commencement of the war LXXVT. Nor did he ever continue, etc.] Nequepostea morality, simvl- abal, etc.] Most editors take moratus for martins : Allen places a colon after it, as if it were for moratus est, 10 And erected towns upon it to protect, etc.] El super aggerem impositis tun-itms opus et administros tutari. " And protected the work and tho workmen with towers placed on the mound." Impositis turribus is not the ablative absolute, but the ablative of the instrument. 11 LXXVII. Leptis] Leptis Major, now Lebida. In c. 19, Leptis Minor is meant, 18 Then* own safety] Suam salutem : i. e. the safety of the people of Leptis. 158 SALLUST. with Jugurtha, had sent to the consul Bestia, and afterward tc Rome, desiring to be admitted into friendship and alliance with us. Having been granted their request, they continued true and faithful adherents to us, and promptly executed all orders from Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. They therefore readily ob- tained from the general the aid which they solicited ; and four cohorts of Ligurians were dispatched to Leptis, with Caius Annius to be governor of the place. LXXVIII. This city was built by a party of Sidonians, who, as I have understood, being driven from their country through civil dissensions, came by sea into those parts of Africa. It is situated between the two Syrtes, which take their name from their nature. 13 These are two gulfs almost at the extremity of Africa, 14 of unequal size, but of similar character. Those parts of them next to the land are very deep ; the other parts some- times deep and sometimes shallow, as chance may direct ; for when the sea swells, and is agitated by the winds, the waves roll along with them mud, sand, and huge stones ; and thus the appearance of the gulfs changes with the direction of the wind. Of this people, the language alone 15 has been altered by their intermarriages with the Numidians ; their laws and customs continue for the most part Sidonian ; which they have preserved with the greater ease, through living at so great a distance from the king's dominions. 18 Between them and the populous parts of Numidia lie vast and uncultivated deserts. LXXIX. Since the affairs of Leptis have led me into these regions, it will not be foreign to my subject to relate the noble 13 LXXVIII. "Which take their name from their nature] Quibus nomen tx re indibum. From avpeiv, to draw, because the stones and sand were drawn to and fro by the force of the wind and tide. But it has been suggested that this etymology is probably false ; it is less likely that their name 'should be from the Greek than from the Arabic, in which sert signifies a desert tract or region, a term still applied to the desert country bordering on Iho Syrtes. See Kitter, Allgem. vergleich, Geog. vol. i. p. 929. The words which, in Havercamp, close this description of the Syrtes, " Syrtes ab tracui nominate," and which Gruter and Putschius suspected not to be Sallust's, Cortius omitted : and his example has been followed by M tiller and Bur- nouf ; Gerlach, Kritzins, and Dietsch, have retained them. Gerlach, how- ever, thinks them a gloss, though they are found in every manuscript but one. 14 Almost at the extremity of Africa] Prove in extrema Africa. " By - trema Africa Gerlach rightly understands the eastern part of Africa, bor- dering on Egypt, and at a great distance from Nurnidia. Kritzius. 15 The language alone] Lingua modo. 11 From the king's dominions] Ah imperio regis. " Understand Masin- issa's, Micipsa's, or Jugurtha's." Burnovf. THE JUGURTHINE -WAR. 159 and singular- Act of two Carthaginians, Avhich the place has brought to my recollection. At the time when the Carthaginians were masters of the greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a great and powerful people. The territory that lay betwcem them was sandy, and of a uniform appearance, without a stream or a hill to determine their respective boundaries ; a circumstance which involved them in a severe and protracted war. After armies and fleets had been routed and put to flight on both sides, and each people had greatly weakened their opponents, fea ing lest some third party should attack both victors and vanquished in. a state of exhaustion, they came to an agreement, during a short cessation of arms, " that on a certain day deputies should leave home on either side, and that the spot where they should meet should be the common boundary between the two states." From Carthage, accordingly, were dispatched two brothers, who were named Philseni," and who traveled with great expedi- tion. The deputies of the Cyrenians proceeded more slowly ; but whether from indolence or accident I have not been in- formed. However, a storm of wind in these deserts will cause obstruction to passengers not less than at sea ; for when a vio- lent blast, sweeping over a level surface devoid of vegetation, 18 raises the sand from the ground, it is driven onward with great force, and fills the mouth and eyes of the traveler, and thus, by hindering his view, retards his progress. The Cyraniaa deputies, finding that they had lost ground, and dreading punishment at home for their mismanagement, accused the 17 LXXIX. Philseni] The account of these Carthaginian brothers with a Greek name, Moors, is but lightly regarded; for every man has as ma - y wives as he pleases, in proportion to his ability to maint; in them ; some ten, others more, but the kings most of all. Thus the affection of the husband is divided among a multitude ; no one of them becomes a companion to him, 2 " but all are equally neglected. LXXXI. The two kings, with their armies, 2 * met in a place settled by mutual agreement, where, after pledges of amity were given and. received, Jugurtha inflamed the mind of Bocchus by observing " that the Romans were a lawless people, of insatiable covetousness, and the common enemies of mankind ; that they had the same motive for making war on Bocchus as on himself and other nations, the lust of dominion ; that all independent states were objects of hatred to them ; at present, for instance, himself; a little before, the Carthaginians had been so, as well as king Perses ; and that, in future, as any sovereign became conspicuous for his power, so would he assuredly be treated zs an enemy by the Romans." Induced by "these and similar considerations, they deter- mined to march against Cirta, where Metellus had deposited his plunder, prisoners, and baggage. Jugurtha supposed that, if he took the city, there would be ample recompense for his ex- ertions ; or that, if the Roman general came to succor his ad- herents, he would have the opportunity of engaging him in the field. He also hastened this movement from policy, to lessen Bocchus's chance of peace ; 24 lest, if delay should be allowed, he should decide upon something different from war. LXXXII. Metellus, when he heard of the confederacy of the kings, did not rashly, or in every place, give opportunities of fighting, as he had been used to do since Jugurtha had been so grown up son, Volux, c. 105. Castilioneus and Cortius, therefore, saw the necessity of reading Bocchi, and other editors have followed them, except Gerlach, " who," says Kritzius, " has given Bocchi in his larger, and Boccha in his smaller and more recent edition, in order that readers using both may have an opportunity of making a choice." 22 No one of them becomes a companion to him] Nulla, pro socid obtinet. The use of obtinet absolutely, or with the word dependent on it understood, prevails chiefly among the later Latin writers. Livy, however, has fama obtinuit, xxi. 46. " The tyro is to be reminded," says Dietsch, " that vltintt is not the same as habetttr, but is always for locum obtinet." 93 LXXXI. The two kings, with their armies] The text has only exer- citus. 34 To lessen Bocchus's chance of peace] Boccki pacem imminuere. He wished to engage Bocchus in some act of hostility against the Romans, sc as to render any coalition between them impossible. 1G2 SALLUST. often defeated, but, fortifying his camp, awaited the approach of the kings at no great distance from Cirta ; thinking it better, when he should have learned something of the Moors, 25 as they were new enemies in the field, to give battle on an advantage. In the mean time he was informed, by letters from Rome, that the province of Numidia was assigned to Marius, of whoso election to the consulship he had already heard. Being affected at these occurrences beyond what was proper and decorous, he could neither restrain his tears nor govern his tongue ; for though he was a man eminent in other re- spects, he had too little firmness in bearing trouble of mind. His irritation was by s"ome imputed to pride ; others said th?.t a noble spirit was wounded by insult ; ma"hy thought him cha- grined because victory, just attained, was snatched from his grasp. But to me it is well known that he was more troubled at the honor bestowed on Marius than at the injustice done to himself; and that he would have shown much less uneasiness if the province of which he was deprived had been given to any other than Marius. LXXXIII. Discouraged, therefore, by such a mortification, and thinking it folly to promote another man's success at his own hazard, he sent deputies to Bocchus, entreating him " not to become an enemy to the Romans without cause ;" and ob- serving " that he had a fine opportunity of entering into friend- ship and alliance with them, which were far preferable to war ; that though he might have confidence in his resources, he ought not to change certainties for uncertainties ; that a war was easily begun, but discontinued with difficulty ; that its commencement and conclusion were not dependent on the same party ; that any one, even a coward, might commence hos- tilities, but that they could be broken off only when the con- queror thought proper ; and that he should therefore consult for his interest and that of his kingdom, and not connect his own prosperous circumstances with the ruined fortunes of Ju- gurtha." To these representations the king mildly answered, " that he desired peace, but felt compassion for the condition of Jugurtha, to whom if similar proposals were made, all would easily be arranged." Metellus, in reply to this request of 26 LXXXII. Should have learned something of the Moors] Cognitis Mauris, i. e. after knowing something of the Moors, and not before. Gognitie mUitibus is used in the same way in c. 39 ; and Dietsch says that amicitia Jugurfkae, pew-urn cognita is for nondum cognita, c. 14. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 103 Bocchus, sent deputies with overtures, of which the king {Ap- proved some, and rejected others. Thus, in sending messen- gers to and fro, the time passed away, and the war, accord- ing to the consul's desire, was protracted without being ad- vanced. LXXXIV. Marius, who, as I said before, had been made consul with great eagerness on the part of the populace, began, though he had always been hostile to the patricians, to inveigh against them, after the people gave him the province of Nu- inidia, with great frequency and violence ; he attacked them sometimes individually and sometimes in a body ; he said that he had snatched from them the consulship as spoils from van- quished enemies ; and uttered other remarks laudatory to him- self and offensive to them. Meanwhile he made the provision for the war his chief object ; he asked for reinforcements for the legions ; he sent for auxiliaries from foreign states, kings, and allies ; he also enlisted all the bravest men from Latium, most of whom were known to him by actual service, some few only by report, and induced, by earnest solicitation, even discharged veterans"' to accompany him. Nor did the sen- ate, though adverse to him, dare to refuse him any thing; the additions to the legions they had voted even with eagerness, because military service was thought to be un- popular with the multitude, and Marius seemed likely to lose either the means of warfare, 37 or the favor of the people. But such expectations were entertained in vain, so ardent was the desire of going with Marius that had seized on almost all. Every one cherished the fancy 28 that he should return home laden with spoil, crowned with victory, or attended with some similar good fortune. Marius himself, too, had excited them in no small degree by a speech ; for, when all that he required was granted, and he was anxious to commence a levy, he called an assembly of the people, as well to encourage them to enlist, as to inveigh, according to his practice, against the nobility, lie spoke, on the occasion, as follows : LXXXV. " I am aware, my fellow-citizens, that most men 2 LXXXIV. Discharged veterans] Homines enteritis stipendiis. Soldiers who had completed their term of service. -~ Means of warfare] Usum belli. That is ea qwKlelli usmposeeret, troops and supplies. 28 Cherished the fancy] Animis trahebant. " Trdhere anvmo is always to revolve in the mind, not to let the thought of a tiling escape from the mind." Kritzim, 164 SALLUSX. do not appear as candidates before you for an office, and con- duct themselves in it when they have obtained it, under the same character ; that they are at first industrious, humble, and modest, but afterward lead a life of indolence and arrogance. But to me it appears that the contrary should be the case ; for r.s the whole state is of greater consequence than the single office of consulate or praetoi ship, so its interests ought to bo managed 29 with greater solicitude than these magistracies are sought. Nor am I insensible how great a weight of business I am, through your kindness, called upon to sustain. To mako preparations for war, and yet to be sparing of the treasui y ; to press those into the service whom I am unwilling to oft'end ; to direct every thing at home and abroad ; and to discharge these duties when surrounded by the envious, the hostile, 30 and the factious, is more difficult, my fellow-citizens, than is generally imagined. In addition to this, if others fail in their undertak- ings, their ancient rank, the heroic actions of their ancestors, the power of their relatives arid connections, their numerous dependents, are all at hand to support them ; but as for me, my whole hopes rest upon myself, which I must sustain by good conduct and integrity ; for all other means are unavailing. " I am sensible, too, my fellow-citizens, that the eyes of all men are turned upon me ; that the just and good favor me, as my services are beneficial to the state, but that the nobility seek occasion to attack me. I must therefore use the greater exertion, that you may not be deceived in me, 31 and that their views may be rendered abortive. I have led such a life, indeed, from my boyhood to the present hour, that I am familiar with every kind of toil and danger ; and that exertion, which, before your kindness to me, I practiced gratuitously, it is not my in- tention to relax after having received my reward. For those who have pretended to be men of worth only to secure their election, 32 it may be difficult to conduct themselves properly in 29 LXXXV. Its interests ought to be managed, etc.] Najcrre cur a ittam administrari quam hcec petl deoere. Cortius injudiciously omits the word illam. No one has followed him but Allen. 30 Hostile] Occursantis. Thwarting, opposing. 81 That yon may not be deceived in me] Ut neque DOS capiamini. " This verb is undoubtedly used in this passage for aecipere. Compare Tibull. Eleg. iii. 6, 45 : Nee vos aut capuint pendentia brachia cotto, Autjattat llandd sordida tingua prece. Cic. Acad. iv. 20 : Sapientis vim maximum esse cavere, ne camaiur" Gerlach. 38 To secure their election] Per ambitionem. Ambire is to canvass for votes ; to court the favor of the people. THE JUGURTHINB WAR. 165 office ; but to me, who have passed my whole life in the most honorable occupations, to act well has from habit become nature. " You have commanded me to carry on the war against Ju- gurtha ; a commission at which the nobility are highly offend- ed. Consider with yourselves, I pray you, whether it would be a change for the better, if you were to sand to this, or to any other such appointment, one of yonder crowd of nobles, 33 a man of ancient family, of innumerable statues, and cf no mili- tary experience ; in order, forsooth, that in so important an office, and being ignorant of every thing connected with it, he may exhibit hurry and trepidation, and select one of the people to instruct him in his duty. For so it generally happens, that he whom you hrive chosen to direct, seeks another to direct him. 1 know some, my fellow-citizens, who, after they have been elected 5 ' consuls, have begun to read the acts of their an- cestors, and the military precepts of the Greeks; persons who invert the ordc-r of things ; 3a for though to discharge the duties of the office'"' is posterior, in point of time, to election, it is, in reality and practical importance, prior to it. " Compare now, my fellow-citizens, me, who am a new man, with those haughty nobles. 37 What they have but heard or read, I have witnessed or performed. What they have learned from books, I have acquired in the field ; and whether deeds or words are of greater estimation, it is for you to consider. " Of yonder crowd of nobles] Ex iMo globo nobilitatis. Itto. cf/mf. s * I know some who after they have been elected, etc.] " At whom Marias directs this observation, it is impossible to tell. Gerlach, referring to Cic. Quaest. Acad. ii. 1, 2, thinks that Lucullus is meant. But if he sup- poses that Lucnllus was present to the mind of Marius when he spoke, he is eirregiously deceived, for Marius was forty years antecedent to Lucullus. It is possible, however, that Sallust, thinking of Lucullus when he wrote Marius's speech, may have fallen into an anachronism, and have attributed to Marius, whoso character he had assumed, an observation which might justly have been made in his own day." Kritzius. 25 Persons who invert the order of things] Homines prxposteri. Men who do that lust which should be done first. For though to discharge thedutie* of the office, etc.] Nam gerere, qwim fieri, tempnre poKieriux, reatquevsu print; est. With gerere is to be nudcr- TT) order to speaking and voting, but prior and superior in effect." 57 With those lisiivjlity iioblcsj Urm illomm sujxrbui. Virtus Sciyi ^ mitij sa/jic/ttui L<.di. 166 SALLUST. They despise my humbleness of birth ; I contemn their im- becility. My condition 38 is made an objection to me ; their mis- conduct is a reproach to them. The circumstance of birth, 39 indeed, I consider as one and the same to all ; but think that he who best exerts himself is the noblest. And could it be inquired of the fathers, 40 of Albinus and Bestia, whether they would rather be the parents of them or of me, what do you suppose that they would answer, but that they would wish the most deserving to be their offspring ? If the patricians justly despise me, let them also despise their own ancestors, whose nobility, like mine, had its origin in merit. They envy me the honor that I have received ; let them also envy me the toils, the abstinence, 41 and the perils, by which I obtained that honor. But they, men eaten up with pride, live as if they disdained all the distinctions that you can bestow, and yet sue for those dis- tinctions as if they had lived so as to merit them. Yet those are assuredly deceived, who expect to enjoy, at the same time, things so incompatible as the pleasures of indolence and the re- wards of honorable exertion. 42 " When they speak before you, or in the senate, they occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ances- 88 My condition} Miliifortuna. " That is, my lot, or condition, in which I was born, in which I had no hand in producing." Diebsch. 39 The circumstance of birth, etc.] Naturam unam et communcm omnium existumo. " Nascendi sortem" is the explanation which Dietsch gives to naturam. One man is born as well as another, but the difference Between men is made by their different modes of action ; a difference which the nobles falsely suppose to proceed from fortune. " Voltaire, Mohammed, Act. I., sec. iv., has expressed the sentiment of Sallust exactly : Les mortels sont egaux, ce n'est point ia naissance, C'est la scule vertu qui liiit leur difference." Burnouf. < And could it be inquired of the fathers, etc.] Ac, si jam ex patribus Alibini aut Bestue quceri posset, etc. Patres, in this passage, is not, as Anthoii imagines, the same as majores ; as is apparent from the word giffni. The fathers of Albinus and Bestia were prob'ably dead at the time that Marius spoke. The passage which Anthon quotes from Plutarch to illustrate patres, is not applicable, for the word there is Trpoyovoi : 'QirvvBuvero rui> Trapov- TUV, ei fifi Koi rovf l/ieivuv OIOVTO.I irpoyovov^ UVTU pi~/.7.oi> dv l/j.!-aa8ai irapaTTArjaiovc tKyvvovf uTro/UJreiv, arc o>) fj,r'/f>' uurovf 61' tvytveiav, u/lA' tin' 1 dpfrr/f Kal KO.AUV iip-yuv Ivdo^ovf yevop.evov<;. Vit. Mar. c. 9. "He would then ask the people whether they did not think that the ancestors of those men would have wished rather to leave a posterity like him, since they themselves had not risen to glory by their high birth, but by their Tirtue and heroic achievements ?" Laiujlwrne. 41 Abstinence] Innocentice. Abstinence from all vicious indulgence. Honorable exertion] Virlutls. Sec notes on Cat. c. 1, and Jug. c. 1. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. utf tors ;" for, they suppose that, by recounting the heroic deeds of their forefathers, they render themselves more illustrious. But the reverse of this is the case ; for the more glorious were the lives of their ancestors, the more scandalous is their own inaction. The truth, indeed, is plainly this, that the glory of ancestors sheds a light on their posterity, 44 which sutlers neither their virtues nor their vices to be concealed. Of this light, my fel- low-citizens, I have no share ; but I have, what confers much more distinction, the power of relating my own actions. Con- sider, then, how unreasonable they are ; what they claim to themselves for the merit of others, they will not grant to me for my own ; alleging, forsooth, that I have no statues, and that my distinction is newly-acquired ; but it is surely better to have acquired such distinction myself than to bring disgrace on that received from others. " I am not ignorant, that, if they were inclined to reply to me, they would make an abundant display of eloquent and artful language. Yet, since they attack both you and myself, on occasion of the great favor which you have conferred upon me, I did not think proper to be silent before them, lest any one should construe my forbearance into a consciousness of demerit. As for myself, indeed, nothing that is said of me, I feel assured, 45 can do me injury ; for what is true, must of ne- cessity speak in my favor ; what is false, my life and character will refute. But since your judgment, in bestowing on me so distinguished an honor and so important a trust, is called in question, consider, I beseech you, again and again, whether you are likely to repent of what you have done. I can not, to raise your confidence in me, boast of the statues, or triumphs, or consulships of my ancestors ; but, if it be thought necessary, 43 They occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their an- cestors] Pleraque oratwne majores sues extottunt. "They extol their ances- tors in the greatest part of their speech." <* The glory of ancestors sheds a light on their posterity] Juvenal, viii. ll *tQ -Lt>o Incipit ipsornm contra te stare parentum Nobilitas, claramque facem praeferre pudendis. Thy fathers' virtues, clear and bright, display Thy shameful deeds, as with the light of day. 44 I feel assured] Ex animi sententia. It was a common form of btrong asseveration." Gerlach. 168 SALLUST. I can show you spears, 46 a banner, 47 caparisons 48 for horses, and other military rewards ; besides the scars of wounds on my breast. These are my statues ; this is my nobility ; honors, not left, like theirs, by inheritance, but acquired amid innumerable toils and dangers. " My speech, they say, is inelegant ; but that I have ever thought of little importance. Worth sufficiently displays it- self; it is for my detractors to use studied language, that they may palliate base conduct by plausible words. Nor have I learned Greek ; for I had no wish to acquire a tongue that adds nothing to the valor 40 of those who teach it. But I have gained other accomplishments, such as are of the utmost bene- fit to a state ; I have learned to strike down an enemy ; to be vigilant at my post ; 50 to fear nothing but dishonor; to bear cold and heat with equal endurance ; to sleep on the ground ; 4 * Spears] Hastas. " A Tiasta pura, that is a spear without iron, was anciently the reward of a soldier the first time that lie conquered in battle, Serv. ad Virg. Mi\. vi. 760 ; it was afterward given to one who had struck down an enemy in a sally or skirmish, Lips, ad Polyb. do Milit. Kom. v. 17." Burnouf. 47 A banner] Vexillum. " Standards were also military rewards. Vo- piscus relates that ten hastce puree, and four standards of two colors, were presented to Aurelian. Suetonius (Aug. 25) says that Agrippa was pre- sented by Augustus, after his naval victory, with a standard of the color of the sea. These standards therefore, were not, as Badius Ascensius thinks, always taken from the enemy ; though this was sometimes the case, as ap- pears from Sil. Ital. x-v. 261 : Tune hasta viris, tune martia cuique Vexilla, ut meritum, et prsedas libamina, dantur." Burnouf. Caparisons] Phaleras. " Sil. Ital. xv. 255 : Plialeris hie pectora fulget : Hie torque aurato circumdat bellica colla. Juvenal, xv. 60 : Utlaeti phaleris omnes et torquibus omnes. These passages show that phalerce, a name for the ornaments of horses, were also decorations of men ; but they differed from the torques, or collars, in this respect, that the phalerce hung down over the breast, and the torques only encircled the neck. See Lips, ad 1'olyb. de Milit. Kom. v. 17." Burnouf. " Valor] Virtuiem. " The Greeks, those illustrious instructors of the world, had not been able to preserve their liberty ; their learning therefore had not added to their valor. Virtus, in this passage, is evidently fortitudo ?>gUica, which, in the opinion of Marius, was the only virtue." Burnouf. See Plutarch, Vit. Mar. c. 2. 50 To be vigilant at my post] Prasidia agUare. Or "to keep guard nt ray post." " Prawidia, agitare signifies nothing more than to protect a party of foragers or the baggage, or to keep guard round a besieged city." vortius. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 169 and to sustain at the same time hunger and fatigue. And with such rules of conduct I shall stimulate my soldiers, not treating them with rigor and myself with indulgence, nor making their toils my glory. Such a mode of commanding is at once useful to the state, and becoming to a citizen. For to coerce your troops with severity, while you yourself live at ease, is to be a tyrant, not a general. " It was by conduct such as this, my fellow-citizens, that your ancestors made themselves and the republic renowned. Our nobility, relying on their forefathers' merits, though totally different from them in conduct, disparage us who emulate their virtues ; and demand of you every public honor, as due, not to their personal merit, but to their high rank. Arrogant pre- tenders, and utterly unreasonable ! For though their ancestors left them all that was at their disposal, their riches, their statues, and tlu-ir glorious names, they left them not, nor could -leave them, their virtue ; which alone, of all their possessions, could neither be communicated nor received. " They reproach me as being mean, and of unpolished man- ners, because, forsooth, I have but little skill in arranging an entertainment, and keep no actor, 51 nor give my cook" higher wages than my steward ; all which charges I must, indeed, acknowledge to be just ; for I learned from my father, and other venerable characters, that vain indulgences belong to women, and labor to men ; that glory, rather than wealth, 51 Keep no actor] Histri&ncm nuttvm Jiabeo. " Luxuries peregrinse origo ab exercitu Asiatico (Manlii sc. Vulsonis, A.U.C. 563) invecta in urbem est. * * * Turn psaltria sumbucistriaeqne, et convivalia ludivnum oblectamentay. nddita epulis." Liv. xxxix. 6. "By this army returning from Asia was the origin of foreign luxury imported into the city. * * * At entertain- ments were introduced players ou the harp and timbrel, with buffoon* for the diversion of the guests." Baker. Protessor Anthon, who quotes thia passage, says that Idsirio " here denotes a buffoon kept for the amusement of the company." But such is not the meaning of the word hlstrio. It signifies one who in some way acted, either by dancing and gesticulation, or by reciting, perhaps to the music of the sambuciistr'ux or other minstrels. See Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Ant. Art. Histrio, sect. 2. Scheller's Lex. sub. w. Ifistrio, Ludio, and Salto. The emperors had whole com- panies of actors, Jiistrwnet a-ulici, for their private amusement. Suetonius says of Augustus (c. 74) that at feasts he introduced acroamata et histriones. See also Spartian. Had. c. 19 ; Jul. Capitol. Ferns, c. 8. 62 My cook] Coquum. Livy, in the passage just cited from him, adds turn coqmi-t rU if si mum antiqms niancipium, et Cfstimatione et KSU inpretio es-^e ; et quf'd ministerivmfuerat, ar-< 7, his country. For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mor- 3 Avarice, inexperience, and arrogance] Avaritiam, imperiliam, superbiam. " The President De Brosses and Dotteville have observed, that Marius, in these words, makes an allusion to the characters of all the generals that had preceded him, noticing at once the avarice of Calpurnius, the inexperience of Albinus, and the pride of Metellus." Le Brun. THE JUGURTHINE WAR 171 tals ; 54 nor has any parent wished for his children" that they might live forever, but rather that they might act in life with virtue and honor. I would add more, my fellow-citizens, if words could give courage to the faint-hearted ; to the brave I think that I have said enough." LXXXVL After having spoken to this effect, Marius, when he found that the minds of the populace were excited, imme- diately freighted vessels with provisions, pay, arms, and other necessaries, and ordered Aulus Maulius, his lieutenant- general, to set sail with them. He himself, in the mean time, proceeded to enlist soldiers, not after the ancient method, or from the classes, 58 but taking all that were willing M For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals] Etenim ignavia nemo immortal^ foetus. Th'e English translators have rendered this phrase as if they supposed the sense to be, " No man has gained immortal renown by inaction." But this is not the signification. What Marius means, is, that no man, however cautiously and timidly he may avoid danger, h-iK prolonged his life to immortality. Taken in this sense, the words have their proper connection with what immediately follows : neque guisquam parent lifart^ /t+i aft/'iiiforent, optavit. The sentiment is the same as in tho verse of Horace : Mors et fuyacem persequitur virum : or in these lines of Tyrtaeus: 'On yap Kuf Ouvarov ye c/vyelv eifiapfievov ICTTIV 'A.v6p', bvti 1 fjv irpoyovuv i] yevof dOavdruv TLo2.Xa.Ki 6ijioTt)Ta (pvyuv KOI dov~ov UKOVTUV 'Epxe~ai, iv 6' OIKU [totpa K'I^EV davarov. To none, 'mong men, escape from death is giv'n, Thongh sprung from deathless habitants of heav'n : Him that has fled the battle's threatening sound, The silent foot of late at home has found. The French translator, Le Brim, has given the right sense: "Jamais la lachete n'a preserve de la inert;" and Durean Delumalle : "Pouretreun lache, on n'en serait pas plus immortel." Ignavia is properly inaction ; but here signifies a timid shrinking from danger. 44 Nor has any parent wished for his children, etc.] 'Ov yap uOavuTovf aiai TrortJaf iv^ovrai yrviadai, J/i/.' uyadovs nal tvicfaeif. " Men do not pray that they may have children that will never die, but such as will be jjoo'd and honorable." Plato, Menex. 20. " This speech, differing from the other speeches in Sallust both in words find thoughts, conveys a clear notion of that fierce and objurgatory eloquence h was natural to the rude manners and bold character of Marius. It is . >i>v-eeh which can not be called polished and modulated, but mnst rather rined rough and ungraceful. The phraseology is of an antique cast, >mc of the words coar>e. * * * But it is animated and fervid, rushing on like a torrent ; and by language of such a character and struc- t i;r<, the nature and manners of Marius are excellently represented.'' Ger- 44 LXXXVT. Not after the ancient method, or from the classes] 3wi, more nuj.ir.un, n^que ex d&ssibus. By the regulation of Scrvius Tulliua, who di- 172 SALLUST. to join him, and the greater part from the lowest ranks. Some said that this was done from a scarcity of better men, and others from the consul's desire to pay court" to the poorer class, because it was by that order of men that he had been honored and promoted; and, indeed, to a man grasping at power, the most needy are the most serviceable, persons to Avhorn their property (as they have none) is not an object of care, and to whom every thing lucrative appears honorable. Setting out, accordingly, for Africa, with a somewhat larger force than had been decreed, he arrived in a few days at Utica. The command of the army was resigned to him by Publius Eutilius, Metullus's lieutenant-general ; for Metullus himself avoided the sight of Marius, that he might not see what he could not even endure to hear mentioned. LXXXVII. Marius, having filled up his legions 58 and aux- iliary cohorts, marched into a part of the country which was fertile and abundant in spoil, where, whatever he captured, he gave up to his soldiers. lie then attacked such fortresses or towns as were ill defended by nature or with troops, and ventured on several engagements, though only of a light char- acter, in different places. The new recruits, in process of time, began to join in an encounter without fear ; they saw that such as fled were taken prisoners or slain ; that the bravest were the safest ; that liberty, their country, and parents, 59 are defended, and glory and riches acquired, by arms. Thus the new and old troops soon became as one body, and the courage of all was rendered equal. The two kings, when they heard of the approach of Marius,. retreated, by separate routes, into parts that were difficult of vided the Koman people into six classes, the highest class consisting of the wealthiest, and the others decreasing downward in regular gradation, none of the sixth class, who were not considered as having any fortune, but were capita ctnsi, "rated by the head," were allowed to enlist in the army. The enlistment of the lower order, commenced, it is paid, by Marius, tended to debase the army, and to render it a fitter tool for the purposes of unprin- cipled commanders. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 10. 07 Desire to pay court] Per amlntionem. 68 LXXXVII. Having filled up his legions, etc.] Their numbers had been thinned in actions with the enemy, and Metellus perhaps took home some part of the army which did not return to it. 69 Their country and parents, etc.] Patriam parenteaque, etc. Sallust means to say that the soldiers would Bee such to be the general effect and result of vigorous warfare; not that they had any country or parents to protect in Numidia. But the observation has very much of the rhetorician in it. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 173 access; a plan which had been proposed by Jugurtlia, who hoped that, in a short time, the enemy might be attacked when dispersed over the country, supposing that the Roman soldiers, like the generality of troops, would be less careful and observant of discipline when the fear of danger was removed. LXXXVIII. Metellus, meanwhile, having taken his de- parture for Rome, was received there, contrary to his expecta- tion, with the greatest feelings of joy, being equally welcomed, since public prejudice had subsided, by both the people and the patricians. Marius continued to attend, with equal activity and pru- dence, to his own affairs and those of the enemy. He observed what would be advantageous, or the contrary, to either party ; he watched the movements of the kings, coun- teracted their intentions and stratagems, and allowed no re- missness in his own army, and no security in that of the enemy. He accordingly attacked and dispersed, on several occasions, the Getulians and Jugurtha on their march, as they were carrying off spoil from our allies ; 80 and he obliged the king himself, near the town of Cirta, to take flight with- out his amis." But finding that such enterprises merely gained him honor, without tending to terminate the war, he resolved on investing, one after another, all the cities, which, by the strength of their garrisons or situation, were best suited either to support the enemy, or to resist himself; so that Jugurtha Avould either be deprived of his fortresses, if he suffered them to be taken, or be forced to come to an engagement in their defense. As to Bocchus, he had fre- quently sent messengers to Marius, saying that he desired the friendship of the Roman people, and that the consul need fear no act of hostility from him. But whether ho merely dissembled, with a view to attack us unexpectedly with greater effect, or whether, from fickleness of disposition he habitually wavered between war and peace, was never fairly ascertained. LXXXIX. Marius, as he had determined, proceeded to LXXXVIII. From our allies] Ex sodis nostris. The people of the province. 61 Obliged the king himself to take flight without his arms] Ipwmq'i* regem armis exuerat. He attacked Jugurtlia BO suddenly and vigorously that he was compelled to flee, leaving his arms behind him. 174 SALLUST. attack Iho fortified towns and places of" strength, and to detach them, partly by force, and partly by threats or offers of reward, from the enemy. His operations in this way, however, were at first but moderate; for he expected that Jugurtha, to protect his subjects, would soon come to an engagement. But finding that he kept at a distance, and was intent on other affairs, he thought it was time to enter upon something of greater importance and difficulty. Amuf the vast deserts there lay a great and strong city, named Capsa, the founder of which is said to have been the Libyan Hercules. 02 Its inhabitants were exempted from taxes by Jugurtha, and under mild government, and were consequently regarded as the most faithful of his subjects. They were defended against enemies, not only by walls, magazines of arms, and bodies of troops, but still more by the difficulty of ap- proaching them ; for, except the parts adjoining the walls, all the surrounding country is waste and uncultivated, destitute of water, and infested with serpents, whose fierceness, like that of other wild animals, is aggravated by want of food ; while the venom of such reptiles, deadly in itself, is exacer- bated by nothing so much as by thirst. Of this place Marius conceived a strong desire 03 to make himself master, not only from its importance for the war, but because its capture seemed an enterprise of difficulty ; for Metellus had gained great glory by taking Thala, a town similarly situated and fortified ; except that at Thala there were several springs near the walls, while the people of Capsa had only one run- ning stream, and that within the town, all the water which they used beside being rain-water. But this scarcity, both here and in other parts of Africa, where the people live rudely and remote from the sea, was endured with the greater ease, as the inhabitants subsist mostly on milk and wild beasts' flesh, 64 and use no salt, or other provocatives of 81 LXXXIX. The Libyan Hcrcxiles] Hercules Libya. " He is one of the forty and more whom Varro mentions, and who, it is probable, were leaders of trading expeditions or colonies. See supra, c. 18. A Libyan Hercules is mentioned by Solinus. xxvii." Burnovf. 83 Marius conceived a strong desire] Marium maxima cupido invaserat. " A strong desire had seized Marius." 84 Wild beasts' flesh] Ferina came. Almost all our translators have ren- dered this " venison." But the Africans lived on the flesh of whatever beasts they took in the chase. THE JUGTTRTHINE WAR. 175 appetite, their food being merely to satisfy hunger or thirst, an 1 not to encourage luxury or excess. XC. The consul, 96 having made all necessary investiga- tions, and relying, I suppose, on the gods (for against such difficulties he could not well provide by his own forethought, a.-; he was also straitened for want of corn, because the Nu- midians apply more to pasturage than agriculture, and had conveyed, by the king's order, whatever corn had been raised into fortified places, while the ground at the time, it being l the end of summer, was parched and destitute of vegetation), yet, under the circumstances, conducted his arrangements with great prudence. All the cattle, which had been taken for some days previous, he consigned to the care 68 of the auxiliary cavalry; and directed Aulus Manlius, his lieu- tenant-general, to proceed with the light-armed cohorts to the town of Lares, 67 where he had deposited provisions and pay for the army, telling him that, after plundering the country, he would join him there in a few days. Having by this means concealed his real design, he proceeded toward the river Tana. XCI. On his march he distributed daily, to each division of the infantry and cavalry, an equal portion of the cattle, and gave orders that water-bottles should be made of their hides ; thus compensating, at once, for the scarcity of corn, and providing, while all remained ignorant of his intention, utensils which would soon be of service. At the end of six clays, accordingly, when he arrived at the river, a large number of bottles had been prepared. Having pitched his camp, with a slight fortification, he ordered his men to take refreshment, and to be ready to resume their march at sunset ; and, having laid aside all their baggage, to load themselves and their beasts only with water. As soon as it seemed time, he quitted the camp, and, after marching the whole night,' 8 encamped again. * XC. The consul, etc.] Here is a long and awkward parenthesis. I have adhered to the construction of the original. The "vet," tamen, that fol- lows the parenthesis, refers to the matter included in it. 68 He consigned to the care, etc.] Equitibm auxiliariis agendum attribuit. " He gave to be driven by the auxiliary cavalry." 87 The town of Lares] 'Oppidum Laris. Cortius seems to have been right in pronouncing Laris to bo an accusative plural. Gerlach observes that Lares occurs in the Itinerary of Antonius and in St. Augustine, Adv. Donatist., vi. 28. 48 XCI. After marching the whole night] He seems to have marched iu the night for the sake of coolness,. 176 SALLUST The same course he pursued on the following night, and on the third, long before dawn, he reached a hilly spot of ground, not more than two miles distant from Capsa, where he waited, as secretly as possible, with his whole force. But when daylight appeared, and many of the Numidians, having no apprehensions of an enemy, went forth out of the town, he suddenly ordered all the cavalry, and with them the lightest of the infantry, to hasten forward to Capsa, and secure the gates. He himself immediately followed, with the utmost ardor, restraining his men from plunder. When the inhabitants perceived that the place was surprised, their state of consternation and extreme dread, the suddenness of the calamity, and the consideration that many of their fellow- citizens were without the walls in the power of the enemy, compelled them to surrender. The town, however, was burned ; of the Numidians, such as were of adult age, were put to the sword ; the rest were sold, and the spoil divided among the soldiers. This severity, in violation of the usages of war, was not adopted from avarice or cruelty in the consul, but was exercised because the place was of great advantage to Jugurtha, and difficult of access to us, while the inhabitants were a fickle and faithless race, to be influenced neither by kindness nor by terror. XCII. When Marius had achieved so important an enter- prise, without any loss to his troops, he who was great and honored before became still greater and still more honored. All his undertakings, 60 however ill-concerted, were regarded as proofs of superior ability ; his soldiers, kept under mild disci- pline, and enriched with spoil, extolled him to the skies ; the Numidians dreaded him as some thing more than human ; and all, indeed, allies as well as enemies, believed that he was either possessed of supernatural power, or had all things directed for him by the will of the gods. After his success in this attempt, he proceeded against other \ towns ; a few, where they offered resistance, he took by force ; a greater number, deserted in consequence of the wretched fate of Capsa, he destroyed by fire; and the whole country waa filled with mourning and slaughter. 88 XCII. All his undertakings, etc.] Omnia non bene cons-vita in mrtutem traJielant/ur. " All that he did rashly was attributed to his consciousness of extraordinary power." If they could not praise his prudence, they praised nis resolution and energy. THE JUiiTilTlliVE WAR. 177 Having at length gained possession of many places, and most of them without loss to his army, he turned his thoughts to another enterprise, which, though not of the same desperate character as that at Capsa, was yet not less difficult of execu- tion. 70 Not far from the river Mulucha, which divided the kingdoms of Jugurtha and Bocchus, there stood, in the midst of a plain, 71 a rocky hill, sufficiently broad at the top for a small fort ; it rose to a vast height, and had but one narrow ascent left open, the whole of it being as steep by nature as it could have been rendered by labor and art. This place, as there were treasures of the king in it, Marius directed his utmost eiforts to take. 73 But his views were furthered more by fortune than by his own contrivance. In the fortress there were plenty of men and arms for its defense, as well as an abundant store of pro- visions, and a spring of water ; while its situation was unfavor- able for raising mounds, towers, and other works ; and the road to it, used by its inhabitants, was extremely steep, with a preci- pice on either side. The vinea3 were brought up with great danger, and without effect ; for, before they were advanced any considerable distance, they were destroyed with fire or stones. And from the difficulties of the ground, the soldiers could neither stand in front of the works, nor act among the vineae, 73 without danger ; the boldest of them were killed or wounded, and the fear of the rest increased. XCIII. Marius having thus wasted much time and labor, 70 Difficult of execution] DiMcilem. There seemed to be as many impedi- ments to success as in the affair at Capsa, though the undertaking was not of so perilous a nature. 71 In the midst of a plain] Inter cceteram planitiem. By cateram he sig- nifies that the rest of the ground, except the part on which the fort stood, was plain and level. 74 Directed his utmost efforts to take] Summa, m capere intendit. It is to be observed that summa vi refers to intendit, not to capere. Summa, ope animum intendit ut caperet. '3 Among the vinese] Inter vineas. "Inter, for which Muller, from a con- jecture of Glareanus, substituted intra : is supported by all the manuscripts, and ought not to be altered, although intra would have been more exact, as the signification of inter is of greater extent, and includes that of intra. Inter is used when a thing is inclosed on each side ; intra, when it is inclosed on all sides. If the soldiers, therefore, are considered as surrounded with the finece, they should be described as intra vineas; but as there is no reason why they may not also be contemplated as being inclosed only laterally by the vinece, the phrase inter vineas may surely in that case be applied to them. Gronovius ana Drakenborch ad Liv., i. 10, have observed how often these propositions are interchanged when referred to time." Kritzius. On vinea, see c. 76. 8* 178 SALLUST. began seriously to consider whether he should abandon the attempt as impracticable, or wait for the aid of Fortune, whom he had so often found favorable. While he was revolving the matter in his mind, during several days and nights, in a state of much doubt and perplexity, it happened that a certain Ligurian, a private soldier in the auxiliary cohorts, 74 having gone out of the camp to fetch water, observed, near that part of the fort which was furthest from the besiegers, some snails brawling among the rocks, of which, when he had picked up one or two, and afterward more, he gradually proceeded, in his eagerness for collecting them, almost to the tcp of the hill. When he found this part deserted, a desire, incident to the human mind, of seeing what he had never seen, 75 took violent possession of him. A largo oak chanced to grow out among the rocks, at first, for a short distance, horizontally, 78 and then, as nature directs all vegetables, 77 turning and shooting upward. Raising himself sometimes on the boughs of this tree, and sometimes on the projecting rocks, the Ligurian, as all the Numidians were intently watching the besiegers, took a full survey of the platform of the fortress. Having observed whatever he thought it would afterward prove useful to know, he descended the same way, rot unobservantly, as he had gone up, but exploring 74 XCIII. A certain Lignrian in the auxiliary cohorts] The Ligurians were not numbered among the Italians or socli in the Koman army, but at- tached to it only as auxiliaries. 75 A desire of seeing what he had never seen] More kumani ingenii, cu- pidoignara visundi invadit. This is the reading of Cortius, to which M tiller and Allen adhere. Gerlach inserted in his text, More httmani ingeni, cupidio difficilia faciundi animum vortit; which Kritzius, Orelli, and Dietsch, nave adopted, and which Cortius acknowledged to be the reading of the generality of me manuscripts, except that they vary as to the last two words, some having animadwrtit. The sense of this reading will be, "the desire of doing something difficult, which is natural to the human mind, drewoif his thoughts from gathering snails, and led him to contemplate something of a more arduous character." But tho reading of Cortius gives BO much better a sense to the passage, that I have thought proper to follow it. Burnout', with Havercamp and the editions antecedent to Cortius, reads more humanca cvpidinis igncvra visitndi animum vortit, of which the first five words are taken from a quotation of Aulus Gellius, ix. 12, who, however, may have transcribed them from some other part of Sail list's works, now lost. 7t Horizontally] Prona. This word here signifies/bmw^, not downward, as Anthon and others interpret, for trees growing out of a rock or bank will not take a descending direction. 77 As nature directs all vegetables] Quo cuncta gignentium naturafert. It is to be observed that the construction is naturafert cuncta gignentium, for cuncta gignentia. On gignenlia, i. e. vegetable, or whatever produces any thing, see c. 79, and Cat., c. 53. TIIK JUGUKTTIINE WAR. 179 and noticing all the peculiarities of the path. He then hastened to Man us, acquainted him with what he had done, and urged him to attack the fort on that side where he had ascended, offering himself to lead the way and the attempt. Marius sent some of those about him, along with the Ligurian, to examine the practicability of his proposal, who, according to their several dispositions, reported the affair as difficult or easy. The consul's hopes, however, were somewhat encouraged ; and he accordingly selected, from his band of trumpeters and bugle-men, five of the most nimble, and with them four centurions for a guard ; 78 all of whom he directed to obey the Ligurian, appointing the next day for commencing the experiment. XCIV. When, according to their instructions, it seemed time to set out, the Ligurian, after preparing and arranging every thing, proceeded to the place of ascent. Those who commanded the centuries, 79 being previously instructed by the guide, had changed their arms and dress, having their heads and feet bare, that their view upward, and their progress among the rocks, 78 Four centnrions for a guard] Prasidio quiforent, quatuor centurio7j.es. It is a question among the commentators whether the centurions were at- tended by their centuries or not ; Cortius thinks that they were not, as ten men were sufficient to cause an alarm in the fortress, which was all that Marius desired. But that Cortius is in the wrong, and that there were com- mon soldiers with the centurions, appears from the following considera- tions : 1. Marius would hardly have Bent, or Sallust have spoken of, four men as a guard to six. 2. Why should centurions only have been selected, and not common soldiers as well as their officers ? 3. "An expression in the following chapter, laqueis quihus aUevati mttites facttlus escenderent, seems to prove that there were others present besides the centurions and the trum- peters. The word milites is indeed wanting in the text of Cortius, but ap- pears to have been omitted by him merely to favor his own notion as to the absence of soldiers, for he left it out, as Kritzius says, sitmmd libidine, ne uno quidem codlce assentiente, "purely of his own will, and without the au- thority of a single manuscript." Taking a fair view of the passage, we seem necessarilv led to believe that the centurions were attended by a portion, if not the whole, of their companies. See the fol'owinjj note. 79 XCIV. Those who commanded the centuries! Ilh qui centvriis prceerant. This is the rending of several manuscripts, and of almost all the editions before that of Kritzius, and may be tolerated if we suppose that the centu- rions were attended by their men, and that Sallust, in speaking of the chnnjro of dress, meant to include the men, although he specifies only the officer*. Yet it is difficult to conceive why Sallnst should have used such a periphrasis for centnrii'intx. Seven of the manuscripts, however, have qul adscensun erant, which Kritzius and Dietsch have adopted. Two have qui ex, centuriis prceerant. Allen, not unhappily, conjectures, qui pr&sidio erant. Cortius suspected the phrase, qui centuriis praerant, and thought it a transformation of the words qui adscensuris praerat, which somebody had written in the margin as an explanation of the following word duce, and which were after- ward altered and thrust into the text. 1 80 SALLUST. might be less impeded ; 80 their swords were slung behind them, as well as their shields, which were Numidian, and made of leather, both for the sake of lightness, and in order that, if struck against any object, they might make less noise. The Ligurian went first, and tied to the rocks, and whatever roots of trees projected through age, a number of ropes, by which the soldiers supporting themselves might climb with the greatest ease. Such as were timorous, from the extraordinary nature of the path, he sometimes pulled up by the hand; when the ascent was ex- tremely rugged, he sent them on singly before him without their arms, which he then carried up after them : whatever parts appeared unsafe, 81 he first tried them himself, and, by going up and down repeatedly in the same place, and then standing aside, he inspired the rest with courage to proceed. At length, after uninterrupted and harassing exertion they reached the for- tress, which, on that side, was undefended, for all the occupants, as on other days, were intent on the enemy i:i the opposite quarter. Though Marius had kept the attention of the Numidians, during the whole day, fixed on his attacks, yet, when he heard from his scouts how the Ligurian had succeeded, he animated his soldiers to fresh exertions, and he himself, advancing beyond the vinese, and causing a testudo to be formed," 2 came up close under the walls, annoying the enemy, at the same time, with his engines, archers, and slingers, from a distance. But the Nurnidians, having often before overturned and burned the vinese of the Romans, no longer confined themselves within the fortress, but spent day and night before the walls, railing at the Romans, upbraiding Marius with madness, threaten- ing our soldiers with being made slaves to Jugurtha, and exhibiting the utmost audacity on account of their successful defense. In the mean time, while both the Romans and Numi- dians were engaged in the struggle, the one side contending for glory and dominion, the other for their very existence, the * trumpets suddenly sounded a blast in the rear of the enemy, at 80 Progress might be less impeded] Nisus -facilvus foret. The adverb for the adjective. So in the speech of Adherbal. c. 14, ut tutihs essem. 81 Unsafe] Dubia nisu. " Not to be depended upon for support." Nlsu is the old dative for nisui. 8 Causing a testudo to be formed] Tesbudine act&. The soldiers placed their shields over their heads, and joined them close together, forming a de- fense like the shell of a tortoise. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 181 which the women and children, who had gone out to view the contest, were the first to flee ; next those who were nearest to the wall, and at length the whole of the Numidians, armed and unarmed, retreated within the fort. When this had happened, the Romans pressed upon the enemy with increased boldness, dispersing them, and at first only wounding the greater part, but afterward making their way over the bodies of those who fell, thirsting for glory, and striving who should be first to reach the wall ; not a single individual being detained by the plunder. Thus the rashness of Marius, rendered successful by fortune, procured him renown from his very error. XCV. During the progress of this affair, Lucius Sylla, Marius's quaestor, arrived in the camp with a numerous body of cavalry, which he had been left at Rome to raise among the Latins and allies. Of so eminent a man, since my subject brings him to my notice, I think it proper to give a brief account of the charac- ter and manners ; for I shall in no other place allude to his affairs ; 83 and Lucius Sisenna, 84 who has treated that subject the most ably and accurately of all writers, seems to me to have spoken with too little freedom. Sylla, then, was of patri- cian descent, but of a family almost sunk in obscurity by the degeneracy of his forefathers. He was skilled, equally and profoundly, in Greek and Roman literature. He was a man of large mind, fond of pleasure, but fonder of glory. His leisure was spent in luxurious gratifications, but pleasure never kept him from his duties, except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife. 85 He was eloquent 83 XCV. For I shall in no other place allude to his affairs] Neque enim alio loco de Suttee rebus dicturi svmus. These words show that SaDust, at this time, had not thought of -writing Histories, but that he turned his attention to that pursuit after he had finished the Jugurthine war. For that he Bpoke of Sylla in his large history is apparent from, several extant frag- ments of it, and from Plutarch, who quotes Sallust, Vit. Syll., c. 3." Krii- ziut. "* Lucius Sisenna] He wrote a history of the civil wars between Sylla and Marius, Veil. Paterc. ii. 9. Cicero alludes to his style as being jejune and puerile. Brut., c. 64, Do Legg. i. 2. About a hundred and fifty fragments of his history remain. M Except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife] Ni-si gvod de uxore potuit Jionevtius consult. As these words are va^ue and indeterminate, it is not agreed among the critics and translators to wliat part of Sylla's life Sallust refers. I suppose, with Rupertus, Aldus, Man- iitius, Crispinus. and De Brosses, that the allusion is to his connection with Valeria, of which the history is given by Plutarch in his life of Sylla, whicn 1 82 SALLUST. rind subtle, and lived on the easiest terms with his fri< mis."" His depth of thought in disguising his intentions, was incred- ible ; he was liberal of most things, but especially of money. And though he was the most fortunate* 7 of all men before his victory in the civil war, yet his fortune was never beyond his desert ; 88 and many have expressed a doubt whether his success or his merit were the greater. As to his subsequent acts, I know not whether more of shame or of regret must be felt at the recital of them. XCVI. When Sylla came with his cavalry into Africa, as has just been stated, and arrived at tfie camp of Marius, though he had hitherto been unskilled and undisciplined in the English reader may take in Langhorne's translation : " A few months after Metella's death, he presented the people with a show of gladiators ; and as, at that time, men and women had no separate places, but sat pro- miscuously in the theater, a woman of great beauty, and of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sylla. She was the daughter of Messala, and sister to the orator Horterisius ; her name was Valeria ; and she had lately been divorced from her husband. This woman, coming behind Sylla, touched him, and took off a little of the nap of his robe, and then returned to her place. Sylla looked at her, quite amazed at her familiarity, when she said, ' Wonder not, my lord, at what 1 have clone ; I had only a mind to share a little in your good fortune.' Sylla was fur from being displeased ; on the contrary, it appeared that he was fluttered very ugreeably, for he sent to ask her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then fol- lowed an interchange of amorous regards and smiles, which ended in aeon- tract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame. But Sylla, though he got a woman of reputation, and great accomplishments, yet came into the match upon wrong principles. Like a youth, he was caught witlj soft looks and languishing airs, things that are wont to excite the lowest of the passions." Others have thought that Sallust refers to Syllu's conduct on the death of his wife Metella, above mentioned, to whom, as she hap- pened to fall sick when he was giving an entertainment to the people, and as the priest forbade him to have his house defiled with death on the occa- sion, he unfeelingly sent a bill of divorce, ordciimr her to be carried out of the house while the breath was in her. Cortius, Kritz, and Laugius, think that the allusion is to Sylla's general faithlessness to his wives, for he had several ; as if Sallust had used the singular for the plural, uxore for ttxf/ri- bus, or revxoridf but if Sallust meant to ftllncle to more than one wife, why should he have restricted himiself to the s'ngulnr ? 86 Lived on the easiest terms with his friends] Facilis amicitid. The critics are in doubt about the sense of this phra?c. I have given that which Dietseh prefers, who says that a msuifacilis amicitid is " one who easily grants his iriends all that they desire, exacts little from them, and is no severe censor of their morals." Cortius explains Mfacilis ad amicitiam, and Facciolati, in his Lexicon, facile siln arnicas par ans, but theee interpretations, as Kritziua observes, are hardly suitable to the ablative case. * 7 Most fortunate] Iktttiewmo. Alluding, perhaps, to the title of Felix, which lie assumed after his great victory over Marius. 8 His desert] Industariam. Thut is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 183 the art of war, he became, in a short time, the most expert of the whole army. IL- was 1 Asides jiffuble to the soldiers; he conferred favors on many at their request, and on others of his own accord, and was reluctant to receive any in return. But he repaid other obligations more readily than those of a pecuniary nature ; he himself demanded repayment from no one ; but rather made it his object that as many as possible should be indebted to him. He conversed, jocosely as well as seriously, with the humblest of the soldiers ; he was their fre- quent companion at their works, on the march, and on guard. Nor did he ever, as is usual with depraved ambition, attempt to injure the character of the consul, or of any deserving per- son. His sole aim, whether in the council or the field, was to suffer none to excel him ; to most he was superior. By such conduct he soon became a favorite both with Marius and with the army. XCVII. Jugurtha, after he had lost the city of Capsa, and other strong and important places, as well as a vast sum of money, dispatched messengers to Bocchus, requesting him to bring his forces into Numidia as soon as possible, and stating that the time for giving battle was at hand. But finding that he hesitated, and was balancing the inducements to peaco and war, he again corrupted his confidants, as on a previous oc- casion, with presents, and promised the Moor himself a third part of Numidia, should either the Romans be driven from Africa, or the war brought to an end without any diminution of his own territories. Being allured by this offer, Bocchus joined Jugurtha with a large force. The armies of the kings being thus united, they attacked Marius, on his march to his winter quarters, when scarcely a tenth part of the day remained, 89 expecting that the night, which was now coming on, would be a shelter to them if they were beaten, and no impediment if they- should conquer, as they were well acquainted with the country, while either result would be worse for the Romans in the dark. At the very mo- ment, accordingly, that Marius heard from various quarters 90 of the enemy's approach, the enemy themselves were upon him, and before the troops could either form themselves or collect 89 XCVII. When scarcely a tenth part of the day remained] Vlx decima parte die reliqua. A remarkably exact specification of the time. 80 From various quarters] Ex, multis. From his scouts, who came in fronj all sides. 184 SALLUST. the baggage, before they could receive even a signal or an order, the Moorish and Getulian horse, not in line, or any regu- lar array of battle, but in separate bodies, as chance had united them, rushed furiously on our men ; who, though all struck with a panic, yet, calling to mind what they had done on former occasions, either seized their arms, or protected those who were looking for theirs, while some, springing on their horses, advanced against the enemy. But the whole conflict was more like a rencounter with robbers than a battle ; the horse and foot of the enemy, mingled together without stand- ards or order, wounded some of our men, and cut down others, and surprised many in the rear while fighting stoutly with those in front ; neither valor nor arms were a sufficient defense, the enemy being superior in numbers, and covering the field on all sides. At last the Eoman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war, 91 formed themselves, wherever the na- ture of the ground or chance allowed them to unite, in circular bodies, and thus secured on every side, and regularly drawn up, withstood the attacks of the enemy. XCVIII. Marius, in this desperate emergency, was not more alarmed or disheartened than on any previous occasion, but rode about with his troop of cavalry, which he had formed of his bravest soldiers rather than his nearest friends, in every quarter of the field, sometimes supporting his own men when giving way, sometimes charging the euemy where they were thickest, and doing service to his troops with his sword, since, in the general confusion, he was unable to command with his voice. The day had now closed, yet the barbarians abated nothing of their impetuosity, but, expecting that the night would be 81 The Eoman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war] The reading of Cortius is, Romwni veteres, novique, et ob ea sclentes belli ; which lie explains by supposing that the new recruits were joined with the veterans, and that both united were consequently well skilled in war, citing, in sup- port of his supposition, a passage in c. 87 : Sic breoi spatio novi veteresquo coaluere, et virtus omnium cequalis facta. And Ascensius had previously given a similar explanation, quod etiam veterani adeasent. But many later critics have not been induced to believe that Cortius's reading will bear any such interpretation j and accordingly Kritzius, Dietsch, and Orelli, have ejected novique; as indeed Ciacconius and Ursinus had long before recom- mended. Muller, Burnouf, and Allen, retain it, adopting Cortius's inter- pretation. Gerlach also retains it, but not without hesitation. But it is very remarkable that it occurs in all the manuscripts but one, which, has Romani veteres boni scientes erant ut quos locus, etc. THE JUGURTITTNK WAR. 185 in their favor, pressed forward, as their kings had directed them, with increased violence. Marius, in consequence, re- solved upon a measure suited to his circumstances, and, that his men might have a place of retreat, took possession of two hills contiguous to each other, ou one of which, too small for a camp, there was an abundant spring of water, while the other, being mostly elevated and steep, and requiring little fortifica- tion, was suited for his purpose as a place of encampment, lie then ordered Sylla, with a body of cavalry, to take his station for the night on the eminence containing the spring, while he himself collected his scattered troops by degrees, the enemy being not less disordered, 03 and led them all at a quick march 93 up the other hill. Thus the kings, obliged by the strength of the Roman position, were deterred from continuing the combat ; yet they did not allow their men to withdraw to a distance, but, surrounding both hills with a large force, en- camped without any regular order. Having then lighted nu- merous fires, the barbarians, after their custom, spent most of the night in merriment, exultation, and tumultuous clamor, the kings, elated at having kept their ground, conducting them- selves as conquerors. This scene, plainly visible to the Romans, under cover of the night and on the higher ground, afforded great encouragement to them. XCIX. Marius, accordingly, deriving much confidence from the imprudence of the enemy, ordered the strictest possible silence to be kept, not allowing even the trumpets, as was usual, to be sounded when the watches were changed ; 94 and then, when day approached, and the enemy were fatigued and just sinking to sleep, he ordered the sentinels, with the trumpeters of the auxiliary cohorts, 95 cavalry, and legions, to sound all M XCVIII. The enemy being not less disordered] Neque minus hostibus conturbatis. If the enemy had not been in as much disorder as himself, Marius would hardly have been able to effect his retreat. 93 At a quick march J Pleno gradu. " By the militarls gradus twenty miles were completed in five hours ofa summer day ; by the plenus gradus, which is quicker, twenty-four miles were traversed in the same time." Veget. i. 9. M XCIX. When the watches were changed] Per mgilias : i. e. at the end of each watch, when the guards were relieved. " The nights, by the aid ofa clepsydra, were divided into four watches, the termination of each being marked by the blast of a trumpet or horn. See Viget. iii. 8 : A i-ubicint vmnes viguice, committuntur ; etfimtis horia a, cornidne revocaniur" Kritzius. He also refers to Liv. vii. 35 ; Lucau. viii. 24; Tacit. Hist. v. 22. vi Auxiliary cohorts] Oohortium. I have added the word auxiliary. That they were the cohorts of the auxiliaries or allies is apparent, as tL*> 186 SALLUST. their instruments at once, and the soldiers, at the same time, to raise a shout, and sally forth from the camp 00 upon the ene- my. Ths Moors and Getulians, suddenly roused by the strange and terrible noise, could neither flee, nor take up arms, could neither act, nor provide for their security, so completely had foa", like a stupor, 97 from the uproar and shouting, the absence of support, the charge of our troops, and the tumult and alarm, seized upon them all. The whole of them were conse- quently routed and put to flight ; most of their arms, and mili- tary standards, were taken ; and more were killed in this than in all former battles, their escape being impeded by sleep and the sudden alarm. C. Marius now continued the route, which he had com- menced, toward his winter quarters, which, for the convenience of getting provisions, he had determined to fix in the towns on the coast. He was not, however, rendered careless or presumpt- uous by his victory, but marched with his army in form of a square, 88 just as if he were in sight of the enemy. Sylla, with his cavalry, was on the right ; Aulus Manlius, Avith the slingers and archers, and Ligurian cohorts, had the command on the left ; the tribunes, with the light-armed infantry, the consul had placed in the front an 1 rear. The deserters, whose lives were of little value, and who were well acquainted with the country, observed the route of the enemy. Marius himself, too, as if no other were placed in charge, attended to every thing, went through the whole of the troops, and praised or blamed them according to their desert. lie was always armed and on the alert, and obliged his men to imitate his example. He fortified his camp with the same caution with which ho marched ; stationing cohorts of the legions to watch the gates, and the auxiliary cavalry in front, and others upon the rampart word legwnum follows. Kritzius indeed thinks otherwise, supposing? that the cohorts had particular trumpelers, distinct from those of the whole le- gion. But for this notion there seems to be no sufficient ground. Sallust speaks of the cohortes sociorum. c. 58, and cohortes Liyurum, c. 100. * 8 Sally forth from the camp] Portis erampere. Sallust uses the common phrase for issuing from the camp. It can hardly be supposed that the Ko- mans had formed a regular camp with gates during the snort time that they had been upon the hill, especially as they had fled to it in great disorder. 97 Stupor] Vecordia. A feeling that deprived them of all sense. 8 C. In form of a square] Quadrato agmine. " A hollow square, with the baggage in the center; see Serv. ad Verg. Mn. xii. 121. . . . Such an agrnen Sallust, in c. 46, calls munitum, as it was prepared to defend itself against the enemy, from whatever quarter they might approach." Kritzius. THE JUGURTHTNE WAR 187 and lines. He went round the posts in person, not from sus- picion that his orders would not be observed, but that the labor of the soldiers, shared equally by their general, might be en- dured by them with cheerfulness." Indeed, Marius, as well at this as at other periods of the war, kept his men to their duty rather by the dread of shame 1 than of severity ; a course which many said was adopted from desire of popularity, but some thought it was because he took pleasure in toils to which he had been accustomed from his youth, and in exertions which other men call perfect miseries. The public interest, however, was served with as much efficiency and honor as it could have been under the most rigorous command. CI. At length, on the fourth day of his march, when he was not far from the town of Cirta, his scouts suddenly made their appearance from all quarters at once ; a circumstance by which the enemy was known to be at hand. But as they came in from different points, and all gave the same account, the consul, doubting in what form to draw up his army, made no alteration in it, but halted where he was, being already pre- pared for every contingency. Jugurtha's expectations, in con- sequence, disappointed him ; for he had divided his force into four bodies, trusting that one of them, assuredly, 2 would surprise the Romans in the rear. Sylla, meanwhile, with whom they first came in contact, having cheered on his men, charged the Moors, in person and with his officers, 3 \vith troop after troop of cavalry, in the closest order possible; while the rest of his force, retaining their position, protected themselves against the darts thrown from a distance, and killed such of the enemy as fell into their hands. While the cavalry was thus engaged, Bocchus, with his in- fantry, which his son Vulux had brought up, and which, from delay on their march, had not been present in the former battle, assailed the Romans in the rear. Marius was at that moment 99 Might be endured by them with cheerfulness] Volentibus esset. A Greek phrase, [lov?i,o/j.t-voi( elrj. 1 Dread of shame] Pudore. Inducing each to have a regard to his char- acter. * CI. Trusting that one of them, assuredly, etc.] Ratus ex omnibus ague allquos ab t*r(i<> }i">>iil>i:s veniuros. By tzque Sallust signifies that each of the four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of tho Jlomans. 3 In person and with his officers] Ipsenliique. " The alii are the prcefecti equitiim, officers of the cavalry." KrUziut. 188 SALLUST. occupied in front, as Jugurtha was there with his largest force. The Numidian king, hearing of the arrival of Bocchus, wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry, 4 and exclaimed in Latin, which he had learned lo speak at Numantia, " that our men were struggling in vain ; for that he had just slain Marius with his own hand ;" showing, at the same time, his sword besmeared with blood, which he had, indeed, sufficiently stained by vigorously cutting down our infantry. 5 When the soldiers heard this, they felt a shock, though rather at the horror of such an event, than from belief in him who asserted it; the barbarians, on the other hand, assumed fresh courage, and advanced with greater fury on the disheartened Romans, who were just on the point of taking to flight, when Sylla, having routed those to whom he had been opposed, fell upon the Moors in the flank. Bocchus instantly fled. Jugurtha, anxious to support his men, and to secure a victory so nearly won, was surrounded by our cavalry, and all his attendants, right and left, being slain, had to force a way alone, with great difficulty, through the weapons of the enemy. Marius, at the same time, having put to flight the cavalry, came up to support such of his men as he had understood to be giving ground. At last the enemy were defeated in every quarter. The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful ;" * Wheeled secretly about to the infantry] Clam, ad pedites convortit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified ; and it may be so ; but to what- ever party the words were addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for what purpose were they spoken in Latin ? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and this, from what follows, would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him. Qnod ubi milites (evidently the Roman soldiers) accepere simul barbari aninwx tollere, etc. The clam signifies that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been contending. 6 By vigorously cutting down our infantry] Satis impigr'e occiso pedite nostro. ''A ccs mots il leur montra son dipec teinte du sang des notres, dont il venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruello boucherie." De Brasses. Of the other French translators, Beauzee and Le Brim render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Bureau Delamalle, as well as all our English translators, take pedite as signifying only one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it was " a legionary soldier." The commenta- tors, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a plural signift- . cation : none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the point. The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful, etc.] Tumspectam- lum IwrriUle campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably THE JUGURTHINE WAK. 189 some were pursuing, others fleeing; some were being slain, others captured ; men and horses were dashed to the earth ; many, who were wounded, could neither flee nor remain at rest, attempting to rise, and instantly falling back ; and the whole field, as far as the eye could reach, was strewed with arms and dead bodies, and the intermediate spaces saturated with blood. GIL At length the consul, now indisputably victor, arrived at the town of Cirta, whither he had at first intended to go. To this place, on the fifth day after the second defeat of the barbarians, came messengers from Bocchus, who, in the king's name, requested of Marius to send him two persons in whom he had full confidence, as he wished to confer with them on matters concerning both the interest of the Roman people and his own. Marius immediately dispatched Sylla and Aulus Man- lius ; who, though they went at the king's invitation, thought proper, notwithstanding, to address him first, in the hope of altering his sentiments, if he were unfavorable to peace, or of strengthening his inclination, if he were disposed to it. Sylla, therefore, to whose superiority, not in years but in elo- quence, Maulius yielded precedence, spoke to Bocchus briefly as follows : " It gives us great pleasure, King Bocchus, that the gods have at length induced a man, so eminent as yourself, to prefer peace to war, and no longer to stain your own excellent char- taken, as Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon. Agesil. ii. 12, 14, partof which is quoted by Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: Kal ov[t/3a?MVTee raf dctTridaf (udoVVTO, C/J.UXOVTO, UTTEKTeiVOV, tl~if>VT]C!KOV. . . . 'Emi JS flt]V /l^ff V 6r) OeuaaaOai evda avvineaov d/,/l?/Ao4f, TT)V (J.EV JTJV uifiari Kpoi> 6 i\eifj.evovf t7i.iovf Kal TroAe^uuwf /zer' UA^JJ^UV, uaTri- f, dopara avvTeOpava/j.va, iyxEipidia yvfjLvti Knv'Xeuv TU jj.lv ^a/zat, TU 6' iv aufiaai, TU (F ITI. fierd xelpaf. " Closing their shields together, they pushed, they fought, they slew, they were slain. But w'heu the battle was over, you might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of frieuds and enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37, has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have remarked : Tarn vero patentibuf; locis qrande et afrox speclaculvm. Stqui, v/dnerare, capere, atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare Pa-'isim armi el corpora, et lacen artns, et cruenta humus. " The si<_^:t 0:1 the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took men prisoiiL-rs. and slaughtered them as others prcsent- ' 1 themselves. . . . Every where were seen arms and corpses, mangled limbo, and the ground stained with blood." 190 SALLUST. acter by an alliance with Jugurtha, the most infamous of mankind ; and to relieve us, at the same time, from the dis- agreeable necessity of visiting with the same punishment your errors and his crimes. Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy 7 of their state, have thought it better to seek friends than slaves, thinking it safer to rule over willing than forced subjects. But to you no friendship can be more suitable than ours ; for, in the first place, we are at a distance from you, on which account there will be the less chance of misunder- standing between us, while our good feeling for you will be as strong as if we were near ; and, secondly, because, though we have subjects in abundance, yet neither we, nor any other nation, can ever have a sufficiency of friends. Would that such had been your inclination from the first ; for then you would assuredly, before this time, have received from the Roman people more benefits than you have now Buffered evils. But since Fortune has the chief control in human affairs, and it has pleased her that you should experience our force as well as our favor, now, when she gives you this fair opportunity, embrace it without delay, and complete the course which you have begun. You have many and excellent means of atoning, with great ease, for past errors by future services. Impress this, however, deeply on your mind, that the Roman people are never outdone in acts of kindness ; of their power in war you have already sufficient knowledge." To this address Bocchus made a temperate and courteous reply, offering a few observations, at the same time, in extenua- tion of his error ; and saying " that he had taken arms, not with any hostile feeling, but to defend his own dominions, as part of Numidia, out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha,* was T CII. Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy, etc.] The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this : Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio inopi melias mmum amicos, quam servos, qucerere. Gruter proposed to read Ad IKJC populo Romano inopi mdiiis est visum.Qtc., whence Cortius made Ad hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc. But the Bipont editors, observing that mopi was not quite consistent with qucerere servos, altered the passage to Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio reipublicos, rnelius visum, etc., which seems to be the best emenda- tion that has been proposed, und which I have accordingly followed. mdi/us on no authority but his own. * Out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtlia] Untie vi Juyuriham ex- pulerit [expulerat]. There is here sotno obscurity. Tlic manuscripts vary THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 191 liis by right of conquest, and be could not allow it to be laid waste by Marius ; that when he formerly sent embassadors to the Romans, he was refused their friendship ; but that he would say nothing more of the past, and would, if Marius gave him permission, send another embassy to the senate." But no sooner was this permission granted, than the purpose of the barbarian was altered by some of his friends, whom Jugurtha, hearing of the mission of Sylla and Manlius, and fearful of what was intended by it, had corrupted with bribes. CIII. Marius, in the mean time, having settled his army in winter quarters, set out, with the light-armed cohorts and part of the cavalry, into a desert part of the country, to besiege a fortress of Jugurtha's, in which he had placed a garrison con- sisting wholly of Roman deserters. And now again Bocchus, either from reflecting on what he had suffered in the two engagements, or from being admonished by such of his friends as Jugurtha had not corrupted, selected, out of the whole number of his adherents, five persons of approved integrity and eminent abilities, whom he directed to go, in the first place, to Marius, and afterward to proceed, if Marius gave his consent, as embassadors to Rome, granting them full powers to treat con- cerning his affairs, and to conclude the Avar upon any terms whatsoever. These five immediately set out for the Roman winter-quarters, but being beset and spoiled by Getulian robbe 1 . s on the way, fled, in alarm and ill plight, 9 to Sylla, whom the consul, when he went on his expedition, had left as pro-pra3tor with the army. Sylla received them, not, as they had deserved, like faithless enemies, but with the greatest ceremony and munificence ; from which the barbarians concluded that what was said of Roman avarice was false, and that Sylla, from his generosity, must be their friend. For interested bounty, 10 in between expulerit and expulerit. Cortius, and Gerlach in his second edi- tion, adopt expukrat, which they of necessity refer to Marius ; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him epeak very foolishly I and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adopts expulerit, and sup- ' poses that Bocchus invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans would have no means of detecting it. But Bocohus may have spoken truth, re- ferring, as Muller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha, to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude. 9 CIII. In ill plight] Sine decore. 10 Interested bounty] Largitio. " The word signifies liberal treatment of others vith a view to our own interest; without any real goodwill." Mutter. " He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the uiiinuers of the Romans." Dietech. 192 'SALLUST. those days, was still unknown to many ; by whom every man who was liberal was also thought benevolent, and all presents were considered to proceed from kindness. They therefore dis- closed to the quaestor their commission from Bocchus, and asked him to be their patron and adviser ; extolling, at the same time, the power, integrity, and grandeur of their monarch, and adding whatever they thought likely to promote their objects, or to procure the favor of Sylla. Sylla promised them all that they requested; and, being instructed how to address Marius and the senate, they tarried in the camp about forty days. 11 CIV. When Marius, having failed in the object 12 of his ex- pedition, returned to Cirta, and was informed of the arrival of the embassadors, he desired both them and Sylla to come to him, together with Lucius Bellienus, the praetor from Utica, and all that were of senatorial rank in any part of the country, with whom he discussed the instructions of Bocchus to his embassadors ; to whom permission to proceed to Rome was granted by the consul. In the mean time a truce was asked, a request to which assent was readily expressed by Sylla and the majority ; the few, who advocated harsher measures, were men inexperienced in human affairs, which, unstable and fluctuating, are always verging to opposite extremes. 13 The Moors having obtained all that they desired, three of them started for Rome with Cneius Octavius Rufus, who, as quaestor, had brought pay for the army to Africa; the other two returned to Bocchus, who heard from them, with great pleasure, their account both of other particulars, and especially of the courtesy and attention of Sylla. To his three embassadors that went to Rome, when, after a deprecatory acknowledgment that their king had been in error, and had been led astray by the treachery of Jugurtha, they solicited for him friendship and alliance, the following answer was given: "The senate and people of Rome are 11 About forty days] Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius. 12 CIV. Having failed in the object, etc.] Infecto, quo intenderat, ncgot'w. Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius, Midler, and Dietech, read confecto, as if Marius could not have failed in Ms attempt. 13 Are always verging to opposite extremes] Semper in arlwrsa mutari. Kose renders this " are always changing, and constantly for the worse ;" and most other translators have given something similar. But this is ab- Hiird ; for every one sees that all changes in human affairs are not for the worse. Adversa is evidently to be taken in the sense which I hav ^iven. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 193 wont to be mindful of both services and injuries ; they par- don Bocchus, since lie repents of his fault, and will grant him their alliance and friendship when he shall have deserved them." CV. When this reply was communicated to Bocchus, he requested Marius, by letter, to send Sylla to him, that, at his discretion, 14 measures might be adopted for their common in- terest. Sylla was accordingly dispatched, attended with a guard of cavalry, infantry, and Balearic slingers, besides some archers and a Pelignian cohort, who, for the sake of expedi- tion, were furnished with light arms, which, however, pro- tected them, as efficiently as any others, against the light darts of the enemy. As he was on his march, on the fifth day after he set out, Volux, the son of Bocchus, suddenly appeared on the open plain with a body of cavalry, which amounted in reality to not more than a thousand, but which, as they approached in confusion and disorder, presented to Sylla and the rest the appearance of a greater number, and excited apprehensions of hostility. Every one, therefore, pre- pared himself for action, trying and presenting 15 his arms and weapons ; some fear was felt among them, but greater hope, as they were now conquerors, and were only meeting those whom they had often overcome. After a while, however, a party of horse sent forward to reconnoiter, reported, as was the case, that nothing but peace was intended. CVI. Volux, coming forward, addressed himself to Sylla, saying that lie was sent by Bocchus his father to meet and escort him. The two parties accordingly formed a junction, and prosecuted their journey, on that day and the following, without any alarm. But when they had pitched their camp, and evening had set in, Volux came running, with looks of perplexity, to Sylla, and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was at hand, entreating and urging him, at the same time, to escape with him privately in the night. Sylla boldly replied, " that he had no fear of Jugurtha, an 14 CV. At his discretion] Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and decide : der mit unb&chrdnlcter YoUmacht -unterhanddn kunnte 15 Presenting] Infendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have i thought of understanding animum; Cortius, "Wasse, and M Siller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzins, Bur- nout', and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to the arnui and (la iu general. 9 194 SALLUST. enemy so often defeated ; that he had the utmost confidence in the valor of his troops ; and that, even if certain destruc- tion were at hand, he would rather keep his ground, than save, by deserting his followers, a life at best uncertain, and perhaps soon to be lost by disease." Being pressed, however, by Volux, to set forward in the night, he approved of the suggestion, and immediately ordered his men to dispatch their supper, 18 to light as many fires as possible in the camp, and to set out in silence at the first watch. When they were all fatigued with their march during the night, and Sylla was preparing, at sunrise, to pitch his camp, the Moorish cavalry announced that Jugurtha was en- camped about two miles in advance. At this report, great dismay fell upon our men ; for they believed themselves be- trayed by Volux, and led into an ambuscade. Some ex- claimed that they ought to take vengeance on him at once, and not suffer such perfidy to remain unpunished. CVII. But Sylla, though he had similar thoughts, pro- tected the Moor from violence ; exhorting his soldiers to keep up their spirits ; and saying, " that a handful of brave men had often fought successfully against a rnuliitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the greater would be their security ; arid that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless and blind parts of his body." i7 Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, s being an instrument of hi? father's hostility, 18 to quit the camp. Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions; declaring "that nothing in the i'.fi'uir had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtilty i CVI. To dispatch their supper] Cxnatos ewe. " The perfect is not without its force ; it signifies that Sylla wished his orders to be performed with the greatest expedition." Kritzius. He orders them to hare done supper. 17 CVII. And blindparts of his body] Caecum corpus. Imitated from Xeno phon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45 : M.upov yap TO Kparelv f3ov^o/j.evovf , TO. TV?.U, rot) cufiarof, KOI ao-x^a, KOL axeipa, ravra tvavria TUTTCIV rolf Tto7iE- fiioir (pevyovraf. "It is folly for those that desire to conquer, to turn tho blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight." 18 As being an instrument of his father's hostility] Quoniam hostilia /acertt. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended fricnd- Bi.ip." Miiller THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 195 of Jugurtha, to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. But as Jugurtha had no great force with him, and as his hopes and resources were dependent on his father Bocchus, he assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a witness of it. He thought it best for Sylla, therefore, to inarch boldly through the middle of his camp, and that as for him- self, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where they were, and accompany Sylla alone." This course, under such circumstances, was adopted ; they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. lu a few days afterward, they arrived at the place to which their march was directed. CVIII. There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sylla's in- tended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa, 10 but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful 20 on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sylla, to say "that he was ready to do Avhatever the Romans desired; that Sylla him- self should appoint the place, day, and hour, 21 for a confer- ence ; that he kept all points, which he IKK! settled with him before, inviolate ; 2U and that ho was not to fear the presence of 19 CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa] Ex gente ATasinissce. -Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine. 20 Faithful] Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Alien, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after felum. and that it was of importance, as Castilioueus observes that ihibar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glareanus, Badius Asoensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with most of the trans- lators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their ex- ample. 41 Place, day, and hour] Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day. M That he kept'all points, which he had settled with him before, invio- late] (Jonxiilta aese omnia cum illo intrgra lialwe. Kritzius justly observes th.it most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to 196 SALLUST. Jugurtha's ambassador as any restraint 23 on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery." I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity 24 than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured Loth the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace ; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha ; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor. CIX. Sylla replied, " that he should speak on but few partic- ulars before Aspar, and discuss others at a private meeting, or in the presence of only a few ; " dictating, at the same time, what answer should be returned by Bocchus. 26 Afterward, when they met, as Bocchus had desired, Sylla stated, "that he had. come, by order of the consul, to inquire Avhether ho would resolve on peace or on war." Bocchus, as he had been previously instructed by Sylla, requested him to come again at the end of ten days, since he had r.s yet formed no determina- tion, but would at that time give a decisive answer. Both then retired to their respective camps. 20 But when the night was far advanced, Sylla was secretly sent for by Bocchus. At their consuUa the sense of conulenda and that the sense is, " that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha." 33 And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador, as any restraint, etc.] Neu Jugurthce legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis Ucentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. " Sylla," says he, " was not to i'ear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on. that account, i. e. on account of his freedom from appre- hension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dis- missed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before hirn, and to speak more at large at a pri- vate meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remote, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense. 44 African duplicity] Punica, fide. " Punicafides was a well-known pro- verbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps at- tributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of tiie Komans toward the Carthaginians." Burnovf. - i CIX. What answer should bu returned by Bocchus] That is, in the presence of Aspar. * s Both then retired to their respective camps] Deinde ambo in s-ua castra diyressi. Both, i. e. Bocchus and Sylla, not Aspar and Sylla, as Cortiu* imagines. THE JUOURTHINE WAR. 197 interview, none but confidential interpreters were admitted on either side, together with Dabar, the messenger between them, a man of honor, and held in esteem by both parties. The king at once commenced thus : CX. " I never expected that I, the greatest monarch in this part of the world, and the richest of all whom I know, should ever owe a favor to a private man. Indeed, Sylla, before I knew you, I gave assistance to many who solicited me, and to others without solicitation, and stood in need of no man's assist- ance. But at this loss of independence, at which others are wont to repine, I am rather inclined to rejoice. It will be a pleasure to me" to have once needed your friendship, than which I hold nothing dearer to my heart. Of the sincerity of this assertion you may at once make trial ; take my arms, my soldiers, my money, or whatever you please, and use it as your own. But do not suppose, as long as you live, that your kindness to me has been fully requited ; my sense of it will al- ways remain undiminished, and you shall, with my knowl- edge, wish for nothing in vain. For, as I am of opinion, it is less dishonorable to a prince to be conquered in battle than to be surpassed in generosity. " With respect to your republic, whose interests you are sent to guard, hear briefly what I have to say. I have neither made war upon the Roman people, nor desired that it should be made ; I have merely defended my territories with arms against an armed force. But from hostilities, since such is your pleas- ure, I now desist. Prosecute the war with Jugurtha as you think proper. The river Mulucha, which was the boundary between Miscipsa and me, I shall neither pass myself, nor suffer Jugurtha to come within it. And if you shall ask any thing besides, worthy of me and of yourself, you shall not depart with a refusal." CXI. To this speech Sylla replied, as far as concerned him- self, briefly and modestly ; but spoke, with regard to the peace and their common concerns, much more at length. He signi- fied to the king " that the senate and people of Rome, as they 87 CX. It will be a pleasure to me] Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf 's, have fuerit mihi pretium. Some- thing ar!&m quam \nuncpeteret.. See the second note on c. 102. Bocdius continues, in his fipeecn in the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Nuinidia belonged to him. 29 The ties of blood] Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made. 30 His resolution gave way] Lenitur. Cortius, whom Gerlach and Miiller follow, reads leniter, but, with Kritzius and Gcrlach, 1 prefer the verb to the adverb ; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manu- scripts. 31 CXII. Interests of both] Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha. THE JUGURTIIINE WAR. 199 power, a treaty would at once be concluded by order of the senate and people of Rome ; as a man of high rank, who had fallen into the hands of the enemy, not from want of spirit, but from zeal for the public interest, would not be left in captivity. CXIII. The Moor, after long meditation on these sugges- tions, at length, expressed his assent to them, but whether in pretense or sincerity I have not been * able to discover. But the inclinations of kings, as they are violent, are often fickle, and at variance with themselves. At last, after a time and place wera fixed for coming to a conference about the treaty, Bocchus addresssed himself at one time to Sylla and at another to the envoy of Jugurtha, treating them with equal affability, and making the same professions to both. Both were in consequence equally delighted, and animated Avith the fairest expectations. But on the night preceding the day appointed for the conference, the Moor, after first assembling his friends, and then, on a change of mind, dismissing them, is reported to have had many anx- ious struggles with himself, disturbed alike in his thoughts and his gestures, which, even when he was silent, betrayed the secret agitation of his mind. At last, however, he or- dered that Sylla should be sent for, and, according to his desire, laid an ambush for Jugurtha. As soon as it was day, and intelligence was brought that Jugurtha was at hand, Bocchus, as if to meet him and do him honor, went forth, attended by a few friends, and our quaestor, as far as a little hill, which was full in the view of the men who were placed in ambush. To the same spot came Jugurtha with most of his adherents, un- armed, according to agreement ; when immediately, on a signal being given, he was assailed on all sides by those who were lying in wait. The others were cut to pieces, and Jugurtha himself was delivered bound to Sylla, and by him conducted to Marius. CXFV. At this period war was carried on unsuccessfully by our generals Quintus Caepio and Marcus Manlius, against the Gauls ; with the terror of which all Italy was thrown into consternation. Both the Romans of that day, indeed, and their descendants, down to our own times, maintained the opinion that all other nations must yield to their valor, but 200 SALLUST. that they contended with the Gauls, not for glory, but merely in self-defense. But after the war in Numidia was ended, and it was announced that Jugurtha was coming in chains to Rome, Marius, though absent from the city, was created consul, and Gaul decreed to him ?s his province. On the first of January he triumphed as consul, with great glory. At that time 32 the hopes and dependence of the state were placed on him. 32 CXIV. At that time] Ea, tempestate. "In many manuscripts is found ex ea temgestaU, by which the sense is wholly perverted. Sallust signifies that Marius did not continue always deserving qf such honor ; for, as is said in c. 63, 'lie was afterward carried headlong by ambition.' " Kriteius, CHRONOLOGY OF THE JUGURTHINE WAR. EXTRACTED PROM DB BROSSES. A.U.C. 545. Coss. M. CLAUDIUS, MARCELLUS, T. QUINTIUS CRIS- PINUS. Masiuissa succeeds to the throne of his father Gala. 549. M. CORNELIUS CETHEGUS, P. SEMPRONIUS TUDITANUS. Masinissa, driven from his dominions by Syphax, king of another part of Numidia, joins the Romans. 550. CN. SERVILIUS C^EPIO, C. SERVILIUS NEPOS. Syphax is taken prisoner. Masinissa is restored to his throne, and unites all Numidia under his sway. 595. Q. FULVIUS NOBILIOH, T. ANNIUS Lusus. About this time Jugurtha is born. 605. SP. POSTHUMIUS ALBINUS, L. CALPURNIUS Piso. Massi- nissa, after a reign of sixty years, dies, leaving three sons, Micipsa, Mastanabal, and Gulussa ; but the two latter dying, Micipsa becomes sole king. 613. C. L^ELIUS SAPIENS, Q. SERVILIUS C^EPIO. The siege of Numantia is commenced, during which Jugurtha and Marius serve together under Scipio. 620. P. MUTIUS SC^EVOLA, L. CALPURNIUS Piso. Numantia is taken. 632. Q. FABIUS ^EMILIANUS MAXIMUS, L. OPIMIUS. Micipsa adopts Jugurtha, son of Mastanabal. 635. M. PORCIUS CATO, Q. MABCIUS REX. Micipsa dies, after a reign of thirty years, and his two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, with Jugurtha, succeed conjointly to his dominions. 636. L. C^ECILIUS METELLUS, Q. Mucius SCJEVOLA. Hiempsal is killed by Jugurtha in the first year of his reign. Civil 9* 202 SALLUST. i.U.C. war ensues between Jugurtha and Adherbal, who is de- feated, and takes refuge in the Roman province. 637. Coss. C. LICINIUS GETA, Q. FABIUS EBURNUS. Adherbal arrives at Rome, whither also Jugurtha sends embassadors. Both parties plead before the Senate. Opimius is deputed by the Senate into Africa. G38. M. ,/EMILIUS SCAURUS, M. C^ECILIUS METELLUS. Opimus divides Numidia between Adherbal and Jugurtha. 639. M. -Acmes BALBUS, C. PORCIUS CATO. War is renewed between Adherbal and Jugurtha. 640. C. C^ECILIUS METELLUS, CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO. Adher- bal is defeated, and takes refuge in Cirta, which is besieged by Jugurtha. The Senate sends three commissioners into Africa. 641. M. Lrvius DRUSUS, L. CALPURXIUS Piso. Cirta having been besieged more than four months, Adherbal addresses a letter to the Senate. Scaurus goes as deputy into Africa. Cirta is taken, and Adherbal put to death in the sixth year of his reign. Memmius is tribune of the people. The Romans declare war against Jugurtha. 642. P. CORNELIUS SCIPIO NASICA, L. CALPURNIUS Piso BESTIA. Calpurnius is appointed general of the army in Numidia, and Scaurus second in command. Jugurtha sends embassadors to Rome, with bribes. The Roman army enters Numidia, and the war is commenced. Jugur- tha induces Calpurnius to make a treaty of peace. Cal- purnius sets out from Africa, about the month of July, to hold the comitia at Rome. Memmius makes a speech to the people, Sail. Jug. c. 31. Cassius, in consequence of it, is sent into Numidia. Jugurtha accompanies Cassius to Rome. 643. M. MINUCIUS RUFUS, SP. POSTHUMIUS ALBINUS. Bo- milcar, at the instigation of Jugurtha, assassinates Massiva at Rome. Jugurtha returns to Numidia. The consul Albinus enters Numidia with his army, but performs no operation of importance. In the autumn he returns to Rome, leaving the army under the command of his brother Aulus. Mamilius Limetanus becomes tribune of the people. 644. Q. C^ECILIUS METELLUS NUMIDICUS, M. JUNIUS SILANUS. Aulus leads his army out from its winter-quarters in the CHRONOLOGY OF THE JTJGURTIIINE WAR. 203 A.U.C. month of January, and lays siege to Suthul. lie raises the siege, is surprised by Jugurtha, and surrenders on dis- graceful terms, making at the same time a treaty with Ju- gurtha, which the Senate afterward declare invalid. Al- binus returns to Nurnidia, and resigns the command of the army to the consul Metellus. Metellus choses for his lieutenant-generals Marius and Rutilius. The Mamilian law is passed, by which Calpurnius, Albinus, and Opimius, are sent into exile. Vacca is taken. Battle near the Muthul. Siege of Zama by Metellus. Affair of cavalry near Sicca. Metellus raises the siege of Zama, and goes into winter-qtiarters in the Roman province. 645. SERV. SULPITIUS GALBA, M. ^EMILIUS SCATJRUS HOR- TENSIUS. Jugurtha makes a treaty with Metellus, breaks it, and resumes hostilities. The Numidians surprise the city of Vacca ; Metellus recovers it. Nabdalsa and Bo- milcar conspire against Jugurtha. Marius quits the army, and obtains the consulship at Rome. Jugurtha is de- feated, and throws himself into Thala, which Metellus soon after besieges. C. Annius, with a party of soldiers, is sent as governor to Leptis. Thala is taken ; Jugurtha flees into Getulia, and forms a league with Bocchus, king of Mauretania. The two kings take up their position near Cirta, and Metellus encamps at no great distance from them. 646. L. CASSIUS LONGINUS, C. MARIUS. The Senate wish to continue Metellus ia command of the army, but are opposed by the people, who give it to Marius. Marius appoints Manlius and Cinua his lieutenant-generals, har- angues the people, makes new levies, and, setting out from Rome, lands at Utica. Metellus triumphs. Marius, assuming the command, has several skirmishes with Ju- gurtha, and then makes an attempt on the city of Capsa, which he takes. G47. C. ATTILIUS SERRANUS, Q. SERVILIUS C^PIO. Metellus takes a strong fort on the borders of Mauretania. Sylla arrives in the army. Bocchus and Jugurtha again unite their forces, and attack Marius on his march ; Marius re- tires, with some loss, to two neighboring hills, but attacks and routs the barbarians the following night. Jugurtha and Bocchus are again defeated near Cirta, and the Roman 204 SALLUST. A.U.C. army goes into winter quarters on the sea-coast. Bocchus expresses a wish for peace ; Sylla and Manlius have an in- terview with him. Marius makes an unsuccessful attempt on a fortress of Jugurtha's, Sail. Jug., c. 103, 104. 648. P. RUTILIUS RUFUS, C. MANLIUS MAXIMUS. Boochua sends deputies to Marius, who assembles a council to give them audience. The deputies are allowed to proceed f.s embassadors to Rome, and the Semite grants Bocchus peace. Sylla goes to confer with Bocchus ; is met by his son Volux, who attends him to his father. After some secret negotiation between Bocchus and Sylla, Bocchus betrays Jugurtha into the hands of the Romans. The conclusion of the Jugurthine War is quite as abrupt as that of the Conspiracy of Catiline. Jugurtha, being conveyed to Rome, was led in triumph, with his two sons, by Marius. But the humiliation which he experienced, on that occasion, was more than his haughty spirit could endure, and he lost his senses before the termination of the procession, lie was then led to the Tullian dungeon, the same into which the accom- plices of Catiline were afterward thrown, and precipitated, with great ignominy and violence, to the bottom of it. In his de- scent, he is said to have exclaimed, " Heavens, how cold is this bath of yours !" He survived, according to Plutarch and others, six days. See Plutarch, Vit. Mar. Eutrop. iv. 11, seq. Eutropius, however, says that he was strangled in prison. At the end of some manuscript copies of the Jugurthiue War is added the distich, Si cupis ignotum Jugurthse noscere letum, Tarpeiae rupis pulsus ad ima ruit, But this was the production of somebody more willing to in- form others than himself. "Sylla had medals distributed, on one side of which was the consul in his chariot, drawn by four horses abreast, holding in his right hand the reins, and in his left a palm-branch, with the inscription 0. MARIUS, C. F. Cos., and on the other a head of Jupiter Capitolinus, with the words, L. CORNEL. SYLLA, PR. Q. It is a constant tradition, that the two great trophies which are CHRONOLOGY OF THE JUUURTHINE WAR. 205 still to be eocn in the court of (lie Capitol at Rome, r.nd which were transported thither from the Martian aqueduct, arc those of Marius. But if they are his, it will not be easy to decide whether they are those of the conquest of Numidia or cf the victory over the Cimbri. Petrarch, indeed, says that they are undoubtedly those of the victories over Jugui tha, but lie is de- cidedly in the wrong when he adds that they are representa- tions of those which Bocchus sent to be dedicated in the Cap- itol. Those of Bocchus, made of gold, and representing Ju- gurtha delivered by the king of Mauretania to Sylla, were of quite a different nature from those which we see cut in stone in the court of the Capitol. * * * For myself, I am in- clined to think that one of the two refers to Jugurtha, and the other to the Cimbri. * * * " The Romans did not immediately unite the whole of Nu- inidia to their empire. A portion bordering on Mauretacin was given to Bocchus, as a recompense for his services, and called New Mauretania. Another portion was given to Iliemp- sal II., whom Appian calls Mandrestal, son of Gulussa, and grandson of Masinissa. * * * To Hiempsal II. suc- ceeded his son Juba I., who took part in the civil war against Caesar. Caesar, having defeated him in the battle of Thapsus, united all Numidia to the Roman empire. Augustus restored to his son, Juba II., one of the most learned men of his age, the kingdom of his fathers. This Juba had two wives, Cleo- patra, daughter of Mark Antony and Cleopatra, and Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, and widow of Al- exander, son of Herod of Judea. He was succeeded by Ptol- emy, his son by Cleopatra ; after whose death Numidia had no more kings, but continued a Roman province. A Numidian named Dac-Barnas, or the little Pharnaces, a name which the Romans metamorphosed into Tacfarinas, usurped the govern- ment of it with an army in the reign of Tiberius, but his strug- gles to retain it ended in his defeat and death, and made no alteration in the condition of the country." De JBrossei*. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST, OF these fragments the greater part were collected from the grammarians, and other writers who have cited Sallust, by Puulus Manutius and Ludovicus Carrio. Subsequent critics have augmented, corrected, and illustrated them. That the Speeches and Epistles, which form the larger portion of them, have reached us entire, owing to their preservation in an old manuscript, in which they had been added to the Conspiracy of Catiline and the Jugur- thine War, and from which Pornponius Ltetus extracted them for the press. Cortws. Of all who have endeavored to illustrate these Fragments, the most suc- cessful has been De Brasses, who, by throwing light on many -that were ob- scure, uniting some that had been disjoined, and supplying ; from other writers what appeared to have been lost, has given a restoration, as far as was possible, of Sallust's History in French. It must be allowed that tho work which he has produced is worthy of being read by every student of Roman History. Sallust gave a historical record of tho affiurs at Rome from A.U.C. 675, when Sylla laid down the dictatorship, to A.U.C. 688, when Pompey, by the law of Manilius, was appointed general in the Mithridatic war. During this period occurred the civil disturbances excited by Lepidus after the death of Sylla, tho wars of Sertorius and Spartacus, the destruction of the pirates, and the victories of lyucullus over Mithridatcs. To his narrative he prefixed a summary of events from the end of the Jugurthine War; so that the Jugurtha, the History, and the Catiline comprehended, in an uninterrupted series, the occurrences of fifty-years, from 63G to 691. Bur- nout'. All the Fragments of any importance are here translated. The names appended to them are those of the grammarians, or other writers, from whom they have been extracted. The text of them can scarcely be said to be settled ; Cortius and Burnouf are the two editors that have bestowed most pains upon it. I have in general followed Burnouf. I HAVE recorded the acts of the Roman people, military and civil, in the -consulship of Marcus Lepidus and Quintus Catulus, 1 and the subsequent period. Donatus. Pomp. Messalinus. 1 Marcus Lepidus and Quintus Catulus] They were consuls, A.C.C. 676, just after the abdication of Sylla. Ausonius mentions them, and alludes, FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 207 Cato, the most expressive in style* of all the Romans, much iu a few words. Servius Acron. Nor has the circumstance of being of an opposite party in the civil war ever drawn me away from the truth. Aru- sianus. The first dissensions 3 among us arose from the depravity of the human mind, which, restless and untameable, is always engaged in a struggle for liberty, or glory, or power. Priscian. The Roman State was at the greatest height of power in the consulship of Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus ; 4 when all Gaul on this side of the Rhine, and between our sea and the ocean, except what marshes rendered impassable, was brought under its dominion. But the Romans acted on the best moral principles, and with the greatest harmony, in the in- terval between the second and last Carthaginian war. Victori- nus Augustinus. But discord 5 and avarice, and ambition, and other evils that usually spring from prosperity, were most increased after Car- at the same time, to the contents of Sallnst's History, in his IVtli Idyl, ver. 61 : Jam facinns, Catilina, tnum, Lepidique tnmultum. Ab Lepido et Catulp jam res et tempora Komaa Orsus, ois senos seriem connecto per onnos. Jam lego eivili mistum Mavorte auellum, Movit quod socio Sertorius exul Ibero. Expressive in style] Disertissimus. "Sallust had a particular regard for the History of Cato, which, in Sallust's time, had almost ceased to be read. He valued himself upon imitating his style, and his obsolete expres- sions. He found in his antique language an energy to which, modern polish and accuracy scarcely ever attain. This is the quality which wo Frenchmen so much regard in our ancient authors, as Comines, Amyot, nnd the incomparable Montaigne, writers who have never been surpassed for natural strength and ease of style." De Brosses. * The first dissensions, etc.] "This was the commencement of a preface, in which Sallust treated of the manners and condition of the city of Rome, and of the form of government, from the foundation of the city. The fo.- lowing fragments relate to the same subject." Burnouf. 4 Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Marcellus] A.U.C. 703. 5 But discord, etc.] Compare Jug., c. 41 ; Cat., c. 10. 208 SALLUST. thage was destroyed. For encroachments of the stronger on the weaker, and consequent separations of the people from the senate, with other domestic dissensions, had existed even from the very origin of the republic ; nor, on the expulsion of the kings, were equity and moderation observed any longer than till the dread of Tarquin, and of a fierce war from Etruria, subsided ; after that time the patricians began to tyrannize over the plebeians as over slaves ; to scourge and put them to death with authority like that of kings ; to dispossess them of their lands, and, excluding them from the government, to keep it entirely in their own hands. The people being greatly op- pressed by these severities, and especially by the grievance of usury, and having also to contribute taxes and service for inces- sant wars, at last took up arms, and posted themselves on the Sacred and Aventine Mounts, on which occasions they secured for themselves the right of electing tribunes, and other privi- leges. To these disputes and contentions the second Punic war brought a termination. Auyustin. When, after the terror of the Carthaginians was removed, the people were at liberty to resume their dissensions, innu- merable disturbances, seditions, and subsequent civil wars, arose, while a few powerful individuals, whose interest most of the other nobles had submitted to promote, sought, under the specious pretext of supporting the senate or the ple- beians, to secure power for themselves ; and men were esteemed, or despised by them, not as they deserved well or ill of the republic (for all were equally corrupt), but whoever grew emi- nently wealthy, and better able to encroach on others, was styled, if he supported the present state of affairs, an excellent citizen. From this period, the manners of our forefathers de- generated, not, as before, gradually, but with precipitation, like that of a torrent ; and the youth became so depraved with luxury and avarice, that they might be thought, with justice, to have been born powerless either to preserve their own property, or to suffer others to preserve theirs. Gellius. Au- gustin. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 209 THE SPEECH OF THE CONSUL, MARCUS ^EMILIUS LEPIDUS, TO THE PEOPLE OF ROME, AGAINST SYLLA. "YouB clemency and probity, 7 Romans, for which 6 Marcus JEmilius Lepidns] " He was the father of Lepiclns, the triumvir, of the patrician gens Emilia, the chief families of which were the Lepidi, Pauli, and Scuuri. This Lepidus was sedile in the seventh consulship of Marius, but afterward went over to the victorious party of Sylla, and was distinguished as one of the most eager in getting possesion of the property of the proscribed. He became consul-elect in the year 675, supported by Pompey and opposed by Sylla, who was still dictator. But after Sylla re- signed the dictatorship, Lepidus applied himself to nullify his acts, to revive the party of Marius, and to stir up the children and friends of the proscribed | aspiring, himself, to power similar to that of Sylla, but not with Sylla's ability; for he was light-minded, a leader of sedition, cunning rather than prudent, and without skill in war De Brasses thinks that this speech was spoken by Lepidus, when he was consul-elect, and before he had entered on his office, to his own particular adherents, whom he had convened in some private place But Douza is of opinion that Le- pidus actually addressed himself to an assembly of the people after he had assumed the consulship, while Sylla was living in a private station after his resignation of the dictatorship, but while he yet retained much of his dic- tatorial power through the influence of his party." Burnovf. From the character of the speech itself, the reader will be inclined, I think, to pro- nounce the opinion of De Brosses fanciful, and to agree with Douza. The composition of the speech is of course Sallust's own ; though the sentiments, or many of them, may have proceeded from Lepidus. " It is very difficult to determine at what time the speech was made ; for though this may seem to be sufficiently shown by its title and matter, yet it has been suspected by many that such an oration could not have been pub- licly pronounced while Sylla was alive, even though he might have resigned the dictatorship, but must have been addressed to a band of conspirators, in some private place of assembly. It is, however, certain that Lepidus, as consul, made the speech to the people on the rostra; for he would not have used the term Quirites except m a public address ; nor -would he. in the character of consul-elect, which gave him no power or authority, have of- fered himself as a leader to the people for the recovery of their liberty. But, it may be said, there are many expressions in the speech which seem to prove that Sylla, at the time of its delivery, still held the dictatorship. . . . Appius and Orosius intimate that Sylla ceased to be dictator A.U.C. 674, when he himself Avas consul with Metellus Pius, or the year after, when Servilius and Claudius were consuls. See' Appian, De Bell. Civ. i. 103 ; Oros. v. 22. And from Plutarch, Syll. c. 34, we may understand that the abdication took place A.r.c. 675 The agreement of these writers, though they are of no great authority individually, induces me to believe that Sylla resigned his office the year beibre Lepidus and Catulus were con- suls. 'But the resignation appears to me no matter of wonder ; and, indeed, the writers of those days regarded it as a mere display of arrogance : for though he abdicated the name of dictator, he gave up nothing of his dicta- torial power, except what he might lose by devoting himself to pleasure and luxury Indeed, the power of Sylla depended not so much on liis office of dictator, as on the laws which he had made, and on a party of the nobility who supported him." Gerlnch. r Your clemency and probity, etc.] dementia etprdbitas vestra, o.to. Bur- 210 SALLUST. you are eminent and renowned among other nations, excite in me the greatest apprehensions against the tyranny of Sylla, lest, either by disbelieving concerning others what you yourselves think nefarious, you should allow impostiou to be practiced upon you (especially since all his hopes dc- p .-ml on dishonesty and perfidy, nor does he otherwise deem .himself safe, than by becoming more abandoned and infa- mous 8 than even your fears can forebode, so that, when you sire thoroughly made subject to him, your sufferings may suppress in you all care of recovering your liberty) ; or lest, if you foresee his machinations, you should occupy your thoughts rather in guarding against them than i:i taking revenge for them. "His satellites, men of the highest name, and with the noblest examples of their forefathers for their imitation, sacrifice their own freedom (I can not sufficiently wonder at their conduct) as a price for the power of domineering over you, and prefer slavery and tyranny without laws, to liberty under the best laws. Illustrious descendants of the Bruti, ^Emilii, and Lutatii, born to overthrow what the virtue of their ancestors established ! For what Avas it that was de- fended against Pyrrhus, and Hannibal, and Philip, 9 and Antiochus, but liberty, and the security of our homes, 10 and obedience to nothing but the laws ? But all these privileges this cruel Romulus 11 withholds from us, as spoils torn from foreign enemies ; nor is he satiated with the destruction of so many armies, of a consul," and of other eminent men whom the fortune of war has sunk in death, but grows still nouf observes that this exordium is an imitation of that of the Corinthians to the Lacedaemonians, Thucyd. i. 63 : To TTIOTOV, vfiuf, AaKedai/jovtoi, etc. "The trustiness and policy of your intercourse among yourselves, Lacedaemonians, renders you the more distrustful with regard to others, if we say any tiling against them ; and from this you have a character for sober-mindedness, out betray too great ignorance with regard to foreign affairs." Dale's Translation : Bohn's Cl. Library. B Infamous] Intest-abilior. See Jug. c. 67. 1 Philip] King of Macedonia. 10 Security of our homes] S-u.ce cuique sedes. 11 This cruel Eomulus] Scevus isle Romulus. He thus designates Sylla, as being, like Romulus, bent upon maintaining his power by violence. But the term would have been more applicable to him before he resigned his dictatorship. 18 Of a consul] Cbnsulis. " He seems to speak of the younger Marius." Crispinus. Gerlach observes that three consuls, Carbo, Marius, and Nor- banus, were killed in the civil war, and thinks that the reading cvnsulum t which is in some copies, ought to be adopted. FRAGMKXTS oK TI1K HISTORY OF SALLTJST. -j ] 1 more bloodthirsty at a time when victory converts the fury of most commanders into compassion, lie is the only o:,c, in the memory of man, that lias appointed punishments for children yet unborn, 13 to whom suffering is insuied before life. He revels in his atrocities, defended as yet by the enormity of his crimes ; while you, through dread of heavier servitude, are deterred from making en effort to recover your liberty. " Such despotism, my fellow-citizens, you must exert your- selves to oppose, that your spoils may not remain in the hands of the oppressor ; you must not delay, or think of trusting for relief to prayers ; unless, perchance, you expect that, growing at length tired or ashamed of his tyranny, he will venture on the greater hazard 14 of resigning what he has unjustly usurped. But he has proceeded to such a point, that he thinks no conduct glorious but such as conduces to his safety, and deems every thing laudable that assists to pre- serve his power. That peace and tranquillity, therefore, which, with the enjoyment of liberty, many good men have sought in preference to toil with honors, it is in vain for you to expect ; you must either be slaves or rulers, my fellow-citizens; you must either be subjects of terror or objects of it. For what else is left to you ? What human objects of desire remain ? Or does any thing divine con- tinue inviolate ? The people of Rome, lately the lords of other nations, but now deprived of empire, dignity, and authority, and rendered helpless and despicable, find not even left to them the allowance made to slaves. The vast multi- tude of the allies and Latins, 15 whom you presented with the civic franchise for their many honorable services, are ex- cluded from it by the will of a single individual ; whose small band of satellites have seized, as the rewards of their vil- lainies, the patrimonial lands of the innocent commonalty. The For children yet unborn] In post futures. The children of the pro- scribed. See note on Cat., c. 37. 14 On the greater hazard] Periculosiits. Thus Pericles says to the Athen- ians respecting their sovereignty over their dependents, "You now hold it as a tyranny, which it seems wrong to have assumed, but dangerous to give up." 'Thueyd. ii. 63. From this expression, and from the following sen- tence, most readers would surely be inclined to conclude that Sylla was still actually dictator. 15 Allies and Latins] "To lessen the number of citizens, Sylla took away from the allies and Latins the right of citizenship, -which they had obtained by the Social War." Burnovf. 212 SALLUST. laws, the administration of justice, the treasury, the prov- inces, tributary princes, are all under the direction of one man. You have-seen even human sacrifices 10 offered by him, and tombs dyed with the blood of Roman citizens. And is any thing left, then, for those who would act as men, but lo put an end to such injustice, or to die honorably in attempt- ing it ? For nature has appointed one end to all men, even though encased in steel ; nor will any one, unless he has but the heart of a woman, await the last necessity without an effort. " But I, according to Sylla's representations, am a promoter of sedition, because I complain of the rewards obtained by civil commotions ; and a lover of war, because I seek to recover the privileges of peace. To make such a charge, is to say that you can not be safe or secure under his government, unless Vettius Picens, 17 and Cornelius the accountant, 18 be allowed to squan- der what others have honorably acquired, and unless you approve of all the proscriptions of the innocent for the sake of their wealth, of the torturing of illustrious citizens, of the depopulation of the city by banishment and slaughter, and of the practice of selling or giving away, like spoils taken from the Cimbri, the possessions of your unfortunate coun- trymen, lie, however, objects to me further, that I have myself a share in the prope;ty of those proscribed; but that I have such a share is the very greatest proof of his tyranny, since neither I, nor any one of us all, would have been safe from his vengeance if we had strictly adhered to honesty. Yet that very property, which I then bought under the influence of ter- 10 Human sacrifices] JTumanaa hostias. " He refers to those who were- killed at the tombs of the followers of Sylla, that their shades might not wander unrevcnged, as Lucan says of Crassus ; but he seems to refer es- pecially to the sad end of Marius Gratidiauus, who was sacrificed at tho sepulcher of the Latatian gens. Val. Max. ix. 20 ; Sen. de Ira iii. 18 ; Flo- rus iii. 21." Cortius. Catiline was a great instrument in this butchery ; seo note on Cat., c. 5. " Vcttius Picens] " An obscure man. doubtless ; but lie seems to be the same from whom Cicero bought the villa of Catulus ; and whonij ad Alt. vi. 1, he calls manceps. and Pro Coel. 30, stvpratur Ciodice. Comp. in Vatin. 10, and ad Att. iii. ^4." Gerlach. ls Cornelius the accountant] Scriba Cornelius. " Cornelius Chrysogonua, the freedman of Sylla, of whom Cicero says so much in his speech for Rose. Amer. He had been a scriba, that is, he had taken account, by order of Sylla, of the prices given or offered at the sale of the property of those pro- scribed. De lirosses thinks that it is he who is meant in Cic. de Off., ii. 8 : Alter qui in ed dictaturd scrttafuerat, in hoc [Caesaris]/w quoestor urlanus? Burnuuf. I FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 213 ror, I am ready to restore, on repayment of the purchase-money, to the rightful owners ;'" as it is not my design to sanction the spoliation of my fellow-citizens. Let the sufferings be sufficient which have resulted from the indulgence of our angry passions, from allowing Roman armies to encounter each other, and from turning our arms from our enemies against ourselves. Let there be an end of injustice and outrage ; of which, however, Sylla himself is so far from repenting, that he glories in the >erpetration of it, and would pursue it with greater avidity if ic had greater power. " But I am not so much concerned about the opinion which you may have of his character, as about the courage which you may feel to oppose him. I am apprehensive lest, while each waits for his neighbor to begin to act, you should all be absolutely reduced to subjection (not indeed by his power, which is weakened and impaired, but by your own indolence) before you can proceed against him, and before he can venture to flatter himself with the hopes of such success. 20 For, except his corrupt partisans, who joins in approving his proceeding ? Or who does not wish that every part of his course had been of a different character, except his victory ? 31 Do the soldiers, by whose blood wealth has been gained for Tarrula and Scyr- t us, the worst of slaves ? Or do those, to whom, in competition fjr office, Fufidius, a disgrace to his sex, 22 and a dishonor to 19 I am ready to restore, on payment of the purchase-money, to the right- ful owners] Pretio soluto, jure dominis tainen restituo. The sense of these words may be altered, in some degree, by the mode in which an editor may think proper to point them; for "he may join," as Gerlach observes, "pre- tio soluto, or soluto jure, ana, as some think, jure dominis.' 1 '' I have followed Cortms, Wasse, and Burnouf, who take the last method, considering jure dominis to be for just-is dominis ; though I do not think it at all certain that Sallust intended such a junction. But in whatever way the words be taken, the variation in the sense will be of no extraordinary importance. *> And before he can venture to flatter himself Vith the hope of such success] Et (ante) nudm av.deat tarn mdere felicem. These words are some- what obscure, as all the commentators have remarked. Gerlach, who calls the accusative dvriszinmm, interprets them (ante) qudm audeat sperare tan- t'lmfelicltatem. The construction must be, if the text bo correct, antequam andeat videri sibi (scjore, or seposze fsse) tarn felicem ; " before he can ven- ture to represent himself to himself as beincr (likely to be) so fortunate." There is an allusion to Sylla's assumption of the title Felix. See Jug. c. 9;". 21 Except his victory] Prater victoriam. " He means that the victory of ftylla was good, and might have given full freedom to the commonwealth ; but that the abuse of it, and the establishment of a tyranny by it, was tho grievance, as appears from what follows." Conke. -- A disgrace to his sex] Ancitta iurpis. " He calls him anellla, to throw 214 SALLUST. every magistracy, was preferred ? To the victorious army, ac- cordingly, I look for the strongest support, by whom, through so many sufferings and hardships, nothing has been gained but an oppressor; unless we suppose, indeed, that they look the field purposely to destroy the tribunicial power which was established by their ancestors, or to divest themselves of their own privileges and right of judicature. 23 Glorious, in truth, was their recompense, when banished to woods and marshes, they found reproach and hatred their own portion, and saw the spoils of conquest in the hands of an oligarchy! " How is it, then, that he presents himself before us with such a train of followers, and with such audacity ? Because success throws a wonderful vail over vice ; (though, should fortune fail him, he will be as much despised as he is now dreaded ;) unless, perchance, he seeks to delude you with a prospect of concord and peace, names which he himself has given to his \vickednoss and treachery, saying that Koine can never have an end of war, unless the commonality continue ex- pelled from their lands (a calamitous prey of civil war), and the power and judicial authority in all matters, which once be- longed to the Roman people, be vested in himself alone. If such an arrangement be thought peace and concord, give your approval, I pray you, to the most extravagant disturbances and alterations of the state ; grant your sanction to the laws which are imposed upon you ; accept tranquillity and servitude ; and afford an example to posterity for enslaving the people of Rome by the hire of their own blood. 24 " For myself, although, by my elevation to this high office," enough has been attained for the name of my ancestors, for my own dignity, and even for my personal protection, it was never my design to pursue merely my own interests. Liberty gained with peril appears to me more desirable than indolent the utmost contempt on him. So Cic. ad Att. i. 14 : Totns ilUgrcr, Catilince, ducefilwla, Uurionis, fnrjilio on which passage sec Popma.'' Cortina. 23 Privilerrea and right of judicature] Jura et judicial. "Sylla had trans- ferred ihcjudlcia, or right of being judices, fromikecguitesto the senators." Bttrnoiif. 21 By the hire of their own blood 1 Si/imet itantji/ini* rru-rcede. Some copies have suimet sanyuinis caide, which Wasse, I believe, is the only editor thut lias been found 'to defend; he takes sanguinis in the sense of ' relatives." The Koman people had shed their own blood to establish a tyranny over themselves. Gerlach compares Tucit. Agric. 30: Britannia seroitutetns'uam quotidie emit, quotidie pascit. ' This high office] Hoc summmn imptrium. The consulship. FRAGMENTS OP THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 215 servitude. And if you, my fellow-citizens, approve of this sen- timent, give me your support, and, relying on ihe gracious assistance of the gods, follow your consul, Marcus ^Emilius, as your leader and guide to the recovery of your freedom." THE SPEECH OF LUCIUS PHILIPPUS AGAINST MARCUS ^EMILIUS LEPIDUS. " I could wish, beyond all things, Conscript Fathers, that the state should be at peace, or that, if it be in danger, it should be defended by its ablest citizens; and that mischievous plots should prove the ruin of their contrivers. But, on the contrary, every thing is disordered by factious disturbances; disturbances excited by those whom it would better become to suppress them. What the worst and weakest, moreover, have resolved, is to be executed by the good and wise. For war, though adverse to your inclinations, is to be undertaken by us because it pleases Lepidus ; unless any of us, perchance, choose to secure him peace 27 on our part, and to suffer hostilities on his. "Just heaven! ye, who yet rule this city, 26 but take no * Philippus] "Lucius Marcius Philippus, who had been consul A.U.C. 063, and in whose consulate Crassus the Orator died. See Cic. Orat. ui. 1. This speech was not delivered immediately after that of Lepidus. But Catulus, the colleague of Lepidus, being adverse to his views, and raising vehement opposition to them, the senate ordered them to set out to their respective provinces (that of Catulus being Italy, and that of Lepidus, Gallia Cisalpina), having previously bound them by an oath not to make war on each other. Lepidus, notwithstanding, having collected the remains of the Marian party in Etruria, and having inspired numbers of people in those parts with the hope of recovering the franchise, of which they had been de- prived by Sylla, advanced upon the city with a large army, and encamped near the Milvian bridge. From this position he was driven by Catulus and Cneius Pompey, but found means to recruit his forces in Etruria, :ml be- gan to threaten Rome with a new war, and to demand tor himself a second consulship. It was at this crisis that Philippus endeavored to rouse the senate, which was deficient in spirit, and disposed to mild measures, with the following speech. A decree of the senate was made in accordance with his suggestions, and Catulus. with the authority of pro-consul, nitacked Lepidus in Etruria, routed him several times, and compelled him at last to take refuge in Sardinia, where he fell a victim to disease." Burnovf. 27 To secure him peace, etc.] Pacem prcestare et Mliim pali. " Nisi qnis velit pacem Lepido praestare, et nb illo belhim pati." Bur/innf. "Pacem lj! : rt et alteri exliifxre; sed quos Lepid.is pro liostibus babebit." Cortins. Just heaven! ye, who yet rule this city, etc.] Prodiiltonl! q>d hanc m, omissd curd, adhuc reyiti-s. " The qui refers not to the gods, but to 216 SALLUST. thought for its interests, see that Lepidus, the worst of all in- famous characters, of whom it can not be decided whether his wickedness or baseness is the greater, heads an army for op- pressing our liberties, and from being contemptible has mado himself formidable ; while you, whispering and shrinking back, influenced by words 29 and the predictions of augurs, desire peace rather than maintain it, being insensible that, by the weakness of your resolutions, you lessen at once your own dig- nity and his fears And this is a natural consequence, when, by plunder, 3 ' 1 he has gained from you a consulship, and, by his factious proceedings, a province with an army. What would he have received for good deeds, when you have bestowed such rewards on his villainies ? " But, you will say, those who have to the last voted for sending deputies, for peace, concord, and other things of the kind, have obtained favor from him. On the contrary, they were held in contempt, thought unworthy of any share in the ad- ministration, and fit only to be the prey of others, as persons who sue for peace with the same weakness with which they lost it when it was in their possession. For myself, when, at the very first, T saw Etruria conspiring with him, the proscribed called to his support, and the republic rent into factions by his bribes, I thought that no time was to be lost, and accordingly followed with a few others, the measures of Catulus. But that party, who extolled the services of the vEmilian family toward the state, and said that the greatness of the Romans had been increased by lenity, could not then perceive that Lepidus had the senators whom Philippus was addressing." Wa/sse. This seems to be the only right mode ot interpretation, though "Wassc afterward changed hia mind, aiid derided Crispmus for having been of the same opinion as himself. Certainly, as Gerlach observes, the expression otnissa curd. can not with any propriety be referred to the gods ; for the goverment of the gods consists in care, and if they ceased to have any care, they would cease to have any government ; though to men the words regiiis and omlssa, eura may be equally applicable, in the sense which I have given to them in, the text. Bureau Belamallo and Be Brasses also refer omissa, euro, to the senators. And this mode of taking the passage is supported by what fol- lows, vos mussantes et relracta/ites, etc., which is but a continuation of the address to the senate. la Bywords] Verliis. "Verlis est proptaer verba, h. e. augurum responsa cl vatum carmma, h. e. libros Sibyllinos." Gortias. 31 By plunder, etc.] Ex rapmis conxulatum. ''Lepidus, when he W:;K praetor in Sicily, had so plundered that province, that < 'icer<>, in making one of his strong charges against Verres, says that l:c did what he could not have justified even by the example of Lepidus.' 1 Bantouf. a' Had been increased] Auxixte. For au.risse se, or auctam esse. Cato, iL 1 Aul. Gell. xviii. 12, says eo res eorum auxU. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 217 done any thing extraordinary ; and oven -when he had taken up arms without your authority, and for the destruction of your liberty, each of them, by seeking wealth and patronage for him- self, weakened the public counsels. At that time, however, Lepidus was merely a marauder, at the head of a few camp- followers and cut-throats, each of whom would have periled his life for a day's wages ; now he is a pro-consul with full authority an authority not bought, but conferred on him by yourselves, and with officers still obliged by law to obey him ; while there have flocked to his standard the most profligate characters of all ranks; men who are turbulent from distress and cupidity, and harassed with the consciousness of crimes ; who are at ease in broils, and restless in peace; who excite tumult after tumult, and war after war ; and who were first the followers of Satuniinus, then of Sulpicius, next of Marius and Damasippus," and have now become the instruments of Lepidus. Etruria, moreover, is in insurrection ; all the remains of the last war are resuscitated ; the Spains are solicited to take arms ; Mithridates, on the very frontier of our tributaries that yet sup- port us, is watching an opportunity to commence hostilities; and nothing, but a proper leader, 33 is wanting to subvert our government. I therefore entreat and conjure you, Conscript Fathers, to give your serious attention to the matter, and not to suffer the unbridled influence of corruption, like the ravages of a disease, to spread by contact to the uninfected. For when honors are heaped on the unprincipled, scarcely will any one maintain an integrity which is unrewarded. Or are you wait- ing, till, having again 34 brought his army upon you, he attacks the city with fire and sword? a step which is at much less distance from his present assumptions than was that from peace and concord to civil war ; a war which he commenced in de- fiance of every obligation, human and divine ; not to redress his own grievances, or those of the persons whose cause he pre- tends to vindicate, but to subvert our laws and our liberty. For he is disquieted and harassed with raging desires, and terror for his crimes ; he is undecided and restless, pursuing sometimes one scheme and sometimes another ; dreading peace, 32 Damasippus] See Cat. c. Tl. A proper leader] Idoneum ducem. " A sneer at the incompetency of Lepidus." Burnouf. l Again] Jtursus. He had previously advanced to the Milvian bridge. Sec tho first note 011 this speech. 10 218 SALLUST. and hating war; feeling that he must abstain from luxury and licentiousness, yet taking advantage meantime of your inactivity, inactivity which I do not know whether I should not rather call fear, or pusillanimity, or infatuation; for while you see peril threatening you like a thunderbolt, you merely wish, each for himself, that it may not fall upon you, but without making the least effort to prevent it. " Consider, I pray you, how the temper of the times is changed from what it was. Formerly, designs against the com- monwealth were conducted secretly, and measures for its defense with openness, and thus the lovers of their country had an easy advantage over incendiaries ; now, peace and concord are pub- licly impugned, and supported only by plans concerted in secret. Those who espouse a bad cause, show themselves in arms ; you, Conscript Fathers, shrink back in terror. But for what do you wait, unless you are ashamed or unwilling to act as becomes you? Do the declarations 35 of Lepidus influence you ? of Lepidus, who says that each should have his own, and yet retains the property of others ; who exclaims that laws established by arms 36 should be abrogated, and yet seeks to bring us under his yoke by a civil war ; who asserts that the civic franchise should be restored to those from whom he denies that it has been taken ; and who insists, for the sake of concord, on the re-establishment of the tribunitial power, by which all our discords have been inflamed. O most abandoned and shameless of men ! Are the distresses and troubles of the citizens become objects of thy Care, who hast nothing in thy possession but what has been obtained by violence and in- justice ? Thou demandest a second consulship, as if thou hadst resigned the first ; thou seekest a pretended peace, by means of a war that breaks the real peace" which we enjoyed ; thou art a traitor to us, a deceiver of thy party, and the enemy of all honest men ! Hast thou no shame, before either gods or men, both of whom thou hast offended by thy perfidies and perjuries ? But, since thou art what thou art, I exhort thee to persist in thy course, and to keep thy arms in thy hands ; and 05 Declarations] Mandata. " Lepidus might previously have sent depu- ties to the senate and the people with some statements or declarations." Cortlijg. " Probably to treat about the abrogation of Sylla's laws." Gerlach. 3(1 Laws established by arms] Belli jura. "Laws which Syl la had im- posed on the Romans, after his victory.' Burnovf. 37 That breaks the real peace, etc.] Quo parta (sc. pax) disturbatur. 1MENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 219 do not make thyself uneasy, and keep us in suspense, by delaying thy traitorous purposes. Neither our provinces, nor our laws, nor our household gods, endure thee as a citizen. Proceed, then, as thou hast begun, that thou mayst as soon as possible meet thy deserts ! " But you, Conscript Fathers, how long will you keep the republic ia insecurity by your delays, and meet arms only with words ? 39 Forces are levied against you ; money is raised, pub- licly and privately, by extortion ; troops are led out, and placed in garrisons ; 3 * the laws are under arbitrary and capricious man- agement ; and yet you, meanwhile, think only of sending depu- ties and preparing resolutions. But, be assured, the more earnestly you apply for peace, the more vigorously will war be urged against you, as your enemy will find himself better supported by your fears than by the justice and goodness of his cause. For whoever professes a hatred of civil broils, and of the effusion of Roman blood, and keeps you, for that reason, defenseless, while Lepidus is in arms, recommends you to sub- mit to the treatment which the vanquished must endure, when you yourselves must inflict it on others. Such counselors ad- vise peace on your part toward him, and war on his toward you. If exhortations of this nature please you, if such insensibility has taken possession of your breasts, that, forgetful of the crimes of China, by whose return into the city all the dignity of your order was trampled in the dust, you will nevertheless put your- selves, your wives and children, into the power of Lepidus, what need is there of resolutions, or what is the use of the aid of Catulus ? He, and all other honest men, concern themselves for the state in vain. But act as you pleasa ; the bands of Cethegus, 49 and of other traitors, stand ready for you, eager to renew their ravages and burnings, and to arm their hands afresh against your household gods. If liberty and honor, 41 however, 38 Meet arms only with words] Verbis arma tentabaHis. " Adversus Le- pidi arma verbus tantum pugnabitis." Burnouf. " Ne vous Iassez-vou3 point de n'opposer aux armes que de vaines paroles?" De Brasses. 3 ' J Troops are led out, and placed in garrisons] Prcesidia deduda atqve i f a. " Cortiu* leaves it doubtful whether the sense is deducta sunt altapratsldui e.c urbibus, alia imposita ; or, deducta in urbes et imposita pro- si liu. De Brosses and Bureau Delamalle preferred the former interpreta- tion." Bttrnouf. I have adopted the latter. 40 Cethegus j " Caius Cethesrns, who was afterward one of Catiline's ac- complices. See Cat., c. 17." Burnouf. 41 Liberty and honor] Libertas et vera. " Vera, i. c. jnstum, rectum." Gerlach. Cortius and Buruouf also read veraj Huvereauip and others havo 220 SALLUST. have more attractions for you, decide on what is worthy of the name of Rome, and stimulate the courage of your valiant sup- porters. A new army is at your devotion, with colonies of vet- erans, 43 all the nobility, and the most able commanders. For- tune follows the braver side ; and the force which the enemy has collected through our remissness, will dwindle away when we begin to exert ourselves. " My opinion therefore is, that since Lepidus is advancing with an army, raised on his own responsibility, in concert with the worst enemies of the commonwealth, and in defiance of the authority of the senate, to the gates of the city, Appius Claudius the interrex, 43 Quintus Catulus the pro-consul, and others who are in authority, be directed to guard the city, and TO MAKE IT THEIR CARE THAT THE REPUBLIC RECEIVE NO INJURY." 44 FROM THE SECOND BOOK. A Ligurian woman, named Corsa, 45 observing that a bull in a herd which she was tending on the coast, was accustomed to swim over the water, and to return from time to time with an increase of flesh, and desiring to learn on what unknown pas- ture he fed, followed the animal, the next time that he left the other cattle, in a boat to the island. On her return, the Ligu- rians, being informed of the extraordinary fertility of the isle, went over to it in boats, and called it by the name of the woman who discovered and guided them to it. Isidore, xiv. 6. Metellus, 4 " after a year's absence, having returned into Further bella, which makes very pood sense, and to which the strongest objection that can be made is that Sallust or Lepidus, was more likely to use the sin- gular. 43 Colonies of veterans] Colonice veterum militvm. "Old soldiers from the colonies of Sylla." Burnoiif, 43 Appius Claudius the interrex] " This speech was delivered A.U.C. 677, about the end of January, when, as the consuls for the year were not yet created, Appius Claudius was interrex." Burnwif. 44 THAT THE REPUBLIC RECEIVE NO INJURY] See Cat., c. 29. 45 Corsa] This story is noticed by Stcphanus : Corsis, says he, is an inland in the Tyrrhenian sea, named from Corsa, a female slave who tended cattle ; it is also called Corsica.' 1 '' Colerus. The usual Greek name for it was Kvpvoc, Cyrnus. 48 Metcllns"] " Metellus Pius, who had carried on the war against Serto- rius. lie was the son of Metellus Numidieus." Burnouf. FRAGMENTS OP THE HISTORY OF SALLTJST. 221 Spain, was followed, with great honor, by a concourse 47 of people of both sexes, flocking together from all parts, and collecting along the roads and on the house-tops. His quaestor, Caius Urbinus, and others who knew his disposition, invited him to a banquet, and entertained him with a splendor exceeding that of the Romans or any other people, adorning the houses with tapestries, ensigns, and scenes suited to the gorgeousness of a theater ; the ground being sprinkled with saffron, 48 and other ceremonies being used as in a much-frequented temple. As he was sitting, too, an image of victory, let down by a rope, with a noise to imitate thunder, placed a crown upon his head ; and, as he moved about, frankincense was offered to him as to a de- ity. His dress, as he reclined at the table, was mostly a figured toga ; the most exquisite dainties were set before him ; for several varieties of birds and other animals, previously unknown, had not only been collected throughout the province, but brought over the sea from Mauretania, for the occasion. But by such indulgences he lost something of his glory, especially in the opinion of the older and more austere, who regarded them as savoring of pride and presumption, and unsuitable to the dig- nity of the Roman empire. Macrob. Sat. ii. 9. Nonius. So- sipater, 1. i. FROM THE THIRD BOOK. LETTER OF POMPEY 49 TO THE SENATE. Had I as often engaged in toils and dangers, Conscript Fath- ers, against you, my country, and our household gods, as, under < With great honor, by a concourse] Magna gloria concurrentivm vndiqve. Gerlach takes gloria in "the sense of gloriafio, laudatio. Thus it will be, " with the great honor or praise of a concourse." < 8 Sprinkled with saffron] Croco sparsa. They used a mixture of saffron and wine for the purpose. Comp. Prop. iv. 6, 74; Hor. Ep. ii. 1, 79 ; Stat. Silv. ii. 1, 160 ; Spartiau. Adr., c. 19 ; Lucret. ii. 416. Plin. H. N. xxi. 6 : Crocvm vino mire congriiit, prcecique dulci tritum ad iheatra repknda. Letter of Pompey] "In the consulship of Cotta and Octavius, A.TJ.C. 679, the unfavorablen'ess of the weather, and the depreciations of pirates, had caused a great scarcity of corn at Rome ; and the money which had been raised to supply Metellus for the Spanish war (see Sail. Fragm. Incert. lib., Peainia qmr ad Hiapanieme Mlum, etc.), was necessarily expended hi procuring provisions for the city. Nor WHS Pompey, who was at the head of another army in Spain, sufficiently assisted from home ; while, in that part of the country which he occupied, the crop of corn during the last two years, had been but small. In tne following year, accordingly, the army 222 SALIftTST. my leadership, from my earliest youth, your most desperate en- emies bave been defeated, and your tranquillity secured, you could have decided on nothing more severe than you now deter- mine against me, whom, after exposing me, at an earlier ago than usual, 50 to a most arduous war, you compel, as far as is in your power (together with an army that has done you honor- able service), to perish of hunger, the most wretched of all deaths. Was it with such expectations that the people of Rome sent their sons into the field ? Is such the recompense given for wounds, and for so much blood shed in defense of the state ? Weary with writing and sending messengers to you, I have ex- hausted the whole of my private fortune and expectations, while, during the last three years, I have scarcely received from you pay sufficient for one. What, in the name of the immortal gods, do you think of me ? Do you suppose that my own re- sources are equal to an exchequer, or that I can support an army without provisions and money ? I indeed allow that I set out for this war with more zeal than judgment, having, in forty days after I received from you the title of general, assembled an army, and driven the enemy, who were then pressing upon the fron- tiers of Italy, from the Alps into Spain. Over those mountains I opened a passage different from that of Hannibal, and more convenient for us. I recovered Gaul, the Pyrenees, Laletania," the Ilergetes, w and withstood the first attack of the conquering was greatly in want of provisions, as well as of money. Fompcy, having in vain solicited supplies, by frequent letters and messages, from the senate, at length wrote this angry epistle, in which he threatens, in no very obscure terms, to return to Italy with his army. The people were accordingly seized with great alarm, dreading that Sertorius might follow Pompey J or even anticipate him. Lucullus, too, was afraid that Pompey would snatch from him the command of the Mithridatic war, which Pompey, indeed, greatly desired to have, as being superior to that which he held. The senate were therefore induced to send the requisite supplies. This happened two years before the end of the Sertorian war." JBurnouf. so At an earlier age than usual] Contra cetatem. " Ho was deputed to tho command of the Sertorian war at the age of twenty-eight, in the character of pro-consul, though he had not before held any civil office. De Brosses, who says (ii. 23) that he was only twenty-three, is in error." JZu.rnnuf. 61 Laletania] Laletanlam. This is the reading adopted by Cortius, Bur- nouf, De Brosses, and Gerlach. Laletania was a district of Spain, between the Iberus and the Pyrenees. Havercamp reads Lacetaniam, which lay in the same part of Spain, a little farther from the coast. M The Ilergetes] I read Ilergetes, with De Brosses ; Havereamp has Her- getum; Cortius, Burnouf, and Gerlach, read Indiqetes ; but the Ilergetes, a more considerable people, bordering on both the Lacetani and Laletani, seem much more likely to nave been mentioned by Pompey. Carrio indeed notices that Pliny, H. N. iii. 3, has Laletani et tndigetes; but this proves FRAGMENTS OP THE 'HISTORY OF SALLUST. 223 Sertorius with newly-raised troops and inferior numbers ; and 1 passed the winter, not in the towns, or so as to gratify my sol- diers for the sake of popularity, 63 but in the midst of the fiercest enemies. Need I recount the battles which I have fought, the expeditions which I have undertaken in the winter, the towns which I have destroyed or recovered ? Actions speak sufficiently for themselves without the aid of words. The capture of the adversary's camp at Sucro, the battle at the river Durius, 54 the slaughter of Herennius the enemy's general, with the destruc- tion of his army and the city of Valentia, are sufficiently known to you. For these services, grateful Fathers, you recom- pense me with want of money and want of food. The condition of my army and that of the enemy, are consequently similar. Pay is given to neither; and both might march unopposed 65 into Italy ; of which circumstance I warn you, and entreat you to consider of it, and not to oblige me to provide for iny neces- sities on my own responsibility. That portion of Hither Spain, which is not in the possession of the enemy, we or Sertorius have utterty desolated, except the cities on the coast ; but these are a positive charge and burden upon us. Gaul, during the last year, supplied the army of Metellus with pay and provis- ions, but now, from the badness of the crops, can scarcely sup- port itself. For my own part, I have exhausted not only my private property, but my credit. To you alone, Conscript Fathers, can we apply ; and, unless you relieve us, the army, and the whole Spanish war with it, will transfer itself against my will, but not without forewarning to yourselves, from hence into Italy. nothing. The Indigetes or Indicetsc are placed by geographers on the coast of the Mediterranean, at the foot of the Pyrenees, their chief town being Emporium or Emporise. 63 For the sake of popularity] Ex ambitione med. " Neque ita ut, per am- bitionem, milites indulg^entius haberem. Arnbitionem vero intellige nylitaris gratiae captatiouem, ut in Jug., c. 45." Burnouf. M Durius] " Pompey's statement would seem to refer to the river Turia, not the Durius. Our author, in a fragment of the second book, says Inter Iceva montium et dextrum flamen Tunam, quod^ VaUntiam parvo intervallo praeitrfluit. Plinius, however, calls the same river Jurius. Gtrtvus. De "Brasses agrees with Cortius. The Turia is now called the Guadalaviar. 66 Unopposed] Victor. "The army of Pompey, victorious in the field, might be driven from Spain by famine ; that of Sertorius, though conquered, might then enter Italy with aa little opposition as if it had been victorious." 224 SALLUST. SPEECH OF MACER LICINIUS, TRIBUNE OF THE PEOPLE, TO THE ROMANS. " If you did not know the difference, my fellow-countrymen, between the rights transmitted to you from your ancestors, and the servitude intended for you by Sylla, it would be necessary for me to enter on a long dissertation on the subject, and to show for what grievances, and on what occasions, the people of Rome withdrew under arms from the senate, and how they suc- ceeded in obtaining tribunes as defenders of their rights. As it is, I need only encourage you, and guide you in the way by which I think your liberty must be secured. I am not ignorant how great that power of the nobility is, which I, alone, de- ficient in resources, and with the mere empty semblance of office, am endeavoring to deprive of its authority ; or how much more securely the worst of men act in combination, than the best by themselves. But besides the confidence which I have in you, a confidence which suppresses all apprehension, I am sure that to struggle unsuccessfully in defense of liberty, is, to a man of spirit, more satisfactory than not to have struggled at all. Yet others, who have been created" for the vindication 61 Speech of Macer Licinius] " It is to be remembered that almost all power had been taken from the tribunes of the people by Sylla. The consul Lepidus was the first that subsequently endeavored to re-establish it ; after- ward, A.tr.c. 678, Sicinius, one ot the tribunes themselves, made a similar effort, but was successfully opposed by the consul C. Scribonius Cnrio. In the following year, C. Aurelius Cotta, one of the consuls, restored to tho tribunes the right of holding other offices after the tribunate. In A.U.O. 680, the tribune Quinctins made an attempt to recover the whole of their privi- leges, but was defeated. At last, in the consulship of Cassiue Varus and Terentius Lucullus. A.U.C. 681 ; C. Licinius Macer brought the matter forward again, but the settlement of it was delayed till the return of Fompey from the war in Spain. That Pompey, when he was afterward consul with Crassus, A.U.C. 684. restored the rights, which had been so long and so clamorously demanded, to the people, is generally known." Burnpuf. " Caius Macer, as an orator, was always deficient in influence, but was an advocate of such diligence as could scarcely be surpassed. Had not his life, his manners, and his look, destroyed the effect of his intellectual power, his \ name among pleaders would have been much greater. His language, though not copious, was far from being poor ; though not highly polished, it was far from being rude ; but his mode of utterance, his gesture, and whole demeanor, were entirely devoid of grace. His care, however, in pro- ducing and arranging his matter, was so extraordinary, that I have scarcely known greater diligence or attention in any one ; yet it seemed to be the offspring rather of subtlety than of skill in oratory. Though he was much esteemed in private, he had a greater reputation in public causes." Cic. Brut., 67. * 7 Others, who have been created, etc.] Omnes alii creati pro jure vestro. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 225 of your rights, have all been induced by personal interest, by the expectation of advantage, or by actual bribery, to turn their whole power and authority against you, esteeming it better to be treacherous for hire than to maintain their integrity without re- ward. They have all, accordingly, submitted themselves to the rule of a faction, who, on the pretense of conducting a war, have assumed the control of the treasury and the army, of king- doms and provinces, and have built, as it were, out of the spoils taken from you, a stronghold for your oppression ; while you, like a tame herd, yield yourselves, notwithstanding the greatness of your numbers, to be possessed and fleeced by a few, and robbed of all that your ancestors left you, except the power of electing magistrates, who were once your defenders and are now your tyrants. All, therefore, have now gone over to them ; but if you recover your privileges, most of them will soon re- turn to you (for but few have the courage to defend the cause which they adopt), and all other advantages 58 will be on the side of you who are the stronger. Can you fear, indeed, that any force of your adversaries will stop you, if you persist in a pur- pose with unanimity, when they continue to dread you even though inactive and irresolute ? unless you can suppose that Caius Gotta, a consul deep in the heart of their faction, 69 restored certain privileges to your tribunes from some other motive than fear. As for Lucius Sicinius, 60 who first dared to speak of the tiibunitial authority, though he was cut off while you scarcely ventured to murmur, yet his oppressors dreaded your displea- sure, even before you complained of their injustice. At such inactivity on your part, my fellow-citizens, I can not sufficiently wonder ; for you well understand that the hope of redress from them is vain. " When Sylla, who imposed this detestable slavery on you, " Not only the tribunes, bat all other magistrates, as is evident from im- peria, which follows." Gerlach. The tribunes of the people had no im- perinm. or military command, but only jwtestas. or civil power. <* Other advantages \Coetera. So Cortius and. Burnout. Havercamp and Gerlach have cteten. The masculine, indeed, seems preferable. 5 Deep in the heart of their faction] Eat factione media. " Selected for the consulate from the very faction of your enemies." Bnrnovf. De Brosses understands byfactio med'ia, a party who had determined to pursue a mid- dle course of action between the people and the nobles ; but who else has believed in the existence of such a party at Kome ? 80 Lucius Sicinius] See the first note on this speech. He was found dead in his bed, having been killed, it was supposed, at the instigation of the consul Curio. 10* 226 SALLUST. (lied, you thought that there was an end of your troubles. But Catulus, 61 still more implacable than Sylla, arose in his stead. Disturbances affected you in the consulship of Brutus and ^Emilius Mamercus. 63 Caius Curio played the tyrant even to the destruction of your innocent tribune. 63 With what fury Lucullus, during the last year, made head against Lucius Quinc- tiu9, 6 ' you all witnessed. And what an uproar is now excited against myself! But such proceedings would be without a pur- pose, if they meant to cease to be your tyrants, before you cer.se to be their slaves. Besides, in all these civil ccmmotioijs, though other objects are pretended, the contention on both sides is for sovereignty over you. Other struggles, from the licentiousness of the nobility, their hatred to particular persons, or their un- bounded avarice, have burst forth from time to time, but one thing only has continued to be the aim of both parties, the one seeking to secure it, and the other to abolish it forever, I mean the tribunitial power, the weapon prepared by your ancestors for the defense of your liberty. " To these matters I warn and entreat you to give serious consideration ; not changing the names of things to suit your own indolence, and giving to slavery the title of tranquillity, which, if villainy prevail over justice and honesty, you will have no opportunity to enjoy, though you might have had, if you had not bestirred yourselves at all. Reflect, too, that un- less you gain the masteiy, they will press you harder than before, since all injustice increases its safety by severity. " ' What think you that we should do, then ?' some one will say. First of all, I think that you should lay aside your present fashion of manifesting activity in your tongues, and cherishing pusillanimity in your hearts, and of meditating on liberty only while you remain in the place where you are publicly addressed. In the next place (that I may not urge you to those forcible fl Catulus] The same who is mentioned in the first note on the speech of Fhilippus. He was a man of high character ; Macer speaks in disparage- ment of him to serve his own purposes. See Cic. De Off., i. 22 ; Veil. Pat., ii. 31. 63 Brutus and JSm'lius Mamercus] " In the year 677, when the war against Lepidus was at its height," Burnouf. 83 Innocent tribune] Sicinius. See above. Curio was consul with Cn. Oc- tavius, in the year 678. e4 Lucius Quinctius] See the first note. " Cicero calls him an orator well qualified to make turbulent harangues, Brut., c. 62. He also speaks of him, and of the disturbances which he excited, in his Oration for Cluentius, c. 34, 39, 40, and elsewhere." Burrumf, FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 227 measures by which your ancestors procured for themselves tri- bunes of the people, a share in the magistracy previously con- fined to the patricians, and the privilege of voting independ- ently of the senate), I would ask, since you have full power either to do or not to do, on your own account, what you per- form at the command and for the service of others,' 6 whether you wait for Jupiter, or some other god, to advise you as to your conduct ? You yourselves, my fellow-citizens, by execut- ing those lordly commands of the consuls and decrees of the senators, give them your sanction and authority, and increase and strengthen the despotism exercised over you. Not, I say. that I would persuade you to revenge your injuries, but rather to remain at rest ; nor do I demand restitution of your rights from a love of discord, as they falsely charge upon me, but from a desire to see an end of discord, and, if they obstinately refuse you justice, I do not recommend armed violence or a se- cession, but only that you should forbear to shed your blood in their behalf. Let them hold and exercise their offices in their own way ; let them obtain triumphs ; let them pursue Mithri- dntes as well as Sertorius and the remnant of the exiles, with their trains of statues and images ; 66 but let danger and toil bo f. .r from you, who have no share in the advantage of them ; unless indeed your services have been repaid by the late law, so suddenly passed, for the distribution of corn ; 67 a law by which they have estimated the liberty of each individual at the price of ten gallons 68 of corn, an allowance not more nutritious than that which is granted to prisoners. For as, by that small 34 For the service of others] ProaUis. He means military service ; and hints that they might take up arms for themselves, if they pleased, or might refuse to serve in the army. 6 With their trains ot statues and images] Cum imagintfru* suit. " Let them lead ont the smoky effigies of their forefathers into the field, instead of soldiers." Buriwuf 67 Law for corn] "In the year 679, the consul Cotta had distributee? corn to the people, in consequence of the famine of which I have spoken in the first note on the Letter of Pompey, and which gave occasion to the speech of Cotta that appears below. Afterward a new law seems to hnvo been made by Cassius and Terentius (in the year in which this speech was delivered), by which five modii of corn a mo'uth were given to every poor citizen." Burnmtf. Ten gallons] Quini modii. " The modius, the principal drv measure of the Romans, was equal to one third of the amphora (Volusius ilsecianus, Festus, Rhemn. Fann. ap. Wurm, 67), and therefore contained 1 gall. 7-8576 pints English." Dr. Smith's Dictionary. Five modii would there- fore bo equal to 9 gall. 7'2S80 pints ; nearly 10 gallons. 228 SALLUST. pittance, death is just kept off from people in jails, while their strength wastes away ; so neither does your slender provision relieve you from the care of keeping your families ; and the idlest of you are disappointed of your humble hope of support. And though indeed it were ample, yet when it is offered as the price of slavery, what insensibility do you manifest in suffering yourselves to be deceived, and in thinking that you are laid under obligation by what is intended to do you wrong ! For it is only by deluding you that they have any power over you as a body, or will make any attempts upon you ; and it is their art against which you most guard. " They prepare measures to soothe you, and try to put you off till the arrival of Cneius Pompey ; a man whom, as long as they dreaded him, they bore in triumph on their shoulders, but whom, when their fear is over, they are ready to tear in pieces. Nor are they ashamed (assertors, as they call themselves, of lib- erty) of being too timid to redress a grievance, or too weak to defend a right, great as is their number, without the support of that single person. To myself, indeed, it is sufficiently evi- dent, that Pompey, a young man of so much honor, will rather be your leader, if you agree to choose him, than a sharer in their tyranny; and that he will be the most forward to re- establish the power of your tribunes. But there was a time, my fellow-citizens, when each individual depended on the con- junctive strength of the community, and not the community on the power of one ; and when no single person could give or take away from you such rights as those under consideration. But I have said enough ; it is not want of knowledge that im- pedes your course, 69 but it is I know not what torpor that has seized you, under the influence of which you are moved neither by honor nor by disgrace ; you have given up every thing for the sake of slothful indulgence, thinking that you have ample liberty because your backs are spared the scourge, and because you may walk whither you please, a spectacle to your wealthy f masters. But your fellow-citizens in the country have not even these privileges; but are crushed between the jarrings of the powerful, and sent into the provinces to be the property of the magistrates. They fight and conquer only for a faction ; and 89 It is not want of knowledge that impedes your course] Neque enim ig- norantia, res claudit. " Claudit, i. e. claudicat ; non prppter ignorantiam res minus procedit. Apul. de Deo Socr. Ut ubi dubUatione dauderet, ibi dwinatoone c&nsisteret." Cortius. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLTTST. 229 whatever party has the advantage, the people suffer the treat- ment of the vanquished. And such treatment they will suffer daily more and more, as long as your oppressors continue to make greater efforts in support of their tyranny, than you exert for the recovery of your liberty." 70 FROM THE FOURTH BOOK. LETTER OP MITHRIDATES TO KING ARSACES.* 1 KING MITHRIDATES TO KING ARSACES, wishing health. All who are solicited, when in prosperous circumstances, to take a share in a war, ought to consider whether they may still con- tinue at peace, and whether, at the same time, that which is requested of them be sufficiently just and safe, glorious or dis- honorable. If you were at liberty to enjoy uninterrupted tran- quillity ; if a most unprincipled enemy were not threatening you ; if illustrious renown, in case of subduing the Romans, were not awaiting you, I should not venture to ask your alliance, or indulge a vain hope of uniting my ill-fortune with your prosperity. The circumstances, however, which seem likely to deter you, I mean your resentment against Tigranes, TO " This speech, which, is the most vehement and bitter of all those in Sallust, seems worthy of the highest commendation. It has all the sting and strength of the forum (aculeos et nervos fbrenses), and its author seems to have rivaled, not only Thucydides, but Demosthenes himself." Ger~ lath. " In spite of the clamors of Licinius, however, the senate succeeded in putting off the decision of the matter to the return of Poinpey ; who, to gain the favor of the populace, annulled all the laws of the dictator, and restored to the tribunes the privilege of disturbing the state." Dureau DdamaUe. " Letter of Mithridates to King Arsaces] " Mithridates, driven from Ma kingdom by the successes of Lucullus, had fled into Armenia, to Tigranes. Here he renewed the war, but both he and Tigranes were conquered, and the metropolis, Tigranocerta, was taken. At this period, it appeared that Arsaces, king of the Parthians, was strong enough to secure victory to whichsoever side he might attach himself, if he could be persuaded to at- tach himself to either. His alliance was accordingly sought, on the one hand by Lucullus, and on the other by Mithridates and Tigranes. To sway Ms wavering resolution toward himself, Mithridates wrote the following letter. But its effect on Arsaces, who distrusted Sextilius, Lucullus's deputy, was, that he resolved to unite himself to neither side. De Brosses, v. 31, "seq." Bumovf. 711 Resentment against Tigranes, etc.] "Tigranes, several years before, had been given, as a hostage to the PartMans (see Justin., xxxviii. 3), and 230 SALLUST. <>:i account of the recent war, and the unfortunate state of my lill'airs, will appear, if you but take a just view of the matter^ the greatest incentives to induce you to join me. Tigranes, ready to submit to you, will consent to whatever terms you please ; for myself, Fortune, who has taken much from me, has given me experience to advise others ; and what is beneficial for those prosperous as yourself, I, who am fallen from the heigh: of power, afford you an example for the better conduct of your affairs. The Romans have constantly had the same cause, a cause of the greatest antiquity, for making war upon all nations, people, and kings, the insatiable desire for empire and wealth. Prompt- ed by this incentive, they first took up arms against Philip, king of Macedonia ; but, being pressed by the Carthaginians, they assumed the mask of friendship, 73 and, at the same time, artfully diverted Antiochus, who was coming to his aid, by the concession of Asia. 74 Soon after, when they had made Philip their slave," Antiochus was despoiled of all his dominions on this side Mount Taurus, and ten thousand talents. As for Per- ses, the son of Philip, when, after many and various contests, he had received from them a pledge of faith before the gods of Samothrace, these crafty devisers of treachery, who had given him life by the articles of their agreement, killed him by de- priving him of sleep. 70 Eumenes, of whose friendship they os- had been restored by them to his father's kingdom ; but compelled, at the same time, to give up seventy valleys of the Armenian territory as the price of liis restoration. (Strab., xi.) Some time afterward, when his courage was roused by his alliance with Mithridatcs, he resumed possession of his land ; and threw off the yoke of the Parthians altogether. Hence the anger ot Arsaces. De Brosses, v. 2." Burnouf. '3 Assumed the mask of friendship] Amicitiamsimulantes. "Friendship, namely, for Philip. And as they pretended friendship for Philip while the Panic continued, so they pretended friendship for Antiochus as long as the war with Philip continued." Burnovf. 74 Concession of Asia] Concessione Asm. "It nowhere appears that the Eomans, at that time, made any formal cession of any part ot Asia to Anti- ochus. But we find from Livy, xxxiii. 39, that Antiochus, when Philip was fighting for the Eomans, took the opportunity of seizing on several cities belonging to that prince, and that the Eomans, at the time, took no notiw of the matter." Burnotij. ' 76 Made Philip their slave] Tracto Philippo. " Sc. in servit>item, under the name of an ally ; for Philip fought on the side of the Eomans against Antiochus, Livy, xxxvi. 8." Burnmif. 78 Depriving him of sleep] When Perses was defeated by Paullus -i3milius, and driven from Macedonia, he fled to the island of Samothrace, and took refuge in a temple. Octavius, the commander of the Eoman fleet, persuaded him to quit it, and trust himself to the faith of the Eomans. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 231 tentatious'y i>oast, (hoy at first betrayed to Antiochos, ;is the prio' of :i peace with him. Attain*, the guardian of a capture;! territory, 7 they ivdm-ed, by | ivuniary exactions and insults, from a monarch to the most wreiched of slaves; and then, hav- ing forged an unnatural^ will in his name, they led his sen Aristonicus, for having attempted the recovery of his father's kingdom, in triumph like a conquered enemy. Asia was next occupied by their troops, and at length, on the death of Nicom- edes, they seized and ravaged 80 the whole of Bithynia, though there was undoubtedly a son born of Nusa, whom they had re- cognized as queen. What sh^Jl I say of myself? I was on every side separated, by kingdoms and provinces, 81 from their dominions, yet, as I was reported to be rich and averse to slavery, they provoked me to war by setting Nicomedes upon me ; M I being, indeed, perfectly aware of their evil intentions, and hav- ing declared with regard to the Cretans, then the only free peo- ple in the world, and king Ptolemy, that that would happen ^ 7 ell. Paterc., i. 9. Liv., xliv. xlv. Having been led in triumph, he was allowed to reside, at the intercession of .Smilius, under guard at Alba, where he is said by most authors to have died by abstaining from food. Plutarch, however, in his life of Paullus ^Emilius, c. 37, relates that the soldiers by whom he was guarded, having for some reason token a dislike to him. and not daring to offer him violence, used means to prevent him from sleeping, by which he died. See also Diodor. Sic. lib., xxxi. 77 Guardian of a captured territory] Castodem agri captivi. "He insinu- ates that the kingdom of Attains, even during his life, was but a province of the Romans." Burnouf. 7f> Unnatural] Impio. Because Attains, by such a will, set aside his own children. Justin., xxxvi. 4, intimates that Attains was never very sound in mind. Porphyrio, on Hor. Oil., n. 18, Reque Attali Ignotus hares regiam oc- cupavi, says that the expression Jiceres occapavi " conveys a suspicion, from whicl will: only one that suspected the Romans of unfair dealing in the matter. 711 Nicomedes| He also left his dominions to the Romans by will. See Liv. Epit., xciii. ; Veil. Pat. ii. 4. *" Seized and ravaged] Diripuere. ' Provinces] TetrarchiU. See on Cat., c. 20. 81 By setting Nieomedes upon me] Per Nicomedem. "He makes the same complaint in Justin., xxxviii. 5. Nieomedes had been expelled, bv the arms, indeed, of his brother, but by the secret instigation of Mithridatea, from his kingdom ; and the senate, by sending legates, effected his restora- tion. . . . But the Roman generals, who hoped for rich spoils from a war, incited Nicomedes to invade the dominions of Mithridates. Of this aggres- sion Mitlmdutes made bitter complaints, but finding no redress, thought it time to commence hostilities. This was the origin of the war with Mithri- dates, who had previously, in name at least, been the ally of the Romans. See Appian, De Bell. Mithrid." Burnouf. 232 SALLUST. which has since come to pass. My wrongs I avenged ; I ex- pelled Nicomedes from Bithynia ; I recovered Asia, the spoil of king Antiochus ;" 3 I took the heavy yoke of servitude from Greece. It was only the baseness of Archelaus," 4 that vilest of slaves, in betraying my army, that prevented my progress. And those whom cowardice, or the wretched policy of resting their security on my efforts, withheld from taking anus in my behalf, pay the severest peualties for their folly ; Ptolemy is buying off war, from day to day, with money ; 85 and the Cretans, 88 who have already been once attacked, will see no end of hostilities till they are utterly subjugated.* For my own part, perceiving that war against me was rather delayed by the Romans (on account of their troubles at home), than peace secured to me, I resumed hostilities ; though Tigra- nes, who now too late approves my counsels, refused to join me ; though you were at a great distance ; and though all the neighboring powers were under submission to my enemies. I routed Marcus Cotta, the Roman general, in a battle by land at Chalcedon ; and despoiled him of a fine fleet by sea. But be- ing delayed, at the head of a vast army, by a long siege at Cyzicus, I suffered from want of provisions ; for no one assisted me by land, and the winter prevented all relief by sea. Com- pelled, therefore, though not by any force of the enemy, to re- 83 Asia, the spoil of king Antiochus] Asiamque spolium regis Antiochi. " He calls it a spoil, because it had been taken from Antiochus by the Ro- mans. See above, Antiochus omni cis Taurumayro spoliatus eat: 'Antio- chns was despoiled of all his dominions on this side Mount Taurus.' " Cor- lius. 84 Archelaus] " General of the army of Mithridates, who, having lost Athens, and suffered defeats at Chseronea and Orchomenua, made peace, in the name of Mithridates, with Sylla, to which the king, after some delay, gave his sanction. But extrordinary honors being paicl to Archelaus by Sylla, Mithridates began to suspect him of having acted treacherously, both in the field and with regard to the peace ; and his suspicions were in- creased, when, being sent to the legions of Fimbria, who had expressed some intention of deserting to Mithridates, he himself was taken prisoner by them, and his attendants slain. Having afterward recovered his liberty, but dreading the wrath of his master, he fled, with his wives and children, to the Romans, to whom he ever continued faithful. See Plutarch, Vit. Syll. and Appian de Bell. Mithrid." Bnrnouf. 86 With money] Pretio, " A force d'argent." De Brasses. " He perhaps refers to those large presents made by Ptolemy to Lucullus. Plutarch in Lucull." Cortius. M The Cretans, etc.] " The Cretan war, if we would but admit the truth, we ourselves occasioned, solely from the desire of subduing that noble island. It was thought to have favored Mithridates, and we resolved to take vengeance for this offense by force of arms." Florus, iii. 7. FRACMKXTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. -j;>:j turn to my own hereditary dominions, I had the misfortune to lose, by shipwrecks at Pariuni"' and Heraclea, my fleet and the flower of my troops. I recruited niy army, however, at Cabira ; 6S but, after various encounters with Lucullus, a second scarcity affected both of us. But he had the kingdom of Ariobarzanes, 89 still uninjured by the war, for a resource ; while I, finding all the country round me wasted, retired to Annenia ; the Ro- mans pursuing, not me, but their own plan 90 of subverting every kingdom ; and because they were enabled, from the nar- rowness of the pass through which we marched, to prevent us from coming fairly to action, they attribute what was the con- sequence of Tigranes' imprudence, to the successful efforts of their own arms. I entreat you then to consider, whether, if I am subdued, you will find yourself better able to resist the Romans, or more likely to see an end put to the war. I know indeed that you have abundance of troops, arms, and treasure ; on which ac- counts you are sought by me as an ally, and by them as a prey. And what remains best for you 91 to determine, is, while the kingdom of Tigranes is still flourishing, and while I am in pos- session of troops inured to war, to bring the contest to a termin- ation at a distance from home, and with little labor, by the efforts of our own soldiers ; since Tigranes and myself can neither conquer nor be conquered without hazard to you. Are you ignorant that the Romans had spread themselves westward until the ocean stopped their progress, before they turned their arms against us ? And that they have had nothing, from the very commencement of their being, neither home, nor wives, nor lands, nor rule, but what they have gained by rapine ? Originally a herd of fugitives, without a country, without any 87 Parium] " A town on the coast of My_sia Minor, not far from Cyzicus. See Cellar., iii. 3." Cortius. Heraclea was in Pontus. <* Cabira] A city of Pontus, bordering on Armenia, afterward named Diopolis by Pompey." Cortius. b Ariobarzanes] King of Cappadocia. 90 Pursuing, not me, out their own plan] Secuti turn me, sed morem simm. Of such a play ou a word, I believe that there is no other instance in Sal- lust 91 And what remains best for you, etc.] Cceterum consillum est, Tlffranif regno Integra, etc. This is the reading of Burnouf, whose interpretation I have followed, but without feeling sure that it is right. Cortius points the words consttium est Tigranis, regno, etc., a mode which Gerlach advocates in his notes, but gives the other method in his text. He justly callr- tin passages loeu* difficittimus. 234 SALLUST. known parents," they founded an empire by the destruction of mankind, and are restrained, neither by human nor divine ob- ligations, from ravaging and oppressing all, whether friends or allies, near or remote, weak or strong. Every power that does not become their slave, and regal powers most of all, they re- gard as an enemy. Few states wish for liberty ; 93 but most pre- ier just monarchs; on which account they detest us, as their rivals in power, and likely to be the avengers of the cause of mankind. For yourself in particular, who are master of Seleu- eia, the greatest of cities, and of Persia, renowned for its wealth, what can you expect from them but dissimulation for the pres- ent, and war hereafter ? The Romans have weapons to attack all, but the keenest for those whose conquest will yield most spoil. It is by daring and deceit, and by raising war upon war, that they have become great. Pursuing this course they will either suppress all other powers, or perish in the attempt. And to effect their destruction will not be difficult, if you on the side of Mesopotamia, and I on that of Armenia, surround their army, which will be thus deprived of provisions and succor, and which, indeed, has been hitherto preserved only by the favor of Fortune, or by our own fault. You will then be celebrated among posterity, as having come to the aid of great princes, 94 and having suppressed the spoilers of nations. This course I advise and exhort you to take ; and not, by suffering me to per- ish, to delay your own destruction merely for a while, rather than become a conqueror by uniting with me. 95 92 "Without any known parents] Sine parentibus. "Sans parens." De Brasses. Cortius takes parentes, in this passage, in the sense of subjects, saying that, in the miscellaneous multitude that formed the origin of Kome, there were neither imperantes nor parentes, neither governors nor subjects ; but this interpretation is justly condemned by Gerlach, who cites from Sen. Ep., 108, And pater nutttts, and from Hor. Sat. i., 6, 10, Viros nullis majoribus ork>9. He might have added what is said of Servius TullLis in IJvy.Patre nullo, rtvitre send,. 83 Few states wish for liberty] Pavel libertatem volunt. " He speaks with regard to the character of the Asiatics, who neither knew liberty by experience, nor had any due conception of it ; referring especially to the case of the Cappadocians, who, when the last of the_ family of their king Ariar- athes, who had been killed by MithridateSj died, were made free oy their own senate at the direction of Mithridates himself; but they soon declared that a nation could not exist without a monarch, and chose Ariobarzanes for their king, with the approbation of their senate. Justin., xxxviii. 2. ' Lib- erty.' says Montesquieu, has appeared insupportable to people who have not been accustomed to enjoy it; as a pure air is sometimes hurtful to such as have lived in marshy districts.' Spirit of Laws, xix. 2." Burnouf. 94 Great princes] Magnis regibus. Himself and Tigranes. 95 " The arts of the Romans are nowhere more fully exposed than, in tin? FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 235 Of what book the following speech is a fragment is uncertain. Cortius, Gerlach, and Buruouf, think that it formed part of the third. De Brosses places it in the second. SPEECH OF CAIUS COTTA," THE CONSUL, TO THE PEOPLE. " It has been my lot, my fellow-citizens, to experience many perils at home, and many reverses in the field ; which, by the help of the gods and my own efforts, I have partly endured and partly surmounted ; but in none of them have I been found wanting in ability to direct my conduct, or in industry to exe- cute my plans. Prosperity and adversity have wrought changes in my resources, but never in my mind. Yet, in our present calamitous circumstances, every support, in common with For- tune, seems to have deserted me. Old age, too, which is a bur- den in itself, doubles my anxiety ; for, at my advanced period of life, I can not hope even to die with honor. 97 Should I prove a traitor to you, and, after being twice &ora, 08 lightly esteem my household gods, my country, and this supreme com- mand, what torture would be sufficient for me during life, or what punishment after death ? All the torments attributed to the internal regions would be too little for my guilt. letter. "We are not to believe, however, with the learned De Brosses, that it was written by Mithridates himself; .... for the commencement of it is a manifest imitation of Thucydides, i. 32 ; and the diction of Sallust is oasily to be recognized throughout it." Burnovf. 88 Cains Cotta] " This speech, as appears from internal evidence, was spoken by Cains Aurelius Cotta, consul in the year 679, when a disturbance had arisen among the people in consequence of the famine of which we have spoken in the first note on the Letter of Ppmpey. It ought, therefore, to be referred to the third book of Sallust's History ; and they are greatly in error who attribute it to Marcus Cotta, who was routed by Mithridates, and whom they suppose to be- here deprecating the anger of the people on ac- count of his defeat. It is plain, from the words of the speaker, that the people were threatening him with death under the influence of hunger. , . . . C. Cotta was a very great orator. Cicero says much respecting him. Brut. 30, 49, 55. He is also one of the speakers in the treatise De Orators. Bvrnfnif. Gerlach's remarks, on the authorship of this speech, are to the same effect. " 7 Even to die with honor] "For he can not die with honor, who dies under the imputation of a great crime." Burnoi'f. 8 Twice born] Bis genitus. "Those were said to be li# ffeniti in the ?.tnte, who, after some calamity, attained eminent honor, or who, after being b:mi*hed from their country, were received into it again. That Cotta had been exiled, and had returned, appears from what he afterward says, and from Cicero, Brnt., c. 90. So Cicero, Epist. ad Att., vi. 6, calls his own re- turn nakcfftvtvia^ Cortina. He was exiled, according to Burnouf, A.C.C. C<53, and recalled by Sylla after his victory over Marius. 230 8ALLUST. " From my earliest manhood, both as a public and private character, my conduct has been before you ; whoever wished to profit by my advocacy, my counsel, or my purse, has never been refused. I have exerted no subtilty of eloquence or talent to work mischief. Though most desirous of friendship as a private individual, I have incurred the most violent enmities in the cause of the state. But when I was overpowered, together with the commonwealth, by a victorious faction ; when 1 stood in need of relief from others, and was expecting still greater calamities, you, my fellow-citizens, restored to me my country, and my household gods, with the greatest possible honor. For such benefits, if I could lay down a life (which is impossible) for each of you, I should hardly think that I testified sufficient gratitude. Since life and death belong to nature ;'" but the privilege of living among one's countrymen, without censure, uninjured in reputation or fortune, is given and received as a favor from one's country. " You have elected us Consuls, 1 my fellow-citizens, at a time when the republic is in the greatest embarrassment both at home and abroad. The generals in Spain 2 are calling for pay, troops, arms, and provisions ; demands which their circum- stances oblige them to make ; for, from the defection of our allies, 3 and the retreat of Sertorius over the mountains, they can neither come to an engagement, nor obtain necessary supplies. Armies are maintained in Asia and Cilicia, on account of the formidable power of Mithridates. Macedonia is full of enemies, as well as the maritime parts of Italy and the provinces. Our revenues, which are small, and, from the distractions of war, irregularly received, scarcely suffice for the half of our ex- 88 Since life and death belong to nature, etc.] Nam vita et mors jwa naturae, sunt< etc. " If I could lay down a life for each of you, I should only give what belongs to nature, and not to man : but you gave me what be- longs to yourselves, namely, the privilege of living without dishonor, and even in the full enjoyment of fame and fortune among my countrymen. What I should offer to you, could not be received as a real gift ; what you conferred on me, was both given and received as the greatest of gifts." urnouf. 1 Us Consuls] Himself and Lucullus, afterward famous for his conduct of the Mithridatic war. 8 The generals in Spain] Pompey and Metellus. See Pompey's Letter, and the notes. " From these words it is plain that this speech was de- livered some short time before the Letter of Pompey was sent to the senate ; for Lucullus and Cotta granted Pompey's requests." Gerlach. 8 Defection of our allies] " Those in Spain, whom Sertorius had detach- ed from the Romans." Bumouf. FRAGMENTS OF THE HISTORY OF SALLUST. 23 Y penses; 4 and hence we sail with a fleet, for conveying pro- visions to the troops, much smaller than on previous occasions. " If this state of things has been produced by treachery or neglect in us, act against us as vengeance may prompt you ; inflict the most severe punishment upon us. But if Fortune, which is common to all, has merely frowned upon us, why do you meditate resolutions unworthy of yourselves, of us, and of the commonwealth ? For myself, whose long life is drawing to a close, I do not deprecate death, if, by the infliction of it, any inconvenience may be removed from you ; nor can I terminate my life, the life of a free-born citizen, in a more honorable cause than that of promoting your welfare. I, Caius Cotta, your consul, am here before you ; I do what our ancestors, in unsuccessful wars, have often done ; I devote and offer myself for the republic. But consider to what sort of person you must hereafter intrust its interests ; for no man of merit will be will- ing to accept such an honor, when he must be accountable for misfortunes at sea, and for all the events of war, whether con- ducted by himself or by others, or come to an ignominious end. Remember, however, when you have put me to death, that I died, not for any iniquitous or avaricious practices, but resigning my breath willingly in behalf of those to whom I owe the highest obligations. " But I conjure you, my fellow-citizens, by your regard for yourselves, and by the glory of your ancestors, bear up against adversity, and devise proper measures for the good of the state. To the management of a great empire much care, and much toil, are necessary ; toil from which it is in vain for you to shrink, and in vain to look for the affluence of peace, when every province and realm, every sea and land, is embroiled or exhausted with war." * Half of our expenses] Partem sumptuum. Sc. dimidiam. So dua parUs is used for two thirds. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CJ]SAR, ON THE GOVERNMENT OF THE STATE. WHICH HAVE BEEN ASCRIBED TO SALLUST. " THESE Letters were formerly entitled Orations. But that they are Letters is apparent from various passages in them ; and especially from the twelfth section of the first, in which the writer says, forsitan, im- perator, perlectis litteris, etc. I have therefore followed Cortius in giving them that name. That which I have placed first, in accordance with the opinions of the best French translators, Be Brasses, Bureau Bela- malle, and Eusebe Salvert, is generally put second. But it is evident, from the ninth section of the first, and from the second section of the second, that they were written in the order in which they are here given. " There has been much contention among scholars whether they were written by Sallust, or by some imitator of Sallust's stylo. Cortius maintains that they are not Sallust's, and bestows great labor in prov- ing that every word in them may be found in Sallust's other writings ; and hence infers that they are not the composition of Sallust. Any other person might possibly, from such premises, have formed a differ- ent conclusion. But Cortius wrote his commentary in a passion, and does not scruple to charge the author of the Epistles, throughout his notes, with the grossest folly and stupidity ; reproaches which would certainly recoil upon himself, had ho not, by his other annotations on Sallust, honorably rendered himself proof against them. Bouza, a man of as great learning as Cortius, asserts that 'they must certainly be Sallust's ; ' for there could not be taken,' says he, ' from the samo spring, two drops of water more like to one another than these letters are like the relics of Sallust which fortune has spared us.' That such is the case, every one who reads the letters will understand as well as Bouza Carrio expresses doubts; of which the chief cause is, that they are not cited by the old grammarians, who adduce so many phrases from Sallust's other works; and I am willing to allow this objection its duo weight. But Be Brasses answers it by observing that TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 239 they may have been little known, from having been written as to a private friend, and without any intention that they should be laid be- fore the public. " They were found by Pomponius Lsetus in a manuscript in the Vati- can, attached to the fragments of Sallust's History. Lsetus, when he published them, did not prefix Sallust's name ; but that circumstance ia no proof for or against them. I am induced to ascribe them to Sallust, first, by the diction, which is truly Sallustian, and, secondly, by the re- markable knowledge of political affairs which appears in them. It seems impossible to me that any Pseudo- Sallust could have brought the days of Caesar so vividly before his mental vision, and have spoken with such fitness and accuracy concerning the transactions of those times. There are many things in the letters which, as it appears to me, could not have been written but by a person who had been present at the occurrences of which he speaks ; many things, which, if not written by the well- known Sallust, would almost oblige me to believe that there must have been two Sallusts. I therefore proceed to comment upon them as Sal- lust's own productions." Burnouf. " Those who have denied that these Epistles are Sallust's have rested their negations on arguments which are far from being satisfactory. Nor can I see the usual penetration of Cortius in the remarks which he has made on these compositions ; for in saying that elegance of construction, judicious connection, and what he calls numerousness of style, are not to be found in them, he seems to me to be totally in error. To assert that the whole complexion of the language is at variance with the dic- tion of Sallust, is so far from being just, that we may rather suppose the author to have collected all the flowers of Sallust's style, with a view to give a greater air of genuineness to his productions. But there are other considerations which show that these Letters, or Orations, as some would call them, are forgeries. Not one of the grammarians has cited them ; nor is the name of Sallust prefixed to them in the Vatican manu- script, which I have carefully collated. They are added to the orations and epistles extracted from the History of Sallust, but the writer of tho manuscript appears to have been totally ignorant of the name of their author. It is difficult, too, to show at what time, or with what inten- tion, such epistles could have been written to Ca>sar by Sallust. They seem, indeed, to refer to the end of Caesar's lifetime, when he was en- deavoring to settle the state by passing new laws, and when Sallust was proconsul of Numidia ; for 1 can hardly suppose that Sallust ad- dressed Caesar by letter when they were both at Rome. But there are many expressions in the Epistles which show that they can not be as- , signed to any certain period. In the first Epistle, c. ii., mention is made of an adverse consul, and commentators reasonably supposed that this may refer to Lentulus (Comp. Cses., B.C., i. 1, 2) ; and it would accord- ingly be inferred that this letter was written soon after the war com- menced ; but in c. iv., tho writer speaks of Cato and Domitius as being dead; Pompey must therefore have been killed before the time to which he alludes ; yet in c. iii. he speaks of Pompey as being still alive ; and, to surprise tho reader still more, he recurs, in c. ix., to Domitius and Cato again, expatiating on their abilities, and intimating that they aro 240 SALLUST. Btill to bo feared. This confusion of timea might be remedied by ex- punging the fourth section, but this would be to support a bad cause by an unsatisfactory mode of proceeding. However, if we grant that the /etters were written at the particular time at which they profess to have been written, it is further to be considered whether the subjects of them are suitable to the genius of Sallust, and to the friendship which sub- sisted between him and Caesar. In the second letter it will readily be acknowledged that there are many sentiments worthy of Sallust ; for the writer of it may fairly be allowed to have considerable knowledge of political affairs. But however acutely he reasons on the general regulation of a state, the letter, unless it contains admonitions adapted either to establish or correct the condition of affairs at the time of Caesar, ought not to have been addressed to him. " It may be said that the design of the author of the epistle was to admonish Ctesar to use his victory with moderation, and not to listen to the sanguinary suggestions of unprincipled men. But what men he means, I can not understand. Among the many vices imputed to Caesar, a willingness to allow himself to be directed, with too great facility, by the counsels of others, can hardly be numbered; and he exercised his power with such clemency and gentleness, as excited the admiration oven of his enemies. The writer of the letter, indeed, might be thought to have set forth his counsels, not with a viow to the benefit of others, but to relieve some uneasy feeling in his own mind. He says that the license of expenditure and rapacity is to be restrained ; that the usurers are to be suppressed ; that the honor paid to money should be diminish- ed, and military service equalized. Such are the counsels of the second letter; and among them are intermingled many remarks on the merits of Caesar, on the perverse proceedings of the opposite faction, and on the corrupt morals of the youth; all of which may justly be regarded as wholly foreign to the author's subject. But if we allow that this epistle was written by Sallust himself, we must assuredly admit that the other (which is properly put first) was composed by some declaimer, as a mere exercise of the intellect. Some things are expressed in both letters in nearly the same words ; as in the first section of each epistle : quod jprius defessi, etc. : ' that men are sooner weary of praising you, than you of doing things worthy of praise.' Other things, again, are totally at variance with one another ; thus Sylla, in the second epistle, cap. v., is accused of cruelty ; while in the first, cap. iv., he is extolled for clem- ency. The imitations, also, of parts of the introductions to the Catiline and Jugurtha are ridiculous ; as in the first epistle, cap. i. : Sed mihi studium fuit adolescentulo, etc. ; and cap. x. : Postquam mihi artes, etc. The seventh chapter, too, is extremely similar to the eleventh and twelfth chapters of the Catiline. As for the words, and figures of speech, copied from Sallust, they are so numerous that tho reader can regard their accumulation only as the work of a jejune declaimer : thus, in tho first epistle, cap. ix. : Parantur hcec discipllna, Grcecorwm, etc., he takes from tho Jugurtha, c. Ixxxv., the expressions of contempt for Greek learning which Sallust has attributed to Marius, and reproduces them as the sentiments of Sallust himself, not reflecting that Sallust was a groat reader of the Greek authors, and sought water for his own brooks iu tho TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 241 springs of Thucydides. Compare also cap. v., in duas paries, etc., and Jugurtha, c. xli. " But to say nothing more of such imitations, which every reader may easily find for himself, what, let me ask, is the object of the whole of the first epistle ? The modest author offers advice to Ca?sar about the reg- ulation of the state. But what was the advice which he thought wor- thy of being the subject of two epistles to Cassar, when he was busied with important occupations? He assails the faction of the nobles, as if it had not been at all humbled, and is inspired with such ardor for male- diction, that he decries those whom ho had previously extolled, and heaps reproaches on those, as living men, whom he had before repre- sented as dead. Compare cap. iv. and ix. of the first epistle. He ad- vises Caasar to add to the number of citizens ; but many new citizens had already been made ; ho thinks that the eagerness for getting money should be discouraged, but ho had spoken at greater length on this sub- ject in the other epistle. He thinks that the senate should be augmented, but C.-esar had before admitted into it a number of the worst characters. He is persuaded that the authority of the senate would bo greatly in- creased, if the senators should vote by ballot, but ho forgets that means would thus be furnished for practicing dishonesty ; for many men of weak minds are restrained from immoral dealings only by a false am- bition, which excites in them a desire to appear good, though real good- ness is far from them ; and if such men can but conceal their corrupt practices, they will dare any thing whatsoever. But the writer's want of judgment is most flagrantly manifested in his suggestions to Cassar to restore liberty which had been overthrown. Can it be supposed that Sallust was so ignorant of Caesar's disposition, and of the state of public r, flairs, as to offer such advice ? The prosopopoeia, too, of Rome, utter- ing prayers and supplications, as she appears on the page of Cicero, militates against the genuineness of the epistles. When I take all theso points into consideration, I am so far from believing that the epistles are Sallust's that I can not even suppose them to bo both the work of tho same author. We might rather imagine that two students of rhetoric, who had made themselves masters of the striking peculiarities of Sal- lust's ornate diction, and who knew that Sallust himself was a friend of Ciiisar, and an opponent of the aristocratic party, had resolved on giving, in theso letters, an imitation of Sallust's style and manner. The simi- larity of the subjects of tho letters throughout, and of many particular passages, induces me to believe that two young men, who were under the same teacher of oratory, had engaged in a contest to show which of them had made the greatest progress in this peculiar study. This opinion, I think, might be more fully supported by a more minute ex- amination and comparison of particular passages." Gerlach. Theso observations of Gerlach are rather long ; but, as they may bo regarded as decisively settling tho question respecting the authenticity and genuineness of the epistles, I have thought it better to give them in full. Kritzius, who is no friend to Geriach in general, cordially agrees with him in opinion on this point, and bestows the highest praise on h!s remarks: " The epistles to C;esar," says he, " on the regulation of the state, I 11 242 SALLUST. could not induce myself to add to my edition, as many incontrovertible proofs show that they are the offspring of some school of declamation, where it was rashly tried whether it were possible to represent Sallust's force of mind merely by copying Sallust's diction I had intended to support this opinion of mine by arguments of some length, but the execution of my purpose is rendered unnecessary by the diligence and industry of Gerlach, who has examined both of the epistles with so much penetration and soundness of judgment, and shows, with so 1 much ability, that these compositions, attrib- uted to the most eminent of Roman historians, are certainly spuri- ous, that whoever, after considering his arguments, can still believe them genuine, must be regarded as ready to believe the grossest ab- surdities that can be advanced Gerlach, at the same time, acutely conjectures that both are not the production of the same hand, and that two young men, in some school of rhetoric, may have agreed to write, on the same subject, a couple of essays to show how far each had mastered the style and matter of Sallust. Than this con- jecture I can conceive nothing more probable." See the Life of Sallust prefixed to this translation. EPISTLE I. I. I AM aware how difficult and hazardous an undertaking it is to offer advice to a prince or a governor, or to any person- age invested with supreme power; for they have abundance of counselors already about them ; nor has any man sufficient sagacity, or sufficient knowledge of futurity, for the task. Bad counsels, too, often succeed even better than good ; since Fortune directs most affairs according to her own pleasure. But I, in my youth, 1 had a strong desire to be employed in affairs of government, and spent much time and labor in the study of them ; not merely with a view to the attainment of office, which many have reached by dishonorable means, but with a desire to understand the conduct of affairs in peace and war, and the strength of the republic with regard to arms, men, and resources. After much deliberation, therefore, I resolved to think less of my character and modesty than of your honor, and to incur any hazard for the sake of advancing your glory. This determination I formed, not from any rash impulse, 2 or 1 I. But I, in my youth, etc.] Compare Cat., c. iii. a Not from any rash impulse] Nan temere. Doubtless not ; for the pre- ceding sentence says thut the resolution was formed by liim multa cum ziwmo afjitinti* " after much deliberation." TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 243 from respect to your fortune, but because I have observed in your character one quality worthy of admiration above the rest, a greatness of mind which is more conspicuous in adverse than in prosperous circumstances. But your merit in this respect is sufficiently declared by others ; as men were sooner weary of praising and admiring your greatness, 3 than you are of perform- ing what is worthy of celebration. II. I am, indeed, of opinion, that nothing so arduous can be proposed, that it will not be easy to you if your mind be applied to it. Nor have I addressed to you my thoughts on the state, with the hope of hearing my prudence or ability unduly com- mended, but with a wish to call your attention, amid the labors of war,* amid battles, victories, and the cares of com- mand, to the concerns of the city. For if you have no other aim than to take revenge on your enemies for their attacks, 5 and to retain the favors of the people 6 against an adverse consul,"' you are far from meditating what is worthy of your ability. But if that spirit still remains in you, which, from the first, dis- concerted the faction of the nobility, 8 and raised the Roman people from oppressive slavery to the full enjoyment of liberty ; ' Your greatness] Munificentiamtuam. Cortius proposes magnifcxntiam, which the sense seems to require. 4 II. Labors of war] Labores militia. Those who have imagined this epistle to be genuine, consider it to have been written A.C.C. 704, when Marcellus and Lentulus were consuls, and when Caesar was with the army in Gaul. any one." Gordon. Not always. But there are examples of this signifi- cation. See Sen. Benef., vi. o. Vindicates ab injuriis inagistratuum pro- vincia, Veil. Fatt., ii. 12t>. 8 Favors of the people] Beneficia populi. "Alluding to prolonged com- mand of the army, and the privilege of being a candidate for the consul- ship in his absence." Burnouf. 7 An adverse consul] Adversum consulem. " He means Lentulus. See Cffis., B.C., i. 1, 2." Cortius. Most other commentators agree with him. " Which, from the first, disconcerted the faction of the nobility] Qui jam a pnncipio nobttitatis factionem disturbavit. " This may refer to what Suetonius says in his Life of Caesar, c. v. : ' After he was made a military tribune, .... he vigorously supported the advocates for restoring thetnbunitial authority, which had been very much reduced by Sylla;' and c. xi. : ' He engaged a" part of the tribunes, in a design to procure for him the province of Egypt by a vote of the people, .... out he could not curry his point, from the opposition made by the nobility. In order, there- fore, to lessen their authority by all the means in his power, he again set up the trophies erected in honor of Cains Marius, on account of his conquest of Jugiirthn, and of the Cimbri and Teutonics, which had formerly been de- molished by Sylla.' " Huriwvf. 244 SALLUST. which, in your praetorship, baffled, without arms, 9 the army of your adversaries ; and which has achieved such eminent and illustrious actions, both at home and in the fieLl, that not even your detractors complain of any thing but your greatness, accept the suggestions which I offer to you concerning the government of the state, and which you will find, I trust, 10 either consonant with propriety, or not greatly at variance with it. III. Since Pompey, either from deficiency of judgment, or from perversely preferring what was to his own injury," has committed such an error as to put arms into the hands of his enemies," it must be your part to settle the state in those particulars 13 in which he has disordered it. First of all, he gave to a few senators unlimited authority with regard to the revenues, disbursements, and judicial proceeding's, but left the Roman commonalty, who had the supreme power before, in a state of slavery under laws which were not even equal for all. Though the judicial power has been appointed to the three orders, 14 as before, yet the same faction still governs, giving 9 Baffled, without arms, etc.] In prcetura armis inimicorum inermis dis- jecit. Burnouf refers to Suetonius, J. Cttsar, c. xvi. : "lie likewise stood very resolutely by Ctecilius Metellus, tribune of the commons, in his pre- ferring some very seditious bill to tbe people, in spite of all opposition from his colleagues, till they were both by a vote of the house displaced. IIo ventured, notwithstanding, to continue in his office of administering jus- tice ; but finding some prepared to hinder him by force of arms, he dis- missed his officers, threw off his gown, and got privately home, with a resolution to be quiet, since the times ran so strong against him. Ho like- wise pacified the mob, that in two days after gathered about him, and in a riotous manner offered him their assistance for the vindication of his honor. "Which happening contrary to expectation, the senate, who had met in all haste upon occasion of this tumult, gave him their thanks by some of the leading members of the house, sent for him, and after they had highly commended his behavior, canceled their former vote, and restored him to his place." Clarke's Translation. I trust] Profeeto, 11 III. Preferring what was to his own injury] Quia nihil malutt quam quod sibi obesset. tiibi is the reading of Cortius ; Havercamp's, and several other editions, have tibi, which, indeed, seems to suit better with the animi gravitate which precedes. The sense will then bo, " that Pompey acted either from want of judgment, or from a desire to oppose Caesar." Cortius' s note on sibi obesset is, " The writer refers to that obstinacy of Pompey, with which ho rejected all terms of peace and concord, when Ciusar was inclined to settle matters amicably." 13 To put arms into tlio hands of his enemies] Ut Itostibus tela in manus jaceret. " Compelling his enemies to take up arms." Cortius. But the ex- pression may be figurative. 13 hi those particulars, etc.] Quibus itte rebus rempublicam conturbavit, eisdem tibi restituendum est. " Les points de droit public qu'il a renvcrses, sont ceux quo vous avez d'abord a. rcdrc.sscr." De Jirosses. 14 To the three orders] Tribus ordinibus. By a law of L. Aurclius Cotta, TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 2 la and taking away as they please ; oppressing the innocent, ;.ne, comparatively, but little con- cerned, if the superiority which they exercise, according to their custom, for the enslaving of others, 15 had been obtained by their own merit ; but they are the basest of mankind, whose magnanimity and virtue lie wholly in their tongue, and who abuse with insolence an ascendency conceded to them only by chance and the supineness of others. For what sedition, or civil dissension, has ever ruined so many illustrious families ? Or whose violence, even in the moment of victory, has ever been so headstrong and immoderate ? IV. Sylla, to whom the utmost license was granted by the law of war, and who was conscious that his party would be strengthened by cutting off his enemies, yet, after putting to death a few, sought to secure the rest rather by kindness than by terror. But, at the present period, not only Cato, Lucius Domitius, 16 and others of that party, but forty senators, and many young men of excellent promise, have been slaughtered like victims for sacrifice ; and yet this merciless baud of men, after shedding the blood of so many miserable citizens, could not by any means feel satisfied ; neither fatherless children, nor aged parents, neither the groans of men, nor the wai lings? of women, could affect their unrelenting hearts ; but they pro- ceeded daily with increased bitterness, both in their deeds and x.r.c. 684, the right of being judices was given to the senators, equites, and tribuni ararii. -5 Of others] Atteriw. The singular for the plural. 14 IV. Not only Cato, Lucius Domitius, etc.] At hercle nunc cum Catotie, L. Dontit'w, c&terisque ejusdemfactioiiis, quadraqinta senatores mactati sunt. I have given the exact sense of the passage as it stands m Cortius and Bur- nouf. But the text can not be correct, unless we suppose that some other Cato and Domitius are meant than those mentioned m c. ix. ; for the writer would hardly have forgotten himself so far as to speak of the same men as both dead and alive within so short a space ; though Gerlach thinks eveu thi^possible ; see his remarks prefixed. De Brosses tacitly translates the passage as if it were nunc a Catone, etc. : " Aujourd'hui un Caton, un Do- mitius, et les autres de cette faction, ont fait massacrer comme des victimes quaraute senateurs," etc. : and Cooke and Eowe render the passage in a similar way. The Abbe Thyvon proposes to read Carbune, a name joined with that of Domitius in the second Epistle ; and he may be right ; but tt correct compositions of no authority is only waste of time. 246 SALLUST. their words, degrading some from their rank, and expelling 1 others from their country. Need I make any allusion to your- self, whose humiliation these basest of men would purchase even with their lives ? Their own power, indeed, though it fall into their hands unexpectedly, produces them less pleasure than your elevation causes pain ; and they would rather bring liberty into danger by your downfall, than see the Roman empire raised by your efforts to the highest pitch of greatness. It is the more incumbent on you, therefore, to consider, again and again, how you may establish and secure the state. For my- self, I shall not hesitate to express what arises in my mind ; but it will be for your judgment to decide how far my suggestions are consistent with reason and worthy of adoption. V. I regard the state as divided, according to the notion that I have received of it from our ancestors, into two parts, the patricians and the plebeians." The supreme authority was originally in the hands of the patricians, but the plebeians had always by far the greater power. On several occasions, in consequence, a secession took place ; and the power of the nobility was from time to time diminished, and the privileges of the people augmented. But the liberty of the commons chiefly lay in this, that no man's power was above that of the laws ; the nobleman outshone the plebeian, not in wealth or ostentatiousness, but in high character and honorable deeds ; the meanest citizen, whether engaged in agriculture or war, wanted nothing that was proper for his condition, nor was wanting to himself or to his country. But when the people were gradually deprived of their lands, 18 and idleness and want left them without settled habitations, they began to covet other men's property, and to regard their liberty, and the interests of their country, as objects for sale. That people, accordingly, which had been as a sovereign, and had governed all nations, became gradually degenerate; and, instead of maintaining their common dominion, brought on themselves individual servitude. Such a multitude, therefore, not only infected with vicious principles, but distracted by different pursuits ami modes of life, and without any true principle of cohesion,np- pears to me by no means fit to have the government of the " Tho patricians and the plebeians] Patres^ etplebem. By patret he docs not mean merely the senate, but all the nobility. '" Deprived of their lands] See Jug., c. xli., and the 6th Fragment. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS (LESAR. 247 state. But, if a number of new citizens be added to the old, I should have great hope that they would all be roused to a sense of liberty ; for the new will be anxious to preserve their freedom, and the old to shake off their slavery. These new citizens, united with some of the old ones, you should, I think, settle in colonies ; by which means the army will be better supplied, 19 and the lower order of people, being engaged in use- ful occupations, will no longer think of raising public dis- turbances. VI. I am not ignorant or unaware how great a fury and storm, if such a scheme be adopted, will arise on the part of the nobility, who will cry out, with indignation, that the foundation of the constitution is undermined ; that the yoke of slavery 20 is imposed on the old citizens ; and that, if so vast a number be added by the appointment of an individual, the republic will be converted from a free state into a monarchy. My own opinion, upon any such matter, is this : that though he is guilty of a crime who seeks popularity at the expense of the commonwealth, yet that when a benefit to the public is also an advantage to the individual conferring it, to hesitate to bestow it is to incur the charge of irresolution and pusillan- imity. Marcus Livius Drusus, 2 ' when he was tribune of the people, made it his aim to support, with his utmost efforts, the interests of the nobility ; nor did he intend, at the first, to carry any measures but such as they should sanction. But i' Army better supplied] Res militaris opulentior erit. Somewhat ob- scure. " If the body of citizens were increased, and colonists taken from the proletarii, levies of troops would be made from a larger number." Burrwiif. ao VI. Yoke of slavery] Sermtutem. "They will think that to adopt so many new citizens will be to oppress the old." Burnouf. 21 'Marcus Livius Drusus] " Marcus Livius Drusus was a man of noble birth, of great eloquence, and of unblemished character, but was distin- guished, in all his undertakings, more by ability than success. In his tribunate, he wished to restore to the senate its former honors, and to trans- fer the judicial power from the knights to the senators, but found the senate adverse to him in those very matters which he projected for its benefit, not understanding that what he proposed, at the same time, for the advantage of the plebeians, was proposed only for the sake of inducing them, on re- ceiving small gratifications, to concede greater to others. Being thus un- successful, he turned his thoughts to the extension of the civic franchise to the whole of the inhabitants of Italy. But in the course of his proceedings, as he was returning from the forum, surrounded by that strange and in- numerable multitude which always attended him, he was stabbed with a knife in the hall of his owh house, and died in a few hours." Veil. Pat., ii. 13. See also Flor., hi. 17. 248 SALLUST. a faction, to whom treachery and dishonesty were dearer than honor, perceiving that a vast obligation was to be conferred by one man upon many, and each knowing himself to be un- principled and faithless, judged the character of Drusus by their own, and, suspecting that he might make himself sover- . fign by the favors he meant to bestow, formed a league against him, and overthrew both their own schemes and his. 23 From this example, general, you will see that you must secure for yourself, with greater care than Druses, many faithful friends 34 and supporters. VII. To repel an open enemy is, to a man of courage, a task of no great difficulty ; to work secret mischief, or to guard against it, enters not into the character of a man of honor. Since, when you have introduced these additional citizens, the commons will be re-established, you must then make it your chief concern that good morals may be cultivated, and that concord may be secured between the old citizens and the new. But the greatest service that you can confer on your country, your fellow-citizens, yourself, your posterity, and, in- deed, on the whole human race, will be to extirpate, or at least to diminish as far as circumstances will permit, the excessive love of money ; otherwise neither public nor private affairs, neither matters of peace nor of war, can be properly conduct- ed ; for when the passion for wealth has become prevalent, neither morals nor talents are proof against it, but every mind, sooner or later, yields to its influence. I have often heard of kings, and states, and nations, who have lost, in the height of opulence, vast power which they had gained in days of poverty and virtue. Nor is this at all a matter of wonder ; for when a man of worth sees another, who is far his inferior, more dis- tinguished and caressed on account of his wealth, he is at first indignant, and greatly perplexed in his thoughts ; but when he finds that pomp, day after day, gains fresh triumphs over true M A vast obligation] Maximum berieficiiim. The civic franchise. \ 23 Both their own schemes and his] Sua et ipsius consilia. This is the reading of Cortius and Burnouf. Havercamp and others have sua ipsiue, which, though indefensible Latin for ejus ip#ius, make* better sense ; for what schemes of the nobility are meant, or why any allusion is made to them, is not apparent. a * With greater care many faithful friends, etc. ] Mujore euro, jideque amici et multa prcesidia paranda sunt. "'Fide is vox iwJiili; for what is ma- jore fide qu&rere ? But the wnter seems to have referred curd to qucerere, mid fide to amici, as if exhorting Caesar to seek amicvs majors fide.' 1 ' 1 Cortius. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CvESAR. 249 honor, and riches over merit, his mind at length revolts from virtue to pleasure. Virtuous exertion is fostered by the honor attendant on it ; but if the honor be withheld, the struggles of virtue become but unpleasing and unsatisfactory. Wherever wealth is held in esteem, all praiseworthy qualities, as integrity, probity, moderation, and temperance, are despised. For to honest eminence there is but one path, and that a difficult one ; but wealth every man pursues in his own way, and it is ac- quired as successfully by disreputable as by honorable means. Let it be your first care, therefore, to diminish the influence of money ; let no one be thought more or less qualified, on ac- count of his wealth, to pronounce judgment on the lives or characters of his fellow-citizens ; nor let any one be chosen praetor or consul from regard to fortune, but to merit. In the choice of magistrates, however, let the judgment of the people be uncontrolled. As to judges, 25 to have them elected by a few, is to establish a despotism ; to make their appointment dependent on money, is a disgrace to the nation. I would, therefore, consider all of the first class 28 qualified for the judicature, but would have the number of judges greater than it is at present. Neither the Rhodians, nor any other people, where rich and poor, as the lot fell to each, decided indis- criminately on the greatest and smallest matters, were ever dissatisfied with their tribunals. But as to the election of magistrates, I am very well content with the law which Caius Gracchus proposed to his tribuneship, that out of the five classes promiscuously, the centuries should be taken by lot to give their votes. Thus all being made equal in political influ- ence, whatever be their wealth, 27 their care will be to surpass one another in real merit. 24 As to judges, etc.] Judices. Tbejudices of the Romans rather resem- bled our jurymen than judges. " The number of ihejudtces was different at different times. By the law of Gracchus, 300; of Servihus, 450; of Drusus, 600; of Plautius, 525; of Syllw and Cotta, 300. as it is thought from Cic. Fain., vni. 8 ; of Pompey, 360, Paterc., ii. 76 Under the emperor, the number of jud/ices was greatly increased, Plin., xxxiii. 1." Adam's Rom. Ant., p. 236. These were the numbers out of which \\iQjudices for any trial might be chosen. " The Lex Serviliu- enacted that i\\e,judices should not be under thirty, nor above sixty, years of age ; that the accuser and ac- cused should severally propose one hundred judices, and that each might reject fifty from the list of the other ; so that one hundred would remain for the trial." Dr. Smith's Diet., Art. Judex. The first class] See Jug., c. Ixxxvi. 2T Made equal in political influence, whatever be their wealth] Cocequati dianitale, pecunid. "The conjunctions being omitted, according to the 11* L-50 SALLUST. VIIT. These are the great remedies which I propose against the influence of money. For every thing is praised aud covet- ed according to the advantages attendant on it. Vice is insti- gated to action by the prospect of gain ; and, when this in- ducement is removed, no man on earth is gratuitously wicked. Avarice, indeed, is ravenous and insatiable as a beast of pr.'v ; wherever it spreads its influence, it devastates alike the city and the country, the temple and the dwelling-house, and tramples on all obligations human and divine; neither aimie.s nor fortifications can resist its pervading influence; it despoils men of character and reputation, of children, country, and parents. Yet, if the honor paid to wealth be diminished, tlie vast influence even of avarice might be subdued by the encour- agement of virtuous habits. But though all, whether good or bad, will acknowledge that such is likely to be the case, you will yet have to encounter violent opposition from the factious spirit of the nobility. If you but counteract their intrigues, however, all that remains will be accomplished with ease. The nobility, it is certain, if they could maintain their as- cendency by honorable means, would rather emulate the vir- tuous than envy them ; but as sloth, indolence, dullness, and stupidity, have taken possession of them, they have recourse to slander and detraction, regarding the fame of another as infamy to themselves. IX. But why should I say more of their characters, as if they were unknown to you ? What energy, or intellectual power, Marcus Bibulus 28 possesses, has been shown in his con- sulship ; a man slow in speech, and, however deceitful at heart, still more corrupt. What would he venture to do, whose con- sulship, the highest of offices, was a supreme dishonor ? Is there much power in Lucius Domitius, 29 whose every member is infected with turpitude and vice, whose tongue is boastful, whose hands are stained with blood, whose feet are those of a coward ; while the parts of him which can not decently be practice of Sallust. Yet coaguati, non pecunid, sed dignitate, would bo bet- ter. Perhaps the writer himself omitted sect, and this omission might have afterward led to that of now." Cortius. This conjecture is not very probable. M IX. Marcus BibulusJ " M. Calpurniua Bibulus was consul with Julius Caesar, A.U.C. 695." Burnmtf. * Lucius Domitius] " L. Domitius Ahenobarbus was consul A.U.C. 700. He was opposed to Caesar in the civil war, and died on the field of Pharsalia '' JSurnouf, TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CvESAR. 251 named, are indecency itself. One of the party indeed, Marcus Cato, 30 I do not despise, as he has talent for artifice, eloquence, aad prudent management ; qualities which are attained in the school of the Greeks; but among the Greeks are not to bo found fortitude, vigilance, or industry ; and since, through their want of spirit, they have lost their liberty at home, is it possible to imagine that an empire can be sustained by their precepts ? The rest are the dullest of the nobility, who, like statues, add nothing to their party but their names. Such persons as Lucius Posthumius and Marcus Favonius 5 ' seem to me like additional lading in a large vessel, beyond its ordinary freight ; lading which, if the crew arrive safe, may be turned to account, but which if a storm arises, is the first thing to be thrown overboard, as being of the least value. X. Having now said sufficient, as I tJiink, concerning the restoration and improvement of the commons, I shall next sug- gest to you what is to be done in relation to the senate. Ever since I came to maturity of years and understanding, I have exercised myself but little with arms and horses, but have applied my mind to the acquisition of knowledge ; that part of me which was naturally the stronger, I cultivated with the greater diligence. And by much reading and attention during the course of my life, I have learned that every king- dom, state, and nation, has maintained a prosperous govern- ment as long as wise counsels prevailed in it; but that when interest, timidity, or pleasure, vitiated its measures, its power was soon diminished, its authority lost, and the yoke of slavery at last imposed upon it. I have also seen good reason to be- lieve, that whoever has a higher station, and more exalted honor in a state, than those around him, feels more interest in its welfare. Others, by upholding the government, preserve only their liberty ; but he who by merit has gained wealth, re- spect, or honor, finds himself, if the state show the least symp- 3n Cato] These strictures on Cato can hardly have proceeded from ih same hand that wrote his character in the conspiracy of Catiline. "But Sallust," says Burnouf, "wrote that character of Cato after his death, and therefore with greater indulgence." 31 Lucius Posthuinius and Marcus Favonius] " Who L. Posthnmius was is uncertain. M. Fuvonius was a man ot upright character, and not without prudence or fortitude ; he was a great admirer and imitator of Cato, whoso dress he even copied He was taken prisoner m the battle ot Philippi, and soon afterward put to death. Plut. in Brut, et Pomp., Dion., xxxix. xl. xlvii." BurnovJ. 252 SALLUST. toms of decline, disquieted with numberless cares and anxieties ; he thinks of defending his rank, his liberty, or his property ; he becomes vigilant and active ; 32 and the higher he rose in pros- perity, the greater is his trouble and anxiety at the prospect of adversity. Since, then, the commonalty are subservient to the senate, as the body to the mind, and act according to its directions, the senators should be distinguished for their wisdom ; in the peo- ple much understanding may not be requisite. With this conviction, our ancestors, even when they suffered from the most disastrous wars, and had lost horses, troops, and money, never ceased to maintain the contest for empire ; neither the exhaustion of the treasury, the successes of the enemy, nor the frowns of fortune, could subdue their firm resolution to pre- serve to their last breath what their valor had acquired ; and their ultimate successes were secured rather by able counsels than by fortunate battles. In their days, indeed, the republic was united ; all consulted for its interests ; combinations were formed only against enemies ; and every individual exerted himself, both in body and mind, not for his own aggrandize- ment, but for the welfare of his country. But in these times, on the contrary, a few nobles, whose minds timidity and indo- lence have possessed, unacquainted with toil, with an enemy, or with any kind of warfare, but leagued in a party at home, arrogantly usurp authority over the world ; while the senate, by whose counsels the state, when in difficulty, was formerly supported, is overawed, and fluctuates hither and thither at the pleasure of others, decreeing sometimes one thing and some- times another, and deciding what is good or evil for the pub- lic, acoording to the animosity or presumption of those who rule the hour. XL But if all had equal liberty of action, or if their votes could be given with greater privacy, the public interest would have greater weight, and the influence of the nobility would rbe diminished. Since to make the voices of all equal, how- ever, would be difficult (for to the nobility the merits of their ancestors have left glory, rank, and patronage, while most of the other senators have but recently attained their dignity),* 3 M X. He becomes vigilant and active] Omnibus locis adesfi; festinat. 13 XI. Most have but rec ently attaned their dignity] Cetera, muUit-udo, pleraque insititia sit. " Having spoken of the patricians, and other nobles, TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CJ3SAR. 253 it will be proper to set the opinions of all free from the in- fluence of fear ; and thus each, voting secretly, will act on his own judgment rather than be swayed by the authority of an- other. Freedom of action is desirable alike to the good and the bad, the bold and the timid ; but too many relinquish it from want of spirit, and, while a contest is still doubtful, fool- ishly submit to a decision of it against themselves, as if they were already worsted. There are two expedients, then, by which I think that the power of the senate may be increased ; if it be augmented in numbers, and if the senators vote with tablets. 34 The tablet will be as a screen, under which each may take courage to vote with greater freedom ; and in additional numbers there will be additional security and advantage to the state. For on most occasions, in the present day, some of the senators who are engaged in the public courts, and others who are oc- cupied with their piivate affairs or those of their friends, do not give their attendance at the councils of the government ; and many, indeed, are kept away not more by business than by tyrannical influence. Thus a faction of the nobles, with a few senators who support them, approve, condemn, and decree whatever they please, and act as caprice dictates. But when the number of the senators shall be increased, and the votes given by tablet, the ruling party will be compelled to abate their haughtiness, and to cringe to those over whom they have mercilessly domineered. XII. Perhaps, general, on perusing this letter, you will wish to know of what number I would have the senate consist, and how the senators may be appointed to their numerous and varied duties ; and since I would commit the judicial authority to the first class of citizens, 35 what distribution should be made, he calls the rest of the multitude insititia, inserted or engrafted." Gor- tius. 34 Vote with tablets] Per tabellam. Or, in modern phrase, by ballot. This mode of voting was adopted by the Romans in the comitia and courts of justice. In the comitia, when a law was to be passed or rejected, each citi- zen was provided with two tabellce, one inscribed with the letter V. R., Uti rogag, " I vote as you desire ;" the other A., Antigua, " I vote for the former state of things." In the courts of justice, enchjudtx had three tabettcB, one marked with A., Absolvo, "I acquit;" another with C., Condemns, "I con- demn;" and the third with N. L.. Nan liquet, "The matter is not clear to me." These tablets were dropped into a cista, or ballot-box. ** XII. To the first class of citizens] Burnouf gives this passage, judicia quoniam omnibus prima dassis mittenda putem, on the authority of Carrio* 254 SALLUST. and what number of judges should be appointed to each par- ticular kind of cause. All these particulars it would not be difficult to give in detail; but I thought it proper first to set- tle the general plan, and to endeavor to convince you of its reasonableness ; if you resolve to act on my suggestions, minor points will be easily arranged. I would wish my scheme to be one of prudence and utility ; for, wherever success shall attend you, reputation will thence accrue to me. But the chief desire which actuates me is, that the state, whatever plan be adopted, may as soon as possible be benefited. The liberty of my coun- try I value far more highly than my own fame ; and I entreat and implore, that you, our most illustrious commander, after having subdued the people of Gaul, will not suffer the mighty and unconquered empire of Rome to sink into decay, or to fall to pieces by the effect of discord. Assuredly, if this should happen, neither night nor day 38 will bring you quiet, but, harassed with want of rest, you will be disturbed, distract- ed, and driven to despair. For I consider it as a certain truth, that the lives of all men are under the eye of a divine power ; and that no deed, good or evil, is without its consequences, but that different recompenses, according to the nature of their actions, attend the virtuous and the vicious. Such ret- ribution may be slow in coming ; but the breast of every one, from the state of his conscience, assures him what he is to expect. XIII. Could your country, or your ancestors, address you, they would doubtless admonish you in such words as these : " We, the bravest of the human race, raised you up, O Caesar, in the most excellent of cities, to be an honor and defense to us, and a terror to our enemies. What we had acquired by many toils and dangers, we bestowed on you at the moment of your birth ; a country, the mistress of the world; an illus- trious family and deisceut in it ; distinguished talents, honorable wealth ; all the ornaments of peace, and all the glories of war. In return for these ample gifts, we ask of you nothing who says that he found this reading in one of the Vatican manuscripts. Huvercamp and Cortius havQ^'^.ttamprimce dassis mittenda putem, of which they offer no explanation. Lips'rs proposes to re&dprimce clasi commit- te-nda, which Cortius approves. Mtttenda, in Carrie's reading, must be takec in the sense of committenda. s Neither night nor day, etc.] Drbaifulthreateniugs; stronger, assuredly, than Sallust would have used. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 255 disgraceful or vicious, but the restoration of subverted liberty ; by the achievement of which, assuredly, the fame of your vir- tues will be extended throughout the world. At present, though you have perfo.med illustrious actions at home and in the field, yet your glory is only equal with that of other heroic characters ; but, should you restore a city of the highest name, and of the most extensive power, almost from ruin, who will be more renowned, who really greater than yourself on the face of the earth ? If, however, through internal decay, or the ap- pointment of fate, 37 this empire should fall to destruction, who can doubt but that devastation, war, and bloodshed' will over- spread the whole earth ? But if you, on the other hand, feel a generous desire to obey your country and your ancestors, your fame hereafter, when the state is re-established, will be acknowledged superior to that of all men, and your death, by peculiar felicity, 3 " will be more glorious than your life. For sometimes fortune, and very frequently envy, depresses the living ; but, when life has paid its debt to nature, and detraction is at an end, true merit raises itself more and more." What I thought conducive to the public good, and believed likely to be of advantage to yourself, I have written in as few words as I could. 3 " I now beseech the immortal gods, that, in whatever way you may act, your endeavors may be attended with prosperity to yourself and your country. EPISTLE E. I. It was formerly admitted as certain, that Fortune bestows kingdoms and empires, as well as other objects equally coveted among mankind, of her own free gift ; since they are often " XIII. Through internal decay, or the appointment of fate] Morbojam autfato. Bureau Delamalle refers morbo to Caesar, but is doubtless in tho wrong. De Drosses takes the passage in the sense which I have given. 89 By peculiar felicity, etc.] Tuague unius mors vita clarior erlt. "Why did he say tuaumus? Because he wished to signify that Caesar was the only man who, when dead, would be more famous than when alive. Bur- nouf. But did this never happen to any other man ? Would Sallust have so expressed himself. 39 In as few words as I could] Quam paucissumis potui. Will any reader assent to this assertion of the writer ? The same expression is used at the and of the following epistle. 256 SALLUST. found, as if distributed by caprice, in the hands of the unwor- thy ; nor do they remain unvitiated in the possession of any one. But experience has taught the truth of what Appius 40 has said in his verses, that Every one is the architect of his own fortune; a sentiment which is pre-eminently exemplified in yourself, who have so much surpassed others, that men are sooner weary of applauding your actions, than you of perform- ing what is worthy of applause. But power attained by merit, must, like a fabric of architect- ure, be sustained with the greatest care ; lest it suifer injury through neglect, or sink for want of support. For no man willingly concedes supreme authority to another ; and however just and merciful a ruler may be, yet, as he has the power to do injury, he is still dreaded. This state of things arises from the circumstance that the greater part of sovereigns act with indiscretion, and think that their power is increased in propor- tion as their subjects are demoralized. 41 But, on the contrary, it should be his care, when he himself is good and brave, to have those under his sway as virtuous as possible ; for the most vicious always submit to a ruler with least patience. For you, however, it is more difficult than for any who have gone before you, to settle properly what you have acquired. You have conducted a war with greater mildness than others have governed in peace ; and, in addition, the victorious party are expecting the advantages of conquest, while the vanquished are your fellow-citizens. Amid these difficulties you will have to steer your course, and must strengthen the state, with a view to the future, not merely with arms, or against enemies, but, what is a greater and more arduous task, with the salutary arts of peace. The crisis, therefore, calls on every man, whether of great or moderate abilities, to offer you the best advice in his 40 I. Appius] This Appius was Appius Claudius Csecus, who made the Ap- pian way. His verses were composed, as appears from Cicero, in the man- ner of the golden, verses of Pythagoras, and were praised hy 1'anaetius in a letter to Tubero. See Cic. Tiisc. Disp., iv. 2. 41 As their subjects are demoralized] " This has been a constant mistake among rulers. ' Former princes,' says Pliny (Paneg., c. 45), 'looked with more pleasure on the vices than on the virtues of the citizens ; not only be- cause every one is pleased to see a resemblance to his own character in an- other, but because rulers think that those will bear the yoke of slavery with patience who are fitted only to be slaves.' . . . . Intimide et corromps ; c'est ainsi que 1'on regne, says Sejanus to Tiberius, in Chenier's Tibere, Act. I. sc. 4. See also Mon- tesquieu's ' Spirit of Laws,' iii. 5, and Sail. Cat., c. 7." Eurnouf. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS C^SAR. 257 power. And, in my opinion, in whatever way you may use your victory, the future fortune of the state will be in con- formity with it. II. That you may settle matters more advantageously and easily, give your attention to a few suggestions which my mind prompts me to offer. You have had to conduct a war, general, with a man of high reputation, of vast resources, of inordinate eagerness for power, but more indebted to fortune than to wis- dom ; a man whom a small party followed, consisting of such as had become your enemies from having injured you, 42 or of such as were attached to himself by relationship or personal obligation. No one of them was a sharer in his power ; for, could he have endured a rival, the world would not have been convulsed with war. The rest attended him rather after the way of the multitude than from their own judgment, each, indeed, following his neighbor as if he were wiser than himself. At the same time, a set of men whose whole lives had been polluted with infamy and licentiousness, and who were inspired, by the malicious reports of the ill-designing, with the hope of usurping the government, flocked into your camp, and openly threatened all who remained neutral with death, spoliation, and all the excesses of wanton depravity. Of whom the greater number, when they saw that you would neither cancel their debts," nor treat your fellow-citizens as enemies, gradually fell away ; the few that remained were men, who, from the vast body of creditors that threatened them, would find more peace in the camp than at Rome. But, from the same motives, it is almost incredible how many persons of high rank afterward went over to Pompey, and found his protection, during the whole course of the war, a sacred and inviolable sanctuary. III. But since you are now, as conqueror, to determine con- cerning war and peace, so as to put an end to the one like a friend of your country, and to establish the other on a just and lasting basis, consider first, with regard to your own conduct (since it is on you that the settlement of the state depends), 49 II. From having injured you] Per suam injuriam tibi inimici. " Per suam injuriam, i. e., because they had done injury to you, for, as Tacitua says (Agric., c. 42), Proprium Tivmani ingenii est odisse quern Iceseris." Bur- nouf. Cortius interprets similarly. 43 Cancel their debts] Credit/um condonare. " For Oreditum pecuniam con- donare, or to make an abolition of debts ; but this phrase is not Sallustian, nor, indeed, Ciceronian." Cortius. 258 SALLUST. what will be the best measures for you to adopt. For my own part, I think that all power, tyrannically exercised, is irksome to its possessor rather than durable ; and that no man excites a dread of himself in the many, without feeling a reciprocal dread of the many in himself; and to live thus, is, as it were, to be engaged in a perpetual and uncertain warfare, since you can neither feel safe before nor behind nor on either side, but are always in peril or fear. To those, on the other hand, who temper authority with kindness and clemency, all seems smiling and fair ; and they gain even greater esteem from enemies than oLhers from their own countrymen. And will any say that, by offering you such counsel, I seek to diminish the advantages of your victory, and am too favorably disposed toward the van- quished ? Will they make such a charge, merely because I iliink that the same conditions, which both we and our fore- fathers have granted to foreign nations, who were our natural enemies, should be allowed to our fellow-citizens, and that slaughter should not be expiated with slaughter, and blood with blood, according to the practice of barbarians ? IV. Has oblivion fallen on those actions, which, a little before this war, were made subjects of accusation against Pom- pey and the victorious Sylla ? That Domitius, Carbo, Brutus, 44 and others, were put to death, not in arms, nor in the field by the laws of war, but when afterward suing for mercy, with the most inhuman barbarity ? And that the Roman populace were butchered like sheep in the Villa Publica ? 46 Alas ! before victory was won by you, how savage and barbarous were all these secret and sudden massacres of citizens, when women and children were seen flying into the bosom of their husbands or parents, and mourning over their desolated homes ! And the same individuals, who then took part in those atrocities, would now prompt you to similar proceedings ; as if the object of the war had been to decide which party should have the unre- strained right of committing outrage ; as if you had not rescued the commonwealth from destruction, but seized it as a 41 IV. Domitius, Carbo, Brutus] " Cn. Domitius, who was defeated and killed by Pompey, after the victory of Sylla, in Africa ; . . . . Cn. Carbo, who was consul with the younger Marius ; . . . . and Brutus, the father of the Brutus who slew Caesar. Burnouf. 45 Villa Publica] A building in the Campus Martius in which embaesa- dors from foreign nations were lodged. Floras, iii. 21, says that four thou- sand were slain by Sylla in this edifice ; Sen. de Clem., i. 12, saya seven thousand. TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS CAESAR. 259 prey ; and as if the flower of our army, and the oldest of our veterans, had fought against their brothers and parents and children, from no other motive than that the most abandoned of men might procure, from the calamities of others, the means of gratifying their insatiable appetites and passions, and might throw disgrace on your victory, and stain, by their enormities, the characters of the worthy men engaged in the same cause. In what manner, indeed, and with what modesty they con- ducted themselves, even while the fortune of the contest was still doubtful ; or how some, whose age, even in peace, could not have allowed of such excesses without scandal, resigned themselves, during the course of the war, to debauchery and licentiousness, I can not suppose to have escaped your notice. Of the war I have now said sufficient. V. But as you, and all your friends, are now thinking of the establishment of peace, consider first, I entreat you, the nature of the object which you have in view;. and thus, distinguishing what is favorable to it from what is unfavorable, you will pursue a proper course toward right measures. As every thing that rises, falls to decay, I think that whenever the appointed day for the fall of Rome shall arrive, it will come at a period in. which citizens shall contend with citizens, and thus render themselves enfeebled and exhausted, a prey for some foreign prince or people ; but that without such dissension, the whole world, the strength of all nations united, would in vain strive to move or shake its power. The advantages of concord are therefore to be secured, and the evils of discord to be banished. This will be effected, if you suppress the licentiousness of extrav- agance and peculation ; not, indeed, by recalling the people to the old regulations, 40 which, from the corruption of morals, have long since become a jest, but by making every man's income the limit of his expenditure ; for such habits have now become prevalent, that young men think it highly honorable to squan- der their own property and that of others, and to refuse nothing either to their own passions or to the requests of their friends, imagining such extravagance to be greatness and nobleness of spirit, and regarding temperance and honesty as mere pusillani- mity. Thus their headstrong passions, immorally indulged, are led, when their customary supplies fail, to prey sometimes on To the old regulations] Ad vetera instituta. " The sumptuary laws." Cortius. 260 SALLUST. their allies, and sometimes on their own countrymen, disturbing the tranquillity of the government, and raising new fortunes to repair the ruins of the old. 47 The profession of the money- lender, accordingly, should be abolished for the future, that each of us may take care of his own property. This is the true and only way by which a magistrate may be brought to hold his office for the good of the public, and not for that of his creditor, and to show his greatness of mind, not by impover- ishing the state, but by enriching it. VI. How unpopular this measure will be at the commence- ment, especially among those who expected from victory an in- crease of liberty and license rather than of restraint, I am very well aware. If, however, you consult the welfare of such persons rather than their inclinations, you will secure settled peace both to them, and us, and our allies. But if the same morals and habits be suffered to prevail among the youth, your own emi- nent glory, together with the city of Rome itself, will soon fall to nothing. The wise engage in war only for the sake of peace, and sustain toil only from the hope of rest ; and unless you establish peace and quiet on a firm basis, what difference does it make whether you are defeated or victorious ? Take upon yourself, therefore, in the name of the gods, the regulation of the state, and surmount all difficulties with your accustomed resolution ; for either you can heal the wounds of our country, or its cure must be left unattempted by every one. Nor does any one, to that end, incite you to the infliction of severe pen- alties or harsh sentences, by which a state is depopulated rather than corrected, but merely to the suppression of corrupt prac- tices and licentious indulgences among the youth. This will be true clemency, to prevent citizens from being deservedly banished ; to restrain them from folly and deceitful pleasures ; to establish among them peace and harmony ; and not, by tolerating corruption, and conniving at vice, to afford them temporary gratification at the expense of suffering that must soon follow. VII. As to your success, my mind derives assurance of it chiefly from that from which others conceive apprehensions of it ; I mean, the greatness of the undertaking, and the knowl- 47 New fortunes to repair the ruins of the old] Res nwaa veteribu* ac- quirit. The only reasonable explanation of this phrase that has been offered is Burnoufs: "Quserit res novas ad vcteres, i, e. res novas, sub- nidium veteribus." TWO EPISTLES TO JULIUS (LESAR. 261 edge that the world, both by land and by sea, is to be settled by your exertions. So vast a mind as yours can not engage in small matters ; and you are sensible, that of a great achieve- ment, great is the reward. It must be your care, then, that the populace, who are now demoralized by largesses and the public distribution of corn, may occupy themselves with their own business, and thus be prevented from disturbing the govern- ment ; and that the youth may turn their attention, not to pro- digality and rapacity, but to pursuits of honor and utility. This will be brought to pass, if you diminish the advantage and honor attendant on money, which is the greatest of all evils. For, on frequently reflecting by what means eminent men hal attained greatness, what conduct had strengthened people or nations with great accessions of power, 48 and from what causes the mightiest kingdoms and empires had fallen to decay, I found that there were invariably the same causes of good and evil ; that those who rose had held riches in contempt, and those who fell had coveted them. No mortal, indeed, can rise above others, and attain to godlike excellence of character, unless he renounce the delights of wealth and sensuality, and bestow special care on his mind ; not flattering its vanity, in- dulging its desires, or fostering its perverse propensities, but ex- ercising it with labor and patience, with virtuous incentives and honorable achievements. VILT. For a man to erect a mansion or villa, and to decorate it with statues, tapestry, and other ornaments, and to make every thing in it admirable except its possessor, is not to render riches an honor to himself, but to be himeslf a disgrace to them. Those, too, who are accustomed to overload their stomachs twice a day, and to pass no night without a mistress, when they have enslaved the mind that ought to have com- manded, in vain seek to employ it, in its inefficient and infirm condition, as if it had been wisely improved ; for, from want of intellectual power, they mostly ruin alike their schemes and themselves. But these, and all other like evils, will have an end, if the respect that is paid to money be diminished, and if neither offices, nor any objects of general ambition, be set to sale. ta VII. Great accessions of power] All the texts have magnis auctoribus: but as Cortius observes, the sense requires auclionibus, the conjecture )f Carrio, or auctilms, that of Ciacconius. 262 SALLUST. Precautions are likewise to be taken for the peace of Italy and the provinces ; precautions for which the means are not difficult to discover ; for the same kind of characters, to whom I have previously alluded, extend their ravages eveiy where, abandoning their own homes, and, in violation of all law, taking possession of those of others. You must also see that the mili- tary service be no longer unfairly and partially imposed, as it has hitherto been, some being forced to serve for thirty years, and others being wholy exempt from service. The corn, too, which has for some time past been the reward of idleness, it will be proper to distribute throughout the municipal towns and colonies for the use of the soldiers, when they return to their homes after having completed their term of service. What I thought conducive to the good of the country, and to our own glory, I have suggested as briefly as the subject would allow. It will not be improper for me, I trust, to add one observation concerning my attempt. Most men have, or pretended to have, sufficient ability to judge of what is submitted to them ; but that all have so violent propensity to censure the doings and sayings of others, that scarcely any mouth is sufficiently open, or any tongue sufficiently ready, to utter the thoughts of their hearts. That I have exposed myself to the criticism of such persons, I am not at all con- cerned ; on the contrary, I should have grieved had I been silent. For whether you proceed in the mode which I have suggested, or in any better way, I shall have the pleasure of reflecting that I have offered you such advice and assistance as I could. It remains only to wish, that, whatever measures you may adopt, the immortals may regard them with favor, and crown them with success. A DECLAMATION 1 AGAINST CICERO, FALSELY ATTRIBUTED TO SALLUST. I. I SHOULD bear your reproaches, Marcus Tullius, with concern and indignation, if I thought that you indulged in such insolence from con- viction, and not from disease of mind. But perceiving in you neither moderation or modesty, I will give you an answer, in order that, if you 1 Declamation] " In Quintilian there are two references to the Declnma- tion (Lib. iv., c. 1, Graviter et iniguo animo, etc., and Lib. ix., c. 3, O Jtom- ule Aiynnas), where it is attributed to Sallust. Hence Colomesius thought it might safely be inferred that Sallust was the author of it, though Victo- rius, JLipsius, Vossius, and other learned critics, had previously demon- strated that it must have been the production of any one rather than Sallust ; as well as that the other Declamation, which is circulated under Cicero's name, could not have been written by Cicero. In the latter passage of Quintilian, indeed, the words Romule Arpinas are not found in one old MS. that belonged to Almeloveen, as the celebrated Burman testifies ; nor can I certainly affirm that those words were written by Sallust. Concerning the former passage, too, I have similar doubts. But perhaps some small critic (not to say the writer himself, whoever he was, with a view to add authority to his piece, may have written the words, as an example, in the margin of a MS. of Quintilian ; and they may thence have crept into the text. The absence of the words from Almeloveen's MS. in the first pass- age, and the construction of the text in the second, make this conjecture not at all improbable. But it was a practice among the rhetoricians to com- pose orations in the names of illustrious men, as appears from Seneca, from Quintilian, iii. 10, and from other passages. The present composition is attributed by Hadrianus Junius de Coma ? c. 8, to Vioius Crispus ; by Vos- i sius to Porcius Latro. But who can possibly bring evidence to settle such a point? The reader may consult Khenanus on the Dialog, de Orator, imt., nnd Barthius Advers., xxiv. 5. In the recension of the text of these De- clamations I have made use of five manuscripts, most of which merely give the title Sallustius in Oiceronem." Coitius. " If Cortius's conjecture, re- specting the words in Quintilian's text, be incorrect, it remains only to suppose that after the work of Sallust was lost, the rhetorician, who wrote this Declamation, incorporated the words which he found in Quintilian into his own composition." Burncntf. The latter conjecture seems the moro probable. 264 SALLUST. have received any pleasure from speaking evil of me, you may feel it di- minished by hearing evil of yourself. To whom shall I complain, or before whom shall I lament, Conscript Fathers, that our country is despoiled by different parties, and become a prey to the dishonesty of the most audacious of mankind ? Shall I ad- dress myself to the Roman people, who are so corrupted with bribes, that they are ready to sell themselves and all that belongs to them ? Or shall I plead before you, Conscript Fathers, whose authority is grown a jest to the most infamous and abandoned, and before whom Marcus Tul- lius defends the laws and judgments of the people, and exerts his in- fluence with the senate, as if he were the sole remaining descendant of the illustrious Scipio Africanus, and not a person who has merely crept into the city, and been recently adopted and engrafted into it ? But are your deeds, Marcus Tullius, or your words, unknown to us ? Have you not lived in such a manner from your boyhood, as to think nothing that gratified another disgraceful to yourself? Did you not learn your extraordinary eloquence, under Marcus Piso, at the cost of your modesty ? Doubtless ; and it is by no means surprising that you display to your infamy what with infamy you acquired. II. But, I suppose, the splendor of your affairs at home exalts your spirits ; where you have a wife polluted with sacrilege and perjury, and a daughter who is a rival to her mother, and more compliant and sub- missive to you than she ought to be to a father. Your very home itself, thus fatal to you and yours, you secured by force and lawless- ness ; as if with a view to remind us how much the state is altered, when you, a most infamous character, dwell in that house which once belonged to Publius Crassus, a man of consular honors. And though these things are so, Cicero nevertheless says that he has been at the council of the immortal gods, 2 whence he, who turns the disaster of the country to his own glory, was dispatched as a guardian to our city and its inhabitants, and not under the name of executioner ; 3 as if, forsooth, your consulship itself had not been the cause of the con- spiracy, and as if the state had not then been disordered in consequence of having you for a protector. But, as I conceive, you must pride yourself still more on those measures which you adopted after your consulship, in concert with your wife Terentia, when you conducted trials at your house under the Plautian law, 4 condemning some of the conspirators to death, and others to pay fines ; when one built you a Tusculan, another a Pompeian villa, 5 and a third bought you a house; but he who could do nothing for you, was devoted to obloquy ; ho had 2 At the council of the immortal gods] " Because Cicero, in most of his speeches and harangues, was acustomed to say, Non. humtinis opitnix, nee arte magixtrd ita reipMicce consultum, sed divind miseratione^ Badius As- censius. 3 Name of executioner] Absque carnificw nomine. " A malicious allusion to Cicero's observation, sine ccude et sanguine rempublicam servatam." Badius Asoensius. 4 The Plautian law] See Cat., c. 31. 8 Tusculan Pompeian villa] These are so frequently mentioned in Cicero that wo might reasonably abstain from making any annotation upon them ; the reader may, however, consult Epist. ad. Alt., xiii. 14, and ii. 4." Gortiub, A DECLAMATION AGAINST CICERO. 265 come to attack your dwelling, or had laid a plot against the senate; and you were quite sure of his guilt. If the charges which I make are ialso, state what property you inherited from your father, how much you have acquired by pleading causes, from what resources you bought your house, and reared, at such vast expense, your Tusculan and Pom- pcian villas. III. But, we may suppose, a new man of Arpinum, of the breed of Caius Marius, imitates his virtue, contemns the enmity of the nobility, holds his country dear, is to be influenced neither by intimidation nor by interest ; such would be his love for the state, and such his virtuous magnanimity. 6 On the contrary, he is a man of the lightest character, suppliant to his enemies, insolent to his friends ; a follower sometimes of one party and sometimes of another, and faithful to none ; an un- stable senator, a mercenary patron ; a person whose every member is polluted with turpitude, whose tongue is false, whose hands are rapa- cious, whose feet are fugitive, and what can not decently be named, the most dishonored of alL Yet he, a person of this description, dares to exclaim, Ofortunaiam 7 naiam, mt consule, Eomam! Homo fortunate under your consulship, Cicero? Nay, indeed, most unfortunate and wretched, suffering a most cruel proscription of her citizens, when you. in the disturbed condition of the state, compelled all the respectable classes to shrink before your severity ; when all causes, and all laws, were under you control, and when, having set {.side the Porcian law, and despoiled us of our liberty, you took the power of life and death, over every one of us, into your own hands. Nor are you content to have done this with impunity ; you who reproach us by reminding us of it ; nor are we allowed to forget our slavish submission. But let it suffice, I entreat you, Cicero, that you have effected and accomplished what you pleased ; it is sufficient that wo have endured it; would you, in ' addition, burden our ears with the odious repetition of your deeds, and harass them with those most offen- sive words, Cedant arma togce, concedat laurea linguce ? 3 As if you had perpetrated the deeds of which you boast with the aid of the toga, and not with arms, or as if there were any difference between you and Sylla the dictator, except in your title of authority. But why should I expose your presumption, when you yourself pre- tend that Minerva has taught you all arts, and when the good and great Jupiter has admitted you to the council of the gods, and Italy brought you back from exile on her shoulders ? Let me ask you, O Snch his love virtuous magnanimity] Ulud vero amicitice tant-um ac virtutis est animl. These words are evidently corrupt, as Glareanus and Cortius observe. I have given them such a sense as the passage seems to require. 7 Oforti/natam, etc.] See Juv., x. 122; Qnintil., xi. 1. * Lavrea lingua] " In Cic. Off., i. 22, the verse is read laurea laudi, which the critics prefer, though some contend for linguce. See the Com- muututors ou that passage, and Burman on QuintiL, xi. 1." Cortius. 12 266 SALLUST. Romulus 9 of Arpinum, who, in your extraordinary merit, have sur- passed all the Paulli, Fabii, and Scipios, what place you hold in the state, what party in the republic suits you ? Whom do you choose as a friend, whom as an enemy ? Him, for whom you laid a plot in the state, you now serve ; (with what justice, 10 when you returned from your ex- ile at Dyrrachium, did you follow him?) of those whon you called tyrants, you now support the power ; those whom you thought men of honor, you now call fools and madmen. You plead the cause of Vatinius ; you have a bad opinion of Sextius ; you assail Bibulus with the most inso- lent language ; you extol Cassar ; whomsoever you hated most, to him you are the most submissive ; you have one opinion, on political affairs, when you are standing, and another when you are sitting ; some you slander, and others you hate ; and, most fickle of renegades, you arrive the enemy of all hope of success, and make a show of confidence on his own part, he threw out some loaves of bread, \hough he was in great want, from the citadel. On a certain fixed day, too, he sent out Fabius, the high-priest, from the citadel, through the midst of the enemy's guards, to perform a solemn sacrifice on the Quirinal hill. Fabius, under the pro- tection of religion, returned safe through the weapons of the enemy, and reported that " the gods were propitious." At last, when the length of their siege had tired the barbarians, and when they were offering to depart for a thousand pounds of 53 Ch. XIII. Otherwise deigning to answer nothing] Alioqui nihil reapon- dere dignantes. The exact signification of the word alioq-ui, 1$, as Duker ob- serves, "sufficiently obscure." N. Heinsius, by a happy conjecture, alters it into alloqui which (with the preceding vbi changed mto ibi) makes excel- lent sense. BOOK I. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 291 gold (making that offer, however, in an insolent manner, throwing a sword into the scale with unfair weights, and proudly crying out, " Woe to the conquered !") Camillas sud- denly attacking them in the rear, made such a slaughter of them as to wash out all traces of the fire with an inundation of Gallic blood. But with pleasure may we give thanks to the immortal gods on the very account of this great destruction ; for that fire buried the cottages of the shepherds, and that flame hid the poverty of Romulus. What, indeed, was the eiFect of that conflagration, but that a city, destined for the seat of men and gods, should not seem to have been destroyed or overthrown, but rather cleansed and purified ? After being defended, therefore, by Manlius, and restored by Camillus, it rose up again, with still more vigor and spirit, against the neighboring people. But first of all, not content with having expelled the Gauls from their city, they so closely pursued them under the conduct of Camillus, as they were dragging their broken remains up and down through Italy, that at this day not a trace of the Senones is left in the country. On one occa- sion, there was a slaughter of them at the river Anio, when Manlius, in a single combat, took from a barbarian, among other spoils, a golden chain ; and hence was the name of the Torquati. 23 On another occasion they 'were defeated in the Pomptine territory, when Lucius Valerius, in a similar combat, being assisted by a sacred bird sitting upon his helmet, carried off the spoils of his enemy ; and hence came the name of the Corvini. At last Dolabella, some years afterward, cut off all that remained of them at the lake Vadimo in Etruria, that none of that nation might survive to boast that Rome had been burned by them. CHAP. XIV. THE LATIN WAR. In the consulship of Manlius Torquatus and Decius Mus, the Romans turned from the Gauls upon the Latins, a people t:lways ready to attack them from rivalry for empire, and now from contempt for the burned state of the city. They de- manded that the right of citizenship should be granted them, rud a participation in the government and public offices; and 53 Torquati] From torques, a chain or collar for the neck. Corvini from corvus, a raven. 292 FLORUS. BOOK i. presumed that they could now do something more than struggle for these privileges. But who will wonder that the enemy should then have yielded, when one of the consuls put his own son to death, for fighting, though successfully, contrary to orders, as if there were more merit in observing command than in gaining a victory ; and the other, as if by the admonition of the gods, devoted himself, with his face covered, and in front of the army, to the infernal deities, so that, casting himself into the thickest of the enemy's weapons, he opened a new way to victory by the track of his own blood. CHAP. XV. THE SABINE WAR. After the Latins, they attacked the nation of the Sabines, who, unmindful of the alliance contracted under Titus Tatius, had united themselves, by some contagion of war, to the Latins. But the Romans, under Curius Dentatus, their consul, laid waste, with fire and sword, all that tract which the Nar and the springs of Velinus inclose, as far as the Adriatic sea. By which success such a number of people and such an extent of territory, was brought under their jurisdiction, that even he who had made the conquest could not tell which was of the greater importance. CHAP. XVI. THE SAMNITE WAR. Being then moved by the entreaties of Campania, they at- tacked the Samnites, not on their own account, but, what is more honorable, on that of their allies. A league had indeed been made with both those nations, but the Campanians h;id made theirs more binding and worthy of regard, by a surrender of all that they had. The Romans accordingly took up the war against the Samnites as if on their own behalf. The region of Campania is the finest of all countries, not only in Italy, but in the whole world. Nothing can be softer than its air; indeed it produces flowers twice a year. Nothing can be more fertile than its soil ; and it is therefore said to have been an object of contention between Bacchus and Ceres. Nothing can be more hospitable than its shores ; for on them are those noble harbors, Caieta, Misenus, and Baiae with its warm springs, as well as the lakes Lucriuus and Avernus, BOOK i. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 293 places of retirement as it were for (he so:;." 4 Here, too, arc those vine-clad mountains, Gaurus, Falernus, Massicus, and Ve- suvius the finest of all, the imitator of the fires of ./Etna. On the sea are the cities Formiae, Cumse, Puteoli, Naples, Hercu- laneum, Pompeii, and, the chief of all, Capua, which was form- erly one of the three greatest cities in the world, Rome and Carthage being the others. In defence of this city, and this country, the Roman people attacked the Samnites, a nation, if you would know its wealth, equipped with gold and silver armor, and with clothes of va- rious colors even to ostentation, 25 if you would understand its subtlety, accustomed to assail its enemies by the aid of its forests and concealment among the mountains ; if you would learn its rage and fury, exasperated to destroy the city of Rome by sacred laws and human sacrifices ; if you would look to its obstinacy, rendered desperate by six violations of the treaty, and by its very defeats. Yet in fifty years, by means of the Fabii and Papirii, fathers and sons, the Romans so subdued and reduced this people, so demolished the very ruins of their cities, that Samnium may now be sought in Samnium ; nor does it easily appear whence there was matter for four-and- twenty triumphs over them. But the greatest defeat that the Romans received from this nation was at the Caudine Forks, in the consulship of Veturius and Posthumius. For the Roman army being inclosed, by means of an ambush, within that de- file, whence it was unable to extricate itself, Pontius, the gen- eral of the enemy, struck with such extraordinary good for- tune, consulted his father Herennius how he should act, who, as a man of greater age and experience, judiciously advised him "either to release them all, or to put them all to the sword." But Pontius preferred making them pass, despoiled of their arms, beneath the yoke ; so that they were not made friends by his mercy, but rendered greater enemies after such dishonor. The consuls, therefore, without delay, and in a noble spirit, removed, by a voluntary surrender of themselves, the dis- grace of the treaty ; and the soldiers, clamorous for revenge, 54 Ch. XVI. Places of retirement for the sea] Qucedam maris otia. " Hft elegantly applies this term to these estuaries, into which the sea pours itself, End there, as it were, rests and takes its ease." Salmasius. Lucretius uses the word otia for resting-places, v. 1386. 45 To ostentation] Adambitum. " Ryckiua rightly interprets ambitus ' o*- tentation.' " Dukvr. 294 FLORUS. BOOK t. and led on by Papirius, rushed furiously along (he line of march, with their swords drawn (fearful to relate !) before they came to battle ; and the enemy affirm that in the encounter the eyes of the Romans were like burning fire. Nor was there an end put to the slaughter, until they retaliated with the yoke upon their enemies and their general who was taken prisoner. CHAP. XVII. THE WAR WITH THE ETRURIANS AND SAMNITES ' COMBINED. As yet the Roman people had warred only with single na- tions, but soon after it had to struggle with a combination of them ; yet in such circumstances it was a match for them all. The twelve tribes of the Etrurians, the Umbri, the most ancient people of Italy, hitherto unassailed in war, and those that remained of the Samnites, suddenly conspired for the utter destruction of the Roman name. The terror excited by na- tions so numerous and so powerful was very great. The stand- ards of four armies, ready for engagement, flew far and wide throughout Etruria. The Ciminian forest, too, which lay be- tween Rome and Etruria, and which had hitherto been as little explored as the Caledonian or Hercynian forests, was so great an object of dread, that the senate charged the consul not to venture on such a peril. But no danger deterred the general from sending his brother before to learn the possi- bilities of forcing a passage. He, putting on a shepherd's dress, and examining all around in the night, reported that the way was safe. Fabius Maximus, in consequence, terminated a most hazardous war without hazard ; for he suddenly assailed the enemy as they were in disorder and straggling about, and possessing himself of the higher grounds, thundered down on those below at his pleasure, the aspect of the war being as if weapons were hurled on the children of earth from the sky and the clouds. Yet final success was not secured without bloodshed ; for one of the consuls, being surprised in' the hol- low of a valley, sacrificed his life, devoted, after the example of his father, to the infernal gods ; and made this act of devotion, patural to his family, the price of victory. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 295 CHAP. XVIII. THE WAR WITH THE TARENTINES AND PYRRHUS. Next follows the Tarentine War, one, indeed, in title and name, but manifold in victories ; for it involved in one ruin, as it were, the Campanians, Apulians, and Lucanians, as well as the Tarentines, who were the authors of it, that is to say, the whole of Italy, and, together with all these, Pyrrhus, the most famous king of Greece ; so that the Roman people, at one and the same time, completed the reduction of Italy and commenced their transmarine triumphs. Tarentum was built by the Lacedaemonians, and was form- erly the metropolis of Calabria, Apulia, and all Lucania ; it was famous for its size, and walls, and harbor, and admired for its situation ; for, being placed at the very entrance to the Adriatic, it sends its vessels to all the adjacent countries, as Istria, Illyricum, Epirus, Greece, Africa, and Sicily. A large theater 29 lies close upon the harbor, built so as to over- look the sea ; which theater was the cause of all the calamities that befell the unhappy city. They happened to be celebrating games, when they saw from thence the Roman fleet rowing up to the shore, and, supposing that they were enemies approach- ing, ran out and attacked them without further consideration ;" for " who or whence were the Romans ?" Nor was this enough ; an embassy came from Rome without delay, to make a complaint ; and this embassy they vilely insulted, with an affront that was gross 2 * and disgraceful to be mentioned. Hence arose the war. The preparations for it were formidable, so many nations, at the same time, rising up in behalf of the Tarentines, and Pyrrhus more formidable than them all, who, to defend a city, which, from its founders being Lacedaemonians, Avas half Greek, came with all the strength of Epirus, Thes- salia, and Macedonia, and with elephants, till then unknown in Italy ; menacing the country by sea and land, with men, horses, and arms, and the additional terror of wild beasts. a Ch. XVIII. A large theater] Majus tfitatrum. The word majus puzzles the commentators. Salmasius conjectures that there may have been two theaters, a greater and a less. Some copies have urbis tfieatrum, and Freinshemins conjectures amphUheatrum. 37 Without further consideration] Sine discrimine. Without waiting to discriminate whether they were enemies or not. 28 An affront that was gross, etc.] Valerius Maximus, ii. 2, says that Posthumius, one of the embassadors, uriiia repersumfu,isse ; Dion. Halicarn. Excerpt. Lagat., c. 4, intimates something worse. 296 FLORDB. BOOK i. The first battle was fought by the consul Levinus, at Iler- aclea, on the Liris, a river of Campania ; a battle so desperate, that Obsidius, commander of a Frentane troop of horse, riding at the king, put him into disorder, and obliged him to throw away his royal insignia and quit the field. He would doubtless have been defeated, had not the elephants, turning round, rushed forward to attract the attention of the combatants ; aa when the horses, startled at their bulk and ugliness, as well as at their strange smell and noise, and imagining the beasts, which they had never seen before, to be something more terrible than they were, spread consternation and havoc far and wide. A second engagement took place at Asculum in Apulia, under the consuls Curius and Fabricius, with somewhat better success ; for the terror of the beasts had in some de- gree passed off, and Caius Minucius, a spearman of the fourth legion, having cut off the trunk of one of them, showed that the monsters were mortal. Lances were accordingly heaped upon them, and firebrands, hurled against their towers, covered the troops of the enemy with naming ruins. Nor was there any stop to the slaughter till night separated the combatants ; and the king himself, the last of those that retreated, was carried off by his guards, with a wound in the shoulder, on his own shield. The last battle was fought by the same leaders, near what are called the Arusine plains in Lucania ; but success was then wholly on the side of the Romans. Chance brought that term- ination to the struggle which valor would have given ; for the elephants being again brought into the front line, the heavy stroke of a weapon descending on the head of a young one, made it turn about ; and then, as it was trampling down num- bers of its own party, and' whining with a loud noise, its dam recognized it, and broke out of her place as though to revenge the injury done to it, disordering all around her, as if they had been troops of the enemy, with her unwieldy bulk. Thus the same beasts, which had gained the first victory, and balanced the second, gave the third to the Romans without dispute. Nor did they engage with Pyrrhus only with arms and in the field, but contended with him also in counsel, and at home within the city. For the subtle king, after his first victory, w To attract, etc.] In speotaculum belli. A phrase of doubtful meaning. See Duker, who refers to Sallust, Jug., c. 101, Turn spectaeuhvm JwrriUle campis patentilms, and to Florus above, c. 11, interfuisse spectaculo (so. prselii) BOOK r. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 297 being convinced of the valor of the Romans, despaired of gain- ing success by arms, and had recourse to stratagem. He burned the bodies of the Romans that were slain, treated the prisoners kindly, and restored them without ransom ; and having after- ward sent ambassadors to the city, he sought, by eveiy means ia his power, to be received into friendship and to make a league with them. But at that period the conduct of the Romans ap- proved itself in every way, in war and in peace, abroad and at home ; nor did any other conquest, more than that over the Tarentines, show the fortitude of the Roman people, the wisdom, of their senate, and the gallantry of their generals. What sort of men were those whom we find trampled down by the ele- phants in the first battle? The wounds of all were in their breasts ; some had fallen dead upon their enemies ; all had swords in their hands, and threatening left in their looks ; and their anger lived even in death itself. Pyrrhus was so struck with admiration at the sight, that he exclaimed, " Oh, how easy were it for me to gain the empire of the world, if I had Ro- mans for my soldiers ; or for the Romans, if they had me for their king !" And what must have been the expedition of those who survived, in recruiting the army ? For Pyrrhus said, " I see plainly that I was born under the constellation of Hercules, since so many heads of enemies, that were cut off, arise again upon me out of their own blood, as if they sprung from the Lernaaan serpent." And what kind of senate was there ? when, on the address of Appius Caecus, the embassadors were sent away from the city with their presents, and assured their king, who asked them what they thought of the enemy's abode, that " the city appeared to them a temple, and the senate an assem- bly of kings." And what sort of generals were there? either in the camp, when Curius sent back the physician that offered the head of king Pyrrhus for sale, and Fabricius refused a share of the kingdom offered him by Pyrrhus ; or in peace, when Cu- rius preferred his earthen vessels to the gold of the Samnites, and Fabricius, with the gravity becoming a censor, condemned ten pounds of silver, in the possession of Rufinus, though a man of consular dignity, as a luxury. Who then can wonder that the Romans, with such manners, and with a brave soldiery, were victorious ? And that in this one war with the Tarentines, they brought under their power, within the space of four years, the greatest part of Italy, the 13* 298 FLORUS. BOOK i. stoutest nation?, the most wealthy cities, and the most fruitful regions 1 Or what can more exceed credibility than a compar- ison of the beginning of the war with the end of it 1 Pyrrhus, victorious in the first battle, laid waste Campania, Liris, 30 and Fregellae, while all Italy was in alarm, and took a view of Rome, which was well-nigh captured, from the heights of Praenest?, fill- ing the eyes of the trembling city, at the distance of twenty miles, with smoke and dust. The same prince being afterward twice forced from his camp, twice wounded, and diiven over sea and land into Greece, his own country, peace and quiet en- sued ; and so vast was the spoil from so many wealthy nations, that Rome could not contain her own victory. Hardly ever did a finer or more glorious triumph enter the city ; when before this time you could have seen nothing but the cattle of the Vol- scians, the flocks of the Sabines, the chariots of the Gauls, or the broken arms of the S mn'tos; but now, if you looked on the captives, they were Molosskna^ Thessalians, Macedonians, Bruttians, Apulians, and Lucanians ; if upon the pomp of the procession, there was gold, purple, statues, pictures, and all the ornaments of Tarenturn. The people of Rome, however, be- held nothing with greater pleasure than those beasts which they had dreaded, with their towers on their backs ; which, not with- out a sense of their captivity, followed the victorious horses with their heads bowed to the earth. CHAP. XIX. THE PICENIAN WAR. Soon after all Italy enjoyed peace (for who would venture on war after the subjugation of Tarenturn ?) except that the Romans thought proper, of their own accord, to pursue those who had joined the enemy. The people of Picenum were in consequence subdued, with Asculum, their metropolis, under the conduct of Sempronius ; who, as there was a tremor of the earth during the battle, appeased the goddess Earth by vowing a temple to her. CHAP. XX. THE SALLENTINE WAR. The Sallentines shared the fate of the people of Picenum ; and Brundusium, the chief city of the country, with its famous so Liris] This word is elsewhere found only as the name of a river. Froinshemius takes it here for that of a town. Minellius suggest* thiU Floras may mean the banks of the Liris. BOOK i. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 299 harbor, w.-:s taken by Marcus Atilius. In this contest Pales, the goddess of shepherds, demanded, of her own accord, a temple as the price of the victory. CHAP. XXI. THE WAR WITH THE VOLSINI. The last of the Italians that fell under the government of the Romans were the Volsini, the richest of all the Etrurians, who sought aid against the rebels that had formerly been their slaves, and that had turned their liberty, granted them by their masters, against their masters themselves, taking the government into their, own hands, and making themselves tyrants. But these were chastised for their presumption under the leadership of Fabius Gurges. CHAP. XXII. OF SEDITIONS. This is the second age of the Roman people, and, as it were, its youth ; in which it was extremely vigorous, and grew warm and fervid in the flower of its strength. Thus a certain rude- ness, derived from the shepherds, their ancestors, which still remained in them, betrayed something of an untamed spirit. Hence it happened that the army, having mutinied in the camp, stoned their general, Posthumius, for withholding the spoil which he had promised them ; that under Appius Claudius they refused to conquer the enemy when they had the power ; that on occasion of the soldiers, with Volero at their head, de- clining to serve, the fasces of the consul were broken ; and that the people punished their most eminent leaders with exile, when they opposed their will : as Coriolanus, for desiring them to till their grounds (nor would he have less severely revenged his wrongs in war, had not his mother Veturia, when he was leading 0:1 his forces, disarmed him with her tears), and Camil- lus, because he seemed to have divided the plunder of Veii unfairly between the common people and the army. But the latter, with better fortune 01 than Coriolanus, grew old in the 21 Ch. XXII. But the latter, with better fortune, etc.] Sed Jiic melior [ob- pessis], in captd vrbe comenuit. Obseasis occurs iu some copies, but Duker and Graevius omit it. The city which he had taken was Veil. But it is not said in any other author that Camillus spent his old age at Veii. Salmasiu.s understands consenuit of pining at the misfortunes of his country^ but thia Interpretation is so forced that it seems less reasonable to accept it than to suppose Florus to have been mistaken. 300 FLORUS. HOOK i city which he had taken, and afterward avenged his country- men, at their entreaty, on their enemies the Gauls. Disputes where also carried on, more violently than was just and reasonable, with the senate ; insomuch that the people, leaving their dwellings, threatened devastation and ruin to their country. CHAP. XXIII. THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. The first disagreement was occasioned by the tyranny of the money-lenders, who vented their resentment even on the backs of their debtors, scourging them as if they were slaves ; and the commons, in consequence, withdrew under arms to the Sacred Mount, from which they were with difficulty recalled by the authority of Menenius Agrippa, an eloquent and wise man ; nor would they have returned at all if they had not ob- tained tribunes for themselves. The fable of his, in the old style, so powerfully persuasive to concord, is still extant, in which he said that " the members of the human body were once at variance among themselves, alleging, that while all the rest discharged their duties, the stomach alone continued with- out occupation ; but that at length, when reaxly to die, they returned from their disagreement to a right understanding, as they found that they were nourished with the food that was by the stomach reduced to blood." CHAP. XXIV. THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. The licentiousness of the Decemvirate gave rise to the second disagreement, which occurred in the middle of the city. Ten eminent men of the city, chosen for the purpose, had, by order of the people, drawn up in a body certain laws which had been brought from Greece, and the whole course of the administra- tion of justice had been arranged in twelve tables ; but though the object of their office was accomplished, they still retained the fasces that had been delivered to them, with a spirit like that of kings. Appius Claudius, above all the rest, advanced to such a degree of audacity, that he destined for dishonor a free-born virgin, forgetting both Lucretia, and the kings, and the laws which he himself had written. When her father Virginius, therefore, saw his daughter unjustly sentenced, and dragged away to slavery, he slew her, without any hesitation, in the BOOK I. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 301 midst of the forum, with his own hand ; and bringing up the troops of his fellow-soldiers, he dragged the whole band of tyrants, beset with an armed force, from the Azentine Mount to imprisonment and chains. CHAP. XXV. THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. The question of the propriety of intermarriages raised a third sedition, it being demanded that pbbeians should be allowed to intermarry with patricians. This tumult broke out on Mount Janiculurn, Canuleius, a tribune of the people, being the leader in it. CHAP. XXVI. THE SUBJECT CONTINUED. An ambition for public honors occasioned a fourth sedition, from a demand being made that plebeians should be admitted to magistracies. Fabius Ambustus, the father of two daughters, had married one to Sulpicius, a man of patrician family, and the other to Stolo, a plebeian. The latter, on some occasion, being rather scornfully laughed at by her sister, because she had been startled at the sound of the lictor's staff (which was unknown in her family), could not endure the affront. Her husband, in consequence, having gained the tribuneship, ob- tained from the senate, though much against their will, a share in public honors and offices for the plebeians. But in these very seditions, you may not improperly admire the conduct of this great people ; for at one time they sup- ported liberty, at another chastity, at another the respectability of their birth, 38 at another their right to marks and distinctions of honor ; and among all these proceedings, they were vigilant guardians of nothing more than of liberty, and could by no bribery be corrupted to make sale of it ; though there arose from time to time, as was natural among a people already great, and growing daily greater, citizens of very pernicious in- tentions. Spurius Cassius, suspected of aiming at kingly power by the aid of the agrarian law, and Maelius, suspected of a similar design from his excessive largesses to the people, they punished with instant death. On Spurius, indeed, his own " Ch. XXVI. Respectability of their birth] Natalium dignitatem. They maintained that all citizens were of sufficiently respectable birth to inter- marry with the patricians. 302 FLORUS. BOOK 11. father inflicted the punishment. Ahala, the master of the horse, killed Myelius in the middle of the forum, by order of Quinctius the dictator. Manlius, also, the defender of the Capitol, when he behaved himself too arrogantly, and unsuitably to the rank of a citizen, presuming on having liberated most of the debtors, they precipitated from that very citadel which he had preserved. In this manner, at home and abroad, in peace and war, did the Roman people pass the period of adolescence, that is to say, the second age of their empire, in which they subdued with arms all Italy between the Alps and the sea. BOOK II. CHAP. I. INTRODUCTORY. After Italy was conquered and subjugated, the Roman people, now approaching its five-hundreth year, and being fairly arrived at maturity, was then truly robust and manly (if robustness and manhood may be attributed to a nation), and had begun to be a match for the whole world. Accordingly (wonderful and scarcely credible to relate !) that people who had struggled with their neighbors at home for nearly five hundred years (so difficult was it to give Italy a head), overran, in the two hundred years that follow, Africa, Europe, Asia, and indeed the whole world, with their wars and victories. CHAP. II. THE FIRST PUNIC WAR The victor-people of Italy, having now spread over the^ land as far as the sea, checked its course for a little, like a fire, which, having consumed the woods lying in its track, is stopped by some intervening river. But soon after, seeing at no great distance a rich prey, which seemed in a manner detached and torn away from their own Italy, they were so inflamed with a desire to possess it, that since it could neither be joined to their country by a mole or bridge, they resolved that it should be secured by arms and war, and reunited, as it were, to their continent. 33 And behold ! as if the Fates themselves opened a Ch. II. Keunitedy as it were, to their continent] Ad contlnentem suunt BOOK n. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 303 way for thorn, an opportunity was not wanting, for Messana, 34 a city of Sicily iu alliance with them, happened then to make; a complaint concerning the tyranny of the Carthaginians. As the Romans coveted Sicily, so likewise did the people of Carthage ; and both at the same time, with equal desires ;:nd equal forces, contemplated the attainment of the empire of the world. Under the pretext, therefore^ of assisting their allies, but in reality being allured by the prey, that rude people, that people sprung from shepherds, and merely accustomed to the land, made it appear, though the strangeness of the attempt startled them (yet such confidence is there in true courage), that to the brave it is indifferent whether a battle be fought on norseback or in ships, by land or by sea. It was in the consulship of Appius Claudius that they first ventured upon that strait which has so ill a name from the strange things 35 related of it, and so impetuous a current. But they were so far from being affrighted, that they regarded the violence of the rushing tide as something in their favor, and, sailing forward immediately and without delay, they defeated Hiero, king of Syracuse, with so much rapidity, that he owned he was conquered before he saw the enemy. In the consulship of Duilius and Cornelius, they likewise had courage to engage at sea, and then the expedition used in equipping the fleet was a presage of victory ; for within sixty days after the timber was felled, a navy of a hundred and sixty ships lay at anchor ; so that the vessels did not seem to have been made by art, but the trees themselves appeared to have been turned into ships by the aid of the gods. The aspect of the battle, too, was wonderful ; as the heavy and slow ships of the Romans closed with the swift and nimble barks of the enemy. Little availed their naval arts, such as breaking off the oars of a ship, and eluding the beaks of the enemy by turning aside ; for the grappling-irons, and other instruments, which, before the engagement, had been greatly derided by the enemy, were fastened upon their ships, and they were compelled to fight as on solid ground. Being victorious, therefore, Liparae, by sinking and scattering the revocanda beUo. As bellojungenda occurs immediately before, Freinshemius and Duker, though they retain the latter bello in the text, as it is found in all copies, advise its omission. 34 Messana] Now Messina. 84 That strait strange things, etc.] The strait of Messina. " By ttrangt things (mon#tris) he means Scylla and Charybdis." Salmasiw. 304 PLORUS. BOOK n. enemy's fleet, they celebrated their first naval triumph. And how great was the exultation at it ! Duilius, the commander, not content with one day's triumph, ordered, during all the rest of his life, when he returned from supper, lighted torches to be carried, and flutes to play, before him, as if he would triumph every day. The loss in this battle was trifling, in comparison with the greatness of the victory ; though the other consul, Cornelius Asina, was cut off, being invited by the enemy to a pretended conference, and put to death ; an instance of Carthaginian perfidy. Under the dictatorship of Calatinus, the Romans expelled almost all the garrisons of the Carthaginians from Agrigentum, Drepanum, Panormus, Eryx, and Lilybaeum. Some alarm was experienced at the forest of Camarina, but we were rescued by the extraordinary valor of Calpurnius Flamma, a tribune of the soldiers, who, with a choice troop of three hundred men, seized upon an eminence occupied by the enemy to our annoyance, 30 and so kept them in play till the whole army escaped ; thus, by eminent success, equalling the fame of Thermopylae and Leoni- das, though our hero was indeed more illustrious, inasmuch as he escaped and outlived so great an effort, notwithstanding he wrote nothing" with his blood. In the consulship of Lucius Cornelius Scipio, when Sicily was become as a suburban province of the Roman people, and the war was spreading further, they crossed over into Sardinia, and into Corsica, which lies near it. In the latter they terrified the natives by the destruction of the city of Olbia, in the former by that of Aleria ; and so effectually humbled the Car- thaginians, both by land and sea, that nothing remained to be conquered but Africa itself. Accordingly, under the leadership To our annoyance] Infesium. 37 Notwithstanding lie wrote nothing, etc.] Licet nikil scripserit sanguine. " A hallucination of Florus, who inadvertently attributes to Leonidas what was done by Othryades. Leonidas wrote nothing with his blood, as fur, at least, as we learn from the writings of antiquity. But such an act is uni- versally attributed to Othryades, both by poets and prose writers." Salma- slus. Othryades was the survivor of the three hundred Spartans who fought with three hundred Argives for the right of possessing a piece of land called Thyrea. Being ashamed to return to Sparta alone, he slew himself on the field of battle, first writing on his shield, with his blood, that Thyrea be- longed to the Lacffldemonians. For an account of the combat, see Herod., i. 82. Freinshemius thinks the words are not Florus's, but those of some fflossator. Gronovius would read licet nonnihil scripserit sanguine, which would be no great improvement. BOOK n. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 305 of Marcus Attilius Regulus, the war passed over into Afiici. Nor were there wanting some on the occasion, who mutinied at the mere name and dread of the Punic sen, a tribune named Mannius increasing their alarm ; but the general, threatening him with the ax if he did not obey, produced courage for the voyage by the terror of death. They then hastened their course by the aid of winds and oars, and such was the terror of the Africans at the approach of the enemy, that Carthage was al- most surprised with its gates open. The first prize taken in the war was the city of Clypea, which juts out from the Carthaginian shore as a fortress or watch-tower. Both this, and more than three hundred for- tresses besides, were destroyed. Nor had the Romans to con- tend only with men, but with monsters also ; for a serpent of vast size, born, as it were, to avenge Africa, harassed their camp on the Bagrada. But Regulus, who overcame all ob- stacles, having spread the terror of his name far and Avide, having killed or taken prisoners a great number of the enemy's force, and their captains themselves, and having dispatched his fleet, laden with much spoil, and stored with materials for a triumph, to Rome, proceeded to besiege Carthage itself, the origin of the war, and took his position close to the gates of it. Here fortune was a little changed ; but it was only that more proofs of Roman fortitude might be given, the greatness of which was generally best shown in calamities. For the enemy applying for foreign assistance, and Lacedaemon having sent them Xanthippus as a general, we were defeated by a captain so eminently skilled in military affairs. It was then that by an ignominious defeat, such as the Romans had never before ex- perienced, their most valiant commander fell alive into the ene- my's hands. But he was a man able to endure so great a calamity ; as he was neither humbled by his imprisonment at Carthage, nor by the deputation which he headed to Rome ; for he advised what was contrary to the injunctions of the ene- my, and recommended that no peace should be made, and no exchange of prisoners admitted. Even by his voluntary return to his enemies, and by his last sufferings, whether in prison or on the cross, the dignity of the man was not at all obscured. But being rendered, by all these occurrences, even more worthy of admiration, what can be said of him but that, when con- quered, he was superior to his conquerors, and that, though 306 FLORUS. BOOK n. Carthage had not submitted, he triumphed over Fortune her- self? The Roman people were now much keener and more ardent to revenge the fate of Regulus than to obtain victory. Under the consul Metellus, therefore, when the Carthaginians were growing insolent, and when the war had returned into Sicily, they gave the enemy sucli a defeat at Panormus, that they thought no more of that island. A proof of the greatness of this victory was the capture of about a hundred elephants, a vast prey, even if they had taken that number, not in war, but in hunting. 38 Under the consulship of Appius Claudius, they were overcome, not by the enemy, but by the gods themselves, whose auspices they had despised, their fleet being sunk in that very place where the consul had ordered the chickens to be thrown overboard, because he was warned by them not to fight. Under the consulship of Marcus Fabius Buteo, they overthrew, near ^Egimurus, in the African sea, a fleet of the enemy which was just sailing for Italy. But O how great materials for a triumph were then lost by a storm, when the Roman fleet, richly laden with spoil, and driven by contrary winds, covered with its wreck the coasts of Africa and the Syrtes, and of all the islands lying amid those seas ! aa A great calamity ! But not without some honor to this eminent people, from the circumstance that their victory was intercepted only by a storm, and that the matter for their triumph was lost only by a shipwreck. Yet, though the Punic spoils were scat- tered abroad, and thrown up by the waves on every promontory and island, the Romans still celebrated a triumph. In the con- sulship of Lutatius Catulus, an end was at last put to the war near the islands named Agates. Nor was there any greater fight during this war ; for the fleet of the enemy was laden S8 A vast prey not in war, but in hunting] Sic quoque magna prada, si qregem ilium non bello, sed venaticme cepisnet. " The sense is, it would have been a considerable capture if he had taken these hundred elephants, not in battle, but in hunting, in which more are often taken." Grcevius. " In this explanation Perizonius acquiesced." Duker. Most readers, I fear, wilJ wish that a better were proposed. Coasts of all the islands lying amid those seas] Duker's edition, and almost every other, \\a% omnium imperia gentium, insular am littora, implevit, which Grsevius has pronounced, and others have seen, to be nonsense. Tollius for imperia proposed promontoria : but I have thought it better to follow the conjecture offered oy Markland. (Epistle to Hare, p. 38, cited by I)uker), omnium inter inari jacentium insularum, etc., though this is rather bold, and not supported by any thing similar in Florus. TOOK ii. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 307 with provisions, troops, towers, and arms ; indeed, all Carthage, as it were, was in it ; a state of things which proved its de- struction, as the Roman fleet, on the contraiy, being active, light, free from incumbrance, and in some degree resembling a land-camp, was wheeled about by its oars like cavalry in a battle by their reins ; and the beaks of the vessels, directed now against one part of the enemy and now against another, presented the appearance of living creatures. In a very short time, accordingly, the ships of the enemy were shattered to pieces, and filled the whole sea between Sicily and Sardinia with their wrecks. So great, indeed, was the victory, that there was no thought of demolishing the enemy's city ; since it seemed superfluous to pour their fury on towers and walls, when Carthage had already been destroyed at sea. CHAP. III. THE LIGURIAN WAR. After the Carthaginian war was ended, there followed a time of repose indeed, but short, and as it were only to take breath. As a proof of peace, and of a real cessation from arms, the Temple of Janus was then shut for the first time since the reign of Numa. But it was immediately and with- out delay opened again. For the Ligurians, and the Insubrian Gauls, as well as the lllyrians, began to be troublesome. In- deed, the two former nations, situate at the foot of the Alps, that is, at the very entrance to Italy, stirred up, apparently, by some deity, lest the Roman arms should contract rust and mold, and at length becoming, as it were, our daily and domestic enemies, 40 continued to exercise the young soldiery in the busi- ness of war ; and the Romans whetted the sword of their valor on each of those nations as upon a whetstone. The Ligurians, lying close to the bottom of the Alps, between the rivers Varus and Macra, and shrouded in woody thickets, it was more trouble to find than to conquer. Defended by their position and facilities of escape, and being a hardy and nimble race, they rather committed depredations as occasion offered, than made regular war. After all their tribes, therefore, the Salyi, the 40 Two former nations daily and domestic enemies] Utrique quotidiani et quasi domestici hostes. As Floras speaks of three nations, and then says utrique, the commentators have been in doubt which of them are meant by that word. I have followed Salmasius, with whom Perizonius coincides. The Illyrians were more remote than the other two. 308 PLORUS. BOOK n. Deceates, the Oxybii, the Euburiates, and the Ingauri, liad baffled the Romans for a long time with success, Fulvius at length surrounded their recesses with flames, Bsebius drew them down into the plains, and Posthumius so disarmed them that he scarcely left them iron to till the ground. CHAP. IV. THE GALLIC WAK. The Galli Insubres, who were also borderers upon the Alps, had the tempers of savage beasts, and bodies greater than human. But by experience, it was found that, as their first onset was more violent than that of men, so their subsequent conduct in battle was inferior to that of women. The bodies of the people about the Alps, reared in a moist atmosphere, have somewhat in them resembling their snows, and, as soon as they are heated in fight, run down with perspiration, and are relaxed with any slight motion, as it were by the heat of the sun. These had often at other times sworn, but especially under their general Britomarus, that they would not loose their belts before they mounted the Capitol. And it happened ac- cordingly ; for JEmilius conquered and disarmed them in the Capitol Soon after, with Ariovistus for their leader, they vowed to their god Mars a chain made out of the spoils of our soldiers. But Jupiter prevented the performance of their vow ; for Flaminius erected a golden trophy to Jove out of their chains. When Viridomarus was their king, they vowed the arms of the Romans to Vulcan ; but their vows had a very different result ; for Marcellus, having killed their king, hung up his arms to Jupiter Feretrius, being the third spolia opima since those of Romulus, the father of the city. The Illyrians, or Liburnians, live at the very root of the Alps, between the rivers Arsia and Titius, extending far over the whole coast of the Adriatic. This people, in the reign of a queen named Teutana, not content with depredations on the Roman territory, added an execrable crime to their audacity. For they beheaded our embassadors, who were calling them to account for their offenses ; and this death they inflicted, not with the sword, but, as if they had been victims for sacrifice, BOOK n. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 309 with the ax ; they also burned the captains of our ships with fire. These insults were offered, to make them the more of- fensive, by a woman. The people were in consequence uni- versally reduced to subjection, by the efforts of Cnaeus Fulvius Centimalus ; and the ax, descending on the necks of their chiefs, made full atonement to the manes of the embassadors. CHAP. VI. THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. After the first Carthaginian war, there was scarcely a rest of four years, when there was another war ; inferior indeed in length of time (for it occupied but eighteen years), but so much more terrible, from the direfulness of its havoc, that if any one compares the losses on both sides, the people that conquered was more like one defeated. What provoked this noble people was, that the command of the sea M r as forced from them, that their islands were taken, and that they were obliged to pay tribute which they had before been accustomed to impose. Hannibal, when but a boy, swore to his father, before an altar, to take revenge on the Romans ; nor was he backward to execute his oath. Saguntum, accordingly, was made the occasion of a war ; an old and wealthy city of Spain, and a great but sad example of fidelity to the Romans. This city, though granted, by the common treaty, the special priv- ilege of enjoying its liberty, Hannibal, seeking pretenses for new disturbances, destroyed with his own hands and those of its inhabitants, in order that, by an infraction of the compact, he might open a passage for himself into Italy. Among the Romans there is the highest regard to treaties, and consequently, on hearing of the siege of an allied city, and remembering, too, the compact made with the Cartha- ginians, they did not at once have recourse to arms, but chose rather to expostulate on legal grounds. In the mean time the Saguntines, exhausted with famine, the assaults of machines, and the sword, and their fidelity being at last carried to des- peration, raised a vast pile in the market-place, on which they destroyed, with fire and sword, themselves, their wives and children, and all that they possessed. Hannibal, the cause of this great destruction, was required to be given up. The Car- thaginians hesitating to comply, Fabius, who was at the head of the embassy, exclaimed, " What is the meaning of this de- 310 PLORUS. BOOK n. lay ? In the fold of this garment I carry war and peace ; which of the two do you choose ?" As they cried out " War," " Take war, then," he rejoined, and, shaking out the fore-part of his toga in the middle of the senate-house, as if he really carried war in its folds, he spread it abroad, not without awe on the part of the spectators. The sequel of the war was in conformity with its commen^ ment; for, as if the last imprecations of the Saguntines, a their public self-immolation and burning of the city, had re- quired such obsequies to be performed to them, atonement was made to their manes by the devastation of Italy, the reduction of Africa, and the destruction of the leaders and kings who en- gaged in that contest. When once, therefore, that sad and dismal force and storm of the Punic war had arisen in Spain, and had forged, in the fire of Saguntum, the thunderbolt long before intended for the Romans, it immediately burst, as if hurried along by resistless violence, through the middle of the Alps, and descended, from those snows of incredible altitude, on the plains of Italy, as if it had been hurled from the skies. The violence of its first assault burst, with a mighty sound, between the Po and the Ticinus. There the army under Scipio was routed ; and the general himself, being wounded, would have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had not his son, then quite a boy, 41 covered his father with his shield, and rescued him from death. This was 42 the Scipio who grew up for the conquest of Africa, and who was to receive a name from its ill-fortune. To Ticinus succeeded Trebia, where, in the consulship of Sempronius, the second outburst of the Punic war was spent. On that occasion, the crafty enemy, having chosen a cold and snowy day, and having first warmed themselves at their fires, and anointed their bodies with oil, conquered us, though they were men that came from the south and a warm sun, by the aid (strange to say) ! of our own winter. The third thunderbolt 43 of Hannibal fell at the Trasimeno 41 Ch. VI. Quite a boy] Praitextatus admodum. "As we say adnwdum puer, admodum adolescens." Salmasius. He had but just laid aside the toga prcetexta, and assumed the toga virttis. n This was] Hie erat. Duker and others read crlt. 48 The third thunderbolt, etc.] Trasimenm laaus tertwtm fitlmen ITannl- ftal"^. Literally, " The Trasimene lake was the third thunderbolt of Hannibal," an affected mode of expression. BOOK IT. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 311 lake, when Flaminius was commander. There also was em- ployed a new stratagem of Carthaginian subtlety ; for a body of cavalry, being concealed by a mist rising from the lake, and by the osiers growing in the fens, fell upon the rear of the Romans as they were fighting. Nor can we complain of the gods ; for swarms of bees settling upon the standards, the reluctance of the eagles 44 to move forward, and a great earthquake that happened at the commencement of the battle (unless, indeed, it was the trampling of horse and foot, and the violent concussion of arms, that produced this trembling of the ground), had forewarned the rash leader of approaching defeat. The fourth, and almost mortal wound of the Roman empire, was at Cannae, an obscure village of Apulia ; which, however, became famous by the greatness of the defeat, its celebrity being acquired by the slaughter of forty thousand men. Hero the general, the ground, the face of heaven, the day, indeed all nature, conspired together for the destruction of the unfortunate army. For Hannibal, the most artful of generals, not content with sending pretended deserters among the Romans, Avho fell upon their rear as they were fighting, but having also noted the nature of the ground in those open plains, where the heat of the sun is extremely violent, the dust very great, and the wind blows constantly, and as it were statedly, from the east, drew up his army in such a position, that, while the Romans were exposed to all these inconveniences, he himself, having heaven, as it were, on his side, fought Avith wind, dust, and sun in his favor. Two vast armies, 45 in consequence, were slaughtered till the enemy were satiated, and till Hannibal said to his soldiers, " Put up your swords." Of the two commanders, one escaped, the other was slain ; which of them showed the greater spirit, is doubtful. Paulus was ashamed to survive ; Varro did not de- spair. Of the greatness of the slaughter the following proofs may be noticed ; that the Aufidus was for some time red with ! blood ; that a bridge was made of dead bodies, by order of Han- nibal, over the torrent of Vergellus ; and that two modii 46 of 44 Reluctance of the eagles, etc.] Aquilz prodirenoUntes. The standards, which were fixed in the ground, could scarcely be pulled up. 45 Two vast armies] Duo maximi exercitus. The armies of the two con- suls, Paulus -$)milius and Varro. 49 Two modii] The modivs, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary, is said to bo equal to 1 gall. 7.8576 pints, English measure. Two modii will therefore bo near- ly 3t gallons. 312 FLORUS. BOOK n. rings were sent to Carthage, and the equestrian dignity esti- mated by measure. It was afterward not doubted but that Rome might have seen its last day, and that Hannibal, within five days, might have feasted in the Capitol, if (as they say that Adherbal, the Carthaginian, the son of Bomilcar, observed), " he had known as well how to use his victory as how to gain it." But at that crisis, as is generally said, either the fate of the city that was to be empress of the world, or his own want of judgment, and the influence of deities unfavorable to Carthage, carried him in n different direction. When he might have taken advantage of his victory, he chose rather to seek enjoyment from it, and, leaving Rome, to march into Campania and to Tarentum, where both he and his army soon lost their vigor, so that it was justly remarked that " Capua proved a Cannae to Hannibal ;" since the sunshine of Campania, and the warm springs of Baiae, subdued (who could have believed it ?) him who had been unconquered by the Alps, and unshaken in the field. In the mean time the Romans began to recover, and to rise as it were from the dead. They had no arms, but they took them down from the temples ; men were wanting, but slaves were freed to take the oath of service ; the treasury was exhausted, but the senate willingly offered their wealth for the public service, leaving themselves no gold but what was contained in their children's bullce," and in their own belts and rings. The knights followed their example, and the common people that of the knights ; so that when the wealth of private persons was brought to the public treasury, (in the consulship of Laevinus and Marcellus), the registers scarcely sufficed to contain the account of it, or the hands of the clerks to record it. But how can I sufficiently praise 48 the wisdom of the centuries in the choice of magistrates, when the younger sought advice from the elder as to what consuls should be created ? They saw that against an enemy so often victorious, and so full of subtlety, it was necessary to contend, not only with courage, 47 Bullse] A sort of ornament suspended from the necks of children, which, among the wealthy, was made of gold. It was in the shape of a bubble on water, or as Fiiny says (H.. N., xxxiii. 1), ot' a heart. 48 But how can I sufficiently praise, etc.] Quid autem in deligendismagig- tratibwi qua, centuriarum sapientia, etc. As these words want coherence, Grsevius would omit the quid, and read In deligendis autem magistral-Unit puce, etc. Duker thinks it sufficient to understand dicam or memorem: Quid autem memorem qu But they were rewarded with liberty, etc.] The whole of the conclud- ing sentence of this paragraph, in Dukers edition, as well as most others, stands thus : Nam hue wque tot mala compulerant, sed libertate donali, fece- rant de servitute Romanes. The passage is in some way corrupt, as all the commentators have noticed. Salmasius conjectures, Sed libertate donati. Fecerat de servis virtus Romanes. No better emendation has been pro- posed. * Making an Africa in the middle of Italy] All the editors have either mtnif, de Italia, Africam facerent, or Mediamque jam de, etc. I have followed the conjecture'of N. Ileinsius, Mediaque de Italia, Africam facer- < al. 14 314 FLORUS. BOOK n. ble harbor, and the celebrated fountain of Arethusa, were no defense to it, except so far as to procure consideration for its beauty when it was conquered. Sardinia, Gracchus reduced ; the savageness of the inhabit- ants, and the vastness of its Mad Mountains 61 (for so they are called), availed it nothing. Great severity was exercised upon its cities, and upon Caralis, the city of its cities, 63 that a nation, obstinate and regardless of death, might at least be humbled by concern for the soil of its country. Into Spain were sent the two Scipios, Cna?us and Publius, who wrested almost the whole of it from the Carthaginians ; but, being surprised by the artifices of Punic subtlety, they again lost it, even after they had slaughtered the enemy's forces in great battles. The wiles of the Carthaginians cut off one of them by the sword, as he was pitching his camp, and the other by surrounding him with lighted faggots, after he had made his escape into a tower. But the other Scipio, to whom the fates had decreed so great a name from Africa, being sent with an army to revenge the death of his father and uncle, recovered all that warlike country of Spain, so famous for its men and arms, that seminary of the enemy's force, that instructress of Hannibal, from the Pyrensen mountains (the account is scarcely credible) to the pillars of Hercules and the Ocean, whether with greater speed or good fortune, is difficult to decide ; how great was his speed, four years bear witness ; ho\y remarkable his good fortune, even one city proves, for it was taken on the same day in which siege was laid to it, and it was an omen of the conquest of Africa that Carthage in Spain was so easily re- duced. It is certain, however, that what most contributed to make the province submit, was the eminent virtue of the gen- eral, who restored to the barbarians certain captive youths and maidens of extraordinary beauty, not allowing them even to be brought into his sight, that he might not seem, even by a sin- gle glance, to have detracted from their virgin purity. These actions the Romans performed in different parts of the world, yet were they unable, notwithstanding, to remove Han- 41 Mad Mcmntains] Insanorum montiwn. " A frigid and absurd conceit of Florus. These mountains were on the sea, and startling in name rather than in reality. Livy speaks of them, lib. xxx. A Corsica, in Sardinian* trajeeit [Claudius]. Itri, euperantem Insanos Monies tempeatas disjecit das- tern.' 1 ' 1 Salmasius. a Caralis, the city of its cities] Urbemque urbium Caralirn. Now Cagliari. BOOKH. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 315 nibal, who was lodged in the heart of Italy. Most of the towns had revolted to the enemy, whose vigorous commander used even the strength of Italy against the Romans. However, we had now forced him out of many towns and districts. Taren- tum had returned to our side ; and Capua, the seat, home, and second country of Hannibal, was again in our hands ; the loss of which caused the Punic leader so much affliction, that ho then directed all his force against Rome. O people worthy of the empire of the world, worthy of the favor and admiration of all, not only men but gods ! Though they were brought into the greatest alarm, they desisted not from their original design ; though they were concerned for their own city, they did not abandon their attempts on Capua ; but, part of their army being left there with the consul Appius, and part having followed Flaccus to Rome, they fought both at home and abroad at the same time. Why then should we wonder that the gods themselves, the gods, I say (nor shall I be ashamed 63 to admit it), again opposed Hannibal as he was preparing to march forward when at three miles' distance from Rome. For, at every movement of his force, so copious a flood of rain descended, and such a violent storm of wind arose, that it was evident the enemy was repulsed by divine influence, and the tempest proceeded, not from heaven, but from the walls of the city and Capitol. He therefore fled and departed, and withdrew to the furthest corner of Italy, leaving the city in a manner adored. 54 It is but small matter to mention, yet suffi- ciently indicative of the magnanimity of the Roman people, that during those very days in which the city was besieged, the ground which Hannibal occupied with his camp was offered for sale at Rome, and being put up to auction, actually found a purchaser. Hannibal, on the other side, wished to imitate such confidence, and put up for sale the bankers' houses in the city ; but no buyer was found ; so that it was evident that the fates had their presages. & 3 Nor shall I be ashamed, etc.] Why should he be ashamed to admit that Koine was saved by the aid of the gods ? To receive assistance from the jrods was a proof of merit. The gods help those who help themselves, says the proverb. When he says that the gods " again opposed Hannibal," he seems to refer to what he said above in speaking of the battle of Canna;, that the deities, averse to Carthage, prevented Hannibal from marching at that time to Rome. 54 In a manner adored] Tantum non adoratam. " Not being able to take tha city," says Gra3vius,"he seemed to have come only to look at it and turn away, as those do who adore any object. This is the meaning of Florus's conceit." 316 PLORUS. BOOK it But as yet nothing had been effectually accomplished by so much valor, or even through such eminent favor from the gods ; for Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, was approaching with a new army, new strength, and every fresh requisite for war. There had doubtless been an end of Rome, if that general had united himself with his brother ; but Claudius Nero, in con- junction with Livius Salinator, overthrew him as he was pitch- ing his camp. Nero was at that time keeping Hannibal at bay in the furthest corner of Italy ; while Livius had marched to the very opposite quarter, that is, to the very entrance and confines of Italy ; and of the ability and expedition with which the consuls joined their forces (though so vast a space, that is, the whole of Italy where it is longest, lay between them), and defeated the enemy with, their combined strength, when they expected no attack, and without the knowledge of Hannibal, it ij difficult to give a notion. When Hannibal, however, had knowledge of the matter, and saw his brother's head thrown down before his camp, he exclaimed, " I perceive the evil des- tiny of Carthage." This was his first confession of that kind, not without a sure presage of his approaching fate ; and it was now certain, even from his own acknowledgment, that Hanni- bal might be conquered. But the Roman people, full of confi- dence from so many successes, thought it would be a noble enterprise to subdue such a desperate enemy in his own Africa. Directing their whole force, therefore, under the leadership of Scipio, upon Africa itself, they began to imitate Hannibal, and to avenge upon Africa the sufferings of their own Italy. What forces of Hasdrubal (good go Is) ! what armies of Syphax, did that commander put to flight ! How great were the camps of both that he destroyed in one night by casting fire- brands into them ! At last, not at three miles' distance, but by a close siege, he shook the very gates of Carthage itself. And thus he succeeded in drawing off Hannibal when he was still clinging to and brooding over Italy. There was no more re- markable day, during the whole course of the Roman empire, than that on which these two generals, the greatest of all that ever lived, whether before or after them, the one the conqueror of Italy, and the other of Spain, drew up their forces for a close engagement. But previously a conference was held between them concerning conditions of peace. They stood motionless awhile iu admiration of each other. When they could nut BOOK ii. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 317 agree on a peace, they gave the signal for bailie. It is c?r!a'n, from the confession of both, that no troops could luave been bet- ter drawn up, and no fiyht more obstinately maintained. This Hannibal acknowledged concerning the army of Scipio, and Scipio concerning that of Hannibal. But Hannibal was forced to yield, and Africa became the prize of the victory ; and the whole earth soon followed the fate of Africa. CHAP. VII. THE FIRST MACEDONIAN WAR. When Carthage was overcome, no nation was ashamed of being conquered. The people of Macedonia, Greece, Syria, and all other countries, as if carried away by a certain tide and torrent of fortune, immediately shared the destiny of Africa. But the first of all were the Macedonians, a people that had formerly aspired to the dominion of the world. Though Philip, therefore, was then king, the Romans seemed nevertheless to be fighting against king Alexander. The Macedonian war was greater from its name than from any regard due to the nation itself. It had its origin from a treaty of Philip, by which he had joined to himself Hannibal when he was previously tri- umphant in Italy. Further cause was then given for it, by an application from Athens for relief against the injuries of the king, at a time when, beyond the just rights of victory, he was wreaking his fury upon their temples, altars, and the sepulchers of the dead. To petitioners of such consideration the senate thought it right to give assistance ; for kings, commanders, peoples, and nations, were now seeking protection from this one city. Under the consul Laevinus, therefore, the Roman people, having entered the Ionian Sea for the first time, coasted along the whole of Greece with their fleet, as if in triumph ; for it carried all the spoils of Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and Africa ; and a laurel that grew up 65 in the general's ship, promised certain victory. Attalus, king of Pergamus, came of his own accord to their assistance ; the Rhodians, too, came, who were a naval people, and who struck terror into all parts by sea with their ships, while the consul did the same on land with his horse and foot. The king was twice defeated, twice put to flight, and twice despoiled of his camp ; but nothing was more terrible M A laurel that grew up, etc.] Nata in pragf^-iA puppe laurus. This is mentioned by Livy, xxxii. 1, as having beeii reported to the senate by tha proconsul P. Sulpicius. 31 & FLORUS. BOOKn. to tlie Macedonians than the sight of their wounds, which were not inflicted with darts, arrows, or any Grecian weapon, but with huge javelins, and swords of no less weight, and gaped beyond what was necessary for producing death. 66 Under the conduct of Flaminius, too, we penetrated the mountains of the Chaonians, which were before impassable, and the river Aous," flowing through steep places which form the very barriers of Macedonia. To have effected an entrance, was victory ; for the king, never afterward venturing into the field, was forced to submission in one engagement, which indeed was far from being a regular battle, at the hills which they call Cynoscephalae. But the consul granted him peace, and restored him his kingdom ; and afterward, that no enemy might be left behind, reduced Thebes, Euboea, and LacedaBmon, which was making some attempts at opposition under its tyrant Nabis. To Greece he then restored its ancient condition, allowed it to live according to its own laws, and to enjoy its ancient liberty. What rejoicings, what shouts of pleasure, were heard, when this was proclaimed by the herald at the quinquennial games, in the theater at Numea ! What an emulation of applause was there ! what flowers did they heap upon the consul ! They called on the herald to repeat the proclamation, in which the liberty of Achaia 68 was declared, again and again ; nor did they enjoy the declaration of the consul less than the most harmo- nious concert of flutes and harps. CHAP. VIII. THE SYRIAN WAR AGAINST KING ANTIOCHTTS. Antiochus immediately followed the fate of Macedonia and king Philip ; fortune, by a certain influence, and as if by design, directing affairs in such a manner, that as the empire had ad- vanced from Africa into Europe, so, from occasions sponta- neously presenting themselves, it might proceed from Europe into Africa, and that the order of its victories might keep its course according to the situation of the quarters of the world. As far as the report of it was concerned, there never was any * Beyond what was necessary for producing death] Ultra mortem. "Ma- jora erant quam neeesse asset ad mortem inferendam." RycMus. Some copies have ultra m&rem. ^ Aous] A river of Illyricum, flowing into the Ionian Sea, mentioned hy Livy, xxxii., 21, xxxviii. 49. 64 Achaia] The name which the Eomans gave to Greece as their province. BOOKIT. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 319 war more formidable, when the Romans reflected upon the Persians and the east, upon Xerxes and Darius, and the times when impassable mountains are said to have been cut through, and the sea to have been hidden with sails. An apparent menace from heaven also alarmed them, for Apollo, at Cumae, was in a constant perspiration ; but this was only the fear of the god, under concern for his beloved Asia. To say the truth, no country is better furnished with men, money, and arms, than Syria ; but it had fallen into the hands of so spiritless a monarch, that the highest praise of Antiochus was that he was conquered by the Romans. There were two persons who impelled the king to this war; on the one hand Thoas, prince of ^Etolia, who complained that his service in the war against Macedonia had not been sufficiently rewarded by the Romans ; on the other, Hannibal, who, conquered in Africa, exiled from his country, and impatient of peace, was seeking through the whole world for an enemy to the Roman people. And how great would the danger have been to Rome, if the king had been guided by his directions, that is, if the desperate Hannibal had wielded the whole power of Asia ! But the king, trusting to his resources, and to the mere title of monarch, thought it enough to begin the war. 5 * Europe, without dis- pute, was now the property of the Romans ; but Antiochus de- manded from them Lysimachia, a city founded by his ancestors on the coast of Thrace, as if it were his by hereditary right. By the influence of this star, 60 so to speak, the tempest of the Asiatic war was raised. But this greatest of kings, content with having boldly declared war, and having marched out of Asia with a great noise and tumult, and taken possession of the islands an 1 coasts of Greece, thought of nothing but ease and luxury, as if he were already conqueror. The Euripus divides from the continent the island of Eubcea, which is close to it, by a narrow strait, the waters of which are continually ebbing and flowing. Here Antiochus, having erected tents of cloth of gold and silk, close to the murmuring noise of the stream, while the music of flutes and stringed in- 89 Ch. VIII. To begin the war] Bettum movere. So, just below, con- tentus fortiter indixisse lieUitm. Tnis star] Hoc vettut sidere. " That is, this dispute was the cause of the Asiatic war, a the rising or setting of certain stars, such as Arcturus, the Ilyades, and Pleiades, occasions tempests. Nam, ut tempestatis saepe certo aliqtto codi signo commoventur, eic in hoc comitiorum tempestateyxmulari seep* intelligas, quo signo commota tit. Cic. pro. Munen., c. 17." Duker. 320 FLORUS. BOOK n. struments mingled with the sound of the waters, and having collected roses, though it was winter, from all quarters, formed levies, that he might seem in every way a general, of damsels and youths. Such a king, already vanquished by his own luxury, the Roman people, under the command of the consul Aciliua Glabrio, having approached while he was still on the island, compelled him to flee from it by the very news of their coming. Having then overtaken him, as he was fleeing with precipitation, at Thermopylae, a place memorable for the glorious death of the three hundred Spartans, they obliged him (not having confidence in the ground so as to make resistance even there) to flee before them by sea and land. Without the least delay they proceeded straight into Syria. The king's fleet was committed to Polyxenides and Hannibal, for Antiochus himself could not endure to look on the fight ; and it was wholly de- stroyed by the Roman general, JEmilius Regillus, the Rhodians lending him their assistance. Let not Athens plume itself on its victories ; in Antiochus we conquered a Xerxes ; in ^Emilius we equaled Themistocles ; in our triumph at Ephesus 01 we matched that at Salamis. The Romans then determined on the entire subjugation of Antiochus under the generalship of the consul Scipio, whom his brother Africanus, recently conqueror of Carthage, voluntarily accompanied in the character of lieutenant-general. The king had given up the whole of the sea ; but we proceeded beyond it. Our camp was pitched by the river Mreander and Mount Sipylus. Here the king had taken his position, with so many auxiliary and other forces as is quite incredible. There were three hundred thousand foot, and no less a number, in propor- tion, 62 of cavalry and chariots armed with scythes. He had also defended his army, on either side, with el'ephants of a vast size, making a gay appearance with gold, purple, silver, and their own ivory. But all this mighty force was embarrassed by its own vastness, as well as by a shower of rain, which, pouring 1 down on a sudden, had, with wonderful luck for us, spoiled the Persian bows. There was at first consternation, next flight, and 81 In our triumph at Ephesus] Ephesus. " We mnst read Epheso, for the Eomans did not fight with the Ephealam, but with the fleet of Autiochus at Myonesus, not far from Ephesus." Q-rae,vlu,s. ea No less a number in proportion, etc.] Equitum falcatorumque curruum non minor numerus. It is necessary to supply the words in proportion in the translation. " The sense is, that the number of calvary and chariots was not less than the multitude of infantry required." Freinshemvut, BOOK ii. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 321 then a triumph. To Antiochus, vanquished and suppliant, it was resolved to grant peace and a portion of his kingdom ; and this the more readily, because he had so easily yielded. CHAP. IX. THE ^ETOLIAN WAR. To the Syrian war succeeded, as was to be expected, that of .^Etolia ; for after Antiochus was conquered, the Romans pur^ sued the incendiaries of the Asiatic war. The charge of taking vengeance on them was committed to Fulvius Nobilior, who immediately, with his engines of war, assaulted Ambracia, the metropolis of the nation, and some time the royal residence of Pyrrhus. A surrender followed. The Athenians and Rhodians supported the entreaties of the JEtolians for mercy ; and, as we remembered the aid 63 which they had given us, we resolved to pardon them. But the war spread widely among their neigh- bors, and through all Cephallenia and Zacynthus ; and what- ever islands lie in that sea between the Ceraunian mountains and the promc-ntory of Malea, became a portion of our conquests in that war. CHAP. X. THE ISTRIAN WAR. The Istrians shared the fortune of the -^Etolians, whom they had recently assisted in their warlike efforts. The commence- ment of the enemy's military operations was successful, but that very success was the cause of their overthrow. For after they had taken the camp of Cnaeus Manlius, and were devoting them- selves to the enjoyment of a rich spoil, Appius Pulcher attacked them as they were mostly feasting and reveling, and not know- ing, from the influence of their cups, where they were. Thus they yielded up their ill-gotten prey with their blood and breath. Apulo, their king, being set on horseback, because he was constantly stumbling from intoxication and lightness of Loa-1, could scarcely be made sensible, after he came to himself, that he was a prisoner. " 3 Ch. IX. We remember the aid, etc.] " The assistance which they had given na against Philip, which Hannibal, in Livy, xxxvi. 7, and Livy him- self, lib. xxxiii., thought of so much consequence, that they attribute to it the victory of the Romans. Julian, too, in his Caesars, speaks highly of the jEtolians. and savs that they were not conquered by the Romans with- out extreme hazard. 1 ' Freinshemii&s. 14* 822 FLORUS. BOOK n. CHAP. XI. THE GALLO-GRECIAN WAR. The disaster of the Syrian war involved in it also the Gallo- (rrecians. Whether they had really been among the auxilia- ries of king Antiochus, or whether Manlius, too desirous of a triumph, merely pretended that they were, is doubtful. But it is certain that, though he was successful, a triumph was de- nied him, because the senate did not approve of his reasons for the war. 'The nation of the Gallo-Grecians, as the name itself indicates, were mixed and adulterated relics of the Gauls who had devas- tated Greece under Brennus, and who, afterward, marching east- ward, settled in the interior of Asia. But as the seeds of fruits degenerate when their soil is changed, so the native savageness of those settlers was softened by the gentle air of Asia. In two battles, therefore, they were routed and dispersed, although they had left their abodes at the enemy's approach, and retreated to certain lofty mountains which the Tolostobogi and Testosagi then occupied. Both these tribes, being harassed with slings and arrows, surrendered themselves, promising to observe unin- terrupted peace. But those that had been captured excited our wonder by attempting to bite their chains with their teeth, and offering their throats to one another to be strangled. The wife of king Orgiagon, having suffered violence at the hands of a centurion, made her escape, by a remarkable effort, from her guards, and brought the soldier's head, which she had cut off, to her husband. CHAP. XII. THE SECOND MACEDONIAN WAR. While nation after nation fell in the ruin of the Syrian war, Macedonia again roused herself. The recollection and consider- ation of their former eminence excited that brave people to action. To Philip had succeeded his son Perses, who thought it unbecoming the dignity of the nation, that Macedonia, by being once conquered, should be conquered forever. The Macedonians accordingly arose under him with much more spirit than they had shown under his father. They induced the Thracians. to join their party, and thus tempered the dex- terity of the Macedonians with the robust valor of the Thracians, and the daring spirit of the Thracians with the discipline of the BOOK ii. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 323 Macedonians. To this arrangement was added the prudence of tlie prince, who, having surveyed the face of the country from the top of Haemus, and having pitched several camps in steep places, and so secured his kingdom with men and arms, that he seemed to have left no access for enemies, unless they came down from heaven. But the Romans, 64 under the consul Marcius Philippus, hav- ing entered the province, and having carefully explored the ap- proaches by the lake of Astrus, 65 over troublesome and danger- ous hills, and heights which seemed inaccessible even to birds, forced a passage for themselves, and, by a sudden inroad of war, alarmed the king, who was lying secure, and ap- prehending nothing of the kind. His consternation was so great, that he ordered all his money to be thrown into the sea, lest it should be lost," and his fleet to be burned, lest it should be set on fire. Under the consul Paulus, when stronger garrisons, in great numbers^ had been stationed on the frontiers, Macedonia was surprised by other ways, through the consummate art and perse- verance of the general, who made a feint on one part, and effect- ed an entrance at another ; and whose mere approach was so alarming to the king, that he durst not meet the enemy in the field, but committed the management of the struggle to his generals. Being vanquished, therefore, in his absence, he fled to the sea, and took refuge in the island of Samothrace, trusting to the well-known sanctity of the place, as if temples and altars could protect him whom his mountains and arms could not defend. No monarch longer cherished regret for his lost dignity. When he wrote as a suppliant to the Roman general, from the temple to which he had fled, and set his name to the letter, he M But the Romans] Nampopulus Romanes. As nam seems out of place here, N. Heinsius suggested tamen. 6S The lake of Astrus] Astrudemjpaludem. As this lake is nowhere else mentioned, the critics in general think the passage corrupt; and Salmatius proposes to read Bistonidem paludem. Livy, in his narrative of the &arne circumstances (xliv. 2), has Ascuridem paludem. Thrown into the sea, lest it should be lost, etc.] An allusion, aa ? v ein- Bhemius thinks, to Martial, Ep. ii. 80 : Sostem cum, fugeret, se Fannius^ ipseperemii : Die rogo, non furor est, ne moriare mori ? Fannius, to 'scape his foes, stopp'd his own breath Was he not mad to die from fear of death ? 324 FLORUS. added King to it. But no general was over more respectful lo captive majesty than Paulus. When his enemy came within siii'ht, he invited him into his tent, entertained him at his own talle, and admonished his own sons to worship fortune whose power was so great. The triumph over Macedonia the Roman people also estimat- ed and viewed as among the most glorious that they had ever known ; for they occupied three days in witnessing it. The first day displayed the statues and pictures ; the second, the arms and treasures ; and the third, the captives and the king himself, who was still in a state of amazement, and as it were stupefied at the suddenness of his calamity The people of Rome received the joyful news of this victory long before they learned it from the general's letter ; for it was known at Rome on the very same day on which Perses was conquered. Two young men, with white horses, were seen cleans- ing themselves from dust and blood at the lake of Juturna ; and these brought the news. It was generally supposed that they were Castor and Pollux, because they were two ; that they had been present at the battle, because they were wet with blood ; and that they had come from Macedonia, because they were still out of breath. CHAP. XIII. THE ILLYRIAN WAR. The contagion of the Macedonian war involved the Illyrians. They had served in it, having been hired by king Perses to harass the Romans in the rear. They were subdued without loss of time by the praetor Anicius. It was only necessary to destroy Scorda the capital, and a surrender immediately follow- ed. The war was indeed finished before the news reached Rome that it was commenced. CHAP. XIV. THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR. By some appointment of destiny, as if it had been so agreed ' between the Carthaginians and Macedonians, that they should each be conquered a third time, both assumed arms at the same juncture, though the Macedonians took the lead in shaking off the yoke, being grown more formidable than before by having been despised. The occasion of the war is almost to be blushed at ; for one Andriscus, a man of the lowest rank, seized the throne, and commenced a war against the Romans, at the same ii. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 325 lime. Whether he was a freeman or a slave is doubtful, but it is certain that he had worked for pay. Being, however, from a resemblance to king Philip, generally called Pseudo-Philip, he sustained the person and name of a king with the spirit of a king. The Romans slighting these proceedings on his part, and being content with the services of the praetor Juventius against him, rashly engaged the man when he was strengthened not only with the troops of Macedonia, but also with vast forces ' from Thrace, and they that were invincible against real kings, were defeated by this imaginary and pretended king. But un- der the consulship of Metellus they took ample revenge for the loss of their praetor and his legion ; for they not only reduced Macedonia to servitude, but brought the leader in the war, who was given up to them by a petty prince of Thrace to whom he fled, in chains to the city, Fortune indulgently granting him this favor in his misfortunes, that the Roman people triumphed over him as a real king. CHAP. XV. THE THIRD PUXIC WAR. The third war with Africa was both short in its duration (for it was finished in four years), and, compared with those that preceded it, of much less difficulty ; as we had to fight, not so much against troops in the field, as against the city itself; but it was far the greatest of the three in its consequences, for in it Carthage was at last destroyed. And if any one contemplates the events of the three periods, he will understand that the war was begun in the first, greatly advanced in the second, and en- tirely finished in the third. The cause of this war was, that Carthage, in violation of an article in the treaty, had once fitted out a fleet and army against the Numidians, and had frequently threatened the frontiers of Masinissa. But the Romans were partial to this good king, who was also their ally. When the Avar had been determined upon, they had to con- eider about the end of it. Cato, even when his opinion was asked on any other subject, pronounced, with implacable en- lin'ty, that Carthage should be destroyed. Scipio Nasica gave his voice for its preservation, lest, if the fear of the rival city were removed, the exultation of Rome should grow extravagant. The senate decided on a middle course, resolving that the city should only be removed from its place ; for nothing appeared 326 FLORUS. HOOK n. to them more glorious than that there should be a Carthage which should not be feared. In the consulship of Manlius and Censorinus, therefore, the Roman people having attacked Car- thage, but giving them some hopes of peace, burned their fleet, which they voluntarily delivered up, in sight of the city. Hav- ing next summoned the chief men, they commanded them to quit the place if they wished to preserve their lives. This requisition, from its cruelty, so incensed them, that they chose rather to submit to the utmost extremities. They accordingly bewailed their necessities publicly, and shouted with one voice to arms ; and a resolution was made to resist the enemy by every means in their power ; not because any hope of success waa left, but because they had rather their birth-place should be destroyed by the hands of the enemy than by their own. With what spirit they resumed the war, may be understood from the facts that they pulled down their roofs and houses for the equipment of a new fleet ; that gold and silver, instead of brass and iron, was melted in their forges for the construction of arms ; and that the women parted with their hair to make cordage for the engines of war. Under the command of the consul Mancinus, the siege was warmly conducted both by land and sea. The harbor was dis- mantled of its works, and a first, second, and even third wall taken, while nevertheless the Byrsa, which was the name of the citadel, held out like another city. But though the de- struction of the place was thus very far advanced, it was the name of the Scipios only that seemed fatal to Africa. The government, accordingly, applying to another Scipio, desired from him a termination of the war. This Scipio, the son of Paulus Macedonicus, the son of the great Africanus had adopted as an honor to his family, and, as it appeared, with this destiny, that the grandson should overthrow the city which the grand- father had shaken. But as the bites of dying beasts are wont to be most fatal, so there was more trouble with Carthage half- ruined, than when it was in its full strength. The Romans having shut the enemy up in their single fortress, had also j blockaded the harbor ; but upon this they dug another harbor on the other side of the city, not with a design to escape, but because no one supposed that they could even force an outlet there. Here a new fleet, as if just born, started forth ; and, in the mean while, sometimes by day and sometimes by night, SOOK n. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 32 T some new mole, some new machine, some new band of desper- ate men, perpetually started up, like a sudden flaine from a fire sunk in ashes. At last, their affairs becoming desperate, forty thousand men, and (what is hardly credible) with Hasdiubal jit their head, surrendered themselves. How much more nobly did a woman behave, the wife of the general, who, taking hold of her two children, threw herself from the top of her house into the midst of the flames, imitating the queen that built Carthage. How great a city was then destioyed, is shown, to say nothing of other things, by the duration of the fire, for the flames could scarcely be extinguished at the end of seventeen days ; flames which the enemy themselves had raised in their houses and temples, that since the city could not be rescued from the Romans, all matter for triumph might at least be burned. CHAP. XVI. THE ACHAEAN WAR. As if this age had been destined for the subversion of cities, Corinth, the metropolis of Achaia, the ornament of Greece, situated, as if for an object of admiration, between the Ionian and .^Egean Seas, soon after shared the fate of Carthage. This city (a proceeding unworthy of the Roman name) was de- stroyed even before it was counted among the number of un- doubted enemies. The cause of the war was Critolaus, 67 who used the liberty granted him by the Romans against them- selves, and insulted the embassadors sent from Rome, whether by personal violence is doubtful, but certainly by words. Re- venge for this affront was committed to Metellus, who was at that time settling the state of Macedonia ; and hence arose the Achaean war. In the first place, Metellus, now consul, cut to pieces the force. of Critolaus on the open plains of Elis, and along the whole course of the Alpheus. The war was indeed ended in one battle ; and a siege threatened the city itself ; but (such is the fortune of events), after Metellus had fought, Mummius came to take the victory. He scattered, far and wide, the army of the other general Dseus, at the very en- trance of the Isthmus, and dyed its two harbors with blood. At length the city, being forsaken by the inhabitant s, was first plundered, and then pulled down to the sound of trumpets. What a profusion of statues, of garments, of pictures, was then * Ch. XVI. Critolaus] He was chief of the Achasan league. 328 FLORUS, BOOK IT. burned or scattered abroad ! How great wealth the general then both carried off and burned, may be known from this fact, that whatever Corinthian brass is held in esteem throughout the world, we find to have been the relics of that conflagration. The ruin of that most opulent city even made the value of this brass the greater, inasmuch as, when many statues and images were melted together in the fire, veins of brass, gold, and silver, ran together into one mass. CHAP. XVII. AFFAIRS IN SPAIN. As Corinth followed the fortune of Carthage, so Numantia followed that of Corinth. Nor was there a single place, throughout the whole world, that was afterward untouched by the Roman arms. After the famous conflagrations of these two cities, there was war far and wide, not with different na- tions one after another, but, as it were, one war pervading the whole world at the same time ; so that those cities seemed, as if by the action of the winds, to have dispersed certain sparks of war over the whole globe. Spain never had the determina- tion to rise in a body against us ; it never thought of uniting its strength, or making an effort for empire, or combining for a general defense of its liberty ; else it is so surrounded on all sides by the sea and the Pyrenees, that, by the very nature of its situation, it is secure from all attacks. But it was beset by the Romans before it knew itself, and was the only one of all their provinces that did not discover its strength till it was subdued. The war in this country lasted nearly two hundred years, from the time of the first Scipios to Caesar Augustus, not continuously or without intermission, but as occasions excited the Romans ; nor was the dispute at first with the Spaniards, but with the Carthaginians in Spain, from whom proceeded the contagion, and connection, and causes of all the contentions. The two Scipios, Publius and Cnaeus, earned the first Roman standards over the Pyrenaean mountains, and defeated Hanno, and Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal, in important battles ; and Spain would have been carried as it were by assault, had not those gallant men been surprised by Punic subtlety in the height of victory, and cut off at a time when they were con- querors by land and sea. That Scipio, therefore, who was afterward called Africanus, the avenger of his father and uncle, BOOK IL EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. R26 entered tlie country as a now :. nd fresh province, and h;t\ !!.,< speedily taken Carthage* 8 and other cities, and not being con- tent with having expelled the Carthaginians, made the province tributary to us, reduced under our dominion all places on either side of the Iberus, and was the first of the Roman generals that prosecuted a victorious course to Gades and the mouth of the Ocean. 89 But it is a greater matter to preserve a province 70 than to acquire one. Generals were accordingly dispatched into several parts of the country, sometimes one way, sometimes another, who, with much difficulty, and many bloody engagements, taught those savage nations, which had till then been free, and were consequently impatient of control, to submit to the Ro- man yoke. Cato the Censor humbled the Celtiberians, the main strength of Spain, in several battles. Gracchus, the father of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, inflicted on the same people the demolition of a hundred and fifty cities. Metellus, who was surnamed Macedonicus, deserved also to be called Celtibericus, for when he had with great glory reduced Con- trebia and the Nertobriges, 71 he with greater glory spared them. Lucullus conquered the Turduli and Vaccsei, from whom the younger Scipio, having been challenged by their king to a single combat, carried off the spolia opima. Decimus Brutus, taking a somewhat wider range, overcame the Celts and Lusi- tanians, and all the tribes of GaHaecia, crossed the river of Oblivion, 73 an object of dread to the soldiers, and having pur- sued a victorious route along the shore of the Ocean, did not turn back until he beheld, not without some dread and appre- hension of being guilty of impiety, the sun descend into the sea, and his fire buried in the waters. But the main difficulty of the war was with the Lusitanians 88 Ch. XVII. Carthage] That is, New Carthage, in Spain. Mouth of the Ocean] Oceani ora. The Strait ot Gibraltar, Fretum Gaditamtm. 70 A greater matter to preserve a province, etc.] He makes the same ob- servation in b. iv. c. 12. The Nertobriges] This word is probably corrupt. It ought apparently to be the name of a town, not of a people ; and it has been proposed to substitute Nertobriqam. 72 The river of Oblivion] Otherwise called Limia, or Limius. Strabo, lib. iii. ; Pomp. Mel., iii. 1 ; Cellar., ii. 1. It was called the river of Obli- vion from the loss of some troops on its banks, in some of the contentions of the Spaniards among themselves. The word transiit, or some such verb, is, as Dukcr observes, wanting in the text. 830 FLORUS. BOOK rr. and Numantines; and not without reason ; for they alone, of nil the nations of Spain, had the good fortune to have leaders. There would, indeed, have been difficulty enough with all the Celtiberians, had not Salendicus, the author of their insurrec- tion, been cut off at the beginning of the war. He would have been a great man, from the union of craft and daring in his character, if the course of events had favored him. Brandish' ing a silver spear, which he pretended to have been sent him from heaven, and conducting himself like a prophet, he drew upon him the attention of every one. But having, with corres- ponding rashness, penetrated the camp of the consul in the night, he was slain near his tent by the javelin of a sentinel. The Lusitanians Viriathus stirred up, a man of the most con- summate craft, who from a hunter becoming a robber, was from a robber suddenly made a leader and commander, and who would have been, if fortune had seconded his attempts, the Ro- mulus of Spain. Not content with defending the liberty of his countrymen, he for fourteen years wasted all that belonged to the Romans, on both sides of the Iberus and Tagus, with fire and sword. He attacked the camps of praetors and governors, defeated Claudius Unimanus, with the almost utter destruction of his army, and erected, in the mountains of his country, tro- phies adorned with the robes and fasces which he had taken from our generals. At last the consul Fabius Maximus over- came him, but his victory was disgraced by his successor, Pom- pilius, who, eager to bring the matter to an end, proceeded against the hero, when he was weakened and meditating a sur- render, by the aid of fraud and treachery and domestic assas- sins, and conferred upon his adversary the glory of seeming to have been invincible by any other means. CHAP. XVIII. THE NUMANTINE WAR. Numantia, however inferior to Carthage, Capua, and Corinth, in wealth, was, in regard to valor and distinction, equal to them all. If we look to the conduct of its inhabitants, it was the greatest glory of Spain ; for, though without a wall, without towers, situate only on a slight ascent by the river Douro, and manned only with four thousand Celtiberians, it held out alone, for the space of fourteen years, against an army of forty thou- sand men ; nor did it hold out merely, but also several times BOOK ir. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 331 repulsed them, 78 and forced them to dishonorable treaties. At last, when it was found impregnable by its present assailants, it AY as necessary, they thought, to apply to him who had destroyed Carthage. Scarcely ever, if we may confess the truth, was the pretext for a war more unjust. The Numan lines had sheltered certain Segidians, some of their own allies and relatives, who had escaped from the hands of the Romans. The intercession which they made for these refugees had no effect ; and when they offered to withdraw themselves from all concern in the \va", they were told to lay down their arms as the condition of a treaty on fair terms. This was understood by the barba- rians to signify that their hands were to be cut off. In conse- quence they immediately flew to arms, and under the conduct of Megara, a very determined leader, attacked Pompeius ; yet, when they might have cut his army to pieces, they chose rather to make a treaty with him. They had next for an assailant Hostilius Mancinus, whose troops they so dispirited, by contin- ual slaughters, that not a man of them could endure the looks or voice of a Numantine. Yet, when they might have put all his followers to the sword, they preferred making a treaty also with him, and were content with despoiling his men of their arms. But the people of Rome, incensed at the ignominy and shame of this Numantine treaty, no less than at the Caudine treaty of former days, expiated the dishonor of their miscar- riage, for the present, by the surrender of Mancinus. 74 But af- terward, under the leadership of Scipio, who was prepared by the burning of Carthage for the destruction of cities, they grew outrageous for revenge. At first, however, Scipio had a harder struggle in the camp than in the field, with our own troops than with those of Nu- mantia. For the soldiery, under his orders, were of necessity exercised in constant, excessive, and even servile labor. 75 Such 73 Ch. XVIII. Several times repulsed them] Scepius aliquando perculit. This is the reading preferred oy Lipsius. Duker has scevius, which Graevius interprets Sceoiits quam Carthaao, Capua, et Corinthus. But these names are at too great a distance for such an interpretation. 7 * By the surrender of Mancinus] Deditione Ifancini. Mancinus was placed, by the consul Publius Furius, at the gate of Numantia, unarmed, and with his hands tied behind him. But the Numantines refused to re- ceive him. See Veil. Pat., ii. 90, 5. The subject is also mentioned by Appian, and by Plutarch, Life of Tib. Gracchus. '* Excessive labor] Injustis operibue. "InjvtfauJ* says Duker, "for 332 FLORUS. BOOK n. as knew not how to bear arms, were ordered to carry an extra< >r- dinary number of stakes for ramparts ; and such as were unwill- ing to be stained with blood, were forced to defile themselves with dirt. Besides, all the women and servant-boys, and all baggage, except what was requisite for use, were dismissed. Justly has it been said, that an army is of the same worth as . its leader. When the troops were thus reduced to discipline, a battle was fought, and that was effected which none had ever expected to see, namely, that every one saw the Numantines fleeing. They were even willing to surrender themselves, if nothing but what was endurable by men had been required of them. But as Scipio was eager for a full and absolute victory, they were brought to such despair, that, having gorged them- selves, as if for a funeral-banquet, with half-raw flesh and celia (a name which they give to a drink of the country made from corn), they rushed out to battle with a determination to die. Their object was understood by our general, and to men defy- ing death the opportunity of fighting was not granted. But when famine pressed hard upon them (as they were surrounded with a trench and breastwork, and four camps), they entreated of Scipio to be allowed the privilege of engaging with him, desiring that he would kill them as men, and when this was not granted, they resolved upon making a sally. A battle being the consequence, great numbers of them were slain, and, as the fa- mine was still sore upon them, the survivors lived for some time on their bodies. 77 At last they determined to flee ; but this their Avives prevented, by cutting, with great treachery, yet out of affection, the girths of their saddles. Despairing, therefore, of escape, and being driven to the utmost rage and fury, they resolved to die in the following manner. They first destroyed their captains, and then themselves and their native city, with sword and poison and a general conflagration. Peace be to the ashes of the most brave of all cities ; a city, in my opinion, immodicus and nimius. Some have proposed to read insuetis, but Madame Dacier defends injastus by a reference to Virgil, Geo., iii. 346 : Hand secus ac patriis acer Romanus in armis, Injiisto subfasce viam dum car-pit." Celia] A sort of cerevisia, or beer. See Plin., H.N., xxii. 25. " Prob- ably," says Scheller, " a Spanish word." " Lived for some time on their bodies] Aliauantisper inde vixere. Tho commentators agree in giving this sense to ind. Sec Val. Max., vii. 6, 2. BOOK ii. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 333 most happy in its very sufferings ; a city which protected its fillies with honor, and withstood, with its own force, and for so long a period, a people supported by the strength of the whole world. Being overpowered at length by the greatest of gene- rals, it left no cause for the enemy to rejoice over it. Its plun- der, as that of a poor people, was valueless ; their arms they had themselves burned ; and the triumph of its conquerors was only over its name. CHAP. XIX. SUMMARY OF THE ROMAN WARS FOR TWO HUNDRED YEARS. Hitherto the Roman people had been noble, honorable, pious, upright, and illustrious. Their subsequent actions in this age, as they were equally grand, so were they more turbulent and dishonorable, their vices increasing with the very greatness of their empire. So that if any one divides this third age, which was occupied in conquest beyond the sea, and which we have made to consist of two hundred years, into two equal parts, he will allow, with reason and justice, that the first hundred years, in which they subdued Africa, Macedonia, Sicily and Spain, were (as the poets sing) golden years ; and that the other hundred, which to the Jugurthine, Cimbrian, Mithridatic, and Parthian wars, as well as those of Gaul and Germany (in which the glory of the Romans ascended to heaven), united the murders of the Gracchi and Drusus, the Servile War, and (that nothing might be wanting to their infamy), the war with the gladiators, were iron, blood-stained, and whatever more severe can be said of them. Turning at last upon themselves, the Romans, as if in a spirit of madness, and fury, and impiety, tore themselves in pieces by the dissensions of Marius and Sylla, and afterward by those of Pompey and Caesar. These occurrences, though they are all involved and confused, yet, that they may appear the more clearly, and that what is bad in them may not obscure what is good, shall be related separately and in order. And in the first place, as we have be- gun, we shall give an account of those just and honorable wars which they waged with foreign nations, that the daily in- creasing greatness of the empire may be made more manifest; and we shall then revert to those direful proceedings, those 334 FLOP.UH. BOOK a dishonorable and unnatural contests, of the Romans among themselves. CHAP. xx. After Spain was subdued in the West, the Roman people had peace in the East ; nor had they peace only, but, by unwonted and unexampled good fortune, wealth left them by bequests from kings, and indeed whole kingdoms at once, fell into their possession. Attalus, king of Pergamus, son of king Eumenes, who had formerly been our ally and fellow-soldier, left a will 78 to the following effect : " Let the Roman people be heir to my property." Of the king's property, the kingdom was a portion. The Romans accordingly entering on the inheritance, became possessors of the province, not by war and arms, but what is more satisfactory, by testamentary right. But as to what followed, it is hard to say whether the Romans lost or recovered this province with the greater ease. Aristo- nicus, a high-spirited youth of the royal family, brought over to his interest, without much difficulty, part of the cities which had been subject to the kings, 78 and reduced a few, which offered resistance, as Myndus, Samos, and Colophon, by force of arms. He then cut to pieces the army of the praetor Crassus, and took Crassus himself prisoner. But the Roman general, remember- ing the dignity of his family and the name of Rome, struck out the eye of the barbarian, who had him in custody, with a wand, and this provoked him, as he intended, to put him to death. Aristonicus, not long after, was defeated and captured by Per- perna, and, upon giving up all claim to the kingdom, kept in confinement. Aquilius then suppressed the relics of the Asiatic war, by poisoning certain springs (a most dishonorable proceed- ing), in order to force some cities to a surrender. This act, though it hastened his victory, rendered it infamous ; for, con- trary to the laws of the gods and the practices of our ancestors, he desecrated the Roman arms, which had, till then, been pure and inviolate, by the use of detestable drugs. 78 Attalus left a will] See note on the Letter of Mithridates, Fragments of Sallust's History, p. 231. 79 Subject to the kings] Eumenes and Attalus. BOOK IIL EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 335 BOOK IIL CHAP. I. THE JUGURTHINE WAR. This was the state of things in the east. But in the south- ern quarter there was no such tranquillity. Who, after the destruction of Carthage, would have expected any war in Afri- ca ? Yet Numidia roused herself with no small effort ; and in Jugurtha there was something to be dreaded after Hannibal. This subtle prince assailed the Romans, when they were illus- trious and invincible in arms, by means of his wealth ; and it fortunately happened, beyond the expectation of all, that a king eminent in artifice was insnared by artifice. Jugurtha, the grandson of Masinissa, and son of Micipsa by adoption, having determined, from a desire of being sole king, to put his brothers to death, but having less fear of them than of the senate and people of Rome, in whose faith and protec- tion the kingdom was placed, effected his first crime by treach- ery ; and having got the head of Hiempsal, and then turned his efforts against Adherbal, he brought the senate over to his side (after Adherbal had fled to Rome), by sending them money through his embassadors. This was his first victory over us. Having by similar means assailed certain commissioners, who were sent to divide the kingdom between him and Adherbal, and having overcome the very integrity of the Roman empire 80 in Scatirus, he prosecuted with greater confidence the wicked course which he had commenced. But dishonesty can not long be concealed ; the corrupt acts of Scaurus's bribed commission came to light, and it was resolved by the Romans to make war on the fratricide/ 1 The consul Calpurnius Bestia was the first general sent to Numidia ; but Jugurtha, having found that gold was more efficient against the Romans than iron, purchased peace of him. Being charged with this underhand dealing, ! and summoned, on the assurance of safe conduct, to appear before the senate, the prince, with equal boldness, both came to the city and procured the death of Massiva, his competitor for the kingdom of Masinissa, by the aid of a hired assassin. This 60 Ch. I. The very integrity of the Roman empire] Ipsos Romani vmptrii mores. " Because Scaurus seemed of all men the most grave and absti- nent." Freinshemius. Sue the note on Sail., Jug., c. 15. Fratricide] Parricidam. See note on Sail., Cat., c. 14. 336 PLORU6. BOOK m. was another reason for war against Jugurtha. The task of in- flicting the vengeance which was to follow was committed to Albinus ; but Jugurtha (shameful to relate !) so corrupted his army also, that, through the voluntary flight of our men in the field, he gained a victory, and became master of our camp ; and an ignominious treaty, as the price of safety to the Romans, being added to their previous dishonor, he suffered the army, which he had before bought, to depart. At this time, to support, not so much the Roman empire as its honor, arose Metellus, who, with great subtlety, assailed the enemy with his own artifices ; an enemy who sought to delude him; sometimes with entreaties, sometimes with threats, some- times with flight that was evidently pretended, and sometimes with such as seemed to be real. 82 But the Roman, not content with devastating the fields and villages, made attempts on the principal cities of Numidia, and for a long time sought in vain to reduce Zama ; but Thala, a place stored with arms and the king's treasures, he succeeded in capturing. Afterward he pursued the prince himself, deprived of his cities, and forced to flee from his country and kingdom, through Mauretania and Getulia. Finally, Marius, having greatly augmented the army, (for from the obscurity of his own birth, he enlisted numbers of the lowest class of people) attacked the king when he was al- ready defeated and disabled, but did not conquer him moro easily than if he had engaged him in full and fresh vigor. The same general, also, with wonderful good fortune, reduced Capsa, a city built by Hercules, lying in the middle of Africa, and de- fended by serpents and sandy deserts, and forced his way, by the aid of a certain Ligurian, into Mulucha, a city seated on a rocky eminence, the approach to it being steep and apparently inaccessible. Soon after he gave a signal overthrow, near the town of Cirta, not only to Jugurtha himself, but to Bocchus, the king of Mauretania, who, from ties of blood, had taken the part of the Numidian prince. But the Mauretanian, distrust- ing the condition of his own affairs, and apprehensive of being involved in another's ruin, offered to purchase, by the surrender of Jugurtha, a treaty and alliance with Rome. That most w Flight that was evidently protended such as seemed to be real] Jam simulatd, jam quasi verafuga. There is something corrupt in this passage, ; for, as Duker and Perizonius observe, there is no conceivable difference between quasi verafuga and simulatafuya. The manuscripts vary a littk. but afford no help. BOOK IIL EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 337 treacherous of princes, accordingly, was insnared by the treach- ery of his own father-in-law, and delivered into the hands of Sylla, and the people of Rome at last beheld Jugurtha loaded with chains and led in triumph, while the king himself, con- quered and captive, looked again on the city which he had vainly prophesied " was to be sold, and doomed to perish if it could but find a buyer." But if it had been to be sold, 83 it had a purchaser in him, and since he did not escape, it will appear certain that it is not destined to perish. CHAP. II. THE WAR WITH THE ALLOBROGES. Thus did the Romans succeed in the south. In the north there were much more sanguinary proceedings, and in a greater number of places at once. Nothing is more inclement than those regions. The air is severe, and the tempers of the inhab- itants similar to it. From all this tract, on the right and the left, and in the midst of the northern quarter, burst forth savage enemies. The Salyi were the first people beyond the Alps that felt our arms, in consequence of Marseilles, a most faithful and friendly city, having complained of their inroads. The Allobroges and Arverni were the next, as similar complaints from the ^Edui called for our assistance and protection against them. The river Varus is a witness of our victories, as well as the Isara and Vindelicus, and the Rhone, the swiftest of all rivers. The greatest terror to the barbarians were the ele- phants, which matched the fierceness of those people. In the triumph there was nothing so conspicuous as king Bituitus, in his variegated arms and silver chariot, just as he had fought. How great the joy was for both victories, may be judged from the fact that both Domitius ^Enobarbus, and Fabius Maximus, erected towers of stone upon the places where they had fought, and fixed upon them trophies adorned with the arms of the enemy : a practice not usual with us, for the Roman people never upbraided their conquered enemies with their victories over them. CHAP. III. THE WARS WITH THE CIMBRI, TEUTONE8, AND TIGURINI. The Cimbri, Teutones, and Tigurini, fleeing from the extreme 83 But if it had been to be sold] Jam ut venaKs fuisset. Madame Dacier nam ut. Some editions have tamen ut. 15 338 FLORUS. BOOK m. parts of Gaul, 84 because the Ocean had inundated their coun- try, proceeded to seek new settlements throughout the world ; and being shut out from Gau? and Spain, and wheeling about 84 toward Italy, they sent deputies to the camp of Silanus, and from thence to the senate, requesting that " the people of Mars 88 would allot them some land as a stipend, and use their hands and arms for whatever purpose they pleased." But what lands could the people of Rome give th^m, when they were ready to fight among themselves about the agrarian laws ? Finding application, therfore, unsuccessful, they resolved to obtain by force what they could not get by entreaty. Silanus could not- withstand the first attack of the barbarians, nor Manlius the second, nor CaBpio the third. All the three commanders were routed, and driven from their camps. Rome would have been destroyed, had not Marius happened to live in that age. Even he did not dare to engage them at once, but kept his soldiers in their camp, until the impetuous rage and fury, which the bar- barians have instead of valor, should subside. The savages, in consequence, set off for Rome, insulting cur men, and (such was their confidence of taking the city) asking them whether they had any messages to send to their wives. With, not less expedition than they had threatened, they marched in three bodies over the Alps, the barriers of Italy. But Marius, exert- ing extraordinary speed, and taking a shorter route, quickly outstripped the enemy. Asssailing first the Teutones, at the very foot of the Alps, in a place which they call Aquae Sextice, in how signal a battle (O heavenly powers !) did he over- throw them ! The enemy possessed themselves of a valley, and a river running through the midst of it, while our men wanted water ; but whether Marius allowed this to happen designedly, 8 Ch. III. From tbe extreme parts of Gaul] Ab extremis Gallitx. As Gallia occurs again, a few lines below, it is apparent that there is something wrong in the passage. Cluverius, Germ. Antiq., i. 10, ii. 4, iii. 22, suggests that we should read Germanice. Grsevius and Duker say that the most ancient inhabitants of Gaul were Germans, and that therefore Florus may reasonably have used Gattia as synonymous with Garmania, I have littlo doubt, however, that Cluverius is right; for Florus was too careful of his language to make so inelegant a repetition as exclusi Gallia after ab extremis GalUwprof-ugi. b6 Wheeling about] Qnum regyrarent. The latter word is a conjecture of Salmasius, approved by Grasvius. Duker retains the common reading remiffrarent, which is manifestly corrupt. 88 The people of Mars] Marti/us populus. They intimated that one war- like people ought to oblige another warlike people. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 339 or turned an error to his advantage, is doubtful ; certain it is, however, that the courage of the Romans, stimulated by ne- cessity, was the cause of their victory. For when the troops clamored for water, " You are men," he replied ; " yonder you have it." Such, in consequence, was the spirit with which they fought, and such the slaughter of the enemy, that the Romans drank from the ensanguined stream not more water than blood of the barbarians. Their king himself, Teutobochus, who was accustomed to vault over four or six horses at once, could scarcely mount one when he fled, and being taken prisoner in the neigh- boring forest, was a remarkable object in the triumph, for, being a man of extraordinary stature, he towered above the trophies themselves. The Teutones being utterly cut off, Marius directed his efforts against the Cimbri. This people had made a descent, even (who would believe it ?) in the time of winter, which raises the Alps 87 still higher than ordinary, rolling forward, like a falling mass of rock, from the Tridentine heights into Italy as far as the Adige. Attempting the passage of the river, not by the aid of a bridge or of boats, but, with the stupidity of savages, trying to stem it with their bodies, and making vain efforts to stop its current with their hands and shields, they at last blocked it up with a mass of trees thrown into it, and so got across. And had they immediately marched for Rome in a body, and eager for battle, the danger to the city would have been great ; but delaying in the parts about Venice, where the climate of Italy is most luxurious, their vigor was diminished by the very mild- ness of the country and atmosphere. When they had been further relaxed by the use of bread, cooked flesh, and pleasant wines, Marius opportunely came up with them. They requested our general to fix upon a day for battle, and he appointed the next. They engaged in an open plain, which they call the Raudian field. There fell on the side of the enemy to the num- ber of sixty thousand ; on ours fewer than three hundred. The barbarians were slaughtered during an entire day. Marius had ,".'sr> assisted valor by artifice, in imitation of Hannibal and his :-*nitagem at Cannae. In the first place, he had fixed on a foggy tl;iy, 8s so that he could charge the enemy before they were aware " Raises the Alps] Quiz cdtiw Alpes lemt. " This is very true," says Grsevins, " for snow is spread over snow, and is turned, they say, into etone." See c. 10, hyeme crecerant Alpes. 88 lie had fixed on a foggy day] Nebulosum diem. To attribute these 340 FLORUS. BOOK nr. of his approach ; and, as it was windy also, he maneuvered so that the dust was driven into the eyes and faces of the enemy ; while, in addition, he had arranged his troops to face the east, so that, as was afterward learned from the prisoners, the heaven seemed to be on fire from the glittering of the Roman helmets and the reflection of the sun's rays from them. But the struggle with the enemies' wives was not less severe than that with themselves ; for the women, being mounted on the wag- ons and other carriages, which had been ranged around as a defense, fought from them, as from towers, with spears and pikes. The death of these savages was as glorious as their contest for victory ; for when, upon sending an embassy to Marius, they failed to obtain their liberty, and sacerdotal protection, 90 which it was not lawful to grant, they either fell, after strangling or braining the whole of their children, by mutual wounds, or hanged themselves, with ropes made of their own hair, upon trees and the yokes of their wagons. Their king Bojorix fell in the battle, fighting furiously, and not without avenging himself. The third body, the Tigurini, which, as if for a reserve, had taken post on the Noric heights of the Alps, dispersing in different ways, and betaking themselves to ignoble flight or depredations at last quite disappeared. This joyful and happy news, of the deliverance of Italy and the securing of the empire, the people of Rome received, not, as is usual, by the mouths of men, but, if we may believe it, by the intervention of the gods themselves. For the very same day on which, the contest was decided, two young men, crowned with laurel, were seen, in front of the temple of Castor and Pollux, to deliver a letter to the praBtor ; and a general rumor prevailed in the theater of a vic- tory over the Cimbii," attended with the expression, " May it be stratagems to Marius, in imitation of Hannibal, is absurd. Mauri us was asked to fix a day for battle, and chose the next, without knowledge whether it would be foggy or clear. The fog, too, as Florus says, was so dense that the Gauls could not see the Romans approaching ; yet he states that there was sunshine reflected from the Koman helmets, and making the heaven seem in a blaze. b Sacerdotal protection] Sacerdotium. " They did not desire, as Madame Dacier supposes, to institute any sacerdotal body, either peculiar to them- selves, or in common with any other priests, but merely requested to be committed to the custody of the Vestal virgins. Or&runt 'utvirginUn/t Vestalibus dono mitterentur, ajfirmantes ceqve se, atque ttlas, mrilis coiicubilu* txpe.rtesfiituras. Vol. Max., vi. 1, fin." Duke?: w Of a victory over tho Cimbri, etc.] Frequensque in spectaculo rumor HOOK m. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 341 happy for us." What could be more wonderful, what more ex- traordinary, than this ? For as if Rome, raised on her own hills, had taken a view of the battle, the people were clapping their hands in the city, as is the case at a show of gladiators, at the very moment when the Cimbri were falling in the field. CHAP. IV. THE THRACIAN WAR. After the Macedonians were subdued, the Thracians, please the gods, 91 rebelled ; a people who had themselves been tribu- tary to the Macedonians, and who, not satisfied with making inroads into the neighboring provinces of Thessaly and Dalmatia, advanced as far as the Adriatic. Being content with this as a boundary, nature apparently stopping their progress, they hurled their weapons into the waves. No cruelty, however, during the whole course of their march, had been left unexercised by their fury upon such as they took prisoners ; they offered human blood to the gods ; they drank from men's skulls ; they made death from fire and sword, 92 more ignominious by every kind of in- sult ; and they even forced by tortures 93 infants from their mothers' wombs. . Of all the Thracians the most savage were the Scordisci ; Victoria Cimbricae Feliciter, dixit. Thus stands the passage in Duker's text, and, I believe, in all others, as if Victoria were a dative depending on feliciter, and the sense were, " Good fortune for the victory over the Cimbri." In this sense Grater and Freinshemius expressly say that the words are to be taken, and adduce a passage or two from Suetonius in \A\icli feliciter is joined with a dative. But these datives in Suetonius are, as Duker observes in his note, datives of the person ; and both he and Schefler doubt whether a dative of the thing, such as Victoria-, can properly be used - having speedily made a bridge of boats, was the first of all before him 3 to pass the Euphrates, and overtaking the king in the middle of Armenia, suppressed him (such was his good fortune !) in one battle. The engagement took place by night, and the moon was Pompey's ally ; for having, as if fighting on his side, stationed herself in the rear of the enemy, and in front of the Romans, the men of Pontus, by mistake, discharged their weapons at their own long shadows, taking them 1 for * First of all before him] Omnium ante se primus. A mode of ex- pression common among the Greeks, as in Xen. Sympos., c. viii. 40 : iepOTrpsTreara-of 6oKeif hvai TUV Trpo-yeyevrjij.fvcjv, " You seem the ereatest ornament to the priesthood of all that were before you." So Milton, Par. L., iv. 323 : Adam, the goodliest man of men since born His sons, the fairest of her daughters Eve. Other examples might be found in abundance. 1 Long shadows, taking them, etc. J Umbras suaa quasi hostium corpora, etc. 15* 3-10 PLORUS. BOOK in. bodies of the enemy. In that night, indeed, Mithridates was utterly overcome ; for he was able to do nothing afterward ; though he made all manner of efforts, like serpents, which, when their head is crushed, threaten with their tails to the last. Having fled from the enemy to the Colchians, ho sought to alarm, by a sudden descent, the coasts of Sicily and our own Campania, to form a communication between the Bosporus and Colchis, 4 then to hasten through Thrace, MaceJoaia, an 1 Greece, and so to make a sudden inroad into Italy. But this he only conceived ; for, being prevented from the execution of it by a revolt of his subjects, and by the treachery of his son Pharnaces, he at last ended by the sword the life which he had in vain attempted by poison. Pompey, meantime, in pursuit of the remains of the rebels in Asia, was hurrying through divers nations and countries. Following the Armenians eastward, and capturing Artaxata, the metropolis of the kingdom, he allowed Tigranes, on offering submission, to retain his throne. Then, steering his course by the stars, as in a voyage over the sea, toward the Scythian north, he overthrew the Colchians, gave quarter to Iberia, spared the Albanians, and, pitching his camp at the foot of Mount Caucasus, commanded Orodes, king of the Colchians, to remove down into the plains, and required also Arthoces, who ruled the Iberians, to give his children as hostages. Orodes, too, who sent him from his country of Albania a golden couch and other presents, he amply rewarded. After- ward, turning his army to the south, and passing Mount Lib- anus in Syria, and Damascus, he led the Roman standards through the well-known groves of perfumes, and the forests of frankincense and balm. The Arabians, if he gave them any commission, were ready to execute it. The Jews made an effort to defend Jerusalem; but this city he also entered, and saw the grand mystery of an impious nation laid open, as it Not very likely. Lipsius would strike out suas ; but it occurs in all the copies. 4 To form a communication between the Bosporus and Colchis] Colchis ienus jungere Bosporon. "These words labor under no small obscurity. To me. however, Florus seems to mean nothing more than that Mithridatc.s wished, as Appian states, to attach to himself the natives lying between the Bosporus and Colchis, and, with their aid, to transfer the war into Eu- rope." D ulcer. Madame Dacier thought of explaining jungere Bosporon by "jungere ripas Bospori ponte ex navibus," but this would deprive Cokhls all meaning. UOOKIII. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY . 347 were, under a golden sky. 5 And being chosen arbiter between two brothers, who were disputing about the throne, he gave sentence that Hyrcanus should be king, and cast Aristobulus, as he was unwilling to submit to his decision, into chains. Thus the Roman people, under the leadership of Pompey, having traversed the whole of Asia where it is broadest, made that the middle province of their empire which they had pre- viously accounted the last. For except the Parthians, who preferred coining to a treaty, and the Indians, who were as yet ignorant of us, all Asia, between the Red and Caspian Seas and the Ocean, was under our jurisdiction, having been either conquered or overawed by the arms of Pompey. CHAP. VI. THE WAR AGAINST THE PIRATES. In the mean time, while the Romans were engaged in dif- ferent parts of the world, the Cilicians had spread themselves over the sea, and, by the obstruction of commerce, and the disruption of the bonds of human society, had made the seas as impassable by their piracies as they would have been ren- dered by a tempest. The state of Asia, disturbed by the wars of Mithridates, gave confidence to these desperate and audacious robbers, who, under covert of the confusion of a war raised by others, and the odium against a foreign prince, roved up and down with- out control. Even at first, under a leader named Isidorus, they did not confine themselves 6 to the neighboring sea, but exer- cised their piracies between Crete and Gyrene, and between Achaia and the Malean Gulf, which, from the spoils that they took there, they named the Golden Gulf. Publius Servilius was sent against them, who, though he worsted their light and 5 The grand mystery under a golden sky] Ulud grande impice gentis ar- canum patens, sub aureo vti codo. Thus stands the passage in Duker. Some editions have sub aureo vitem ccei", but viUm is a mere conjecture of Lipsius, from a passage in Josephus, Ant., xiv. 3, where it is said that ArifltoDulus sent to Eome, as a present to Pompey, a golden vine. This conjecture Salmasius, Graevius, and Selden, unite in condemning. Grsevius himself proposed sub aureo uti velo, observing that Pompey entered the Sanctum Sanctorum, and saw in it nothing but empty space, covered with a vail em- broidered with gold. 6 Ch. VI. Did not confine themselves] Non contentL The non is not in Puker's text, but the necessity for it is shown in the notes both by him and GrtEvins. The sea between Crete and Gyrene, and the Malean Gulf, could not bo called proximum mare with reference to Cilicia. 348 FLORUS. BOOK in. nimble brigantines 7 with his heavy and well-appointed ships < f war, did not obtain a victory without much bloodshed. Ho was not, however, content with driving them from the sea, but sacked their strongest towns, stored with spoil that they had been long in collecting, Phaselis, Olympos, and Isaurus, the very stronghold of Cilicia, whence, conscious that he had achieved a great exploit, he assumed the name of Isauricus. Yet the pirates, though humbled by so many losses, could not, on that account, confine themselves to the land, but, like certain animals, which have a twofold nature for living either on land or in water, they became, upon the retreat of the enemy, impatient of remaining ashore, and sprung back again into the waters, extending their excursions, indeed, somewhat more widely than before. So that Pompey, who had been so fortunate already, was considered a fit person to secure a vic- tory over these depredators, and this was made an addition to his Mithridatic province. 8 Resolving, accordingly, to suppress, at once and forever, a plague that had dispersed itself over the whole sea, he proceeded against it with extraordinary" meas- ures. As he had a large naval force, both of his own and our allies the Rhodians, he secured the entrances both of the Pon- tus and the Ocean, 10 with the aid of several captains and com- manders. Gellius was stationed in the Tuscan sea, Plotius in that of Sicily. Gratilius guarded the Ligurian bay, Pompeius 11 the Gallic, Torquatus the Balearic ; Tiberius Nero had charge of the Strait of Gibraltar, where the entrance to our sea opens ; Lentulus watched the Libyan sea, Marcellinus the Egyptian, the young Pompeys the Adriatic, Terentius Varro the ^Egean i Brigantines] Myoparonas. A word compounded, according to Festus, of two words, myon (as Scaliger reads), and paron, both signifying vessels of some kind. Turnebus, Adversary iii. 1, thinks that they had their name from the island Pares and the city Myus. Scaliger, on Festus, would derive the word from /J-vf, a mouse, and Paros, on the supposition that they were shaped something like the body of a mouse. 8 Was made an addition to his Mithridatic province] Mithridaticce promn- t cicefacta accessio. " Florus is in error in supposing that the war against the pirates was an addition or appendix to the Mithridatic war, for he was not sent against Mithridates till the war with the pirates was ended, as is clear from Cicero pro Leg. Manil., Plutarch, and Appian." Duler. 8 Extraordinary] Dimno. As <5rof and 6ai/j.6vios are used among the Greeks. 10 Entrances both of the Pontus and the Ocean] Uiratjue Ponti et Oceani era. Both the Thracian Bosporus and the Fretwm Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. 11 Pompeius] Duker conjectures Pomponius, as in Appian. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY, 3.19 and Pontic, Metellus the Pamphylian, and Csepio the Asiatic ; while Porcius Cato locked up the mouth of the Propontis like a gate, with his ships drawn across it. Thus, whatever pirates were to be found in any harbor, bay, creek, recess, promontory, strait, or peninsula, were inclosed and secured, as it were with a net. Pompey himself directed his efforts against Cilicia, the source and origin of the war. Nor did the enemy shrink from an engagement with him, not, indeed, from confidence in their strength, but, as they were hard pressed, they were willing to appear daring. But they did nothing more than meet the first onset, for immediately afterward, when they saw the beaks of our ships encircling them, they threw down their weapons and oars, and, with a general clapping of hands, which was with them a sign of supplication, entreated for quarter. Never did we obtain a victory with so little bloodshed. Nor was any nation afterward found so faithful to us ; a state of things which was secured by the remarkable prudence of the general, who removed this maritime people far from the sight of the sea, and tied them down, as it were, to the inland parts of the country. Thus, at the same time, he both recovered the free use of the sea for ships, and restored to the land its own men. In this triumph what shall we most admire ? Its expe- dition, as being gained in forty days ? Its good fortune, as not a single ship was lost ? Or its durable effect, as the Cilicians, in consequence of it, were never after pirates ? CHAP. VII. THE CRETAN WAR. The Cretan war, if we would but admit the truth, we our- selves occasioned, solely from a desire of subduing that noble island. It was thought to have favored Mithridates, and we resolved to take vengeance for this offense by force of arms. The first who invaded the island was Marcus Antonius ; and, indeed, with such vast hopes and confidence of success, that he carried in his vessels more chains than arms. He, however, paid the penalty of his rashness, for the enemy captured most of his ships, and the dead bodies of the prisoners were suspend- ed from the sails and tackling. In this manner the Cretans, with their sails spread, rowed back in triumph to harbors. At a subsequent period, Metellus, after wasting the whole 350 FLORUS. BOOK in. island with fire and sword, drove the inhabitants to their fortresses and towns, and took Gnossus, 1 " Erythraea, and Cy- donia, the mother, as the Greeks are wont to call it, of its cities ; 13 and so cruel was his treatment of the prisoners, that most of them poisoned themselves, while others sent offers of surrender to Pompey, who was then at a distance. Pompey, though fully engaged in Asiatic affairs, neverthe- less dispatched Antonius as his deputy to Crete, and thus gained reputation from another man's province. But Me- tellus enforced the rights of war on the enemy only the more unmercifully, and, after suppressing Lasthenes and Panares, captains of Cydonia, returned home victorious ; yet from so remarkable a conquest he gained nothing more than the sur- name of Creticus. CHAP. VIII. THE BALEARIC WAR. As the family of Metellus Macedonicus was accustomed to military surnames, it was not long, after one of his sons became Creticus, till the other was called Balearicus. The Balearic Isles, at that time, had infested the seas with piratic outrages. You would wonder that a savage people, living in the woods, should venture even to look upon the sea from the top of their rocks. But they had courage to go on board some ill-made boats, and, from time to time, surprised vessels sailing by with unexpected attacks. Seeing also a Roman fleet approaching from the sea, and looking upon it as a prize, they ventured to engage it, and, at the first onset, covered the ships with a vast shower of small and great stones. Every one of them fights with three slings ; and who can wonder that their execution with these instruments is very sure, when they are the only weapons of the nation, and the use of them is their only exer- cise from their infancy ? A child receives no food from his mother but what he has struck down with his sling at her bid- ding. But they did not long frighten the Romans with their Btones ; for, when they came to close combat, and felt the ef- fects of our beaks, and the weapons that fell upon them, they set up a bellowing like oxen, and fled to the shore, where, dis- " Ch. VII. Took Gnossns} It is necessary to supply, in the Latin text, cepit, or some such verb, which, as Duker observes, seems to have been lost. 13 Mother of its cities] Urbium matrem. Its metropolis. BOOK in. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 51 persing themselves among the nearest hills, they were to be found before they could be conquered. CHAP. IX. THE EXPEDITION TO CYPRUS. The fate of the islands was come ; and Cyprus, in conse- quence, was taken without a war. Of this island, which abounded in wealth from times of old, and was for this reason 14 sacred to Venus, Ptolemy was king ; but such was the fame of its riches, and not without cause, that a people who had con- quered nations, and was accustomed to give away kingdoms, ordered, at the instigation of Publius Clodius the tribune, that the king's property, though he was their ally and still living, should be brought into the public treasury. Ptolemy, upon the news of this decree, hastened his death by poison. Porcius Cato, however, brought the wealth of Cyprus in Liburnir.n vessels 15 into the mouth of the Tiber, an event which replen- ished the treasury of Rome more largely than any triumph. CHAP. X. THE GALLIC WAR. When Asia was subdued by the efforts of Pompey, Fortune conferred what remained to be done in Europe upon Caesar. There was still left the most savage of all nations, the Gauls and Germans ; and Britain, though separated from the whole world, had yet one to conquer it. The first commotion in Gaul arose from the Helvetii, who, lying between the Rhone and the Rhine, and finding their country insufficient for them, came forth, after setting fire to their cities (an act equivalent to an oath that they would not return), to ask of us new set- tlements. But Caesar, having asked for time to consider of their application, prevented them, meanwhile, from getting off, by breaking down the bridge over the Rhone, and straightway drove back this warlike nation to their former abodes, as a 14 Ch. IX. For this reason] Ob hoc. " I see no ground for this assertion : it u*ag rick, therefore sacred to Venus. It would surely rather have been sacred to Juno. To me, therefore, it appears that we should read, not ob Jioc, on account of this, but ad Twc, in addition to this." Freinshemiiis. This conjecture is approved both by Graevius and Duker. 15 Liburnian vessels] Liburnis. " Those vessels were now called Libur- nian, which were previously termed triremes, quadriremes. etc., as is shown by Sheffer, de Miht. Nav. ii. 2." Duker. Their name was from the Liburni, a 'people of Illyricum. The reader may consult the commentators on Hoi, Epod., i. 1. J3, r >2 FLORUS. BOOK in. shepherd drives his flocks into the fold. The next affair was a war with the Belgae, which was attended with far more blood- shed, as being a struggle with men fighting for their liberty. In the course of it were displayed many brave acts among the soldiery, and a remarkable one of the general himself, who, when his troops were on the point of flight, having snatched a buckler from a retreating soldier, hurried to the front of the army, and restored the battle by his own exertions. Then followed a naval war with the Veneti, but there was a greater struggle in it with the Ocean than with the ships of the ene- my ; for the vessels were rude and ill-shaped, and were shat- tered as soon as they felt our beaks ; but the contest was obstructed by the shallows, as the Ocean, retiring by its usual ebbs during the engagement, seemed disposed to put a stop to the war. There were also other diversities of operation, according to the nature of the people and the ground. The Aquitaui, a crafty nation, betook themselves to their caverns ; Caesar ordered them to be shut up in them. The Morini dispersed themselves among their woods ; he ordered the woods to be set on fire. Let no one say that the Gauls arc mere senseless warriors ; for they act with cunning. Indutiomarus called together the Treviri, Ambiorix the Eburones ; and the two, in the absence of Caesar, having entered into a conspiracy, fell upon his lieutenant-generals. Indutiomarus was valiantly repulsed by Dolabella, and his head carried from the field. Ambiorix, however, placing an ambuscade in a valley, gave us by that contrivance a defeat, so that our camp was plundered, and our treasure carried off. Then we lost Cotta, and Titurius Sa- binus, one of the legates. Nor was any revenge afterward taken on Ambiorix, as he lay in perpetual concealment beyond the Rhine. Yet the Rhine was not, on that account, left unassailed; nor was it just that the receiver and protector of our enemies should escape. The first battle against the Germans on its banks arose indeed from very just grounds ; for the JEdui made complaints of their inroads. And how great was the haughtiness of Ariovistus ! When our embassadors said to him, " Come to Caesar," " And who is Caesar ?" he retorted ; " let him come to me, if he will. "What is it to him what BOOK m. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 353 our Germany does ? Do I meddle with the Romans ?" In consequence of this reply, so groat was the dread of the un- known people in the Roman camp, that wills were publicly made even in the princijtria. 19 But the greater the vast bodies of the enemy were, the more were they exposed to swords and other weapons. The ardor of the Roman soldiers in the battle can not be better shown than by the circumstance that when the barbarians, having raised their shields above their heads, protected themselves with a testudo, 17 the Romans leaped upon their very bucklers, and then came down upon their throats with their swords. The Tencteri were the next that made complaints of the Germans. Caesar then, of his own impulse, crossed the Mo- selle 18 by a bridge of ships, and passed even the Rhine itself, to seek the enemy in the Hercynian forests. But the whole nation had fled away to their thickets and fens, so great alarm did the Roman force, suddenly appearing on that side of the river, excite in them. Nor was the Rhine crossed by Ca3sar only once, but even a second time, when a bridge was built over it. The consternation of the barbarians grew then much greater, for when they saw their Rhine taken captive with a bridge, which seemed to them as a yoke laid upon it, they all fled a second time to their woods and marshes, and, what was most vexatious to Ca3sar, no enemies remained to be con- quered. All, therefore, by land and sea 19 being subdued, he cast his eyes upon the wide Ocean, and, as if the world which the Ro- mans possessed was not sufficient for them, he meditated the 19 Ch. X. Even in the Principia] Etlam in principiis. "He means either that the chief men of the army, military tribunes, prefects, and others, who were quartered in the principia, made their wills ; or that the common sol- diers, seized with terror, betrayed their feelings by making their wills under the very eyes of the general and the other officers." D-uker. " The lower part of the camp was separated from the upper by a broad open space, which extended the whole breadth of the camp, called principia, (Lav. vii. 12), where the tribunal of the general was erected, where he either admin- istered justice or harangued the army, Tacit. Annal.. i. 67, Hist., iii. 13' where the tribunes held their courts, (jurareddebant), Liv. xxviii. 24; and punishments were inflicted, Suet. Oth., c. 1, Aug., c. 24; where the prin- cipal standards of the army, and the altars of the gods stood, Tacit. Annal., i. 39." Adam's Rom. Ant., p. 343, 8vo. ed. 17 With a testndol Testudine. See Sail., Jug., c. 98. 18 The Moselle] Mogula. Generally written MoseUa. All by land and sea] Omnibus terra mariqve. By mart the people und places on the coast are meant. 354 PLORUS BOOK in. conquest of another. Having accordingly equipped a fleet, he set sail for Britain. He crossed the water with extraordin- ary expedition, for, having started from a harbor of the Mo- rini 20 at the third watch, he reached the island before mid-day. The shores were crowded with a tumultuous assemblage of the enemy, and their chariots, as if in consternation at the sight of something strange, were hurrying backward and forward. Their trepidation was in consequence a victory to Ca3sar, who received arms and hostages from them while they were in alarm, and would have proceeded further along their coasts, had not the Ocean punished his daring fleet with a wreck. He returned, therefore, for the present, into Gaul ; but, having augmented his fleet, and reinforced his army, he ventured again upon the same Ocean, and pursued the same Britains into the Caledonian forests, taking one of the Cavelian princes 21 prisoner. Content with these exploits (for his object was not to get a province, but a name), he sailed back with greater booty than before, the Ocean itself being also more tranquil and propitious, as if it acknowledged itself to be under his power. But the greatest rising of all the Gauls, which was also the last, was when that prince, so formidable for his stature, martial skill, and courage (his very name, Vercingetorix, being ap- parently intended to excite terror), drew together all the Arverni and Bituriges, in conjunction with the Carnutes and Sequani. This king, upon festivals and days of assembly, when he had the people collected in great numbers in the groves, roused them, by his high-spirited harangues, to recover their former liberty and rights. Caesar was at that time ab- sent, levying troops at Ravenna, and the Alps had grown higher during the winter, 22 so that they thought his passage stopped. But he (such was his happy temerity at the report of these proceedings), forcing a way with a light-armed troop over " Harbor of the Morini] Morino portu. What harbor Floras means, is uncertain. The Morini were on the coast of the English channel, opposite Dover. One of the Cavelian princes] Uhum e regibus Cavelianis. None of the editors think this reading sound. " Freinshemius excellently conjectures unum e reaibus Cassivelauni, or urwm e regibus Cassivdaunum ; for though Csesar did not take Cassivelaunus himself, Florus may mean that he took some captain or petty prince of Cassivelaunus." Grcemus. M The Alps had grown higher during the winter] Ht/eme creverant Alpes. See note, c. 3, on qua altius Alpes levat. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 355 tops of mountains previously impassable, and over snows never before trodden, reached Gaul, collected a force from the different winter-quarters, and secured a position in the midst of the country before he was apprehended to be oa the borders of it. Proceeding then against the cities that took the chief part in the insurrection, he overthrew Avaricum, with its gar- rison of forty thousand men, and burned to the ground Alexia, though relying upon a force of two hundred and fifty thousand. The whole stress of the war was at last collected about Ger- govia, a city of the Arverni, which eighty thousand men defended with the aid of a wall, a citadel, and precipitous rocks. This great city he first weakened by famine, surround- ing it with a rampart, palisades, a trench (the river being let into the trench), eighteen towers, and a high breastwork ; and afterward, when the inhabitants ventured upon sallies, he slaughtered them from the ramparts with swords and pikes ; and at last forced them to surrender. The king of the place himself (the greatest ornament of the victory), after having come as a suppliant to the Roman camp, and thrown his royal ensigns and arms at the feet of Caesar, exclaimed, " Receive them : 23 thou, O bravest of men, has conquered a brave man." CHAP. XI. THE PARTHIAN WAR. While the Romans, by the instrumentality of Caesar, were subduing the Gauls in the north, they received a grievous blow from the Parthians in the east. Nor could we complain of Fortune ; there was no consolation for the disaster. The avarice of the consul Crassus, who, in defiance of gods and men, was longing eagerly for Parthian gold, was punished with the destruction of eleven legions, and the loss of his own head. Metellus, a tribune of the people, had cursed Crassus, as he was going out of Rome, with bitter execrations. After the army had passed Zeugma, the Euphrates swallowed up the standards which had been carried into it by a sudden whirl- Avind. When he had pitched his camp at Nicephorium, em- Lassadors, sent to him by king Orodes, urged him " to remem- M Receive them] Habe. Duker has Hates in the text, but recommends ' in his note the imperative, which it can scarcely be doubted is the true reading. 356 PLORUS. BOOK m. ber the treaties made with Pompey and Sylla ;" to which the consul, whose heart was set upon the king's treasures, made, without even a pretext of justice, no other reply than that he would give his answer at Seleucia. The gods, therefore, the avengers of violated treaties, refused their assistance neither to the secret artifices, nor to the open valor, of our enemies. The first military error of Crassus was to desert the Euphrates, which alone could supply him with provisions or secure his rear. He then trusted a Syrian named Mazaras, a counterfeit deserter, till, under his guidance, the army was led into the middle of an open plain, and exposed to the enemy on every side. Scarcely, in consequence, had he reached Carne," when Sillaces and Surenas, the king's generals, displayed their stand- ards waving with gold and silken banners. Immediately afterward, the cavalry gathering around, showered upon the Romans their arrows as thick as hail or rain. The army was thus cut off with a direful slaughter. The consul, being in- vited to a conference, would, upon a given signal, have fallen alive into the hands of the enemy, had not the Parthians, in consequence of resistance from the tribunes, hastened to pre- vent his escape with their swords. Yet even thus his head was carried off, and made an object of derision to the enemy. His son, almost in the sight of his father, they cut off with the same weapons. The relics of the unhappy army, scat- tered wherever the hope of escape drove them, through Ar- menia, Cilicia, and Syria, scarcely brought home the news of the disaster. The head of Crassus, when cut off, together with his right hand, was carried to the king, and treated by the enemy, not unjustly, with mocking insult. Molten gold was poured into his mouth, that the flesh of him whose mind had burned with desire of gold, might, when dead and inanimate, be burned with gold itself. , CHAP. XH. A RECAPITULATION. This is the third age of the Roman people, described with reference to its transactions beyond the sea ; an age in which, when they had once ventured beyond Italy, they carried their arms through the whole world. Of which age, the first hun- dred years were pure and pious, and, as I have called them, Ch. XI. CameJ See i. 11. BOOK in. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 35Y golden, free, from vice and immorality, as there yet remained the sincere and harmless integrity of the pastoral life,* 5 and the imminent dre.id of .1 Carthaginian enemy supported the ancient discipline. The succeeding hundred, which we have reckoned from the destruction of Carthage, Corinth, and Numantia, and from the inheritance hequeathed us by king Attalus in Asia, to the times of Caesar and Pompey, and those of Augustus who succeeded them, and of whom we shall speak hereafter, were as lamentable and disgraceful for the domestic calamities, as they were honorable for the luster of the warlike exploits that distinguished them. For, as it was glorious and praise- worthy to have acquired the rich and powerful provinces of Gaul, Thrace, Cilicia, and Cappadocia, as well as those of the Armenians and Britons, which, though of not much advantage, were great names to add to the splendor of the empire, so it was disgraceful and lamentable, at the same time, to have fought at home with our own citizens, with our allies, our slaves, and gladiators, while the whole senate was divided into parties. And I know not whether it would not have been better for the Roman people to have been content with Sicily and Africa, or even to have been without them, while still enjoying the do- minion of Italy, than to grow to such greatness as to be ruined by their own strength. For what else produced those intestine distractions but excessive good fortune ? It was the conquest of Syria that first corrupted us ; and the succession afterward, in Asia, to the estate of the king of Pergamus. Such wealth and riches ruined the manners of the age, and overwhelmed the republic, which was sunk in its own vices as in a common sewer. For how did it happen that the Roman people demanded from their tribunes lands and subsistence, unless through the scarcity, which they had by their luxury produced ? Hence there arose the first and second sedition of the Gracchi, and a third, that of Apuleius. 20 From what cause did the equestrian order, being divided from the senate, domineer by virtue of the judiciary laws, if it was not from avarice, in order that the revenues of the state, and trials of causes, might be made a means of gain? Hence again it was that the privilege of citizenship was promised to the Latins, and hence Avere the 25 Cb. XII. Of the pastoral life] Pastorice sectce. " That secta is used for a w;iy and manner of life, is well known," Daker. Sectam rationemque vi- ta, Cic. pro Csel., c. 17. That of Apuleius] Sec c. 16. 358 FLORUS. BOOK HI. arms of our allies raised against us. And what shall we say as to the wars with the slaves ? How did they come upon us, but from the excessive number of slaves ? Whence arose such armies of gladiators against their masters, if it was riot that a profuse liberality, by granting shows to gain the favor of the populace, made that an art which was once but a punishment of enemies ? And to touch upon more specious vices, did not the ambition for honors take its rise from the same excess of riches ? Hence also proceeded the outrages of Marius, hence those of Sylhi. The extravagant sumptuousness of banquets, too, and profuse largesses, were not they the effects of wealth, which must in time lead to want ? This also stirred up Catiline against his country. Finally, whence did that insatiable desire of power and rule proceed, but from a superabundance of riches ? This it was that armed Caesar and Pompey with fatal weapons for the destruction of the state. Of all these domestic distractions of the Roman people, dis- tinct from their foreign and justifiable wars, we shall give an acount in their proper order. CHAP. XIII. THE SEDITIOUS NATURE OF THE TRIBUNITIAL POWER. The Tribunitial Power furnished occasions for all kinds of seditions; a power which under pretense of maintaining the rights of the common people (for whose protection it was established), but in reality to acquire authority for itself, courted the favor of the populace by proposing laws respecting the division of lands, the distribution of corn, and the disposal of judicial proceedings. In all these laws there was indeed a color of equity. For what was more just, than that the com- mons should have their full rights from the senate, that a people who had conquered all other nations, and was master of the world, might not live without altars and hearihs of their own ? What was more equitable, than that the poorer class of people should be maintained from the public treasury of their country ? What was more conducive to the security of equal liberty, than that, while the senate settled the provinces, the authority of tho equestrian order should bo supported by judicial privileges? 27 27 Ch. XIII. By judicial privileges] Juditiwvm refjno. The law respect- ing the choice of judices wns several times altered. At lirst tluiy wero chosen only from the senators ; afterward, by a law of Caius Gracchus, BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 359 Yet these very objects led to harm, and the unhappy state be- came a prize for its own overthrow. For the transference of the judicial power from the senate to the knighte, caused pecu- lation with regard to taxes, 28 the patrimony of the government ; while the purchase of corn exhausted the treasury, the nerves of the commonwealth. And how could the common people be put in possession of lands, but by the ejection of those that already occupied them, who were themselves a part of the people, and who moreover held their estates, as bequeathed to them from their forefathers, by prescription of time and right of inheritance ? CHAP. XIV. THE SEDITION OF TIBERIUS GRACCHUS. Tiberius Gracchus kindled the first flame of contention, a man who was unquestionably the first in Rome for family, person, and eloquence. But he, whether dreading to be involved in the odium of Mancinus's surrender 29 (as he had been one of the sureties for the performance of that treaty), and joining iu consequence the popular party, or moved by a regard to equity and justice, and taking pity on the commons, in order that a people who had conquered 10 all other nations, and was master of the world, might not continue exiles from their own altars and hearths, or from whatever motive he acted, entered upon a great political measure, and, when the day for propounding the bill for it was come, ascended the Rostra attended with a vast train of followers ; nor did the nobility, on the other side, fail to meet him with a body of opponents, among whom were the rest of the tribunes. But when Gracchus observed Cnaeus Octavius opposing his laws, he laid hands upon him, in viola- tion of the rights of the tribunitial body and the privilege of their office, and thrust him from the Rostra ; and, besides, put only from tho eqnites; next, by a law of Csepio, from both orders ; and vari-- ous changes succeeded. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 236, 8vo, ed. 28 Caused peculation with regard to taxes] Vectigalia svpprimebat. " It i was easy for the equitfs (many of whom were farmers of the revenues), when tney were granted by the law of Gracchus the privilege of being judices, to favor those of their own class on trials, arid thus to allow of much malapprop nation of the public money." Stadias. " Suppressavectigaliao.ro intercepta et in privates nsus conversa. ' Supprimere pecuniam' for to con- vert to one's own use occurs in Cic. pro Cluent., c. 25, 36." Duker. 89 Ch. XIV. Mancinus's surrender] Mancinianae deditionis. See ii. 1?. 50 A people who had conquered, etc.] The same words occur in the prc^ ceding chapter. Probably, as Duker observes, they ought to be omitted iu one of the passages. 360 FLORUS. BOOK m. him so much in fear of instant death, that he was obliged to lay down his office. Gracchus was in consequence made one of three commissioners for the division of the lauds. But when, to complete his objects, he requested, at the comitia, that his term of office might be prolonged, and a party of the nobility, and of those whom he had expelled from their lands, rose up against him, a sanguinary conflict ensued in the forum. Having, upon this, fled to the Capitol, and exhorting the people to save his life, touching his head, at the same time, with his hand, he excited the idea that he was asking for royalty and a diadem. The people, therefore, at the instigation of Scipio Nasica, being roused to take up arms, he was with apparent justice, put to death. CHAP. XV. THE SEDITION OF CAIUS GRACCHUS. Shortly after, Caius Gracchus was animated with equal ardor to become the avenger of his brother's death and the main- tainer of his laws. Endeavoring, accordingly, with similar tu- mult and terror, to reinstate the people in their forefathers' lands, promising them the late bequest of Attains for their support, and becoming elated and influential by means of a second tri- buneship, he pursued for a time, with the support of the com- mon people, an apparently successful course ; but when Minucius, another of the tribunes, ventured to oppose his laws, he had the boldness, relying on the aid of partisans, to take possession of the Capitol so fatal to his family. Being driven thence, with a great slaughter among his party, he sought refuge on Mount Aventine, where, a number of the senators assailing him, he was cut off by the consul Opimius. Insult was also offered to his dead body ; and the sacred head of a tribune of the people was paid for to his assassins with its weight in gold. CHAP. XVI. THE SEDITION OF APULEIUS. Apuleius Saturninus, however, still persisted to promote the laws of the Gracchi, so much was he encouraged by Marius, who, being always an enemy to the nobility, and presuming, moreover, on his consulship, endeavored, after killing openly, at the comitia, Annius his competitor 31 for the tribunate, to intro- 51 Ch. XVI. His competitor] The competitor of Apuleiua. Valerius Maximus, ix. 7, 3, says that he was killed by the people, but calls hiui Aulus Numius. The manuscripts of Floras vary as to the name. IIL EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 361 duce in his stead one Caius Gracchus, a man without tribe or name, but who, by a forged pedigree, had represented himself as one of the family of the Gracchi. Apuleius, exulting with impunity amid so many and so great outrages, applied himself, with such determination, to pass the laws of the Gracchi, that he even prevailed upon the senate to take an oath to promote his object, threatening such as hesi- tated that he would procure their exile. 33 Yet there was one who chose exile rather than to take the oath. After the banish- ment of Metellus, therefore, when the nobility were greatly dispirited, and when he was domineering in his third year, he proceeded to such a height of audacity, that he even disturbed the consular comitia with a new murder. In order to make Glaucias, an abettor of his insanity, consul, he ordered his rival Caius Memmius to be slain, and, in the midst of the consequent tumult, joyfully heard himself called king by his followers. But the senate afterward combining against him, and Marius, as he was no longer able to support him, becoming his opponent, a pitched battle was fought in the forum, and, being driven from the field, he took refuge in the Capitol. Being, however, be- sieged, and deprived of water, and producing in the minds of the senators, by the representations of his deputies, a belief that he repented of what he had done, he was allowed to come down from the Capitol, and was received, with the leaders of his party, into the senate-house, when the people, bursting into the build- ing, overwhelmed him with sticks and stones, and tore him to pieces before he was dead. CHAP. XVII. THE SEDITION OF DRUSUS. Last of all, Livius Drusus, depending not only on the influence of the tribuneship, but on the authority of the senate, and the consent of all Italy, endeavored to promote the same laws, and, by attempting one thing after another, excited so violent a combustion in the state, that not even the first flash of it could be endured ; and, being cut off by a sudden death, he left a war as an inheritance to his posterity. The Gracchi, by their law respecting the judicial power, had divided the Roman people into two parties, and made of one nation a state with two That he would procure their exile] Aqua, et igni imterdicturum. " That ho would interdict from fire and water," the common form of words used in ihc sentence of banishment. 16 362 FLORUS. BOOK IIL heads. The Roman knights, feeling strong in such extraordi- nary privileges, 33 as having the lives and fortunes of the greatest men in their hands, were, by intercepting the public revenues, 84 robbing the state at their pleasure ; while the senate, weakened by the banishment of Metellus 3 * and the condemna- tion of Rutilius, 38 had lost all the pride of their dignity. In this state of affairs, Servilius Csepio and Livius Drusus, men equal in wealth, spirit, and dignity (whence the rivalship that animated Drusus arose), proceeded to maintain, the former the cause of the equestrian order, and the latter that of the senate. Standards, eagles, and banners accompanied each, and there was as much hostility in one city as there could have been in two camps. Caepio, in the first place, mak'ng an attack upon the senate, singled out Scaurus and Philippus, leaders among the nobility, to prosecute them for bribery at elections. Drusus, to oppose these proceedings, attracted the populace to his side by the prospect of passing the laws of the Gracchi, and inspired the allies, by means of the same laws, with the hope of obtain- ing the civic franchise. There is a saying of his remembered, " that he had left nothing for any one to give away, unless he would distribute dust or air." The day for proposing the bills arrived, when suddenly so vast a multitude showed themselves on all sides, that the city seemed to be beset with a crowd of enemies. Yet the consul Philippus ventured to oppose the bills ; but an officer, seizing him by the throat, did not let him go till the blood gushed from his mouth and eyes. The bills were accordingly proposed and passed by force. But the allies, im- mediately afterward, demanded the civic franchise which had been offered as the price of their assisting to pass them, when death, meantime, carried off Drusus, who was unable to keep his word, and who was sick of the disturbances which he had rashly excited ; a death very seasonable at such a crisis. Never- theless, the allies did not, on that account, cease to demand, bv force of arms, the performance of Drusus's promise from the Roman people. 33 Cb. XVII. Extraordinary privileges] The judices being now elected from the equites. See note on c. 13. 34 Intercepting the public revenues] Interceptis vectigalibus. See note o" c. 13. 35 Metellus] See c. 16. st Kutilius] He had held the consulship, and was a man of high charac- ter, but was brought to trial for extortion, and condemned by a faction of the equites. StadiMS. BOOK ill. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 363 CHAP. XVIII. THE \VAK WITH THE ALLIES. Though this war be called a war with the allies, to extenuate the odium of it, it was, if we acknowledge the truth, a civil war. For as the people of Rome united in itself the Etrurians, the Latins, and the Sabines, and derives one blood from them all, it formed one body of those several members, and is one people composed of them all. Nor did the allies with less dis- grace excite an insurrection within Italy than the citizens within the city. When the allies, therefore, had with great justice 87 demanded the freedom of a city which they had strengthened by their exertions (with the hope of which Drusus, from a desire of getting power, had inspired them), the same firebrand that burned Drusus, inflamed the allies, after he was cut off by the perfidy of his fellow-citizens, to take up arms and attack the city. Than such an outbreak what could be more sad, what more calamitous ? when all Latiurn and Picenum, all Etruria and Campania, and at last Italy itself, rose up in arms against their metropolis and parent ; when those monsters of ingrati- tude from the municipal towns led all the flower of our most brave and faithful allies under their several standards, Popedius heading the Marsians, Afranius the Latins, their whole senate and consuls the Umbrians, 38 and Telesinus the Samnites and Lucanians ; and Avhen a people that was arbiter of princes and nations could not govern itself, and Rome, that had conquered Asia and Europe, was assailed from Corfinium. The first step in the war was to have been taken on the Alban Mount, when, on the festival of the Latin Ferice, the consuls, 37 Ch. XVIII. With great justice] Justissime. " This does not seem to be consistent with" what is said above, that the allies excited an insurrec- tion with disgrace to themselves (jvigitio). Unless Florus means that though the demands of the allies were 'just, yet they ought to have home patiently with the refusal of them on the part of Rome, which they were to regard as their mother-city, just as children bear with hard treatment from their parents." Duller. > 8 Their whole senate and consuls the Umbrians] Umbras totus senates et C'lnnile*. Lipsius, Freinshemius, Faber, Perizonius, Grsevius-and Duker, r.re unanimous in suspecting this passage of being corrupt. The name ot a leader seems to be wanting. Perizonius thinks that we should read Po- pe J ins Marsos et Latinos; Afranivg Umbros ; Egnativs Samni/um / Lvcani- ttMt/n? TtleniniiK. ' Egnntius was an eminent general of the enemy, whom l.ivy, Epit., lib. Ixxv., calls ndbilissimvm ducem, and whom it is not likely that Florus would have omitted to mention." Dukcr. 364 PLORUS. BOOK in. Julius Caesar and Marcus Philippus, were to have been assassi- nated amid the sacrifices and altars. That atrocity being pre- vented by a discovery, the whole fury of the war burst forth at Asculurn, where certain commissioners, who had come from Rome, were slain in the midst of a crowd at the public games. This outrage bound them, as it were by an oath, to prosecute the impious war. Immediately, therefore, the various signals for hostilities sounded through tribes and cities from every quarter of Italy, Popedius, the leader and author of the war, hurrying about from one place to another. Neither the devas- tation spread by Hannibal, nor that by Pyrrhus, was so great as the present. Ocriculum and Grumentum, Fesulae and Car- seoli, Reate, Nuceria, and Picentia, were laid waste with slaughter, fire, and sword. The forces of Rutilius, the forces of Caepio, were alike defeated. Julius Csesar himself, having lost his army, and being brought back to Rome covered with blood, passed through the city a wretched corpse. But the great good fortune of the Roman people, always more remark- able in adversity than prosperity, rose again in all its might. Their generals, respectively, defeated the people whom they attacked ; Cato dispersed the Etrurians, Gabinius the Mar- sians, Carbo the Lucanians, Sylla the Samnites ; and Pompeius Strabo, laying waste the country about Asculum with fire and sword, did not cease from destroying, till, by the overthrow of the place, he had made atonement to the manes of SQ many armies and consuls, and to the gods of so many devastated cities. CHAP. XIX. THE WAR, AGAINST THE SLAVES. Though, in the preceding war, we fought with our allies, (which was bad enough,) yet we contended with free men, and men of good birth : but who can with patience hear of a war against slaves on the part of a people at the head of all nations ? The first war with slaves occurred in the infancy of Rome, in the heart of the city, when Herdonius Sabinus was their leader, and when, while the state was distracted with the seditions of the tribunes, the Capitol was besieged and wrested by the con- sul from the servile multitude. But this was an insurrection rather than a war. At a subsequent period, when the forces of the empire were engaged in different parts of the world, who would believe that Sicily was much more cruelly devastated by BOOK m. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 305 a war with slaves than in that with the Carthaginians ? This country, fruitful in corn, and, in a manner, a suburban pro- vince, was covered with large estates of many Roman citizens ; and the numerous slave-houses, and fettered tillers of the ground, supplied force enough for a war. A certain Syrian, by name Eunus, (the greatness of our defeats from him makes us remember it,) counterfeiting a fanatical inspiration, and tossing his hair in honor of the Syrian goddess, excited the slaves, by command of heaven as it were, to claim their liberty and take up arms. And that he might prove this to be done by super- natural direction, he concealed a nut in his mouth, which he had filled with brimstone and fire, and, breathing gently, sent forth flame together with his words. This prodigy at first attracted two thousand of such as came in his way ; but in a short time, by breaking open the slave-houses, he collected a force of above sixty thousand ; and, being adorned with ensigns of royalty, that nothing might be wanting to his audacity, he laid waste, Avith lamentable desolation, fortresses, towns, and villages. The camps even of praetors (the utmost disgrace of war) were taken by him; nor will I shrink from giving their names ; they were the camps of Manilius, Lentulus, Piso, and Hypsaeus. Thus those, who ought to have been dragged home 3 * by slave-takers, pursued praetorian generals routed in battle. At last vengeance was taken on them by our general Perperna ; for having conquered them, and at last besieged them in Enna, and reduced them with famine as with a pestilence, he threw the remainder of the marauders into chains, and then crucified them. But over such enemies he was content with an ovation, that he might not sully the dignity of a triumph with the name of slaves. Scarcely had the island recovered itself, when it passed from the hands of a Syrian slave to those of a Cilician. Athenio, a shepherd, having killed his master, formed his slaves, whom he had released from the slave-house, into a regular troop. Then, equipped with a purple robe and a silver scepter, and with a crown on his head like a king, he drew together no less an army than the fanatic his predecessor, and laying waste, with even greater fury, (as if taking vengeance for his fate,) villages, fortresses, and towns, he vented his rage upon the masters, but * Ch. XIX. To have been dragged home] Betrahi. Many editions have diztrahi. 366 FLORUS. BOOK m. still more violently on the slaves, whom he treated as renegades. By him, too, some armies of praetors were overthrown, and the camps of Servilius and Cucullus taken. But Aquilius, follow- ing the example of Perperna, reduced the enemy to extremities by cutting off his supplies, and easily destroyed by famine forces which were well defended by arms. They would have surrendered, had they not, from dread of punishment, prefen ed a voluntary death. Not even on their leader could chastise- ment be inflicted, though he fell alive into our hands, for while the people were disputing who should secure him, the prey was torn to pieces between the contending parties. CHAP. XX. THE WAR AGAINST SPARTACCS. We may, however, support the dishonor of a war with slaves, for though they are, by their circumstances, subjected to all kinds of treatment, they are yet, as it were, a second class of men, and may be admitted to the enjoyment of liberty with ourselves. But the war raised by the efforts of Spartacus I know not by what name to call, for the soldiers in it were slaves, and the commanders gladiators ; the former being per- sons of the meanest condition, and the latter men of the worst character, and adding to the calamity of their profession by its contempt! bleness. Spartacus, Crixus, and (Enomaus, breaking out of the fencing school of Lentulus, escaped from Capua, with not more than thirty of the same occupation, and, having called the slaves to their standard, and collected a force of more than ten thousand men, were not content with merely having escaped, but were eager to take vengeance on their masters. The first theater for action that attracted them was Mount Vesuvius. Here, being besieged by Clodius Glaber, they slid down a passage in the hollow part of the mountain, by means of ropes made of vine-branches, and penetrated to the very bottom of it; when, issuing forth by an outlet apparently im- practicable, they captured, by a sudden attack, the camp of the Roman general, who expected no molestation. They afterward took other camps, and spread themselves to Cora, and through the whole of Campania. Not content with plundering the country seats and villages, they ravaged, with terrible devasta- tion, Nola and Nuceria, Thurii and Metapontum. Being joined by new forces day after day, and forming themselves into a BOOK in. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 3C7 regular army, they made themselves, out of osiers and beasts' lii'.les, a rude kiiid of shields, and out of the iron from the slave-houses forged swords and other weapons. And that nothing proper might be wanting to the complement of the army, they procured cavalry by breaking in the herds of horses that came in their way, and conferred upon their leader the ensigns and fasces that they took from the prators. Nor did he, who of a mercenary Thracian had become a Roman soldier, of a soldier a deserter and robber, and afterward, from consid- eration of his strength, a gladiator, refuse to receive them. He afterward, indeed, celebrated the funerals of his own officers, who died in battle, with the obsequies of Roman generals, and obliged the prisoners to fight with arms at their funeral piles, just as if he could atone for all past dishonor by becoming, from a gladiator, an exhibitor of shows of gladiators. Engag- ing next with the armies of the consuls, he cut to pieces that of Lentulus, near the Apennines, and destroyed the camp of Caius Cassius at Mutina. Elated by which successes, he de- liberated (which is sufficient disgrace for us) about assailing the city of Rome. At length an effort was made against this swordsman with the whole force of tKe empire, and Licinius Crassus avenged the honor of Rome, by whom the enemies (I am ashamed to call them so) being routed and put to flight, betook themselves to the furthest parts of Italy. Here, being shut up in a corner in Bruttium, and attempting to escape into Sicily, but having no ships, and having in vain tried, on the swift current of the strait, to sail on rafts made of hurdles and casks tied together with twigs, they at last sallied forth, and died a death worthy of men. As was fitting under a gladiator captain, they fought without sparing themselves. 40 Spartacus himself, fighting with the utmost bravery in the front of the battle, fell as became their general. CHAP. XXI. THE CIVIL WAR OF MARIUS AMD SYLLA. This only was wanting to complete the misfortunes of the Romans, that they should raise an unnatural war among them- selves, and that, in the midst of the city and forum, citizens 40 Ch. XX. Without sparing themselves] Sine missi/me. " That is, even to death. Mlssio was leave to withdraw from the battle, which was some- times granted to conquered gladiators ; but when it was determined that they should fight till one of them was killed, the struggle was said to h fine missione." Freinshemius. 368 FLORUS. BOOK in. should fight with citizens, like gladiators in an amphitheater. I should bear the calamity, however, with greater patience, if plebeian leaders or contemptible nobles had been at the head of such atrocity ; but even Marius and Sylla 41 (O indignity ! such men, such generals !) the grace and glory of their age, lent their eminent characters to this worst of evils. It was carried, if I may use the expression, under three constellations, 42 the first movement being light and moderate, an affray rather than a war, for the violence prevailed only between the leaders themselves ; in the next rising, the victory spread with greater cruelty and bloodshed, through the very bowels of the whole senate ; the third conflict exceeded not merely animosity be- tween citizens, but that between enemies, the fury of the war being supported by the strength of all Italy, and rancor raging till none remained to be killed. The origin and cause of the war was Marius's insatiable am- bition of honors, in endeavoring to procure for himself the pro- vince decreed to Sylla by a law of Sulpicius. 43 Sylla, provoked at this injustice, immediately led back his legions, and, putting off the war with Mithridates, poured two bodies of troops into the city by the Esquiline and Colline gates. Here Sulpicius and Albinovanus designedly throwing their troops in his way, and sticks, stones, and other weapons being discharged on him on all sides from the walls, he himself also threw weapons in return, and forced a passage even by fire, and triumphantly oc- cupied the citadel on the Capitoline hill as a captured fortress, a place which had escaped being taken by the Carthagin- ians and the Gauls. Having then by a decree of the senate, pronounced his opponents enemies to the state, he proceeded to the utmost severities, by forms of law, upon the tribune who was present, 44 and others of the adverse faction. Flight like that of a slave saved Marius, or rather Fortune preserved him for another war. In the consulship of Cornelius Cinna and Cnaeus Octavius, 1 the fire, which had been but imperfectly suppressed, burst forth 41 Ch. XXI. But even Marina and Sylla] Quum vero Marius et Sytta. All the commentators see that this passage sta_nds in need of some correc- tion. Freinshemius conjectures jam vero. Lipsius and Madame Dacier, with less felicity, turn vero. Under three constellations] Tribus sideribus. See note on ii. 8. 43 A law of Sulpicius] S-ulpicia, lege. Sulpicius was a tribune of the people, who had procured a law to be passed for this purpose. 44 The tribune who was present] Sulpicius, apparently. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 3 69 afresh, being excited, indeed, by a disagreement between the consuls themselves, on a proposal being made to the people for recalling such as the senate had declared enemies. The assem- bly met armed with swords, but the party that preferred peace and quiet prevailing, Cinna was driven from his country, and fled to join Marius. Marius then returned from Africa, the greater for his misfortunes ; for the report of his imprisonment, chains, flight, and exile, had surrounded his dignity with a cer- tain awe. At the name of so great a man people flocked to- gether from all parts ; slaves (a disgraceful proceeding), and persons condemned to the prisons, were armed in his cause ; and the unhappy general easily found an army. Claiming by force, therefore, a restoration to his countiy from which he had by force been expelled, he might seem to have acted with jus- tice, had he not stained his cause by cruelty. But as he re- turned at enmity with gods and men, 46 at the very first eruption of his fury, Ostia, the ward and foster-child of the city, was pillaged with miserable havoc ; and his army next entered Rome in four bodies, Cinna, Marius, Carbo, and Sertorius, dividing the troops among them. Here, when the whole force of Octavius had been driven from the Janiculum, and a signal had been immediately after given for the slaughter of the leading men, somewhat more of cruelty was shown than would have been practiced in a town of the Carthaginians or the Cimbri. The head of the consul Octavius was exposed upon the Rostra ; that of Antonius, who had held the consulship, was displayed on Ma- rius's dining-table ; the Caesars 48 were killed by Fimbria in the midst of their own household-gods ; the two Crassi, father and son, each in the sight of the other ; the hooks of the execution- ers dragged Baebius and Numitoritis through the middle of the forum ; Catulus released himself from the insults of his enemies by swallowing fire ; Merula, the priest of Jupiter, sprinkled the face of Jupiter himself with blood from his veins ; Ancharius was stabbed in the sight of Marius himself, because, forsooth, he did not stretch out that fatal hand 47 when he saluted him. 45 At enmity with gods and men] Die Tiominibusque vnfestus. Depernte , conscious that both gods and men were already enraged with him, and not caring' how much further he provoked them. 48 The Caesars] Caius and Lucius, two brothers. 47 He did not stretch out that fatal hand, etc.] Quia fatalem ittam scilicet nanum non porrexerat sahttanti. Ancharius approached to salute Marius, but Mariua did not hold out his hand to him ; the followers of Marius, 1.G* 370 FLORUS. BOOK nr. Such and so many deaths of senators did the seventh consulship of Marius produce, between the calends and ides of the month of January. What would have happened if he had completed the year of his consulship ? In the consulate of Scipio and Norbanus the third tempest of civil rage thundered forth with its whole fury, eight legions, and five hundred cohorts, being ranged in arms on the one sk'.e, and on the other Sylla returning from Asia with his victorious army. And since Marius had been so cruel to the party of Sylla, how much further cruelty was necessary that Sylla might be avenged on Marius? The first conflict took place at Capua, near the river Vulturnus, where the army of Norbanus was in- stantly put to flight, and the forces of Seipio, immediately after- ward, surprised, while hopes of peace were held out to them. The younger Marius and Carbo, being then made consuls, as if despairing of ultimate victory, but purposing not to fall un- avenged, sacrificed to their own manes, as it were, beforehand, with the blood of the senate ; and the senate-house being beset, its members were led forth, as prisoners from a jail, to be put to death. What slaughters were committed in the Forum, in the Circus, in the open temples ! Quintus Mucius Scaevola, one of the pontifices, embracing the Vestal altars, was almost buried in the same fire with them. Lamponius and Telesinus, leaders of the Samnites, wasted Campania and Etruria more cruelly than Pyrrhus and Hannibal had done, and revenged themselves under pretense of supporting their party. But at Sacriportus, and the Colline gate, all the forces of Marius were defeated. At the former place Marius, at the latter Telesinus, was con- quered. The end of the war, however, was not the end of the massacres ; for swords were drawn even in peace, and venge- ance was taken even on such as had voluntarily surrendered. It was a less atrocity that Sylla cut to pieces more than seventy thousand men at Sacriportus and the Colline gate, for it was then war ; but it was a greater that he ordered four thousand unarmed citizens to be butchered in the Villa Publica. 48 Were there so many killed in peace, and no more ? Who, indeed, can reckon those whom every one that would, killed in the city ? until Fufidius admonishing Sylla that " some ought to be therefore, dispatched him, according to directions which they had previ- ously received. " Villa Publica] See the psuedo-Sallust's Second Epistle to Csesur, c. 5. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 371 K-ft alive, that there might be people for them to rule," that great proscription-list was put forth, and two thousand were selected, out of the equestrian and senatorial orders, to be sentenced to die. This was an edict of a new kind. It grieves me to state, after these proceedings, that the deaths of Carbo, Soranus the praetor, and Venuleius, were subjects of sport ; that Baebius was severed limb from limb, not by the sword, but by the hands of men, like wild beasts ; 49 and that Marius, the brother of the general, was kept alive awhile at the se- Eulcher of Catulus, his eyes being put out, and his hands and jgs being cut off one after another, that he might die as it were piecemeal. When the punishment of individuals were nearly over, the first municipal towns in Italy were put up to sale, Spoletium, Interamnium, Prasneste, and Florence. As to Sulmo, an ancient city in alliance and friendship with us, Sylla (a heinous act) or- dered it, though not taken by siege, to be destroyed ; just as enemies condemned 50 by the laws of arms, and malefactors sen- tenced to death, are ordered to be led to execution. CHAP. XXII. THE WAR WITH SERTORIUS. What was the war with Sertorius but a consequence of Sylla's proscription ? Whether I should call it a war with foreign enemies, or a civil war, I do not know, as it was one which Lusi- tanians and Celtiberiaas carried on under the conduct of a Ro- man. Sertorius, a man of great but unsuccessful ability, be- coming an exile and fugitive from that fatal proscription, dis- turbed sea and land in consequence of his ill-treatment ; and, trying his fortune, at one time in Africa, and at another in the Balearic isles, and being driven over the Ocean, 51 went as far as 48 Like -wild beasts] Rituferarum. As beasts would be torn. 60 Enemies condemned, etc.] The concluding sentence of this chapter is nearly unintelligible. It stands thus in Duker's edition : Nam Sulmonem, fetus oppidvm, socium at-que amicum (facim/3 indiquvm!) nondum expun'j- natum, nt dbsidesjure belli, et modo morte damnati duei jvbentur : sic damna- tam cicitatem jussit Sulla dderi. Tforobsidfs Gronovius proposed to Graevius to read hostts, -which succeeding critics have approved. Modo no one has attempted to explain, except Wopkens (Lect. Tullian, 5, transcribed by Duker), who says that it means nulld quaestione adkibitd, cceco impetu, or, as we should say, " off-hand." I have given to the passage, in the trans- lation, the sense in which I must suppose that Florus intended it ; omitting the word damnatnm. 61 Ch. XXII. Being driven over the Ocean] Missuque in Octanum. 372 FLORUS. BOOK in. the Fortunate Islands, and at length armed Spain. A man easily unites himself with brave men ; nor did the valor of the Spanish soldiery ever appear greater than under a Roman general. Nor was he indeed content with Spain, but extended his views to Mithridates and the people of Pontus, and assisted that king with a fleet. And what would have happened if they had formed a junction ? The Roman state could not withstand so powerful an enemy as Sertorius by means of one general only. To Metellus was joined Cnaeus Pompey : and those two wasted his forces for a long time, though always with doubtful success ; nor was he at last subdued in the field, until he was betrayed by the villainy and treachery of those about him. Hav- ing pursued his forces through almost all Spain, they were long in reducing them, the contests being always such that victory was dubious. The first battles were fought under the command of the lieutenant-generals ; Domitius and Thorius 52 making a commencement on one side, and the brothers Herculeii on the other. Soon afterward, the two latter being overthrown at Se- govia, and the former at the river Anas, the generals themselves tried their strength in the field, and at Lauron and Sucro suffer- ed equal loss on both sides. Part of our army then devoting itself to the devastation of the country, and part to the destruc- tion of the cities, unhappy Spain suffered for the disagreement between the Roman generals, 63 till Sertorius, being cut oft' by the treachery of his people, and Perperna being defeated and given up, the cities themselves submitted to the power of the Romans, as Osca, Termes, Tutia, Valentia, Auxima, and, after having endured the extremity of famine, Calagurris. Spain was thus restored to peace. The victorious generals would have the war accounted rather a foreign than a civil one, that they might have the honor of a triumph. CHAP. XXIII. THE CIVIL WAR UNDER LEPIDU8. In the consulship of Marcus Lepidus, and Quintus Catulus, a civil war that was kindled was suppressed almost before it be- Misws, as the critics observe, can hardly be right. Lipsius conjectures victus, Perizonius fus-us. 68 Domitius and Thorins] Lieutenant-generals of Metellus ; the brothers Herculeii, on the side of Sertorius, are mentioned by Frontin, i. 5, 8, Livy, Epit., xc., Eutrop., vi. 1, and other authors. 63 Roman generals] Sertorius and his opponents. Sertoriua was by birtk a Sabine. BOOK in. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 373 gan ; but how violent was it ! 54 It was a spark of the great civil contention that had spread abroad its fires from the very funeral pile of Sylla. For Lepidus, in his presumption, being eager for a change in the state of affairs, prepared to annul the acts of that eminent man, and not indeed unjustly, if he could have done so without much injury to the commonwealth. But he would not ; for since Sylla, as dictator, had proscribed his enemies by right of war, if Lepidus recalled those of them that survived, for what other end were they recalled than for a war "? And since Sylla had assigned the estates of the condemned citi- zens, though seized unjustly, yet by form of law, a demand for their restitution would no doubt disturb the city that was now tranquilized. It was expedient, therefore, for the sick and wounded republic to continue quiet on any terms, lest its wounds should be torn open by the dressing. Lepidus, then, having alarmed the state, as with the blast of a trumpet, by his turbulent harangues, set out for Etruria, and thence brought arms and an army against Rome. But Luta- tius Catulus and Cngeus Pompey, the captains and ringleaders under Sylla's tyranny, had previously occupied the Milvian bridge, and the Janiculan hill, with another army. Being repulsed by these generals in the first encounter, and after- ward declared an enemy by the senate, he fled back, without loss, to Etruria, and thence retired to Sardinia, where he died of disease and sorrow of mind. The conquerors, which was scarcely ever the case in civil wars, were content with re-estab- lishing peace. BOOK IV. CHAP. I. THE INSURRECTION OF CATILINE. It was in the first place expensive indulgence, and, in the next, the want of means occasioned by it, with a fair opportu- 54 Ch. XXIII. But how violent was it !] In all the editions the passage stands, Sed quantum lateque fax illius motus ab ipso Syllce rogo exarslt I Quantum late/lite is mere nonsense, as all the commentators allow, except Perizoniua, who would make it equivalent to quantum et qitam latk, but, as Duker remarks, he should have shown that other writers so express them- selves. N. Heinsius conjectures quantum quamque late; Duker, qvam late Is. Vossius, quam longe lateque. I have not attempted any close ad- herence to the text. Madame Dacier was inclined to expunge both quantum and latique. 8/4 PLORU3. BOOK iv. nity at the same time (for the Roman forces were tln-a ;il>ro;i had once triumphed, in a single vessel that was shattered and almost dismantled. Nor was Pompey driven from Italy sooner than the senate was forced from the city, which Caesar having entered, when it was almost evacuated from fear of him, created himself consul. The sacred treasury, too, as the tribunes were slow in unlocking it, he ordered to be broken open, seizing the revenue and property of the Roman people before he seized their empire. Pompey being driven off and put to flight, Caesar thought it better to regulate the provinces before proceeding to pur- sue him. Sicily and Sardinia, to be assured of corn, he se- cured by means of his lieutenant-generals. In Gaul there were no remains of hostility; for he himself had established peace in it. But Marseilles, when he wished to pass through it in his way to the Spanish armies of Pompey, ventured to shut her gates against him. The unhappy city, desirous of peace, fell into a war through fear of war. But, as it was fortified with walls, he left it to be reduced for him in his absence. The men of this Greek city, in opposition to the effeminacy of its character, 01 ventured to break through the enemy's lines, to set lire to their machines, and engage them with their vessels. But Brutus, to whom the conduct of the siege had been en- trusted, defeated them by land and sea, and utterly subdued them. At length, when they surrendered, every thing was taken from them, except, what they valued above every thing, their liberty. In Spain, a doubtful, varied, and bloody contest awaited Caesar with Petreius and Afranius, the generals of Pompey, whom, when they were lying encamped at Ilerda, near the river Sico- ris, he attempted to besiege and to cut them off from the town. In the mean time, by an overflow of the river in the spring, he himself was prevented from getting provisions. Thus his camp was assailed by famine, and the besieger was himself in a man- ner besieged. But when the river subsided, it left the plains free for devastation and contest. Ca3sar then pressed fiercely > In opposition to the effeminacy of its character] Nonpro mollitie nomi- nis. " Not in accordance with report, which represented all the Greeks, not excepting those of Marseilles at that period, as unwarlike and spiritless ; for that the people of that city had then degenerated from their former reputation for valor, is shown by BOB on Cic., Ep. Att., x. 12." Duker. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 079 up< >n the enemy, and, having overtaken them as they were re- treating to Celtiberia, forced them with a mole and line of circumvallation, and consequent privation of water, to capit- ulate. Hither Spain was thus secured ; nor did Farther Spain long resist. For what could one legion do after five had been de- feated ? Vavro, therefore, readily submitting, Cadiz, the Strait of Gibraltar, the ocean, and every thing else acknowledged the superior fortunes of Caesar. Fortune, however, in Illyricum and Africa, made some attempt against him in his absence, as if oa purpose that his successes might be made more striking by something unfavorable. For when Dolabella and Antony, who were ordered to secure the entrance to the Adriatic, had pitched their camps, the former on the Illyrian, the latter on the Curictan shore,' 2 at a time when Pompey was master of a vast extent of sea, Octavius Libo, Pompey's lieutenant-general, suddenly surrounded both of them with a large force from the fleet. Famine forced Antony to surrender. Some flat boats sent to his assistance by Basilus, such as want of ships had obliged them to make, were caught, as it were, in a net, by means of ropes stretched under the water, through a new con- trivance of the Cilicians in Pompey's service. Two of them, however, the tide brought off; but one, which bore some men of Opitergium, struck upon the shallows, and underwent a fate deserving to be remembered by posterity. A party of some- thing less than a thousand men 63 sustained, for a whole day, the weapons of an army that entirely surrounded them ; and, when their valor had no way of escape, they agreed, in order to avoid a surrender, and at the instigation of the tribune Vul- teius, to kill one another. In Africa the valor of Curio was equalled by his ill-fortune ; for, being sent to secure that province, and elated with the con- quest and rout of Varus, he was unable to make a stand against the sudden arrival of king Juba and the Mauretanian cavalry. After he was defeated, he might have fled ; but shame prompted him to die with the army which was lost by his rashness. But fortune now summoning the pair of combatants, destined * Curictan shore] Gurictico litore. " From Cnricta, a town at the en- trance of the Adriatic, called by Ptolemy Koupt/cra." Salmasiu*. The copies vary greatly ; some have Corcyrceo ; others Cretico. a A thousand men] Not in one boat ; though it would seem to be so iTom the text. 380 FLORUS. BOOK iv. to contend for the empire of the world, Pompey fixed on Epirus for the seat of warfare, nor was Caesar slow to meet him ; for, having settled every thing in his rear, he set sail, though the middle of winter obstructed his passage by unfavorable weather, to pursue the war ; and, having pitched his camp at Oricum, and finding that part of his forces, which had been left with , Antony for want of ships, made some delay at Brundusuim, he grew so impatient, that, to get them over, he attempted to sail alone in a spy-boat at midnight, though the sea was tempestu- ously agitated by the wind. A saying of his to the master of the boat, who was alarmed at the greatness of the danger, is well remembered ; " What dost thou fear ? Thou earnest Caasar." When the forces of Caesar and Pompey were assembled from every quarter, and their camps were pitched at no great dis- tance, the plans conceived by the generals were widely differ- ent. Caesar, naturally daring, and eager to bring the affair to a conclusion, displayed his troops, and challenged and harassed the enemy, sometimes by besieging their camp, which he had inclosed with a wall of sixteen miles in circuit ; (but what hurt could a siege do to those who, from the sea being open, had abundance of supplies) ? sometimes by fruitless attacks on Dyr- rachuim (a place which even its situation rendered impregna- ble), and, at the same time, by constant engagements with their parties as they sallied out (at which time the extraordinary valor of Scaeva, the centurion, was displayed, into whose shield a hundred and twenty weapons penetrated), 84 as well as by plundering such cities as had joined Pompey, among which he wasted Oricum, and Gomphi, and other strongholds of Thessaly. To counteract these attempts, Pompey contrived delays, and declined to fight, in order that he might wear out the enemy, who were hemmed in on all sides, with want of provisions, and that the ardor of his impetuous opponent might be exhausted. But the prudent plan of the general did not long avail him ; the soldiers found fault with the inaction in which they were kept, the allies with the protraction of the war, and the nobility with the general's love of power. Thus the fates hurrying him on, Thessaly was chosen as the theater for battle, and the des- * A hundred and twenty weapons penetrated] Centum atque viyinti tfla sedere. Some copies have centum ato'tie quadraginta. In Caesar, B. o. iii. 53. it is stated that the number f holes in the shield was a honored and thirty. BOOK ir. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 381 tiny of the city, the empire, and the whole of mankind, was committed to the plains of Philippi. Never did fortune behold so many of the forces, or so much of the dignity, of the Roman people collected in one place. More than three hundred thou- sand men were assembled in the two armies, besides the auxili- ary troops of kings and nations. Nor were there ever more manifest signs of some approaching destruction ; the escape of victims, swarms of bees settling on the standards, and darkness in the day time : while the general himself, in a dream by night, heard a clapping of hands in his own theater at Rome, which rung in his ears like the beating of breasts in sorrow ; and he appeared in the morning (an unlucky omen) ! clad in black in the center of the army. As to the a: my of Csesar, it was never possessed of greater spirit and alacrity. It was on his side that the trumpets first sounded, and the darts were first discharged. The javelin of Crastinus, too, was noticed as that of the beginner of the battle ; who, being soon after found among the dead bodies of the enemy, with a sword thrust into his mouth, proved by the strangeness of the wound the eagerness and rage with which he fought. Nor was the issue of the contest less wonderful. For though Pompey had so much larger a number of horse, that he seemed capable of easily hemming in Caesar, he was himself hemmed in. When they had fought a long time without advantage on either side, and Pompey's cavalry had galloped forward at his com- mand from one of the wings, the German cohorts on the other side, at a given signal, suddenly met the horse in their course with so furious a charge, that the cavalry seemed to be but in- fantry, and the infantry to advance with the force of cavalry. On the overthrow of the retreating horse followed the destruc- tion of the light-armed foot. Consternation then spreading wider and wider, and the troops of Pompey throwing each other into confusion, the slaughter of the rest was effected as with one hand, 65 nor did any thing contribute to the overthrow of the army so much as its magnitude. Caesar exerted him- self greatly in the battle, acting a middle part as it were, be- tween a commander and a soldier. Some sayings of his, too, which fell from him as he rode about, were caught up ; one of which was cruel, but judicious and conducive to the victory, As with ono bund] Quasi unA manu. "That is, very easily, without ellbrt; 110 great force being ncoe.-ssury to effect it." Rupertus. 382 FLORUS. BOOK iv. " Soldiers, strike at the face ;" another, uttered when he was in pursuit, was intended only for effect, " Spare your country- men." Happy had Pompey been, though in misfortune, had the same fate that overwhelmed his army fallen upon himself. He survived his honor, to flee on horseback, with more disgrace, through Thessaliati Tempe ; to reach Lesbos in one small ves- sel; to be driven from Syedrae, 66 and to meditate, upon a desert rock of Cilicia, an escape to Parthia, Africa, or Egypt ; and, finally, to die on the shore of Pelusium, in sight of his wife and children, at the word of a most contemptible prince;, at the in- stigation of eunuchs, and, that nothing might be wanting to his calamities, by the sword of Septimius, a deserter from his own army. With the death of Pompey who would not have supposed that the war had been concluded ? But the ashes of the fire of Thessaly burst forth into flame again with much more vio- lence and heat than before. In Egypt, indeed, a war arose against Caesar without the influence of the Roman faction. Ptolemy, king of Alexandria, having committed the crowning atrocity of the civil war, and assured himself of the friendship of Caesar by means of Poinpey's head, but Fortune, at the same time, demanding vengeance for the manes of so great a man, an op- portunity for her purpose was not long wanting. Cleopatra, the king's sister, falling at the feet of Caesar, entreated that a part of the kingdom might be restored to her. The damsel 07 had beauty, and its attractions were heightened by the circumstance that, being such as she was, she seemed to have suffered injus- tice ; while Caesar had a dislike for the king 08 her brother, who had sacrificed Pompey to the fortune of party, and not from re- gard to Caesar, aud who would have doubtless have treated Cae- sar himself in a similar manner, had his interest required it. Caesar, desiring that Cleopatra should be reinstated in power, was immediately beset in the palace by the same persons that had assassinated Pompey ; but with wonderful bravery, though * Driven from Syedrae] Pulsus Syedris. "Syedra is mentioned by Ptolemy among; the maritime towns or Cilieia ; Stephanus calls it a city of Isauria, which is often confounded with Cilicia." Salmasius. Before Sal- masiuB the reading was pulsis (or pulsus) Hedris, which puzzled all the editors. 67 Damsel] PueUa. 81 Dislike for the king, etc.] Odium ips'susregis, etc. There seems to bo something wanting in the text here, as Fremshemius and Duker observe. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 383 only with a small body of troops, he withstood the efforts of a numerous army. In the first place, by setting fire to the neigh- boring houses and dockyards, he kept at a distance the darts of his eager enemies, and then suddenly made his escape to the island of Pharos. Being driven from thence into the sea, he swam off, with wonderful good fortune, to his fleet that lay at hand, leaving his military cloak in the water, whether by chance, or with a view to its receiving, instead of himself, the shower of darts and stones hurled by the enemy. At length being taken up by the men of his fleet, and attacking the ernemy on all sides at once, he made atonement to the manes of his son-in-law by a conquest of that perfidious nation. The- odotus the king's guardian, the author of the whole war, and Pothinus and Ganymede, monsters that were not even men, after fleeing in various directions over sea and land, were cut off by death. The body of the king himself was found buried in the mud of the river, distinguished by a golden coat of mail. In Asia, too, there arose a new commotion from Pontus, For- tune apparently, and as it were purposely, taking this opportu- nity to terminate the kingdom of Mithridates, that as the father was conquered by Pompey, the son might be conquered by Caesar. King Pharnaces, presuming more on our dissensions than on his own valor, poured into Cappadocia with an army ready for action. But Ca3sar, engaging him, overthrew him ia one battle, and that, as I may say, not an entire one, falling upon him like lightning, which, in one and the same moment, comes, strikes, and is gone. 69 Nor was it a vain boast on the part of Caasar, " that the enemy was conquered before he was seen." Such were the occurrences with foreign enemies. But in Africa, he had a fiercer contest with his own countrymen than at Pharsalia. A tide of civil fury had driven the relics of the I S9 Comes, strikes, and is gone] Fenii, percussit, dbscessit. He uses the prc- terperfects for the sake of greater effect, as Pearce imagined that Longmus used the aorists in sect, i., v\l>o<; 61 TO. TE irpuypaTa 6iKTjv OKTITTTOV iruv-a 6i.(f>6prjae, KCLI rfiv rov pTjropo^ Ivdvg dOpoav IvcdsiZaro fivva.fj.iv, which passage Smith, believing in Pearce, translated, "The sublime with tho rapid force of lightning, lias borne down all before it. and shown at ono stroke, the compact might of genius." Both should have known better. Minellius aptly compares Veil. Pat., ii. 7 : Ego vix crediderim tarn mu/>/r'', tantamurbemjloruisse, concidisse, resuri-exisse. See Sail., Jug., c. 106, aetiatos MM. 384 FLORUS. BOOK iv. shipwrecked party to this country ; relics, indeed we should hardly call them, but rather a complete warlike force. The strength of the party had rather been separated than defeated. The very calamity of the general had strengthened the obliga- tion 70 of their military oath ; nor did the succeeding leaders show any degeneracy ; for the names of Cato and Scipio had a sufficiently effective sound in the room of that of Pompey. To the force on that side was added Juba, king of Mauritania, as if that Caesar might carry his conquests the further. There was therefore no difference in the fields of Pharsalia and Thapsus, except that the efforts of the Caesarians were greater and more vigorous, as being indignant that the war should have grown up after the death of Pompey. The trumpeters (what had never happened before) sounded a charge of themselves, before the general gave an order for it. The overthrow began with Juba, whose elephants, new to war, and lately brought from the woods, were startled at the sudden noise, and his army imme- diately took to flight. Nor were the leaders too brave 71 to flee, though the deaths of them all were not inglorious. Scipio got off in a ship, but, as the enemy overtook him, he thrust his sword into his bowels, arid when some one asked where he was, he returned this answer, " The general is well." Juba, having betaken himself to his palace, and having banqueted sumptu- ously on the following day with Petreius, the companion of his flight, offered himself, at table, in the midst of their cups, to be killed by his hand. Petreius slew both Juba and himself, and the half-consumed meats, and funeral dishes, 72 were mixed with the blood of a king and a Roman. Cato was not at the battle, but, having pitched his camp on the Bagrada, guarded Utica, as a second barrier of Africa. 73 Hearing, however, of the defeat of his party, he did not hesitate to die, but even cheerfully, as became a wise man, hastened his own death. Dismissing his son and attendants with an embrace, and reading in the night, 70 Had strengthened the obligation, etc.] By exciting them to avenge hia death. 'i Nor were the leaders too brave, etc.] Et dncesfortius qucim utfugerent, etc.] Thus stands the passage in Duker's edition, and almost all others, though Salmasius long ago substituted nee, and Freinshemius, Madame Da- cier, rerizonius, and Duker himself, admitted thut the sense demanded the alteration. 73 Funeral dishes] Parentalia fercula. Because Petreius and Juba slew themselves over them. 73 As a second barrier of Africa] Velut altera Africa claustra. Thapsus having been the other. ij(X>K IT. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 385 by the light of a lamp, that book of Plato which treats of the immortality of the soul, he afterward rested a while, but, about the first watch, having drawn his sword, he pierced his breast, which he had uncovered with his hand, more than once. After this the surgeons would needs trouble him with plasters, which he endured till they were gone, and then opened the gashes afresh, when a vast quantity of blood issuing forth made his dying hands sink on the wounds. But as if there had hitherto been no fighting, war, and the party of Pompey, arose again ; and Spain exceeded Africa in the struggle as much as Africa had exceeded Thessaly. What now attracted great regard to the party, was, that the two gen- erals were brothers, and that two Pompeys had appeared instead of one. Never, therefore, were there fiercer encounters, or with such dubious success. First of all, Varus and Didius, the lieutenant-generals, engaged at the very mouth of the Ocean. 74 But their vessels had a harder contest with the sea, than with one another. For the Ocean, as if it would punish the discord of fellow-citizens, destroyed both fleets by ship- wreck. What an awful scene was it, when waves, storms, men, ships, and arms, mingled in contention at the same time ! Con- sider, too, the frightful nature of the situation itself; the shores of Spain, on the one side, and of Mauretania on the other, clos- ing as it were together ; the internal and external seas, 75 and the pillars of Hercules overhanging them, while all around was agitated with a battle and a tempest. Soon after, they applied themselves, in various quarters, to the sieges of cities, which, between the leaders on one side and the other, paid a severe penalty for their alliance with Rome. Of the battles, the last was fought at Munda. Here the contest was not attended with Caesar's previous success, but was long doubtful and threatening, so that Fortune seemed evidently hes- itating how to act. Caesar, too, .before the battle, was more low-spirited than ordinary, whether from meditating on the in- stability of human things, from feeling a mistrust of his long- continued prosperity, or from dreading Pompey's fate after having attained Pompey's station. But in the course of the 74 At the very month of the Ocean] In ipso ostio Oceani. Near the straits of Gibraltar. '"' Not far from Orantia, as Dion., lib. xliii., has it, or Carteia, Ilirtius do Bell. Hispan., c. 32." Freinshfmiux. 75 The internal and external seas] Mare et intestinum et extemum. Tho .Mediterranean sea, within the strait of Gibraltar, and th Ocean without it. 17 386 FLORUS. BOOK ir. battle there occurred an incident, such as no man ever remem- bered to have heard of before ; for when the two armies, equal in fortune, had been wholly engaged in mutual slaughter, there happened suddenly, in the greatest heat of the combat, a deep silence, as if by common consent, on both sides. This was an expression of general feeling. 70 At last came the dire misfor- tune, strange to the eyes of Caesar, that after fourteen years of service, his tried body of veterans gave ground. They did not indeed flee, but they seemed to resist rather from being ashamed to retreat than from real courage. Springing off his horse, therefore, he rushed like a madman to the front of the battle, where he staid and encouraged those that were shrinking, and made his influence felt through the whole body with eye, hand, and voice. Yet, in the confusion, he is said to have meditated death, and to have shown plainly by his looks that he was in- clined to hasten his end, had not five battalions of the enemy, which then marched across the field, and which had been sent by Labienus to defend the camp that was in danger, caused an appearance of flight. Thus the crafty general either believed, or took advantage of the movement to make it appear ; and, ad- vancing on the enemy as if they were fleeing, he both raised the courage of his own men, and damped that of his opponents. The party of Caesar, thinking themselves conquerors, pressed forward with greater spirit ; that of Pompey, supposing some on their side to be fleeing, commenced a general flight. How great the slaughter of the enemy was, and how great the rage and fury of the conquerors, may be estimated from the following circumstance. The fugitives from the battle having taken refuge in Munda, and Caesar giving orders that they should immediately be besieged, a rampart was formed of dead bodies heaped one on another, which were held together by being stuck through with lances and javelins ; a spectacle that would have been hor- rible even among barbarians. When Pompey's sons had lost all hope of victory, Caesonius, having overtaken Cnreus, who had fled from the field of battle, and was making his way, with a wound in his leg, to some des- 74 T'.iis was an expression of general feeling] JJlc omnium senxua erat. " These words are a contemptible gloss." Freimhemmi*. " I think other- wise ; Floras means that all the soldiers, by this silence, testified what they felt, namely, that they wished an end to be put to civil contention." Groe- vius. " If this was Florus's meaning, he ought to have expressed it rnora plainly, by adding or prefixing something to the words." Duker. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 387 ert and solitary place, slew him in the town of Lauron, still fighting, and proving that his spiiit was not utterly broken. Fortune, meanwhile, hid Sextus in Celtiberia, and reserved him for other wars after Caesar's time. Caesar returned triumphant to his native city. The Rhine, the Rhone, and the subjugated Ocean formed of gold, repre- sented his first triumph, for Gaul. The second was for Egypt ; when the Nile, Arsinoe, and the Pharos burning like fire, were displayed. 77 The third was for Pharnaces and Pontus. The fourth was displayed for Juba and the Moors, and twice-con- quered Spain. But Pharsalia, Thapsus, and Munda, were no~ where to be seen ; yet how much greater were those actions for which he had no triumph ! 78 There was now, at last, an end of hostilities. The peace that followed was free from bloodshed, and atonement was made for the war by clemency. No one was put to death by Caesar's or- der except Afranius, (it was enough that he had pardoned him once) and Faustus Sylla, (he had learned to be afraid of sons-in- law) 79 and the daughter of Pompey with her children by Sylla; 77 Arsinoe displayed] Inferculis Arsinoe. Madame Dacier thinks that by Arsinoe Florus means the picture of a city of that name ; Duker sup> poses that lie intends the portrait of Arsinoe, the sister of Cleopatra, but OCH serves that he must have erred from not knowing that Arsinoe herself tea* led in triumph with other captives, as is told by Dion Cassius, lib. xliii. Ftrciilum was a sort of frame or stage on which things were carried in tri- umphal processions. 78 For which he had no triumph] He did not triumph on account of those battles, says Fremshemius, because in them he had conquered, not for- cigners, but his own countrymen. See iii. 22,_/f. " Yet that the represent- ations of the contests at Pharsalus and Thapsus, us we'll as the portraits ot the brave men who fell in them, Scipio, Cato, and Petreiu?, were carried in trK iimph, is stated by Appian, Bell. Civ., lib. ii. ; * * * * that he triumphed, a fifth time, for his victory over the Pompeys at Munda, is testified both by Dion Cassius, 1. xliii., and by Plutarch in his life of Caesar." Duker. 79 And Fanstus Sylla, (he'had learned to be afraid of sons-in-laws), etc.] Et Faustum Sullam : didicerat genems timere: jiltamque Pompeii c-umpatru- elibus ex Sulla. Under the term sons-in-law Florus comprehends Pprnpey and Faustns Sylla. Ca?sar had learned from Pompey to dread a srm-in-law, and he now dreaded Faustus Sylla, who, as Florus appears to think, was his grandsortrin-law, by having married Pompey's daughter. But on this ' point Florus, as Grrevius remarks, is in error, for Julia, Ccesar's daughter, died childless ; and Fanstus Sylla's marriage with a daughter of Pompey by another wife did not at all connect him with Caesar. To the wordjM&V- i V/,//.s' no eritie has professed to give a satisfactory sense ; it admits, indeed, of no explanation, lor rmtrtidis is a "cousin-german," and to whom can we suppose that Florus called the children of Faustus Sylla " cousin-gcrmaiis ?'' I have, therefore, instead of it, adopted parvulis, the conjecture of Peri- zonius, approved both by Grajvius and Duker. 388 FLORUS. BOOK ir. in which proceeding regard was had to posterity. 80 His coun- trymen, therefore, being not ungrateful, all kinds of honors were conferred on him as the sole governor of the state ; as statues in the temples, a radiant crown to wear in the theater, a raised seat in the senate-house, a cupola on his own house, and a month in the heavens. He was, besides, called Father of his country, and Perpetual Dictator ; and at last, whether with his own consent is doubtful, the ensigns of royalty were offered him on the Rostra by the consul Antony. But all these honors were but as decorations laid on a victim doomed to die. The envy of others overcame the clemency of the ruler, and his very power of conferring benefits was insup- portable to the free. Nor was long delay granted him, before Brutus and Cassius, and others of the nobility, conspired to put' him to death. How great is the power of fate ! The knowl- edge of the conspiracy had spread widely ; an account of it, on the very day fixed for its execution, had been presented to Caesar himself; nor was he able, when he sacrificed, to find one in a hundred victims propitious. Yet he ventured into the senate- house, meditating an expedition against the Parthians. Here, as lie was sitting in his curule chair, the senate fell upon him, and he was struck to the ground with three-and-twenty wounds. Thus he, who had deluged the world with the blood of his coun- trymen, deluged the senate-house at last with his own. CHAP. III. CAESAR. AUGUSTUS. The Roman people, when Caesar and Pompey were killed, thought that they had returned to their state of pristine free- dom; and they would have returned to it, had neither Pompey left children, nor Ca3sar an heir ; or, what was worse, had not Antony, once the sharer and afterward the rival of Caesar's power, survived to be the incendiary and disturber of the suc- ceeding age. For as Sextus Pompey sought to recover what was his father's, consternation was spread over the whole sea ; as Octavius tried to revenge his father's death, 81 Thessaly was M Regard was had to posterity] Posteris cavebatur. Lest, if any offspring of Sylla should be left, it might be the means of raising a new war. But Uirtius, De Bell, Afric., c. 95, gives a quite different account of the matter, saying that Csesar " granted the daughter of Pompey, and her children by Fauatus Sylla, their lives and all their property." Bl Oh. III. His father's death] The death of Julius Caesar, his father by jtdoptioii. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 389 again to be disquieted; and as Antony, a man of fickle disposi- tion either showed displeasure, that Octavius should succeed Caesar, or, from love of Cleopatra, was ready to degeneraite into a king, 82 the Romans could not otherwise find safety but by taking a refuge in a state of servitude. Yet, in the midst of their great distractions, it was a source of congratulation to them that the sovereign power fell into the hands of Augustus Caesar, rather than those of any other man ; for he, by his wisdom and prudence, reduced to order the body of the empire, which was distracted in every part, and which doubtless, would never have coalesced and harmonized again, had it not been regulated by the direction of one president, as by one soul and mind. In the consulship of Mark Antony and Publius Dolabella, when Fortune was proceeding to transfer the empire to the Caesars, there arose various and manifold convulsions in the state ; and, as it happens in the annual revolution of the heavens, that the constellations by their motions occasion thunder, and make known their change of place by change of weather, so, in the change of condition in the Roman government, that is, of the whole human race, the body of the empire was shaken throughout, and distracted with all kinds of perils, and civil wars both by land and sea. CHAP. IV. THE CONFLICT AT MUTINA. The first occasion of civil commotion was Caesar's will, whose second heir, 83 Antony, enraged that Octavius was preferred be- fore him, raised a desperate war to set aside the adoption of the spirited young man. Seeing that he was but a tender youth, under eighteen years of age, and therefore a fit and proper sub- ject, as he thought, for any ill-usage, while he himself was of high dignity from his long service with Caesar, he proceeded to dismember his inheritance by clandestine acts of injustice, to attack him personally with opprobrious language, and to hinder, by all imaginable artifices, his co-optation 84 into the Julian 82 "Was ready to degenerate into a king] Descizcit in regem. " An elegant expression, and agreeable to the feelings of the old Romans, to whom tho name of king was detestable." Freinshemius. 83 Ch. IV. Second heir] Secundv* Tiares. " Camers says that he has no- where else read this, but I remember to have read it in Dion. Cass., lib. xliv. The second heir is he who takes the place of the first, should the first die before the death of the testator." Finetus. 84 Co-optation] Oooptatnanem. A formal reception into a family, in conse- Bequence of adoption by a member of it. 300 FLORUS. BOOK iv. family. At last, to crush the young man entirely, he openly took up arms against him, and having got an army in Cisalpine Gaul, besieged Decimus Brutus, who opposed his movements, in Mutina ; but Octavius Caesar, recommended to public favor by his age and injuries, and by the greatness of the name which he had assumed., recalled the veterans to arms, and, though but a private person, engaged (who would believe it ?) with a con- sul. He relieved Brutus from the siege at Mutina, and drove Antony from his camp. On that occasion, too, he behaved gallantly in action ; for, wounded and covered with blood, he carried back an eagle, which had been committed to him by a dying standard-bearer, upon his shoulder into the camp. CHAP. V. THE SIEGE OF PEIUJSIA. The distribution of lands among the soldiers occasioned another war ; lands which Caesar assigned the veterans in his army as the reward of their service. Fulvia, the wife of Antony, girt with a sword in the field like a man, stimulated Antony's mind, which otherwise was always sufficiently ill-disposed, to ac- tion. By rousing the husbandmen, therefore, who had been driven from their lands, lie produced another war. Caesar now attacked him as one adjudged an enemy, not by private opinion, but by the suffrages of the whole senate, shut him up within the walls of Perusia, and, by means of a wretched famine, that had recourse to every expedient, forced him at last to a surrender. CHAP. VI. THE TRIUMVIRATE. When Antony, even alone, was a hinderance to the public quiet, and a trouble to the state, Lepidus was joined with him, as one fire to another. What could Caesar then do" against two armies ? lie was necessitated to join in a most cruel league with their leaders. The views of all the three were different. The desire of wealth, of which there was a fair prospect from a disturbance of the state, animated Lepidus ; the hope of taking vengeance on those who had declared him an enemy, instigated Antony ; the death of his father unavenged, while Cassius and Brutus lived offensive to his manes, actuated Caesar. With a. view to a confederacy for these objects, a peace was made 85 Ch. VI. What could Csesar then do, etc.] The word Cozsar is wanting in the text, but Graevius shows the necessity of adopting it. BOOK IV. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 391 among the three generals. At Confluentes, 80 between Perusia and Bononia, they joined hands, and the armies saluted each other. After no good precedent, 87 a Triumvirate was estab- lished ; and the state being subjugated by force of arms, the proscription, first introduced by Sylla, was revived. Its fury embraced no fewer than a hundred and forty senators. The deaths of many, who fled into all parts of the world, were shocking, cruel, and mournful ; such indeed, as no one can suf- ficiently lament. Antony proscribed Lucius Caesar, his own > uncle ; Lepidus, Lucius Paulus, his own brother. It was now a common practice to expose the heads of such as had been killed, on the Rostra at Rome ; but, though such was the case, the city could not refrain from tears, when the head of Cicero, severed from his body, was seen on that very Rostra which he had made his own ; nor was there a less concourse to see him there than there had formerly been to hear him. These atrocities pro- ceeded from the lists of Antony and Lepidus. Caesar was con- tent with proscribing the assassins of his father ; the deaths of whom, had they been less numerous, might have been thought just. CHAP. VII. THE WAR RAISED BY CASSIUS AND BRUTUS. Brutus and Cassius seemed to have cast Csesar, like another king Tarquin, from the sovereignty ; but the liberty, which by his assassination they had hoped to restore, they entirely lost. After the murder was committed, they fled from the senate- house to the Capitol, being afraid, and not without reason, of Caesar's veterans, who did not want inclination to avenge his death, but had no leader. As it appeared, however, that desola- tion threatened the commonwealth, vengeance was not then thought proper 88 to be pursued. But, to escape the eye of the public grief, Brutus and Cassius withdrew into Syria and Macedonia, the very province assigned them by the Csesar whom they had slain. Vengeance for Caesar was thus delayed rather than smothered. The govern- " Confluentes] At the confluence of the Moselle and the Ehine, now Coblentz. 87 After no pood precedent ~\Nullo bono more. " In allusion to the pre- ceding triumvirate of Caesar, rompey, and Crassus." Dulcer. 88 Ch. VII. Vengeance was not then thought proper, etc.] Displicuit uUio. After these words follow cum consulis abolitione decreta, of which, according to the unanimous toice of the commentators, no sense can be made, and which I have consequently omitted. 392 PLORUS. BOOK iv. ment being regulated, therefore, rather as it was possible than as it was requisite, by the Triumviri, and Lepidus being left to guard the city, Caesar, accompanied by Antony, prepared for a war against Cassius and Brutus, who, having collected a vast force, had taken post on the same ground that had been fatal to Cnseus Pompey. But evident omens of destined calamity were observed on this occasion. Birds, accustomed to feed on dead bodies, flew around the camp as if it were already their own. An Ethiopian meeting the troops, as they were proceeding to the field of battle, was too plainly a dismal sign. Some black phantom, too, appeared to Brutus in the night, when he was meditating, after his custom, with a lamp by his side, and, being asked what it was, replied, " Thy evil Genius." Thus it spoke, and vanished from his eyes while he was wondering at its appearance. In Caesar's camp the birds and victims gave predictions with equal significance, but all for the better. Nothing, however, was more remarkable, than that Caesar's physician was admonished in a dream, that " Caesar should quit his camp, which was des- tined to be taken," as afterward happened. For when the battle had commenced, and both sides had fought for some time with equal spirit (though the leaders were not present, one of whom sickness, and the other fear and indolence, 89 had detained from the field, yet the invincible fortune, both of the avenger and the avenged, supported the party, the danger being at first equally threatening to either side, as indeed the event of the conflict showed), the Camp of Caesar was taken on the one side, and that of Cassius on the other. But how much more powerful is fortune than conduct, and how true is that which Brutus said when he was dying, that "Virtue existed not in reality, but merely in name !" S(1 A mistake settled the victory in this battle. Cassius, at a time when one of his wings was giving way, observing his cavalry, after having surprised Caesar's camp, coming back at full speed, imagined that they were 9 Fear and indolence] Metus et ignavia. That Antony was thus kept from the field, seems to DC ft gratuitous assertion on the part of Floras. Plutarch merely observes that " some said Antony was absent from the battle, and did not arrive in the field till his men were in pursuit of the enemy." Vit. Ant., c. 28. See also Vit. Brut., c. 61. No other authority is adduced on the subject. Virtue existed merely in name] This saying of Brutus is wholly inap- plicable here. Florus first uses virtus in a military snse, (for conduot or ability), and then confounds with it -virtus in a moral sense. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 393 fleeing, and withdrew to a neighboring hill, where the dust and confusion, with the approach of night, obstructing his view of the action, and a scout, whom he sent for the purpose, being slow in bringing intelligence, he concluded that his party was utterly defeated, and caused one of his followers to strike off his head. Brutus, haying lost his very soul in Cassius, and being re- solved to adhere strictly to their compact, (for they had agreed that both should survive the battle, or neither), 91 presented his side to one of his attendants, that he might run him through with his sword. Who can not but wonder, that these wisest of men did not use their own hands to dispatch themselves ? But perhaps this was avoided from principle, 94 that they might not, in releasing their most pure and pious souls, stain their own hands, but, while they used their own judgment, might allow the crime of the execution to be another's. CHAP. VIII. THE WAR WITH SEXTUS POMPEY. Though the assassins of Ciesar were cut off, the house of Pompey was yet left. One of the young men, his sons, had fallen in Spain ; but the other had escaped by flight, and, having collected the relics of the unhappy war, and armed a body of slaves, kept possession of Sicily and Sardinia. He had now also covered the sea with a fleet. But how different was he from his father ! The one had suppressed the Cilician pirates ; the other carried pirates in his own vessels. This youth was entirely overpowered, in the Strait of Messina, with a vastly superior force ; 93 and, had he attempted nothing afterward, would have carried with him to the grave the repu' tat ion of a great commander. But it is the mark of a great genius to hope always. After his defeat he fled, and sailed to 81 Both should survive the battle, or neither] Ita enimpar superetse betto convenerat. Of these words, from which the critics extract no satisfactory sense, I have borrowed Clarke's translation. Freinshemius seems to offfcV the best emendation: Ita enim super isto bello convenerat. " Quid sibi velit hicjtwr," says Salmasius, "non video." 82 From principle] Ex persuasione. " The word persuasio is also applied to the sentiments and principles of philosophers by Quintilian, xii. 2." Dul-er. The sentiment at the conclusion of this chapter is, as Salrnasius sars, sufficiently turgid. Ch. VIII. "With a vastly superior force] Tantdmole. The tantd is evi- dently corrupt. Tollius conjectures tandem totd male. 17* 394 FLORUS. BOOK iv. Asia, where he was destined to fall into the hands and fetters of enemies, and, what is most intolerable to the brave, to die by the sentence of his foes under the ax of the executioner. There never was a more wretched flight since that of Xer.xe . For he who, a short time before, was master of three hundred and fifty ships, fled with only six or seven, putting out the light of his own vessel, casting his rings into the sea,"' and looking anxiously behind him, yet not afraid that he sliould perish." CHAP. IX. THE PARTHIAN WAR, UNDER VSNTIDIUS. Although Caesar, by defeating Cassius and Brutus, had disabled their party, and, by cutting off Pompey, had extirpated its very name, yet he could not succeed in establishing peace as long as that rock, knot, and obstacle 98 to the public tran- quillity, Antony, remained alive. He himself, indeed, by reason of his vices, was. not wanting to his own destruction ; but by indulging, from ambition and luxury, in every irregular course, he first freed our enemies, then his own countrymen, and lastly the age in which he lived, from the dread of him. The Parthians, on the overthrow of Crassus, had assumed greater courage, and had heard with joy of the civil discords among the Romans. As soon, therefore, as an opportunity showed itself, they did not hesitate to rise in arms, especially as Labienus earnestly incited them, who, having been sent thither by Brutus and Cassius, such is the madness of civil discord, had solicited the enemies of Rome to assist them. The Par- thians, under the conduct of Pacorus, a youth of the royal family, expelled the garrisons of Antony. Saxa, Antony's lieutenant-general, owed it to his sword that ho did not fall into their hands. At length, Syria being taken from us, the evil ex- 84 Casting his rings into the sea] Annulis in marc dbjefti*. What rings are meant, is a point of dispute. Madame Dacier and Duker think that they are the rings Scxtus Pompey wore on his fingers, and which he threw away that he might not bs known by them. Rupertus supposes that they were the fetters worn by the rowers who were the slaves of Pompey (fettera being called rings by Martial. Epig., ii. 29, xi. 38), and which were thrown away that they might make less noise ; a supposition much less probable than the other. 85 Not afraid that he should perish] Non Omens ne periret. " Here I ac- cept the interpretation of Rupertus, who says that Sextus Pompey had hopes of safety from Antony." Duker. " Ch. IX. Knot and obstacle] Nodm etmora. " In imitation of Virgil, -!n., x. 428 : Pugn<& nodiumque maramque?' 1 Freinshemius. J::,OK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 395 tended itself more widely, as the enemy, under pretense of aid- ing others, were conquering for themselves, and would have continued to conquer had not Ventidius, also a lieutenant-general of Antony, overthrown, with incredible good fortune, not only the forces of Labienus, but Pacorus himself, and all the Parthian cavalry, along the whole plain between the Orontesand Euphrates. The slain amounted to more than twenty thousand. 97 Nor was this effected without stratagem on the part of the general, who, pretending fear, suffered the enemy to come so close in our camp> that, by depriving them of room for discharging their arrows^ lie rendered them useless. The prince fell fighting with great bravery ; and his head being carried about through the cities which had revolted, Syria was soon recovered without further war. Thus by the slaughter of Pacorus we made compensation for the overthrow of Crassus. CHAP. X. THE WAR OF ANTONY WITH THE PARTHIANS. After the Parthians and Romans had made trial of one another, and Crassus and Pacorus had given proof of their mutual strength, their former friendship was renewed with ex- pressions of equal regard on either side, and a treaty with, the king was concluded by Antony himself. But such was the excessive vanity of the man, that being desirous, from a love of distinction, to have Araxes and Euphrates read under his statues, he suddenly quitted Syria, and made an inroad on those very Parthians, and that without any cause or reason, or even pre- tended proclamation of war, as if it were among a general's accomplishments to surprise people by stealth. The Parthians, who, besides having confidence in their arms, are crafty and subtle, pretended to be alarmed, and to retreat across the plains. Antony, as if already victorious, instantly pursued, when sud- denly a body of the enemy, not very numerous, rushed suddenly forth, like a storm of rain, upon the Romans, who, as it was evening, were tired with the day's inarch. Discharging their arrows from all sides, they overwhelmed two legions. But this was nothing in comparison with the destruction that would have met them on the following day, had not the mercy of the gods 07 More than twenty thousand] Viginti ampl'ws millium fuit. " The au- thor is obscure," as Duker remarks, " from excess of brevity," for he leave* it uncertain whether the slaughter was of the cavalry or of the whole army. I have followed the interpretation of Faber. 396 PLORUS. BOOK iv. interposed. One of the Romans who had survived the overthrow of Crassus, rode up to the camp in a Parthian dress, and having saluted the soldiers in Latin, and thus gained credit with them, told them of the danger which threatened them : saying, that " the king would soon come up with all his forces ; that they ought therefore to retreat, and take shelter in the mountains ; and that possibly, even if they did so, enemies would not he wanting." In consequence, a smaller number of enemies over- took them than had been intended. Overtake them, however, they did ; and the rest of the army would have heen destroyed, had not the soldiers, while the arrows were falling on them like hail, fortunately sunk down, as if they had been taught, upon their knees, holding up their shields above their heads, and making it appear as if they were killed. The Parthians then refrained from shooting. When the Romans afterward rose up, the proceeding appeared so like a mirac-le, that one of the bar- barians exclaimed, " Go, and fare you well, Romans ; fame deservedly speaks of you as the conquerors of nations, since you have escaped death from the arrows of the Parthians." After this, there was no less endured from want of water, than at the hands of the enemy. The country, in the first place, was deadly from its drought ; the river, too, with its brackish and bitter water, 08 was more deadly to some ; and beside, even good water was pernicious to many, being drunk greedily when they were in a weak condition. Subsequently the heat of Armenia, the snows of Cappadocia, and the sudden change in climate from one to the other, was as destructive as a pestilence. Scarce the third part, therefore, of sixteen legions being left, and his silver being every where cut up with hatchets, 98 the excellent general, begging death, from time to time, at the hands of a gladiator of his, escaped at last into Syria, where, by some unaccountable 08 Ch. X. With its brackish and bitter water] Salinacidis, sc. aquis, ac- cording to Sahnasius, whom Grseviua and Duker follow. A word com- pounded of salinus (for salnus) and acidus. Others write the word salma- cidus, as in Plin. H. N., xxxi. 3, 22 ; but Salmasius's method appears the better. 89 And his silver being every where cut up with hatchets] Quttm argentinn ejus passim dolabris concideretur. This was done, according: to Plutarch, by Antony's own soldiers, during a riot. " Those who were known to be possessed of gold or silver were slain and plundered, and the money con- veyed in the baggage was carried off. Last of all his [Antony's] own baggage was seized, and the richest bowls and tables were cut asunder and divided among the pillagers." Life of Antony, c. 64. Langhorne's Translation. BOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN" HISTORY. 397 perversion of mind, he grew considerably more presuming than before, as if he had conquered because he had escaped. CHAP. XI. THE WAR WITH ANTONY AND CLEOPATRA. The madness of Antony, which could not be allayed by am- bition, was at last terminated by luxury and licentiousness. After his expedition against the Parthians, while he was dis- gusted with war and lived at ease, he fell in love with Cleo- patra, and, as if his affairs were quite prosperous, enjoyed him- self in the queen's embraces. This Egyptian woman demanded of the drunken general, as the price of her favors, nothing less than the Roman empire. This Antony promised her ; as though the Romans had been easier to conquer than the Parthians. He, therefore, aspired to sovereignty, and not indeed covertly, but forgetting his country, name, toga, and fasces, and degenerating wholly, in thought, feeling, and dress, into a monster. 1 In his hand there was a golden scepter ; a ciinetar by his side ; his robe was of purple, clasped with enormous jewels ; and he wore a diadem, that he might dally with the queen as a king. At the first report of his new proceedings, Caesar had crossed the sea from Brundusium to meet the approaching war. Hav- ing pitched his camp in Epirus, he beset the island of Leucas, Mount Leucate, and the horns of the Ambracian Gulf, with a powerful fleet. We had more than four hundred vessels, the enemy about two hundred, but their bulk made amends for their inferiority in number ; for, having from six banks of oars to nine, and being mounted with towers and high decks, they moved along like castles and cities, while the sea groaned and the winds were fatigued. Yet their magnitude was their destruction. Caesar's vessels rose from three banks of oars to not more than six, and being, therefore, ready for all that necessity required, whether for charging, retreating, or wheel- ing round, they attacked, several at once, each of those heavy vessels, too unwieldy for any kind of contest, as Avell with mis- sile weapons, as with their beaks, and firebrands hurled into them, and dispersed them at their pleasure. Nor was the greatness of the enemy's force shown by any thing so much as 1 Ch. XI. Into a monster] In ittud monstrum. That is, into that monster of a icing, such as he is afterward described. See note on deaciactt in regem, c. 3. .'508 FLOHUft. BOOK iv. by what occurred after (lie victory. The vast fleet, being shal- tcred in the engagement, spread the spoils of the Arabians and Sabaeaus, and a thousand other nations of Asia, over the whole face of the deep. The waves, driven onward by the winds, were continually throwing up purple and gold on the shore. The queen, commencing the flight, made off into the open sea with her gilded vessel and sails of purple. Antony imme- diately followed. But Caesar pursued hard on their track. Neither their preparations, therefore, for flight into the Ocean, 2 nor the se- curing of the two horns of Egypt, Paraetonium and Pelusium, with garrisons, were of the least profit to them. They were almost caught by Caesar's own hand. Antony was the first to use his sword against himself. Ihe queen, falling at the feet of Caesar, tempted his eyes in vain ; for her charms were too weak to overcome the prince's continence. Her suit was not for life, which was offered her, but for a portion of the kingdom. Despairing of obtaining this from Caesar, and see- ing that she was reserved for his triumph, she took advantage of the negligence of her guard, and Avithdrew herself into a mausoleum, a name which they give to the sepulchers of their kings. 3 Having there put on her best apparel, as she used to be dressed, she placed herself by her dear Antony in a coffin 4 filled with rich perfumes, and, applying serpents to her veins, died a death resembling sleep. CHAP. XII. WARS WITH FOREIGN NATIONS. This was the termination of the civil wars. Those which followed were with foreign nations, and started up in various parts of the Avorld while the empire was distracted with its own troubles. Peace was new ; and the swelling and proud necks of the nations not yet accustomed to the curb of bond- * Preparations for flight into the Ocean] Praeparata in Oceamimfuga. Florus alludes to the project of Cleopatra, to draw her -vessels over the Isthmus of Suez from the Mediterranean into the Bed Sea, and to flee to some more remote country. Sec Plutarch, Vit. Anton., c. 89. 1 s A name which they give to the sepulchers of their kings] Sepulchra reyuin sia vacant. Salm'asius and Freinshemius would eject these words, us a mere intruded gloss. * In a coffin] In solio. " Soliurn is here put for the loculus (coffin) in which dead bodies were buried; as in Plin. H. N., xxxv. 12; Q. Curt., x. 1, 32." FremsJiemms. Also Suet. Ner., c. 50: tiolium Porphyretici mar- moris 1300K iv EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 399 age, ivcoiK'il from (lie yoke thai h;:d IKVII but recently im- posed upon them. The part of the world lying to the uorlli, peopled by the Norici, Illyrians, Pannonians, Dalmatians, My- sians, Thracians, Dacians, Sarmatians, and Germans, was in general the most violent. The Alps and their snows, to which they thought that war could not reach, gaye confidence to the Norici; but Caesar, with the aid of his step-son, Claudius Drusus, subjugated all the people of those regions, the Brenni, Senones, and Vindelici. How savage these nations were, 5 their women plainly proved, for, when weapons failed, they threw their very infants, after having dashed them on the ground, in. the faces of the soldiers. The Illyrians lie at the foot of the Alps, and guard their deep valleys, which are a sort of barriers 6 of defense to them, surrounded by precipitous torrents. Against this people Caesar himself undertook an expedition, and ordered bridges to bo constructed in order to reach them. Here the waters and the enemy 7 throwing his men into some confusion, he snatched a shield from a soldier hesitating to mount a bridge, and was the first to march across ; and when the army had followed, and the Illyrians, from their numbers, had broken down the bridge, he, wounded in his hands and legs, and appearing more comely in blood and more majestic in danger, 8 did great execution on the enemy's rear. The Pannonians were defended by two forests, as well as by three rivers, the Drave, the Save, and the Ister. After laying waste the lands of their neighbors, they had withdrawn them- selves within the banks of the streams. To reduce them, he dispatched Vibius, and they were cut to pieces along both the rivers. 9 The arms of the conquered were not burned, accord- 6 Ch. XII. How savage these nations were] Quce fuerit callidarum genti- um feritas. The word cattidarum, with which none of the critics are satis- fied, I have omitted. Sulmasius conjectures Alpicamm; Kic. Heinsius Validarum. A sort of barriers] Et qucedam quasi claiistra. I read <, with Grater. 7 Here the waters and the enemy > etc.] Hicse etaquis et Itoste tvrbantib-us. " I can not see the propriety of the pronoun se, and could wish it were absent. * * * But if for se were substituted suos, there would be no obscurity." Duker. 8 More comely in blood and more majestic in danger] Speciosiw sanguine, et ipsopericuloauqmtior. 9 Along both tlie rivers] In utrisqve fluminibits. TTtree rivers fire men- tioned above, tnbmi'Jhniu. Draw, Saw, Histroque. But Histro is not found in ail the manuscripts, and Salmasius would therefore read -fl/urnis, Draw 8avoqut, omitting tribus. Perizonius conjectures satit acrilus fluuiis, Draw Savoque. 400 FLORUS. BOOK ir. ing to the usage of war, but were gathered up, and thrown into the rivers, that the news of the victory might thus be conveyed to those who still held out. The Dalmatians live for the most part in woods, whence they boldly sally out to commit robberies. This people Man-ins had before, as it were, deprived of a head, by burning their city Delminium. Afterward Asinius Pollio, he that was the second orator in Rome, 10 deprived them of their flocks, arms, and lands. But Augustus committed the final subjugation of them to Vibius, who forced the savages to dig the earth, and collect the gold from its veins, for which this nation, naturally the most covetous of all people, seeks with care and industry, so that they appear to hoard it for their own purposes. To describe how cruel and inhuman the Mysians are, and how much the most barbarous of all barbarians, would be a horrid task. One of their leaders, calling for silence in front of the army, exclaimed, " Who are you ?" The answer re- turned was, " The Romans, lords of all nations." " So you may be," they retorted, " if you conquer us." Marcus Crassus took their words for an omen. They, having straightway offered up a horse before their lines, made a vow that " they would sacri- fice, and eat, the bowels of the Roman generals that they should kill." I could suppose that the gods heard them, for they could not endure even the sound of our trumpets. Domi- tius, a centurion, a man of stolidity sufficiently barbarous, yet effective against men like himself, struck the savages with no small terror, by mounting a pan of coals upon his helmet, and shedding from his head, which appeared on fire, a flame ex- cited by the motion of his body. Before these the people of Thrace' 1 had revolted. These barbarians had been accustomed to the military standards, discipline, and arms of the Romans. But being subdued by Piso, they showed their violent spirit even in captivity, at- 10 He that was the second orator in Home] Hie secundve orator. "I know not what these words mean, unless it be that Pollio was seeond to Cicero. I would rather read facundus ; * * * but, to say the truth, I am inclined to think the words a mere gloss, which somebody had written in the margin of his copy, as his own designation of Pollio." Frein/ihemius. Vinetus, Isaac Vossius, Madame Dacier, Tollius, and Duker, are of the same opinion. 11 The people of Thrace] Thracum maxime populi/s. I have omitted maxime, as unintelligible. Madame Dacier and Gra;vius would read wm- BOOK IT. KPITOMK OF ROM AX HISTORY. 4<;1 tempting to bite their chains, ;md thus punishing their o\va fierceness. The Dacians live among the mountains. But, whenever the Danube became passable by being frozen, they were accus- tomed, at the command of Cotiso their king, to make descents, and lay waste the neighboring country. This people, so diffi- cult of approach, Caesar Augustus determined to drive back. Having dispatched Lentulus for this purpose, he repulsed them beyond the further bank, and built ganisons on this side of the river. The Dacians were not, therefore, conquered, but re- pelled, and left for a future opportunity. The Sarmatians occupy wide plains, in which they ride about ; and it was thought sufficient to prevent them, by the exertions of the same Lentulus, from crossing the Danube. They have nothing on the face of their territory but snows and a few woods, and such savages are they, that they know not what peace is. I wish he had not thought it of so much importance to con- quer Germany. The dishonor with which it was lost was greater than the glory with which it was gained. But because he knew that Caesar, his father, had twice made bridges over the Rhine to prosecute the war against the country, he was desirous, in honor of him, to make it a province, and it would have been made so effectually, if the barbarians could have endured our vices as well as our government. Drusus, 12 being sent into the country, first subdued the Usipetes, and then overran the districts of the Tenctheri and Catti. Of the remarkable spoils of the Marcomanni he raised a high mound, by way of a trophy. Next he attacked, at the same time, the three powerful tribes of the Cherusci, Suevi, and Sicambri, who had commenced the war by burning twenty of our cen- turions, regarding this proceeding as a bond of union, and en- tertaining such confident hopes of victory, that they divided the spoil by agreement beforehand. The Cherusci chose the horses, the Suevi the gold and silver, and the Sicambri the captives. But all happened contrary to their expectations ; for Drusus, proving conqueror, divided their horses, cattle, gold chains, and themselves, as spoil, and sold them. For the de- fense of the provinces, too, he fixed garrisons, and bodies of ia Drusus] Step-son of Augustus; the same that is mentioned by Horace, Od., iv. 4. 402 FLORUS. BOOK IT. guards, along the Meuse, the Elbe, and the Weser. On the banks of the Rhine he raised more than fifty fortresses, lie built bridges at Bonn and Gesoriacum, 13 and secured the in with ships. He opened a way through the Hercynian forest, which, till that time, had been unpenetrated and unattemptcd. At length such peace was made throughout Germany, that the inhabitants seemed changed, the ground different from what it was, and the air milder and softer than it was wont to te. And when that brave young man died there, the senate gave him a surname from the province (an honor which they had never bestowed on any other general), not from flattery, but in testimony of his merit But it is more difficult to retain 14 provinces than to acquire them. They are obtained by force, but secured by justice. Our exultation was accordingly but short. The Germans had been defeated rather than subdued. Under the rule of Drusus they respected our manners rather than our arms. But when Drusus was dead, they began to detest the licentiousness and pride, no less than the cruelty, of Quintilius Varus. He ven- tured to call an assembly, and administered justice in his camp, as if he could restrain the violence of barbarians by the rods of a lictor and voice of a crier. But the Germans, who had long regretted that their swords were covered with rust, and their horses idle, proceeded, as soon as they saw the toga, and felt laws more cruel than arms, to go to war under the conduct of Arminius, while Varus, meantime, was so well assured of peace, that he was not the least alarmed, even by a previous notice, and subsequent discovery of the plot, made by Segeetes, one of the enemy's chieftains. Having, therefore, risen upon him unawares, and fearing nothing of the kind, while he, wilh a strange want of precaution, was actually summoning them to his tribunal, they assailed him on every side, seized Lis camp, and cut off three legions. Varus met his overthrow with the same fortune and spirit with which Paulus met the day of Cannae. Never was slaughter more bloody than that which was made of the Romans among the marshes and woods ; never were insults more intolerable than those of the barbarians, especially such as they inflicted on the pleaders of Gesoriacum] Af terward called Bononia,whence its modern name Bou- logne. 14 More difficult to retain, etc.] He has the same remark, ii. 17. HOOK iv. EPITOME OF ROMAN HISTORY. 403 causes. Of some they tore out the eyes, of others they cut off the hands. Of one the mouth was sewed up, after his tongue 1 al been cut out, which one of the savages holding in Ids han 1, cried, " At last, viper, cease to hiss." The body of the consul himself, which the affection of the soldiers had buried, was dug out of the ground. To this day the barbarians keep possession of the standards and two eagles, 16 the third, the standard-bearer, before it fell into the hands of the enemy, wrenched off, and keeping it hid within the folds of his belt, concealed himself in the blood-stained marsh. In consequence of this massacre, it happened that the empire, which had not stopped on the shore of the Ocean, found its course checked on the banks of the Rhine. Such were the occurrences in the north. In the south there Avere rather disturbances than wars. Augustus quelled the Musulanians and Getulians, who border on the Syrtes, by the agency of Cossus, who had thence the surname of Getulicus. But his successes extended further He assigned the Marmaridse and Garamantes to Curinius to subdue, who might have re- turned with the surname of Marmaricus, had he not been too modest in setting a value on his victory. There was more trouble with the Armenians in the east, whither Agustus sent one of the Caesars his grandsons." Both of them were short-lived, but only one of them died without glory. Lucius was carried off by disease at Marseilles, Caius in Syria by a wound, while he was engaged in recovering Armenia, which ha I revolted to the Parthians. Pompey, after the defeat of king Tigranes, had accustomed the Armenians to such a degree of bondage as to receive rulers from us. The exercise of this right, after having been interrupted, was, by Caius Drusus, recovered in a slight struggle, which, however, was not Avithout bloodshed. Domnes, whom the king had made gov- ernor of Artaxata, pretending that he would betray the place, struck Drusus as he was intent on perusing a scroll, which the assassin had just presented to him as containing an account of the treasures. He was hurt," but recovered of the wound for a 15 To this day two eagles] Aquilas dua* adhuc larbarl possident. Frein- shemius observes that these were recovered before the time of Floras ; ono by Stertlnius. as is stated in Tacit. Ann., i. 60 ; and the other by Gabinius, as is told by -Won Cassius, lib. Ix. " Lipsius, on Tacit. Ann., ii. 25, ex-. presses a suspicion that Floras copied his account from some Roman his-, torian who wrote before the recovery of the eagles. Duker. 18 His grandsons] Sons of his daughter Julia and Marcus Agrippn. 17 Hurt] Strietus. Stringere, used in this way, is generally leviter vulnerafe. 404 FLORUS. BOOK iv. time. But Domnes, pursued on all sides by the incensed army, made some atonement to Caesar while lie still survived, not only by his sword, but a burning pyre, on which, when wounded, ho cast himself. In the west, almost all Spain was subdued, except that part which the Hither Ocean 18 washes, and which lies close upo:i , the rocks at the extremity of the Pyrenees. Here two very powerful nations, the Cantabrians and Asturians, lay exempt from the dominion of the Romans. The spirit of the Caut:> brians was the more mischievous, more haughty, and more ob- f tin ate in raising war ; for not content with defending their liberty, they also attempted to domineer over their neighbors, and harassed, with frequent inroads, the Vaccaei, the Curgonii, and the Antrigonae. Against this people, therefore, as they were said to be pursu- ing violent measures, an expedition was not committed by Augustus to another, but undertaken by himself. He advanced to Segisama, where he pitched his camp, and then, dividing his army, he inclosed by degrees 19 the whole of Campania, and caught the savage people, like wild beasts, as with a circle of nets. Nor were they spared on the side of the Ocean, where their rear was vigorously assailed by a fleet. His first battle against the Cantabrians was under the walls of Vellica. 20 Hence they fled to the lofty mountain Vinnius, which they thought the waters of the Ocean would ascend sooner than the arms of the Romans. In the third place, the town of Aracillum made violent resistance ; but it was at last taken. At the siege of the mountain Medullus (which he had surrounded with a trench of fifteen miles in length), when the Romans pressed forward on every side, and the barbarians saw themselves reduced to ex- tremity, they eagerly hastened their own deaths at a banquet, with fire, sword, and a kind of poison, which is there commonly extracted from yew-trees ; and thus the greater part escaped the captivity which threatened them. Of this success, obtained by 1 his lieutenant-generals Antistius, Furnius, and Agrippa, Caesar 18 Hither Ocean] Citerwr Occanus. What Florus meant by Citerior Oceanns, neither Ryckius, nor Madame Dacier, nor Duker, can settle. The Cantabri and Astures were situate near the end of the Pyrenees furthest from Home, on the Atlantic Ocean. 18 By degrees] In diem "From day to day." Perizonius, Freinshe- mius, and GrseviuSj would read indidem ; but this, as Duker observes, is superfluous, when inde precedes. 20 Of Vellica] All the editions have Belgicce,; but there is no place of this name known in Spain. Vellica is the conjecture of Stadius, approved by Gruter, Grsevius, and Perizonius. BOOK IT. EPITOME OP ROMAN HISTORY. 405 received the news while wintering on the sea-coast of Tarraco. Ho himself, arriving at the place, brought some of the inhabitants down from the mountains, bound others by taking hostages of them, and sold others, by right of war, for slaves. The achievement appeared to the senate worthy of the laurel and triumphal chariot, but Cassar was now so great that he could despise triumphs. The Asturians, at the same time, had come down in a vast body from their mountains ; nor had they undertaken an enter- prise rashly, like barbarians, but, having pitched their camp at the river Astura, and divided their forces into three parts, they prepared to attack three camps of the Romans at once. With such brave enemies, coining upon us so suddenly and in such order, there would have been a doubtftd and desperate combat, (and would that I could think the loss on both sides would have been equal !) had not the Trigaecini betrayed them. Car- isius, forewarned by the latter people, and coining up with his army, frustrated the enemy's designs, though not even thus without bloodshed. Lancia, a strong city, received the survivors of the routed army. Here there was so fierce an encounter, that firebrands were called for to burn the city after it was taken, when the general with difficulty prevailed with the troops to spare it, " that it might be a monument of the Roman vic- tory as it stood, rather than burnt." This was the termination of the campaigns of Augustus, as well as of rebellion in Spain. The fidelity of the Spaniards toward us was afterward unshaken, and peace remained unin- terrupted ; a consequence resulting as well from their own dis- position, which was now more inclined to tranquillity, as from. the management of Caesar, who, dreading their confidence im the mountains where they sheltered themselves, ordered them to occupy and inhabit the part in which his camp had been, and which was level ground. This regulation was noticed as one of great prudence. The countiy round about contains gold, and yields vermilion, chrysocolla, and other pigments. 21 He accordingly ordered the soil to be worked. Thus the Asturians became acquainted with their treasures hid in the earth, by searching for them for others. 91 Chrysocolla, and other pigments] ChrysocoUae, et aliorum colorum. Chrysocolla, is generally considered to be the same with borax. Good, in his notes on Lucretius, vi. 1077, says that it is " a mineral sand, found on the shores of the Red Sea, of an elegant green color, denominated by tlio nations of modern times tincar or tincal." See Pliny, H. N.. xixiii. 5. Borax id also said to be found in great quantities in Thibet. 406 FLORUS. BOOK iv. All nations in the west and south being subdued, and all to the north between the Rhine and Danube, as well as all to the east between the Cyrus and Euphrates, the other countries also, which had not fallen under the authority of Rome, yet grew sensible of her grandeur, and reverenced a people who had conquered so many nations. The Scythians and Sarmatians sent ernbassa lors to us, desiring our friendship. The Seres, too, and the Indians who live under the very sun, coming with jewels and pearls, and bringing also elephants among their presents, thought they proved their respect to Augustus by nothing so much as the length of their journey, which they had taken four years to complete. The complexion of the men 22 showed that they came from another climate. The Parthians, also, as if they repented of their victory, brought back, of their own accord, the standards which they had taken on the over- throw of Crassus. Thus there was every where, throughout the whole world, uniform and uninterrupted" peace or agreement ; 24 and Cassar Augustus, in the seven hundredth year from the foundation of the city, ventured to shut the temple of double-faced Janus, which had been shut but twice before, in the reign of Numa, and when Carthage was first conquered. Afterward, applying his thoughts to secure tranquillity, he kept in order, by many strict and severe laws, an age which was prone to every vice, and plunging fast into luxury. For these great achievements, he was styled Perpetual Dictator, and Father of his Country. It was debated, too, in the senate, whether, as he had established the empire, he should not also be called Romulus but the name of Augustus was thought more sacred and venerable, in order that, while he still lived on earth, he might in name and title be ranked among the gods. M The complexion of the men, etc.] M tamen iptse Jvominnm color,! etc. The tamen, as Madame Dacier remarks, is worse than useless, giving a ridiculous meaning to the sentence. It is wanting in one of Ryckius's manuscripts, and in some editions. I have omitted it. 23 Uniform and uninterrupted] Cuncta atque continua. Cuncta is read in all manuscripts and editions, but is, as Grsevius observes, unintelligible. I have preferred -una, the conjecture of Gronovius. Lipsius had previously suggested juncta. 24 Peace or agreement] Pax autpactio. All people were quiet, as hav- ing either, from being conquered, accepted terms of peace, or consenting to abstain, at least for the present, from hostilities. The latter class, as J)uker observes, were those of whom Florus speaks a little above ; nations who, though not actually subdued by the Romans, were sensible of their superiority, and respected their power. VELLEIUS PATERCULUS, REMAINS OF HIS COMPENDIUM OF THE HISTORY OF ROME. BOOK I. THE ARGUMENT. CITIES founded by the Greeks on their return from Troy 5 acts of Orestes ; arrival of Tyrrhenus in Italy, I. Keturn of the Herachdae ; death of Co- drus ; founding of Megara, Gades, and Utica, II. Of the Achseans, Pc- lasgi, Thessalians, and the settlement of Corinth, III. Chalcis. Magnesia, Cumse, Naples, and many other cities, founded, IV. Age and character of Homer, V. Of the Assyrian empire, Lycurgus, and the origin of Car- thage, VI. Of Hesiod, and the building of Capua and Nola, VII. Tho Olympic games ; the founding of Koine, VIII. The second Macedonian Avar, IX. Of Antiochus the'Great, and Einilius Paulus, X. Pseudo- Philippus; Metellus Macedonians, XI. Destruction of Corinth and Car- thage, XII. Death of Cato ; character of Muinmius and Scipio Africu- nus, XIII. Establishment of Koman colonies, XIV., XV. Considerations why many eminent men, in the several arts, arise at the same time, XVI., XVII. Commencement of similar observations on cities, XVIII. L * * * * [Epeus], being parted 1 by a storm from Nestor his commander, built Metapontum. 2 Teucer, not being received at home, by his father Telamon, for his pusillanimity in not avenging the injustice shown to his brother, 3 sailed to Cyprus, where he built Salamis, a city named after his own birthplace. Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, took possession of 1 Epirus, and Phidippus 4 of Ephyra in Thesprotia. As to Aga- 1 1. [Epeus,] being parted, etc.] The name is wanting in the text at the commencement of this fragment. But it appears "from Justin xx. 2, as well as from Aristotle, De Miraculis, that it was i-peus, the builder of the Trojan horse (doll fabricator Epeus, Virg. ^En., ii. 864) who founded Metapontum. cing iiwtirc that lie wits the km'-' At the end of this chapter is inserted, in (ill the editions, a passage from jfimiiiiis (or rather as Krause thinks, Maniliu*) Sura. Some person, in old times, seems to have written it in the margin of his manuscript, whciieu it crept into the text. I have omitted it. BOOK i. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 413 By some, however, Atreus is said to have commenced this solemnity, when he exhibited, in this same place, funeral games in honor of his father Pelops, about twelve hundred and fifty years ago, on which occasion Hercules was victor in every kind of contest. It was at this time that the archons at Athens ceased to be elected for life, Alcmaeon being the last that was so appointed, and were chosen only for ten years ; an arrangement which lasted for seventy years, when the administration was committed to annual magistrates. Of those who held office for ten years, the first was Charops, and the last Eryxias ; of those who re- tained it but one year, the first was Creon. In the sixth Olympiad, twenty-two years from the commence- ment of the first, Romulus, the son of Mars, having avenged the wrong done to his grandfather, founded the city of Rome on the Palatine hill, on the day of the feast of Pales ; 13 from which time, to that of your consulate, is a period of seven hundred and eighty-three years. This event took place four hundred and thirty-seven years after the taking of Troy. The work was effected by Romulus, with the assistance of the Latin legions of his grandfather ; for I can readi y believe those who give this account, since, without such assistance, and with merely a defenseless band of shepherds, he couid hardly have established a new city, while the Vejentiue?., the other Etrus- cans, and the Sabines, were so close upon ivlm, how much so- ever he strengthened it by opening an asylum between the two groves. He had a hundred chosen tuen, called Fathers, as a public council. Such origin had tho tei-rn Patricians. 14 The seizure of the Sabine virgins * ******* IX. * * * proved a more powerful enemy 14 than the Ro- mans had apprehended ; for he maintained a struggle, during two years, with such variation of fortune, that he had generally the advantage, and drew a great part of Greece into alliance with him. Even the Rhodians, who had previously been most i' VIII. Feast of Pales] April 21st. n Patricians] Patricii, from patres. Comp. Flor., i., 1. 15 IX. Proved a more powerful enemy] Here is a great hiatus, all the history of Rome being lost from the foundation of the city to the year TJ.C. 582. 'The commencement of the chapter stands thus : . . . quam timuerat }i> *t i*, expetit. Cipsius, for expetti, would substitute extitit, and thinks that the author had written something to this effect: Popjlo Romano gravior, quam timuerat, Jiostis extitit, nempo Perses. See Florus, u. 12. 414 VELLEIUS PATERCTJLUS. BOOK r. faithful to the Romans, began, with wavering allegiance, to watch the turns of fortune, and appeared rather inclined to the side of the king. Eumenes, too, in this war, was undecided in his views, and acted consistently neither with his brother's 18 proceedings at first, nor with his own general conduct. At length the senate and people of Rome elected to the consul- ship Lucius -5Cmilius Paulus, who had previously triumphed both as praetor and consul ; a man deserving of the highest honor which merit can be conceived to attain. He was the son of that Paulus who commenced with such reluctance the battle of Canna3, so fatal to the Commonwealth, and who met death in it with so much fortitude. He routed Perses, in a great battle, near a city named Pydna in Macedonia, and drove him from his camp ; and at last, after destroying his troops, forced him to flee from his dominions. The king, after quitting Macedonia, took refuge in the island of Samothrace, and com- mitted himself, as a suppliant, to the sanctuary of the temple. Cnseus Octavius, the praBtor, who had the command of the fleet, followed him thither, and prevailed on him, rather by per- suasion than by force, to trust himself to the honor of the Ro- mans. yEmilius Paulus, in consequence, led this most eminent and celebrated prince in triumph. In this year, too, were two other famous triumphs ; that of Octavius, the naval commander, and that of Anicius, who drove before his chariot Gentius, the king of the Illyrians. How constantly envy attends eminent fortune, and how closely it pursues the highest characters, may be understood from the following circumstance, that while no one objected to the triumphs of Anicius and Octavius, there were some who en- deavored to hinder that of Paulus, though it far exceeded the others, as well in the greatness of Perses as a monarch, as in the magnificent display of war-trophies, and the quantity of money carried in it ; as it brought into the treasury two hun- dred thousand sestertia, 17 being beyond comparison more splen- did than any triumph that preceded it. X. During the same time, while Antiochus Epiphanes, who built the Temple of Jupiter at Athens, and who was then king of Syria, was besieging Ptolemy the young king of Egypt, in Alexandria, Marcus Popilius Lsenas was sent as ernbassador to 18 His brother's] Attains. 17 Two hundred thousand sostertia] 1,776,0412. 13s. d. BOOK I. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 415 liiin, to require him to desist from the siege. Popilius delivered his message, and the king replying that he would consider of the matter, he drew a circle round him with a rod upon the sand, desiring him to give a decisive answer before lie passed that boundary. Roman firmness overcame the king's hesita- tion, and the consul was obeyed. Lucius /Emilius Paulus, who obtained the great victory over Perses, had four sons ; of whom he had allowed the two eldest to be adopted, one by Publius Scipio, the son of Africanus, ' who retained nothing of his father's greatness but the splendor of his name and the force of his eloquence, and the other by Fabius Maximus ; the two younger, at the time when he gained the victory, he had still at home, as being yet under age. Previously to the day of his triumph, when, according to an- cient usage, he was making a statement of his services to an assembly without the city, he entreated the immortal gods, that if any of them looked enviously on his actions and fortune, they would vent their displeasure on himself rather than on the Commonwealth. This expression, as if uttered by an oracle, robbed him of a great part of his offspring ; for of the two sons whom he had in his house, he lost one a few days before his triumph, and the other in fewer days after it. About this time occurred the censorship of Fulvius Flaccus and Posthumius Albinus, which was exercised with great severity ; for Cnseus Fulvius, the brother of Fulvius the censor, and partner with him in property, 18 was expelled from the senate by those very censors. XI. Subsequently to the conquest and capture of Perses, who died four years afterward in private custody 19 at Alba, a man who, from his false representations concerning his birth, was called Pseudo-Philippus (for he said that his name was Philip, and that he was of the royal blood, though he was, in reality, of the meanest extraction), seized the government of Macedonia by force of arms, and assumed the ensigns of royalty. But he soon paid the penalty of his rashness ; for the praetor Quintus Metellus, who, from his merit in war, had re- ceived the surname of Macedonicus, gained a noble victory over both the imposter and his nation, and subdued at the 18 X. Partner with him in property] Consorx. " Consortes are properly coheirs, inheriting a property in common, which they suffer to remain, at least for a time, undivided." Surman. 19 XL Private custody] Liberd cwtodia. See Sail., Cat., c. 47. 416 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK i. same time, in a great battle, the Achaeans 20 who had recom- menced hostilities. This is the Metellus Macedonicus who erected the porticos round the two temples without an inscrip- tion, now encircled by the porticos of Octavia, and who brought from Macedonia the group of equestrian statues that face the front of the temples, and form at present the chief ornament of the place. Of this group the following origin is related. Alexander the Great, it is said, desired Lysippus, an eminent artist in such performances, to mnke statues of such horsemen of his own troop as had fallen at the liver Granicus, representing their likenesses in the figures, and placing one of Alexander himself among them. It was this Metellus, too, who first built at Rome a temple of marble, 21 among the edifices just mentioned, and who was consequently the introducer of what is to be called either magnificence or luxury. It would be difficult to find, indeed, a man of any nation, age, or rank, whose felicity can be compared with that of Metellus, for be- sides his splendid triumphs, his distinguished honors, his ac- knowledged pre-eminence in the state, his long extent of life, and his zealous yet harmless contests with opponents for the good of his country, he was the father of four sons, whom he saw arrive at manhood, and whom he left surviving, and in en- joyment of the highest honors. These four sons supported his bier before the Rostra, one of them having been consul and censor, another consul, the third being consul at the time, and the fourth a candidate for the honor, which he afterward ob- tained. Such an end may rather be called a happy retirement from life, than death. XII. The whole of Achaia, of which a great part had been reduced by the conduct and arms of Metellus, was now, as we have said, strongly inclined to hostilities, being instigated chiefly by the Corinthians, who were guilty even of great in- sults to the Romans ; and to conduct the war against them the consul Mummius was chosen. About the same time, too, 4 rather because the Romans wished to believe whatever was said against the Carthaginians, than because any thing was 30 The Achaeans] AcfuEos. That is, the Greeks. The Romans called Greece, as their province, Achaia. See Florus, ii., 7. 31 A temple of marble] JEdem ex marmcrre. Burman would take a'dem for cedes, understanding a private house for Metellus himself j but this, as Krause says, is not only invitd Latinitate, but inmtd Jdstoria; for marble was not used in the erection of private houses till a much later period. BOOK I. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 417 said against them worthy of belief, the senate resolved on the destruction of Carthage. Accordingly Publius Scipio JEmila- nus, a man who emulated alike the virtues ot' his grandfather Publius Africanus and his father Lucius Patilus ; who, in every qualification for war or peace, was the most eminent of his age as well in natural ability as in acquired knowledge ; who, through the whole of his life, neither did, nor said, nor thought any thing but what was praiseworthy ; and who, as I have observed, had been adopted by Scipio the son of Africanus, was elected consul, though at the time he was only candidate for an aedile- ship. He had been previously honored in Spain with a mural, and in Africa with an obsidional crown ; in Spain, also, in con- sequence of a challenge, lie had, though but of moderate bodily strength, slain an antagonist of extraordinary stature ; and he now pressed on the war against Carthage, which had been con- ducted for two years by the preceding consuls, with additional vigor. This city, which, rather from jealousy of its power than from any recent offense, was an object of hatred to Rome, he utterly destroyed, and made it as much a monument of his own military prowess as it had previously been of his grand- father's clemency. Carthage was demolished a hundred and seventy-seven years ago, in the consulship of Cnsous Cornelius Lentulus, and Lucius Mummius, after having stood six hundred and seventy-two years. Such was the end of Carthage, the rival of the empire of Rome, with which our forefathers commenced war in tho consulate of Claudius and Fulvius, two hundred and ninety-six years before you, Marcus Vinicius, entered upon your consul- ship. Thus for a hundred and twenty years there subsisted be- tween these two nations either war, or preparations for war, or unsettled peace. Nor did Rome, though the whole world were subdued, trust that she should be safe while there was left even the name of Carthage unremoved. So apt is hatred- arising from contentions, to continue longer than the fear of danger, and not to be laid aside even when the opposite party is vanquished ; nor does the object of enmity cease to be de- tested until it has ceased to exist. XIII. Three years before Carthage was demolished, Markup Cato, who had been a constant advocate for its destruction, died in the consulship of Lucius Censorius and Marcus Manlius. In the very year in which Carthage fell, Lucius Mummius utterly 18* 418 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK i. destroyed Corinth, nine hundred and fifty-two years after it had been built by Aletes the son of Hippotes. Each of the generals was honored with a name from the people whom he conquered, the one being styled Africanus, the other Achaicus. No new man before Mummius, had ever assumed a surname derived from military merit. Of these two commanders, the dispositions, as well as the pursuits, were entirely different. Scipio was so elegant a cultivator and admirer of liberal studies, and of every kind of learning, that he had constantly with him, at home and in the field, two men of eminent talents, Polybius and Paiuu'.ius; for no man balanced the fatigues of business with the enjoy- ments of leisure more judiciously than Scipio, as he was con- stantly studying the arts either of war or of peace, and constantly exercising either his body in toil or his mind in learning. Mummius, on the contrary, was so extremely igno- rant, that when, on the taking of Corinth, he was hiring persons to carry pictures and statues, finished by the hands of the greatest masters, into Italy, he ordered notice to be given to the contractors, that, if they lost any of them, they must find new ones. Yet I think you, Vinicus, must be of opinion, that it would have been more for the advantage of our countrymen that their minds should have remained still ignorant of Corinth- ian elegancies, than that their knowledge of them should have reached its present height ; and that the ancient ignorance would have been more conducive to the public honor than our modern skill. XIV. As a view of any historical subject, when contracted into one continuous narrative, is retained more easily in the eye and the memory than when left dispersed in different periods, I have determined to introduce between the former and the lat- ter part of this volume, a summary of particulars on a not un- important subject, and to specify, in this part of my work, what colonies, since the capture of Rome by the Gauls, have been established by the order of the senate, and at what times ; for of the military settlements the occasions and founders are suffi- ciently known from their names. With this detail I shall unite, I think without impropriety, an account of the enlargement of the state, and the extension of the Roman name, by the com- munication of its privileges. Seven years after the Gauls took the city, the colony of Su- XIII. New mem] See Sail., Cat., c. 28. COOK I. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 419 triuin was settled ; the year after, that of Setia; and, after an interval of nine years, that of Nepe. Two-and-thirty years after- ward, the Aricians received the civic franchise. Three hundred and sixty-two years ago, in the consulship of Spurius Posthumius and Veturius Calvinus, the freedom of the city, but without the right of voting, was given to the Campanians and part of the Samnites ; and the same year a colony was settled at Gales. Three years afterward, the people of Fundi and Formiae were admitted as citizens, in the very year that Alexandria was founded. In the following consulship, when Spurius Posthu- mius and Philo Publilius were censors, the civic franchise was granted to Acerra. Three years afterward the colony of Terra- cina was settled ; four years afterward, that of Luceria ; in four years more, that of Suessa Aurunca, and two years later, those of Saticula and Interamna. Then followed ten years in which nothing of the kind occurred ; at the end of which time were established the colonies of Sora and Alba, and two years after- ward that of Carseoli. In the consulate of Quintus Fabius for the fifth time, and that of Decius Mus for the fourth time, the year in which Pyrrhus began to reign, colonies were sent to Sinuessa and Minturnse, and four years afterward to Venusia. After an interval of two years, in the consulate of Marcus Curius and Rufinus Cornelius, the rights of citizenship, but without that of voting, were given to the Sabines ; an event which took place about three hundred and twenty years ago. About three hundred years ago, in the consulship of Fabius Dorso and Claudius Canina, colonies were sent to Cosa and Paistum, and five years afterward, in the consulship of Sempro- nius Sophus and Appius, the son of Appius Csecus, to Arimi- num and Beneventum ; and the right of voting was then granted to the Sabines. At the commencement of the first Pu- nic war, Firmum and Castrum were occupied with colonies, and the following year ^Esernia ; in seventeen years afterward ^Esu- lum and Alsium ; two years later, Fregense ; in the next year, when Torquatus and Sempronius were consuls, Brundusium ; three years after, in the year when the games of Flora com- menced, Spoletium. Two years later, Valentia was colonized, and, about the time of Hannibal's arrival in Italy, Cremona and Placentia. XV. Neither while Hannibal remained in Italy, nor for several years immediately suceeding his departure, had the Ro- 420 VELLEITJS PATERCULUS. ROOK r. inans any opportunities of founding colonies ; for, while tin 1 \v.-:r lasted, they were obliged to press soldiers, instead of discharg- ing them, and, when it was ended, their strength required to be recruited rather than dispersed. However, in the consulship of Manlius Volso and Fabius Nobilior, about two hundred and seventeen years ago, the colony of Bononia was settled, and five years afterward, those of Pisaurum and Potent ia ; in three years more, Aquileia and Gravisca ; four years later, Luca. During the same period, though some express a doubt of it, colonies were sent to Puteoli, Salernum, and Buxentum. One hundred and eighty-seven years ago, a colony was sent to Aux- imum in the Picenian territory ; this took place three years before Cassius the censor began to build the theater looking from the Lupercal 23 toward Mount Palatine, when the great austerity of manners, and the consul Scipio, prevented him 24 from completing it; an occurrence which 1 number among the most honorable testimonies to the public character in those days. In the consulship of Cassius Longinus and Sextius Cal- vinus (who defeated the Sal yes 2 * at the springs which were from him named Aquce Sextice), about one hundred and fifty- seven years ago, the colony of Fabrateria was settled, and the year after those of Scylacium, Minervium, Tarentum, and Nep- tunia, as well as Carthage in Africa, 20 which was, as I have said, the first colony planted beyond the bounds of Italy. Con- cerning Dertona there is no certainty ; but Narbo Martius in Gaul was settled in the consulship of Porcius and Marchis, about a hundred and fifty-three years ago. Twenty-three years after was founded Eporedia among the Bagienni, 27 when Marius was consul, for the sixth time, with Valerius Flaccus. Any colony settled since that time, except the military colonies, I am unable to recollect, XVI. Though this little portion of my work has exceeded XV. From the Lupercal] A Lupercali. "The Lupercal was a grotto sacred to Pan, near the Palatine mount." Krause. i 24 When the great austerity of manners prevc-nted him, etc.] There are various readings of this passage, but all producing much the same sense. Krause reads, Cui (Cassio) id demoliendo restitere; that is, "the austerity of manners, and Scipio the consul, opposed Cassius by pulling it (the thea- ter) down." 25 Salyes] A people of Gallia Narbonenais. - : Carthage in Africa] A colony was established on the site of the old city by the Gracchi, and called Colonia Carthago. 27 Bagienni] Otherwise called Vagienni, a people of Liguria, near the source of the Po. BOOK I. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. -j-_'l the limits intended, and though I am sensible that in so hasty a composition, which, like a wheel or rapid torrent, 118 allows me nowhere to make a stand, I ought rather to omit some things t'mt may seem necessary than to introduce any that are superfluous, I yet can not refrain from noticing a point on which I have often reflected, and on which I could never arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. For who can sufficiently won- der, that the most eminent geniuses in every art have agreed in one common character, and have fallen within one period of time ; and that, as different kinds of animals, shut up in a fold or other inclosure, continue each distinct from those around it, and form themselves into separate bodies, so minds, capable of any great achievements, have formed distinct assemblages about the same time and with similar effect ? One age, and that not extending through many years, gave luster to tragedy by the works of those great authors, men animated by a divine spirit, j^Eschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. One age produced the Ancient Comedy, under Cratinus, Aristophanes, and Eupo- lis. As for the New Comedy, Menander, with Philemon and Diphilus, his equals in age rather than ability, not only invented it within a few years, but left works in it beyond imitation. The distinguished philosophers, too, deriving their knowledge from the lips of Socrates, in how short a time did they all, whom I have a little before enumerated, 29 flourish after the death of Plato and Aristotle ! And in oratory what splendor was there before Isocrates, or after the death of his hearers and their immediate disciples ? So crowded were they into a short space of time, that all who were worthy of being remembered must have been known to each other. XVII. Nor has this peculiarity occurred more among the Greeks than among the Romans. Roman tragedy, unless we go back to the rudest and most barbarous efforts, which de- serve no p:aise but as attempts at invention, subsists wholly in the writings of Accius and his cotemporaries. The agree- able sportiveness of Latin humor displayed itself, about the same time, in Csecilius, Terence, and Afranius. 30 As for the 28 XVI. Torrent] Gurgitls. The words ac verlicis, which follow this, and which Ruhnken and Krause think a mere grloss, I have omitted. 89 Whom I have a little before enumerated] Quoapauloanteenumeravimtta. In some part of the book which is now lost. 30 XVII. Csecilius, Terence, and Afranius] Why does he omit Plautus ? "I must suppose either that the name of Plautus has dropped out of the 422 VELLEIUS PATRRCULUS. BOOK i. historians, a period of less than eighty years (even if we in- clude Livy in the age of the earlier writers) produced them all, with the exception of Cato and some old and obscure annalists. Nor did the assemblage of poets extend further in time, either upward or downward. With respect to oratory, forensic pleading, and the perfect beauty of prose eloquence, they burst forth complete (to say nothing of Cato, and to speak with due respect for Publius Crassus, Scipio, Lselius, the Gracchi, Fan- nius, and Servius Galba) under Cicero, who was the coryphaeus in his art ; as of all other orators we receive pleasure from few, and admire none, except such as lived in his time, or imme- diately succeeded it. 31 That the same has been the case with regard to grammarians, statuaries, painters, and sculptors, 83 whoever investigates the records of ages will easily convince himself, and Avill see that the most eminent performances in every art are confined within very narrow limits of time. Of this concurrence of similar geniuses in the same period, of their corresponding devotion to like pursuits, and their equality of progress, I often inquire for the causes, but find none that I can regard as satisfactory. Some, however, I dis- cover that are probable ; among which are the following. Emulation nourishes genius ; and at one time envy, at another admiration, kindles a spirit of imitation. Any art, too, which is pursued with extreme zeal, will soon reach the height of excellence ; and to stand still on the summit is difficult ; as, in the natural course of things, what can not advance, recedes. And as we are at first excited with ardor to overtake those whom we think our superiors, so, when we once despair of surpassing or equaling them, our zeal flags with our hope, ceases to pursue what it can not attain, and, relinquishing that object as already pre-occupied, turns to something new. De- text, or, what seems more probable, that Paterculus entertained the same opinion of Plautus as Horace expresses', Do Arte Poetica, 270, and therefore intentionally omitted him." Krauze. 31 Except such as lived in his time, or immediately succeeded it] Nemi- nem nisi out ab illo visum, d. 432 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK ir. Metelli, brothers, triumphed on one day. Another instance of distinction not less honorable, and hitherto unparalleled, was, that two sons of Fulvius Flaccus, him who had taken Capua, were joined together in the consulship. One of them indeed had been adopted, and received into the family of Manlius Acidinus. As to the two Metelli, who were censors together, they were cousins-german, not brothers ; the circumstance of two full bro- thers being united in office fell to the lot of none but the Scipios. 10 At this time the Cimbri and Teutones came across the Rhine, and soon made themselves notorious by the calamities that they brought on us and on themselves. At the same time, there was celebrated a briliant triumph of Miriucius, him who built tho porticos now so much admired, over the Scordisci. IX. During this period flourished those eminent orators Scipio JEmilianus, Laelius, Servius Galba, the two Gracchi, Caius Fannius, Papi:ius Carbo, and, above all, Lucius Crassus and Marcus Antonius. Nor must we omit Metellus Numidicus, or Scaurus. These, in time as well as genius, were followed by Caius Caesar Strabo and Publius Sulpicius. As to Quintus Mucius, he was more noted for his knowledge of the law than for eloquence. During the same age appeared the bright genius of Afranius in comedy, and those of Pacuvius and Attius in tragedy ; geniuses who rise into competition with the spirit of tho Greeks. Then were displayed, too, the powers of Ennius, 11 who claims for his works an honorable place with theirs ; for, though they wrote with more correctness, he seems to have had the great- er share of energy. A distinguished name was likewise acquired by Lucilius, who in the Nurnaniine war had served in the caval- ry under Publius Africanus. At the same lime Jugurtha and Marius, then both young, learned in the same camp under Afri- canus that skill which they were afterward to practice in op- posite camps. Sisenna the historian was then young, but some years after, at a more advanced age, published his history of the civil wars, and those of Sylla. Coelius was prior to Sisenna ; coeval with him were Rutilius, Claudius Quadrigarius, and Val- erius Autias. We must not, however, forget that Pomporiiur> lived in this ngc, a writer admired for his thoughts, though 10 Tho Scipios] Tho office in which the Scipios were united was the seclilc- ship, as Krausc says, who supposes that some words to that effect have been lost out of the text. 11 IX. Of Ennius] The name of Ennitis lias heon supplied in the texts of liuhnkcu and Krausc from a conjecture of Ileinrtius. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 433 ruile in language, and chiefly deserving notice for the novelty of what he invented. 1 * X. Let us here record a severe act of the censors Cassiua Longinus and Caepio, who, a hundred and fifty-five years ago, summoned before them an augur, ^Emilius Lepidus, because he rented a house at six sestertia. 13 At present, if any person lived at so low a rent, he would scarcely be acknowledged as a sen- ator : so soon do people proceed from the reasonable to the un- reasonable, from the unreasonable to the vicious, from the vicious to the extravagant. During this period a remarkable victory was gained by Domitius over the Arverni, and another by Fabius over the Allobroges. Fabius, who was grandson of Paul us, acquired from his success the surname of Allobrogicus. Here we may observe a peculiar kind of happiness attending the Domitian family, which was highly distinguished, though confined to a small number Before the present Cnsus Domi- tius, a youth of most remarkable goodness of disposition, there were seven of that family, the only sons of their respective pa- rents, who all arrived at the consulship and priesthood, and al- most all at the honors of a triumph. XL The Jugurthine war was then conducted by Quintus Metellus, a commander inferior to no one of the age. Under him acted, as lieutenant-general, Caius Marius, whom we mentioned above, a man of mean birth, coarse and rough in his manners, but of strict temperance, 11 who, in proportion as he was excellent in war, was fatal to peace. He was immoder- ately eager for glory, his ambition was insatiable, his passions ungovernable, so that he was never at rest. By disseminating, through farmers of the revenue, and others who traded in Africa, insinuations against Metellus, as being dilatory in his operations, and purposely protracting the war to the third year, as well as invectives against the natural pride of the nobles, and their ambition to continue in posts of power, he succeeded, after obtaining leave of absence to come to Rome, in procuring his election to the consulship, and getting the management of i* "What he invented] He was an eminent -writer of the Fabula Atel- ktncE, but not the inventor of that kind of composition. But perhaps he was the first that gave them any regularity of form. 13 X. Six sestertia] About 53Z. 2*. 6d. 14 XI. Of strict temperance] Vita sanctm. This is, as Krause observes, evidently the sense. SoCrassus, in c. 46, is said to be sanctissimusimmu- n.'xqrite wluptatibm. Marius is called by Sallust, Jug., c. 63, lultidlnls atqut dlcli'uiratn victvr. 19 434 VELLEIUS TATERCULUS. BOOK n. the war, now nearly terminated by Metellus, who had twice routed Jugurtha in the field, intrusted to himself. Nevertheless, the triumph of Metellus was exceedingly magnificent, and the surname of Numidicus, which he had well earned by his merits in the field, was conferred upon him. As we previously noticed the splendid fortune of the Domitian family, we may here men- tion that of the Caecilian, for within about twelve years of this time there were above twelve Metelli either consuls or censors, or who enjoyed triumphs. Hence it would appear that the for- tune of families, like that of cities and empires, flourishes, fades, and decays. XII. Caius Marius, at this early time, had Lucius Sylla con- nected with him in quality of quaestor, as if from some precau- tion of the fates, 16 and having sent him embassador to king Bocchus, received, through his means, king Jugurtha as a prisoner; an event which took place a hundred and thirty-eight years ago. Being elected consul a second time, and returning to Rome, he led Jugurtha in triumph on the first of January, the day on which his second consulship commenced. As the overwhelming force of the German tribes, the Cimbri and Teutones mentioned above, had vanquished and put to flight in Gaul the consuls Caepio and Manlius, as well as Carbo and Silanus previously, and had dispersed their armies, and killed Aurelius Scaurus the consul, as well as other leaders of great reputation, the Roman people deemed that no commander was better qualified than Marius to repel such formidable enemies. Thenceforward consulships multiplied on him. His third was spent in preparations for the war, and in the same year Cnaeus Domidus, a tribune of the people, got a law passed, that the people should appoint priests, who were formerly elected by the sacerdotal body. In his fourth lie engaged the Teutones, at Aquce Sextice, beyond the Alps, and in two successive days slew a hundred and fifty thousand of them, and utterly reduced their nation. In his fifth, he himself, and the proconsul Quin- tus Lutatius Catulus, met the Cimbri on what are called the Raudian plains, on this side of the Alps, and put an end to the war by a most successful battle, killing or taking above a hun- dred thousand men. By these victories Marius seems to have 15 XII. From some precaution of the fates] Ut prwcavenlilws fails. As if the fates, by uniting them together at this time, had been anxious to pre- vent the discord that afterward raged between them. Krause. BOOK IL COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 435 deserved that his country should not regret his birth ; and to have made amends by his services for the evils that he brought upon it. The sixth was conferred on him as a reward for his merits. Yet must not this consulship be defrauded of its due share of praise, for, during the course of it, the consul re- pressed, with an armed force, the excesses of Servilius, Glaucia, and Saturninus Apuleius, who, maintaining themselves in office, were inflicting deep wounds on the constitution, and dispersing the assemblies of the people with violence and bloodshed ; and he at last put those pestilent disturbers to death in the Curia Ilotilia. 16 XIII. At the end of a few succeeding years, Marcus Livius Drusus entered on the office of tribune ; a man of the noblest birth, the greatest eloquence, and the strictest purity of life ; but who, in all his undertakings, was more distinguished by ability and good intention than by success. He formed a design of restoring to the senate its ancient dignity, and of transferring from the knights to that body the right of being judges ; because when the knights, by the Sempronian laws, were invested with that authority, they had treated with cruel severity many of the most illustrious and most innocent citizens ; and in particular had brought to trial for extortion Publius Rutilius, a man distinguished for virtue not only above his own, but above any age, and, to the exceeding great grief of the public, had condemned him to pay a penalty. But in those very efforts which he made in favor of the senate, he found the senate itself opposed to him. For they did not perceive that whatever he brought forward in favor of the plebeians was intended to allure and attract the multitude, in order that, being gratified in smaller matters, they might consent to others of greater importance. Such, indeed, was the fate of Diusus, that the senate favored the injurious proceedings of his col- leagues more than his own excellent designs, rejecting with scorn the honor offered by him, while they submitted patiently to the wrong done them by the others ; looking, in short, with envy on his very exalted reputation, and with indulgence on the mean characters of his opponents. XIV. When such well-intended plans were badly received, the purpose of Drusus was changed, and he resolved to extend the civic franchise to all Italy. As he was taking measures for Curiue were houses of assembly for the wards (curias) of the city. 436 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. this purpose, on coming home one day from the forum, sur- rounded by the immense disorderly crowd that constantly attended him, he was stabbed in the court-yard of his own house with a kuife, which was left sticking in his side, and within a few hours expired. While he was drawing almost his last breath, he uttered an expression, as he looked on the crowd standing round and lamenting over him, very consonant to his inward feelings. " My relations and friends," said he, " will the Commonwealth ever again have a citizen like me ?" Thus ended the life of this illustrious man. One incident which marks the goodness of his disposition must not be omitted. When he was building a house on the Palatine Mount, on the spot where that stands which formerly was Cicero's, afterward Censorinus's, and now belongs to Statilius Sisenna, and \he architect offered to construct it in such a manner that it would be proof against all overlookers, no one being able even to cast a glance into it, " Rather," replied he, " if you have such skill, construct my house in such a manner, that whatever I do may be seen by all." XV. [Among the most pernicious measures introduced by the laws of Gracchus, I reckon the planting of colonies out of Italy. Such a proceeding our ancestors had so carefully avoided (because they saw Carthage so much more powerful thau its mother city Tyre ; Marseilles than Phocsea ; Syracuse than Corinth; Cyzicus and Byzantium than Miletus), that they even called home Roman citizens from the provinces to be registered by the censors in Italy. The first colony planted beyond the limits of Italy was Carthage. 17 ] The death of Drusus hastened the breaking out of the Italian war, which had been gathering to a head during a considerable time before ; for in the consulate of Lucius Caesar and Publius Rutilius, a hundred and twenty years from the present, all Italy took arms against the Romans. This unfortunate insurrection had its origin among the people of Asculum (who killed Servius a praetor, and Fonteius a lieutenant-general), and from them it soon spread to the Marsians, and diffused itself through every quarter of the country. As the subsequent sufferings of those people were very severe, so were their demands extremely just; for they claimed the privileges of a country, whose power they 17 XV. The words inclosed in brackets are entirely out of place, like Uiose ut the beginning of c. 8. BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 437 supported by their arms ; every year, and for every war, they furnished a double number of men, both horse and foot, and yet were not admitted to the privileges of the state, which, by their services, had arrived at that very eminence from which it looked down with disdain on men of the same nation and blood, as aliens and foreigners. This war carried off above three hundred thousand of the flower of Italy. The Roman generals most distinguished in it were, Cnseus Pompey, father of Cnaeus Pompey the Great ; Caius Marius before mentioned ; Lucius Sylla, who was praetor in the preceding year; and Quintus Metellus, son of Numidicus, who deservedly obtained the sur- name of Pius : for when his father was banished by Lucius Saturninus, a tribune of the people, because he alone refused to swear obedience to bis laws, the son, by his dutiful exertions, and with the sanction of the senate, and the approbation of the Roman people, procured his recall. So that Numidicus was not more honored by his triumphs and distinctions than by the cause of his exile, the exile itself, and his return from it. XVI. The most remarkable leaders of the Italians were Silo Popaedius, Herius Asinius, Insteius Cato, Caius Pontidius, Telesinus Pontius, Marius Egnatius, and Papius Mutilus. Nor shall I, through mistaken modesty, withhold any part of the praise due to my own family, while I relate only the truth ; for much honor ought to be paid to the memory of Mmatius Ma- gius of ^Eculanum, my ancestor in the fourth degree. He was grandson of Decius Magi us (a man of high distinction and trust among the Campanians), and displayed in this war such a faithful attachment to the Romans, that, with a legion which he himself had raised among the Hirpinians, he, in conjunction with Titus Didius, took Herculaneum, and with Lucius Sylla besieged Pompeii, and gained possession of Compsa. His vir- tues have been celebrated by several writers, but by Horten- sius, in his Annals, more fully and clearly than by any other. The Roman people amply recompensed his fidelity, by voting him a citizen with peculiar distinction, and electing his two sons prators, at a time when only six were elected. So va- riable and alarming was the fortune of the Italian war, that in the course of two successive years two Roman consuls, first Rutilius and afterward Porcius Cato, were slain by the enemy, and the armies of the Roman people discomfited in several places, so that a general assumption of the military 438 VELLKIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. dross 18 took place, and was long continued. The enemy chose for their seat of government the city of Corfinium, which they named Italicum. The strength of the Romans was afterward recruit- ed, though slowly, by admitting into citizenship such as either had not taken arms, or had laid them down early, while the exertions of Pompey, Sylla, and Marius, revived the energy of the government when it was debilitated and ready to sink. XVII. An end being now nearly put, except where the re- mains of hostility continued at Nola, to the Italian war (the result of which was that the Romans, themselves exhausted, consented to grant the privilege of citizenship to certain states that were vanquished and reduced, rather than to the whole when flourishing in unimpaired strength), Quintus Pompeius and Lucius Cornelius Sylla entered upon their consulship. Sylla was a man, who, before he had subdued his competitors, could not be sufficiently commended, nor afterward too se- verely censured. He was of a noble family, being the sixth in descent from Cornelius Rufinus, one of the most celebrated leaders in the war with Pyrrhus ; but as the luster of the family had been for some time obscured, he conducted himself, through a great part of his life, in such a manner, that he seemed to have no thought of standing for the consulship. However, after his praetorship, having acquired great reputation in the Italian war (such as he had before gained when lieu- tenant-general under Marius in Gaul, where he defeated some of the enemy's most eminent commanders), he assumed courage from success, and becoming a candidate for the consulship, was elected by the almost universal suffrage of his country- .men. When he attained this honor, he was in the forty-ninth year of his age. XVHI. About this time Mithridates king of Pontus, a prince who must neither be passed without notice, nor be slightly mentioned ; a man most active in war, pre-eminent in courage, distinguished sometimes by success and always by spirit ; in council a general, in action a soldier, and in hatred to the Ro- mans another Hannibal, took forcible possession of Asia, and 18 Assumption of the military dress] Ad saga iretur. " Livy, Epit. Ixxii., says, with reference to these times, sagapopulus sumpsit. This mili- ROOK ii. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 439 put to death all the Roman citizens that were in it, whom, by sending letters to the different states, filled with promises of great rewards, he procured to be slain on the same day and hour. At this crisis no people equaled the Rhodians, either in resolute exertions against Mithridates, or in firm attachment to the Romans ; and a luster was thrown on their fidelity by the perfidy of the Mitylenaeans, who gave up in chains to Mith- ridates, Manius Aquillius and several others ; and yet to these very Mitylenaeans liberty was afterward granted by Pompey, merely to gratify Theophanes. 19 Mithridates, now becoming formidable, seemed to threaten even Italy, when the province of Asia fell to the lot of Sylla. After leaving Rome, he stayed some time in the neighborhood of Nola ; (for that .city, as if repenting of the fidelity to us, which it had sacredly main- tained during the Punic war, continued in arms with per- severing obstinacy, and was then besieged by a Roman army ;) during which interval, Publius Sulpicius, a tribune of the people, an eloquent and active man, distinguished for wealth, interest, the number of his friends, and the vigor of his under- standing and character (who, though he had formerly, with the best apparent intentions, obtained from the people the high- est office in the state, yet afterward, as if he repented of his virtues, and as if his good resolutions were profitless, grew suddenly vicious and violent, and attached himself to Marius, who, at the end of his seventieth year, was still coveting every command and every province), this man, I say, now proposed a law to the people, by which Sylla's commission was annulled, and the conduct of the Mithridatic war decreed to Marius ; to which he added other laws of pernicious and fatal tendency, such as could not be endured in a free state. He even, by means of some emissaries of his faction, put to death a son of the consul Quint us Pompeius, who was also son-in-law of Sylla. XIX. On this, Sylla, having collected a body of troops, and returned to the city, took possession of it by force of arms, and expelled twelve promoters of these new and pernicious meas- ures, among whom were Marius, his son, and Publius Sul- picius ; at the same time procuring a law to be passed de- claring them exiles. As for Sulpicius, some horsemen over- 19 XVIII. Theophanes] A native of Mitylene, and friend of Pompey, of whose acts he wrote a history. 440 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. taking him in the Laurentine marshes, put him to death ; and his head, being elevated and displayed on the Rostrum, was an omen, as it were, of the approaching proscription. Marius, after his sixth consulship and his seventieth year, being found naked, and covered with mud, with only his eyes and nose above the surface, among the reeds at the margin of the lake of Marica, where he had concealed himself to escape the pur- suit of Sylla's horsemen, was taken out, and, with a cord about his neck, dragged to the prison of Minturnae, by order of one of the two colonial magistrates. A public servant, by nation a German, who happened to have been taken prisoner by Marius in the Cimbrian war, was sent with a sword to dispatch him ; but no sooner did he recognize Marius, than, with a loud outcry, showing how much he was shocked at the fall of so great a man, he threw away the weapon, and hurried out of the prison. His countrymen, thus taught by a barbarian 20 to commiserate the man who was recently at their head, supplied him with clothes and provision for a voyage, and put him on board a ship. Having overtaken his son near the island of ^Enaria, he steered his course to Africa, where, in a hut among the ruins of Carthage, he lived in a state of indigence. Here, while Marius viewed Carthage, and Carthage contemplated him, they might afford consolation to each other. XX. In this year the hands of the soldiers were first stained with the blood of a Roman consul. Quintus Pompeius, Syl- la's colleague was slain by the troops of Cuaeus Poinpey, the proconsul, in a mutiny which their leader had himself ex- cited. * * * Cinna showed no more moderation than Marius and Sul- picius ; for although the citizenship of Rome had been granted to Italy, on the understanding that the new members should be included in eight new tribes, (lest otherwise their power and numbers might detract from the dignity of the original citizens, and the receivers of the kindness be more powerful than their 1 benefactors), he now promised that he would distribute them through all the tribes. With this object in view, he had drawn together into the city a vast multitude from all parts of Italy. But he was driven out of Rome by the power of his colleague and of the nobles ; and, while he was on his way to Campania, * XIX. By a barbarian] Ab hoste. " A barbaro." Krause. Ifoetis, &t opposed to civis. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 441 the consulship was taken from hiin by a vote of the senate, and Lucius Cornelius Merula, flamen of Jupiter, was appointed in his place ; an illegal proceeding, better suited to the demerits of the man than for a precedent. Cinua, after first bribing the tribunes and centurions, and then gaining over the soldiers by promises of largesses, was received as leader by the army at Nola, and when all the troops had sworn obedience to him, he, retaining the ensigns of consul, turned their arms against his country ; depending chiefly, however, on the vast number of the new citizens, of whom he had enlisted above three hun- dred cohorts, and filled up the complement of thirty legions. His party stood in need of men of character and influence ; and, to add to these, he recalled from exile Caius Marius, his son, and the others who had been banished with them. XXI. While Cinna was making war on his country, Cnaeus Pompeius, father of Pompey the Great (who had done eminent service to the state in the Marsian war, especially in the Picenian territory, and had taken Asculum, near Avhich city, while the troops were dispersed in various other parts, seventy-five Roman citizens, in one day, maintained a conflict Avith more than sixty thousand Italians), had become, from being disappointed of another consulship, so equivocal in his conduct, and so apparent- ly undecided for either party, that he seemed to do nothing but with a view to his own advantage, and to be watching for oppor- tunities of turning himself and his army to one side or the other, wherever the greater prospect of power for himself should appear. But at last he came to a collision with Cinna, in a long and fierce battle, of which, begun and ended as it was under the very walls and view of the city of Rome, it can hardly be ex- pressed how grievous was the result both to the combatants and the spectators. 51 Soon after, while a pestilence was ravaging both armies, as they were not sufficiently exhausted by the sword, Cna3iis Pompeius died ; but the joy felt at his death was in a great measure counterbalanced by sorrow for the loss of so many citizens, cut off by the sword or by sickness. The Roman people vented en his corpse the resentment which they owed to him when alive. Whether there were two or three families of the Pompeii, Quintus Pompeius was the first consul of that name, with Cnaeus Servilius, about a hundred and sixty-seven years ago. Cinna and Marius, after several encounters, not 41 XXI. To the spectators] From the loss of their relatives. 19* 44-2 VELLEIUS PATERCULTJS. BOOK n. without considerable bloodshed on both siddes, made themselv< s masters of the city ; but Cinna entered it first, and proposed a law for the recall of Marius. XXII. Soon after, Caius Marius made his entry into the city, nn entry fatal to his countrymen. Nothing could have surpassed his victorious irruption in cruelty, had not that of Sylla speedily followed. Nor was the licentious barbarity of the sword inflicted only on the middling ranks ; but men of the highest stations, and most eminent characters, were destroyed under various kinds of sufferings ; among these the consul Octavius, a man of the mildest disposition, was slain by order of Cinna. Merula, who, on the approach of Cinna, had resigned the consulship, having opened his veins, and sprinkled his blood on the altars, implored the same gods whom, as priest of Jupiter, he had often entreat- ed to preserve the Commonwealth, to pour curses on Cinna and his party, and then resigned a life, which had greatly served the state. Marcus Antonius, a man as eminent in civil dignity as in eloquence, was, by order of Marius and Cinna, stabbed by the swords of the soldiers, whom he long caused to hesitate by the power of his eloquence. Quintus Catulus, celebrated for his other merits, as well as for the fame acquired in the Cimbrian war, which was common to him and Marius, when search was made for him by executioners, shut himself up in a place lately plastered with mortar, 22 had fire brought in to raise a strong smell, and then, by inhaling the noxious vapor, and holding in his breath, he found a death agreeable to the wishes, though not to the intentions of his enemies. Every thing was falling headlong into ruin, but no person was yet found who dared to make a donation of the property of a Roman citizen, or to ask for it. Afterward this additional evil was introduced, that avarice supplied motives for cruelty ; magnitude of guilt was esti- mated by magnitude of wealth ; whoever was rich, was criminal, and became a reward, as it were, for his own destruction ;" nor was any thing considered dishonorable that was gainful. XXIII. Cinna now entered on his second consulship, and Marius on his seventh, to the utter disgrace of the former six. In the early part of it he fell sick and died, leaving a character for having been implacable in war toward his enemies, and in 25 XXII. "With mortar] Calce arenaque. With lime and sand. Floras, iii. 21, says that Catulus died ignis haustu, by swallowing fire. 23 A reward for his own destruction] Suipericuli merces. " His prop- erty being divided among those who procured nis death." Ruhnken. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 443 peace toward his countrymen, and uiterly impatient of quiet. In his room was elected Valerius Flaccus, the author of a most dishonorable law, by which he obliged all creditors to accept a fourth part of what was due to them ; for which proceeding deserved punishment overtook him within two years after. While Cinna tyrannized in Italy, the greater part of the nobility fled into Achaia to Sylla, and thence afterward into Asia. Sylla meanwhile engaged the generals of Mithiidates, near Athens, in Boeotia, and Macedonia, with such success that he recovered Athens, and, after expending a vast deal of labor in reducing the numerous fortifications of the Piraeus, slew above two hun- dred thousand of the enemy, and took at least as many prisoners. If any person imputes the guilt of rebellion to the Athenians, at the time when their city was besieged by Sylla, he is certainly ignorant both of the truth and of history. For so invariable was the fidelity of the Athenians to the Romans, that at all times, and in every transaction, whatever was performed with perfect good faith, the Romans used to say was done with " Attic faith." But that people, overpowered by the force of Mithridates, were in a most miserable condition, held in posses- sion by their enemies, besieged by their friends, and, while their inclinations were outside the walls, compelled by necessity to keep their persons within. Sylla, then passing over to Asia, found Mithridates submissive, and ready to agree to any terms whatever. He obliged him, after paying a fine in money, and delivering up half of his ships, to withdraw from Asia and all the other provinces of which he had taken possession by force of arms ; he recovered the prisoners, punished the deserters and other traitors, and ordered the king to confine himself within his father's territory, that is, Pontus. XXIV. Caius Flavius Fimbria (who, being general of the cavalry before Sylla came into Asia, had put to death Valerius Flaccus, a man that had been consul, and, having assumed the command of the army, and been saluted with the title of Im- perator, had got the better of Mithridates in a vigorous engage- ment) slew himself on Sylla's arrival. He was a young man, who executed with bravery what he planned with utter dis- regard of honesty. In the same year Publius Laenas, a tribune of the people, threw from the Tarpeian rock Sextus Lucilius, who had been tribune the year before ; and as his colleagues, whom he had fixed a day to bring to trial, fled 444 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. iu alarm to Sylla, he procured a sentence cf banishment 24 against them. Sylla, having now arranged affairs beyond sen, and having, as chief of the Romans, received embassadors from the Par- thians (some of whom, being magi, foretold from marks on his body that his life and memory would be glorious), sailed home to Italy, landing at Brundusium not more than thirty thousand men to oppose two hundred thousand of his enemies. I can scarcely consider any part of Sylla's conduct more honorable than this ; that while the party of Marius and Cinna held Italy in subjection, during three years, and while he never dissembled his intention of turning his arms against them, he yet did not relinquish the affairs which he had in hand, judging it right to humble an enemy before he took vengeance on a countryman ; nor was it till fear from abroad was removed, and till he had subdued foreign foes, that he proceeded to suppress opposition at home. Before the arrival of Lucius Sylla, however, Cinna was slain in a mutiny of his troops. Such a man deserved to die rather by the sentence of a conqueror, than by the rage of the soldiery. But he was a character of whom it may truly be said, that he dared what no good man would dare, and accom- plished what could be effected by none but the bravest ; that he was precipitate in forming his designs, but executed them like a man. Carbo, electing no colleague in his room, continued sole consul for all the rest of the year. XXV. It might be supposed that Sylla had come into Italy, not to take vengeance for the war raised against him, but merely to establish peace; so quietly did he lead his army through Calabria and Apulia into Campania, taking the great- est care for the safety of the fruits, lands, inhabitants, and towns ; and endeavoring to put an end to the war on just and equitable terms. But peace could never be acceptable to those whose desires were unprincipled and without control. In the mean time Sylla's army increased daily ; for all the best and most judicious flocked to his standard. Then, by a happy concur- rence of events, he suppressed the consuls Scipio and Norbanus near Capua ; Norbanus was conquered in battle ; Scipio, deserted by his troops, and delivered into Sylla's hands, was dismissed without injury. So different was Sylla as an adversary and a 4 XXIV. Procured a sentence of banishment] Aqua, ignique vis wder- dixit. See Floras, iii. 16. BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 445 conqueror, that, while he was still gaining a victory, he was merciful to excess, 25 but after it was secured, more cruel than nny on record. Thus he dismissed the disarmed consul, as we have said, and released, in like manner, Quintus Sertorius (soon to prove the firebrand of so great a war), and many others whom he had taken ; in order, we might suppose, that a proof might be seen of the existence of two distinct and opposite minds in the same person. After his victory, on the spot where, in his descent from Mount Tifata, he had encountered Caius Norbanus, he gave solemn thanks to Diana, the deity to whom that tract is sacred, and dedicated to the goddess the waters so celebrated for their salubrity and for curing diseases, with all the adjacent land. An insciption on a pillar at the door of her temple, and a brazen tablet within it, preserve to the present day the memory of this grateful religious ceremony. XXVI. The next consuls were Carbo, a third time, and Caius Marius, son of him who had been seven times consul ; the latter was then twenty-six years old, and was a man of his father's spirit, though not of his father's length of life. 28 He made many courageous efforts, nor did he, as consul, fall in any way below his name. But being defeated by Sylla in a pitched battle at Sacriportus, he retreated with his troops to Praeneste, a place which was well defended by nature, and in which he had placed a strong garrison. That nothing might be wanting to the public calamities, men rivaled each other in crimes, in a state where the rivalry had always been in virtues ; and he thought himself the best man who proved himself the worst Thus Damasippus, then praetor, during the contest at Sacriportus, murdered in the Curia Hostilia, as abettors of Sylla's party, Domitius, Mucius Scaevola, who was chief pontiff, and highly celebrated for his knowledge both of divine and human law, Caius Carbo, who had been pra3tor, and was brother of the consul, and Antistius, who had been sedile. Let not Calpurnia, daughter of Bestia, and wife of Antistius. lose the renown of a very glorious act. When her husband was put to death, as we have said, she stabbed herself with a 2S XXV. Merciful to excess] Justissimo lenior. The text is here defect- ive. 28 XXVI. A man of his father's spirit, though not of his father's length of life] Vir animi mag/is quam. aw, paterni. "sEvum is here for cetas. Marius did not live as many years as hia father, being killed young, as IB related in c. 27." Kraaise. 440 VELLEIU3 PATKRCTJLUS. BOOK n. sword. What an accession of glory and f;:m" in ]i-r family!" * * * XXVII. At this time, Pontius Telesinus, a Samnite general, a man of great spirit and activity in the field, and a thorough enemy to all the Roman name, having assembled about forty thousand young men of the greatest bravery, and the most de- termined obstinacy in continuing the war, maintained, in the consulship of Carbo and Marius, on the first of November, a hundred and eleven years ago, such a struggle with Sylla at the Colline gate, as brought both him and the republic into the utmost peril ; nor was the state in more imminent danger when it beheld the camp of Hannibal within three miles of the city, than on that day when Telesinus, hurrying through the ranks of his army, exclaimed that the last day of Rome was come, and exhorted them in a loud voice to pull down and destroy the city, adding, that those wolves, the devourers of Italian lib- erty, would never cease from ravaging, until the woods, in which they took refuge, were hewn down. At length, after the first hour of the night, the Roman troops took breath, and those of the enemy retired. Next day Telesinus was found mortally wounded, but wearing the look of a conqueror, rather than of a man at the point of death. Sylla ordered his head to be cut off, and carried and displayed around the walls of Praeneste. Young Caius Marius, then at length seeing his cause desperate, endeavored to make his way out through subterraneous pas- sagos, 28 which, constructed with wonderful labor, led to different parts of the adjacent country, but, as soon as he emerged from an opening, he was slain by persons stationed there for the pur- pose. Some say, that he died by his own hand ; others, that ns he was struggling with the younger brother of Telesinus, who was shut up with him, and attempting to escape at the same time, they fell by mutual wounds. In whatever manner ho died, his memory, even at this day, is not obscured by the grand reputation of his father. What was Sylla's opinion of the youth, is manifest ; for it was not till after his death that he as- sumed the title of Felix, which he would have adopted with the greatest justice, had his victories and his life ended together. 27 The words at the end of this chapter are so defective, that it is useless to attempt a translation of them. 28 XXVII. Subterraneous passages] Cuniculos. " Made either for the conveyance of water, or for eecret ways of exit from the city. See Strabo, v., p. 365." Krause, BOOK a COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 447 The commander of the forces that besieged Marius in Prseneste was Lucretius Ofella, who, having been previously a leader on Maiius's side, had deserted to Sylla. The happy issue of that day, on which Telesinus and the Samnite army were repulsed, Sylla honored with an annual celebration of games in the Circus, which are exhibited under the title of "Sylla's Games." XXVIII. A short time before Sylla's battle at Sacriportus, some officers of his party had defeated the enemy in engage- ments of great importance ; the two Servilii at Clusium, Metellus Pius at Faventia, and Marcus Lucullus near Fidentia. The miseries of civil war seemed now to be at an end, when they were renewed with additional violence by the cruelty of Sylla ; for, being made dictator (an office which had been discontinued a hundred and twenty years, the last having been in the year subsequent to Hannibal's departure from Italy ; whence it is evident that the Roman people did not so much desire the at- thority of the dictatorship in times of danger, as they dreaded it in those of peace), he used that power, which former dictators had employed to preserve the state from imminent dangers, with the unrestrained indulgence of wanton barbarity. He first adopted (would that he had been the last !) the plan of proscrip- tion ; so that, in a state in which justice is granted to a hissed actor, if assailed with abusive language, a reward was publicly offered for the murder of a Roman citizen ; he who procured most deaths gained most money ; the price for killing an enemy was not greater than that for killing a citizen ; and each man's property became a prize for depriving him of life. 29 He vented his barbarous rage, not only on those who had borne arms against him, but on many who could not be charged with any guilt. He directed, also, that the goods of the proscribed should be sold ; and the children, after being excluded from the property of their fathers, were deprived of the right of suing for places of honor ; thus, what was most unreasonable, the sous of senators were obliged to bear the burdens of their station, and at the same time lost their privileges. XXIX. Not long before Lucius Sylla's arrival in Italy, Cnseus Pompey, son of that Cnaeus Pompey whose great ex- ploits in his consulship, during the Marsian war, we have previously mentioned, being then twenty-three years of age, a * XXVIII. A prize for depriving him of life] Quisque merces mortis *wz. Coinp., c. 22. 448 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK ir. hundred and thirteen years ago, began to form great projects, depending as well on his own private resources as on his own. judgment, and boldly to put them in execution ; and in order to support or restore the dignity of his country, assembled a strong army from the Picenian territory, which was wholly filled with his father's clients. To do justice to this man's greatness would require many volumes ; but the limits of my work require that he should be characterized in a few words. His mother's name was Lucilia, of a senatorial family ; he was remarkable for beauty, not such as adorns the bloom of life, but of such dignity and serenity as was well adapted to his rank and sta- tion, and which accompanied him to the last day of his life. He was distinguished for temperance, was eminent for integrity, and had a moderate share of eloquence. He was excessively covetous of power, when conferred on him from regard to his merit, but had no desire to acquire it by irregular means. In war, he was the most skillful of generals ; in peace, the most modest of citizens, except when he was jealous of having an equal. He was constant in his friendships, placable when offended, most cordial in reconciliation, most ready to receive an apology. He never, or very rarely, stretched his power to excess, and was almost exempt from vice, unless it be counted among the greatest vices, that, in a free state, the mistress of the world, though, in right, he saw every citizen his equal, ho could not endure to behold any one on a level with him in dignity. From the time of his assuming the manly gown, he was trained to war in the camp of his father, a general of con- summate judgment ; and he improved a genius naturally good, and capable of attaining all useful knowledge, with such sin- gular skill ra military affairs, that while Metellus received higher praise from Sertorius, Pompey was much more dreaded by him. XXX. 30 * * * * At this time Marcus Perperna, a man who had held the praetorship, one of the proscribed, and who was of high family, but of little honor, assassinated Sertorius at a feast at Osca ; and by this execrable deed procured certain victory for the Romans, ruin for his own party, and a most shameful death for himself. 31 Metellus and Pompey triumphed for the 30 XXX. Krause thinks that there is a considerable hiatus between these two chapters. Shameful death for himself] His treachery led to his desertion by hi BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 449 conquest of Spain. At the time of this triumph, also, Pompey was still a Roman knight ; yet on the day before he entered 0:1 his consulship, he rode through the city in his chariot. 83 Must it not be matter of wonder, that this man, elevated to the sum- mit of dignity through so many extraordinary gradations of pre- ferment, should be displeased at the Roman senate and people for favoring Caius Caesar in his application for a second consul- ship ? So apt are men to think every thing pardonable in them- selves, and to show no indulgence to others ; regulating their dislike of proceedings, not by the merits of the case, but by their own wishes and feelings for particular characters. In this con- sulate, Pompey re-established the tribunitial power of which Sylla had left the shadow without the substance. While the war with Sertorius continued in Spain, sixty-four fugitive slaves, headed by Spartacus, made their escape out of a gladiator's school at Capua ; and, forcibly supplying them- selves with swords in that city, directed their course at first to Mount Vesuvius. Afterward, increasing daily in numbers, they brought many and grievous disasters on the whole of Italy. At length they became so numerous, that in the last battle which they fought, they opposed forty thousand men to the Roman army. The honor of terminating this war fell to Marcus Cras- sus, who soon after became a leading man among the Roman people. XXXI. The character of Cnaeus Pompey had attracted the attention of the whole world, and he was regarded as something more than man. In his consulship he had very laudably taken an oath, that, on the expiration of his office, he would not take the government of any province ; and this oath he had observ- ed ; when, two years after, Aulus Gabinius, a tribune of the people, got a law passed, that, whereas, certain pirates kept the world in alarm with their fleets, engaging in regular warfare, and not in mere robberies or secret expeditions, and had even plundered several cities in Italy, Cnseus Pompey should be com- missioned to suppress them ; and should have authority in all the provinces, equal to that of the proconsuls, to the distance troops, and his defeat and death at the hands of Pompey. See Appian, B. c., i. 115 ; Plutarch, Sert., c. 27 ; Tomp. c. 20. 32 Kode through the city in his chariot] There was a law which forbade any one, who was not of consular or praetorian dignity, to have a triumph. But this was Poinpey's second triumph. Hence velleius says hoc qtwgut triumpko, " in this triumph also." See Plutarch, Pomp., c. 14, 22. 450 VELLEIUS PATERCULTJS. BOOK it of fifty miles from the sea. By this decree the government of almost the whole world was vested in one man. However, u law of the like kind had been made two years before in the case of Marcus Antonius, when praetor ; but as the character of the person concerned renders such a precedent more or less perni- cious, so it augments or diminishes men's disapprobation of the proceeding. With regard to Antonius, they acquiesced without displeasure, for people are rarely jealous of the honors of those whose influence they do not fear. On the contrary, they look with dread on extraordinary powers conferred on persons who seem able either to resign or retain them at their own choice, and who have no limit to their acts but their own will. The nobility opposed the measure, but prudence was overcome by party violence. XXXII. It is proper to mention in this place, a testimony to the high character, and extraordinary modesty, of Quintus Catu- lus. Arguing against this decree in the assembly, and having observed that Pompey was undoubtedly a man of extraordinary merit, but that he was already too great for a member of a free state, and that all power ought not to be reposed in one indivi- dual, he added, " If any thing shall happen to that man, whom will you substitute in his place ?" To which the whole assem- bly answered aloud, " Yourself, Quintus Catulus." On this, be- ing overcome by the general concurrence of opinion, and by such an honorable proof of the public esteem, he withdrew from the assembly. Here it is pleasing to admire the modesty of the man and the justice of the people ; his modesty in desisting from pressing his opinion further, and their justice in proving themselves unwilling to defraud him of a clue testimony of es- teem, though he was opposing and urging against their inclina- tions. About the same time, Cotta divided equally between the two orders the privileges of being judges, 33 which Gains Gracchus had taken from the senate, and transferred to the knights, and which Sylla had again restored to the senators. Roscius Otho now restored 34 to the knights their places in the theater. Cnaeus Pompey having engaged many officers of 33 XXXII. Privilege of being judges] Judicandimunvs. See the Pseudo- Sallust's First Epistle to Caesar, c. 7. 34 Eoscius Otho now restored] Otho Roscius restitvit. " The same word is twice used, in speaking of this law, by Cicero, pro Mnrsen., c. 19, BO that it is probable, as Puteanus has suggested, that the equites had seats separ- ate from the plebs before this well-known law was passed." Ruhnken. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 451 great abilities to assist him in the war, and having raised a navy sufficient to command every nook of the sea, very soon, with his invincible hand, freed the world from apprehension, defeated the pirates * * * in various places, 35 and, attacking them on the coast of Cilicia, gave them a final overthrow. Anil in order the sooner to conclude a war so widely spread, he col- lected the remains of those depredators together, and appointed them fixed residences in towns, and in parts remote from the soa. Some blame this proceeding ; but the high character of the man sufficiently justifies it ; though, indeed, its reasonable- ness would have justified it in a man of any character. Ena- bling them to live without plundering, he of course diverted them from a predatory life. XXXIII. When the war with Mithridates was drawing to a close, and while Lucius Lucullus, who, on the expiration of his consulship, seven years before, having received Asia as his prov- ince, and been appointed to act against Mithridates, had achiev- ed many memorable exploits, having often defeated that mon- arch in various places, having relieved Cyzicus by a glorious victory, having vanquished Tigranes, the greatest king of the age, in Armenia, and having forborne, rather then been unable, to put the finishing hand to the war (for though in every other respect highly deserving of praise, and in the field almost invin- cible, he was a slave to the desire of increasing his wealth), while Lucullus, I say, was still prosecuting the contest, Manilius, a tribune of the people, a man always venal, and the tool of men in power, proposed a law, " that the war with Mithridates should be conducted by Cnreus Pompey." This law was pass- ed ; and a quarrel ensued between the two commanders, attend- ed with violent altercations. Pompey reproached Lucullus with his scandalous love of money, and Lucullus railed at Pompey's inordinate ambition ; and neither could be convicted of falsehood in what he laid to the charge of the other. For Pompey, from his first engagement in public business, could never with patience endure an equal, and in cases where he was entiled to the first share of honor, he wished to engross the whole ; no man, indeed, being less covetous of every thing else, or more so of glory. In his pursuit of employments of honor, he was im- Defeated the pirates * * * in various places] Prcedonetqut per muUa * * * a multis locis, etc. A defective passage. The Bipoiit edi- tor reads per inulta maria muliis, etc. 452 VELLETU3 PATKRCULTJS. BOOK n. moderate ; in office, he displayed the utmost moderation. Though he accepted posts of distinction with pleasure, he quit- ted them without regret, resigning at the will of others what he had sought for his own gratification. Lucullus, in other par- ticulars a very great man, was the first introducer of the luxury which now prevails in buildings, entertainments, and furniture ; . BO that, in allusion to the structures which he raised in the sea, and his conducting the sea into the land by undermining mount- ains, Pompey the Great used facetiously to call him " Xerxes in a toga." XXXIV. About this time, the island of Crete was reduced under the dominion of the Roman people by Quintus Metellus. This island, under two leaders, named Panares, and Lesthenes, at the head of twenty-four thousand young men, who were swift and active, patient of warfare and toil, and eminently skilled in archery, had wearied out the Roman armies during the previous three years. Even of the renown acquired here, Pompey did not refrain from seeking a share, but endeavored to make it appear that a portion of the success was due to himself. However, their own singular merits, and the feeling against Pompey entertained by the most honorable men on the occasion, rendered the triumph of Lucullus and Metellus ex- tremely popular. .Soon after, Marcus Cicero, who was indebted to himself for all his advancement, the noblest of new men, 36 honored in his life and pre-eminent in ability, to whom we are obliged for not being excelled in genius by those 37 whom we conquered in arms, detected, in his character of consul, and with extraordi- nary courage, firmness, vigilance, and activity, a conspiracy of Sergius Catiline, Lentulus, Cethegus, and other members of the senatorial and equestrian orders. Catiline was compelled, by dread of the extraordinary powers conferred on the consul, to flee from the city. Lentulus, who had been consul, and was then in his second praetorship, Cethegus, and several others of great note, were, by the consul's order, under the authority of the senate, put to death in prison. XXXV. That day of the senate's meeting, on which these transactions passed, displayed in the brightest colors the merit of Marcus Cato, which on many prior occasions had shone con- s XXXIV. Noblest of new men] Nomtatis nobiliszimce. The translation is Baker's 87 Excelled in genius by those, etc,] Viz., by the Greeks. BOOK it. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 453 spicuous, and with peculiar luster. He was great-grandson of Marcus Cato, the founder of the Porciau family, and was a man who closely resembled virtue itself, and, in every particular of his conduct, seemed more like the gods than mankind ; who never acted rightly, that he might appear to do so, but because he could not act otherwise ; who never thought any thing reasonable that was not likewise just ; and who, exempt from every vice, kept his own fortune always in his own power. After some had advised that Lentulus and the other conspir- ators should be kept in custody in the municipal towns, he, being then tribune of the people elect, very young, and almost the last that was asked his opinion, inveighed against the con- spiracy with such energy and ability, that, by the warmth of his discourse, he caused the language of all that recommended lenity to be regarded with suspicion, as if they were connected with the plot ; and so forcibly did he represent the dangers im- pending from the destruction and burning of the city, and from the subversion of the established state of public affairs, so highly, too, did he extol the merits of the consul, that the whole senate went over to his opinion, and decreed that capital punishment should be inflicted on the conspirators ; and the greater part of that body, after the conclusion of the debate, escorted him to his house. But Catiline was not less resolute in the prosecution of his schemes than he had been in forming them ; for, fight- ing with the greatest courage, he resigned in the field of battle the breath which he owed to the executioner. XXXVI. The birth of the emperor Augustus, ninety-two years from the present time, who was afterward, by his great- ness, to cast a shade over all men of all nations, added no small luster to the consulship of Cicero. To notice the times at which eminent geniuses flourished during this period, may seem almost superfluous ; for who is ignorant that in this age arose, separated by short intervals, Cicero, Hortensius, and, a little before them, * * * Crassus, 38 Cotta, and Sulpicius, while, immediately after, appeared Brutus, Calidius, Calms, Calvus, and Caesar, who came next to Cicero, besides the disciples, as we may call them, of these, Corvinus, Asinius Pollio, Sallust, the riv:il of Thucydides, as well as the poets Varro and Lucretius, ** XXXVI. A little before them, * * * Crassns, etc.] Anteaqne * * * CrtUftan. An1f fore his death, had chosen for a father-in-law ; their strength being augmented by Marcus Cato, who brought some legions to them, though with the utmost difficulty, by reason of the badness of the roads and the scarcity of provisions, and who, when the soldiers offered him the supreme command, chose rather to act under a person of superior dignity. LV. My promise to be brief reminds me with what haste I must pursue my narrative. Caesar, pushing his good fortune, and sailing to Africa, of which the army of Pompey's party, after killing Curio, the leader of Caesar's adherents, had taken possession, fought there at first with various success, but after- ward with such as usually attended him, and the enemy's forces were obliged to yield. His clemency to the vanquished, on this occasion, was such as he had shown to those whom he had previously defeated. But when he had finished the war in Africa, another still more formidable demanded his attention in Spain (as to his conquest of Pharnaces, it scarcely added any thing to his renown), for Cna3us Pompey, son of Pompey the Great, a young man of great energy in war, had formed there a powerful and formidable opposition ; as multitudes, still rever- ing the great fame of his father, flocked to his aid from every quarter of the earth. His usual fortune accompanied Caesar into Spain ; but no field of battle, more perilous or desperate, had he ever entered ; for, on one occasion, when his prospect t of success seemed worse than doubtful, he dismounted from his horse, placed himself before the line of his retreating troops, and, after reproaching fortune for having preserved him for such an end, declared to his soldiers that he would not retire a step ; bidding them therefore consider the character and cir- cumstances of the general whom they were going to desert. The battle was restored by the effect of shame rather than BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OP ROMAN HISTORY. 400 of courage ; and greater efforts were made by the leader than by his men. Cnseus Pompey, who was found grievously wounded in a desert place, was slain. Labienus and Varus fell in the engagement. LVI. Csesar, victorious over all opposition, came home to Rome, and, what is almost incredible, granted pardon to all who had borne arms against him, and delighted the city with most magnificent exhibitions of gladiators, and representations of sea-fights, and of battles with cavalry, infantry, and even with elephants ; celebrating a feast, too, at which he entertained the people, and which lasted several days. He had five tri- umphs ; the figures displayed in that for Gaul were made of citron wood ; in that for Pontus, of acanthus wood ; 61 in that for Alexandria, of tortoise-shell ; 52 in that for Africa, of ivory; and in that for Spain, of polished silver. The money arising from the spoils was somewhat more than six hundred thousand sestertia. 53 But this great man, who had used all his victories with so much mercy, was not allowed peaceable possession of supreme power more than five months ; for after returning to Rome in the month of October, he was killed on the ides of March by a band of conspirators under Brutus nnd Cassius ; the former of whom, though he had promised him a second consulship, he had not by that means secured to his interest, and the latter he had offended by putting him off to another time. They had even drawn in to their murderous plot Deci- mus Brutus and Caius Trebonius, the most intimate of all his adherents, men who had been raised to the highest dignity by the success of his party, with several others of great note. Mark Antony, however, his colleague in the consulship, a man always ready for any daring deed, had excited a strong feeling against him, by placing on his head, as he was sitting in the Rostrum at the festival of Pan, a royal diadem, which Caesar indeed pushed away, but in such a manner that he did not seem offended. LVII. By this event was shown the excellence of the advice 61 LVI Acanthus wood] Acanfho. The acanthus was a tree of the acacia kind, now generally supposed to be the same as the Mimosa. Nllotica of Linneeus, or " Egyptian thorn." See Plin., H. N., xxiv. 12; .Miller 1 :* Gard- ener's Diet., Art. Acacia; Martyn on Virg. Geor^., r. 11". " Tortoise-shell] " We must suppose that theferei/la, or frames on which the articles were carried in the procession, were inlaid with tortoise-shell, AS is now the case with many articles of furniture." Krause. * 3 Six hundred thousand sestertia] Something more than 4,800,000f. 470 VKLLEIUS PATKRCULUS. BOOK IT. of Hirtius and Pansa, who had always warned C;csar to pre- serve by arms the sovereignty which by arms he had acquired ; but he constantly declared that he would rather die than' live in constant fear of death ; and thus, while he expected to meet the same good feeling that he had shown to others, he was cut off by the ungrateful men around him. The immortal gods had given him many presages and signs of his approaching danger ; for the aruspices had forewarned him carefully to beware of the ides of March ; his wife Calpurnia, terrified by a vision in the night, besought him to stay at home that day ; and he received a paper from one that met him, containing an account of the conspiracy, but which he did not read. Surely the resistless power of fate, when it determines to reverse a man's fortune, confounds his understanding ! LVIII. The year that they perpetrated this deed, Brutus and Cassius were praetors, and Decimus Brutus consul elect. These, with the body of conspirators, attended by a band of gladiators belonging to Decimus Brutus, seized on the Capitol. On this Mark Antony the consul convened the senate. Cassius had proposed that Antony should be killed at the same time with CaBsar, and that Caesar's will should be annulled ; but this was overruled by Brutus, who insisted that the citizens ought to seek no more than the blood of the tyrant ; for so, to palliate his own conduct, he thought proper to call Caesar. In the mean time, Dolabella, whom Caesar had destined for his suc- cessor in the consulship, laid hold on the fasces and badges of that office ; and Antony, as wishing to preserve peace, sent his own sons into the Capitol as hostages, and pledged his faith to the murderers of Caasar, that they might come down with safety. Then was proposed by Cicero, and approved by a resolution of the senate, the imitation of that famous decree of the Athenians, enacting a general oblivion of the past. LIX. Caesar's will was then opened, by which he had adopted Cnaeus Octavius, grandson of his sister Julia, of whose origin, though he himself has anticipated me," * * * I must yet say a few words. Caius Octavius, his father, was of a family of which, though not patrician, was of a highly honorable equestrian rank. He possessed a sound understanding and a virtuous dis- M TJX. He himself has anticipated me] Pr&venit et* * * etc. " Vossins and Boeder rightly refer prcevenit to Augustus himself, and his comment- aries on his life mentioned by Suetonius, Aug., c. 2." Krauze. Some words, which introduces the account of Octavius's father, have been lost. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 471 position ; his conduct was distinguished by probity, i nd his -wealth was groat. In standing for the praetoiship, he was chosen first among competitors of the highest character; j,nd this honorable distinction gained him Atia, daughter of Julia, in marriage. On the expiration of his praetorship, the lots gave him the province of Macedonia, where he was honored with the title of Imperator. On his way home to stand for the consulship he died, leaving a son, who was under the age of manhood. This youth, who was brought up in the house of his step-father Philippus, Caius Csesar loved as if it were his own son ; and at the age of eighteen, as he had followed him to Spain, he made him his constant companion in the Spanish war ; not suffering him to use any other quarters, or to travel in any other car- riage than his own ; and, even while he was yet a boy, honored him with the office of pontiff. When the civil wars were ended, in order to improve the young man's excellent capacity by a liberal education, he sent him to Apollonia to study, pro- posing afterward to take him to the wars which he meditated against the Geta3 and Parthians. When the news of the mur- der of his uncle reached him, he received from the centurions of the legions in that neighborhood an offer of their support, and that of the troops ; which Salvidienus and Agrippa advised him not to reject. Hastening to Rome, he found at Brundusium full accounts of the fall of CaBsar, and of his will. On his ap- proach to the city, he was met by immense crowds of his friends ; and when he was entering the gate, the orb of the sun over his head was seen regularly curved 66 into a circular form, and colored like a rainbow, as if setting a crown on the head of a man who was soon to become so great. LX. His mother Atia and his step-father Philip were of opinion that he should not assume the name of Ca?sar, as being likely to excite jealous feelings toward him ; but the propitious fates of the state, and of the world, claimed him, under that name, as the founder and preserver of the Roman nation. His celestial mind accordingly spurned human counsels, determined 86 The orb of the sun regularly curved, etc.] Solis orbis cvrratu* crqva- litcr rotundatusqvf, in cvlorem arc-its. It is not possible to explain these words at all satisfactorily. Suetonius, in speaking: of the same occurrence, Aug., c. 95, says, Circulu-g ad gpeciem ccelextis arnis m-liem folix amliit; and Seneca, Q. N., i. 2; I)ion Cassius, xlv. 4; and Plin., H. N., ii. 28. allude to the matter in a similar way. Hence Hottinerer, a friend of Herelius, con- jectured that we should read curvatum aqualikr rotundatumque versicolorem arcum, etc. 4*72 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK it. to pursue the loftiest designs with danger rather than a humble course with safety, and choosing to follow the direction of an uncle, and that uncle Caesar, in preference to that of his step- father; observing that it would be impious to think himself unworthy of a name of which Caesar had thought him worthy. The consul Antony at first met him with haughtiness, not in- deed from contempt, but from fear ; and after granting him an interview in Pompey's gardens, scarcely allowed him time to speak with him. Soon after, he spread malicious insinuations that Octavius was plotting against him ; the falsehood of which was detected to his disgrace. The madness of the consuls Antony and Dolabella soon burst forth into open acts of abominable tyranny. The sum of seven hundred thousand sestertia, 66 deposited by Gains Caesar in the temple of Ops, was seized by Antony, under color of false inser- tions which he made in Caesar's registers. 57 Every thing had its price, the consul setting the Commonwealth to sale. He even resolved to seize on the province of Gaul, which had been decreed to Decimus Brutus, consul elect ; while Dolabella allotted the provinces beyond sea to himself. Between parties so discordant in their natures, and so opposite in their views, mutual hatred continually increased ; and Caius Caesar, in consequence, was exposed to daily machinations on the part of Antony. . LXI. The state, oppressed by the tyranny of Antony, lost all vigor ; every man felt indignation and grief, but none had courage to make resistance ; when Caius Caesar, in the beginning of his nineteenth year, by his wonderful exertions, and accom- plishment of the most important measures, displayed, while act- ing in a private character, a greater spirit than the senate in support of the republic. He called out his father's veterans, first from Calatia, and then from Casilinum ; and their example was followed by others, who came together in such numbers as quickly formed a regular army; and when Antony met the troops, which he had ordered to come from the foreign provin- ces to Brundusium, a portion of them, consisting of the Martian 69 LX. Seven hundred thousand sestertia] Something more than 5,650,- OOOZ. 67 False insertions in Caesar's registers] Actorum ejusdem insertis falsis, clvitatibusque * * * corrwpti commentarii. I have omitted the last three words. Various emendations of the passage have heen suggested, but to little purpose. BOOK it. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 47:} and the fourth legions, having learned the wish of the seta!.-, and the abilities of Caesar, took up their standards, and went oil' to join him. After honoring him with an equestrian statue, which at this day stands on the Rostrum, and testifies his age by its inscription, a compliment whioli, during three hundred years, was paid to none but Lucius Sylla, Cnaeus Pompey, and Caius Caesar, the senate commissioned him, in the character of propraetor, and in conjunction with the consuls elect, Hirtius and Pansa, to make war on Antony. This charge, he in his twentieth year executed with the gratest bravery in the neigh- borhood of Mutina, Pecimus Brutus was relieved from a siege-, and Antony was forced to quit Italy in a disgraceful and solitary flight. One of the consuls, however, fell in the field, and the other died of a wound a few days after. LXII. Before Antony was obliged to flee, the highest honors were decreed by the senate, chiefly at the suggestion of Cicero, to Caesar and his army ; but, as soon as their fears were removed, their real feeling discovered itself, and their favor to Pompey's party was renewed. To Brutus and Cassius were decreed those provinces, which they themselves, without any authority from the senate, had already seized ; those who fur- nished them with troops were commended, and all the foreign settlements were committed to their direction. For Marcus Brutus and Caius Cassius, at one time fearing the arms of Antony, at another time counterfeiting fear in order to increase the odium against him, had published declarations, that they would willingly live even all their lives in exile, if harmony could by that means be established in the republic ; that they would never afford occasion for a civil war, but were satisfied with the honor which they enjoyed in the consciousness of what they had done ; and, leaving Rome and Italy, with settled and similar intentions, they had, without any public commission, possessed themselves of the provinces and armies ; and pretend- ing that wherever they were, there was the Commonwealth, had received from such as were willing to gratify them the sums of money which used to be transmitted to Rome from the foreign provinces by the quaestors. All these proceedings were recited and approved in decrees of the senate. To Decimus Brutus, because he had escaped with life by the kindness of another, a triumph was even voted. The bodies of Hirtius and Pansa were honored with a funeral at the public expense. So little 474 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. regard was paid to Caesar, that the deputies who were sent to the army, were directed to address themselves to the soldiers in his absence. But the army was not so ungrateful as the senate ; for, though Caesar bore the affront, pretending not to notice it, the soldiers refused to listen to any directions unless their gene- ral were present. It was at this time that Cicero, out of his rooted love of Pompey's party, gave his opinion, that Caesar was " laudandus et tolleudus i" 68 saying one thing while he wished that another should be understood. LXIII. Meanwhile Antony, having fled across the Alps, and meeting a repulse in a conference with Lepidus (who had been clandestinely made pontifex maximus in the room of Caius Caesar, and though appointed to the government of Spain, still delayed in Gaul), came afterward frequently before the eyes of the soldiers, by whom, as any commander was preferable to Lepidus, and Antony, when sober, was superior to many, he was admitted at the rear of the camp through a breach which they made in the rampart ; but while he took the entire direction of affairs, he still yielded to Lepidus the title of commander. About the time that he entered the camp, Juventius Laterensis, a man whose life was consistent with his death, having earnestly dissuaded Lepidus from joining Antony, who had been pro- claimed a rebel, and finding his counsel disregarded, ran him- self through with his sword. Plancus, with his usual duplicity, after long debating in his mind which party he should follow, and with much difficulty forming a resolution, supported for some time Decimus Brutus who was consul elect, and his own colleague), boasting of acting thus in letters to the senate ; but soon after betrayed him. Asinius Pollio was steadfast in his purpose, faithful to the Julian party, and adverse to that of Pompey. Both these officers made over their troops to Antony. LXIV. Decimus Brutus, being first deserted by Ptancus, and then endangered by his plots, and seeing his troops, too, gradu- ally forsaking him, betook himself to flight, and was slain by some of Antony's emissaries, in the house of a friend, a noble- man named Camelus, thus suffering just punishment for his con- duct to Caius Caesar, to whom he was under the greatest Bfi LXII. Laudandus et tollendus] The play on the -word tollendiis can not be rendered. Tollo means not only to raise or extol, but to take out of (ht way. It is aa if we should say of a man that merits hanging, that ho de- serves to be exalted. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 475 obligations. For, though he had been the most intimate of all his friends, he became his murderer, and threw on his benefac- tor the odium of that fortune of which he had reaped the bene- fit He thought it just that he should retain the favors which he had received from Caesar, and that Caesar, who had given them, should perish. It was during these times that Marcus Tullius, in a series of orations, branded the memory of Antony with eternal infamy. He, indeed, assailed Antony in splendid and noble language, but Canutius, a tribune, attacked him with constant abuse. Their defense of liberty cost both of them their lives; the proscription commenced with the blood of the tribune, and ended with that of Cicero, as if even Antony were satiated with the death of such a man. Lepidus was then de- clared an enemy by the senate, as had previously been the case with Antony. LXV. A correspondence by letter was then commenced between Lepidus, Caesar, and Antony. Hints were thrown out of an accommodation, while Antony frequently reminded Caesar how hostile to him Pompey's party was, to what a height of power it had already arisen, and with what zeal, on the part of Cicero, Brutus and Cassius were extolled ; declaring that if Caesar disdained to come to terms with him, he would join his power to that of Brutus and Cassius, who were already at the head of seventeen legions ; at the same time remarking, that Caesar was under stronger obligations to revenge a father 59 than he to revenge a friend. Hence a league of partnership in power was concluded ; and in compliance with the exhortations and en- treaties of the armies, an affinity was contracted between Caesar and Antony, the step-daughter of Antony being betrothed to Caesar. Cirsar entered on the consulship with Quintus Pedius, on the day before he completed his twentieth year, the twenty- second of September, seven hundred and eleven years after the building of the city, and seventy-two before the beginning of your consulate, Marcus Vinicius. This year saw Ventidius assume the consular robe, immediately after wearing the praeto- rian, in that city through which he had been led in triumph among other Piceuian prisoners. He had afterward also a triumph. LXVL While Antony and Lepidus were greatly enraged, 59 LXV. To revenge a father, etc.] It was more incumbent on Octavius to revenge the death of Julius Caesar than on Antony ; Caesar being his adopted son, Antony only his friend. 470 VELLEIU3 TATERCULUS. BOOK n. both of them having, as we have said, been declared public enemies, and while both were better pleased at hearing what they had suffered, than what they had gained, the practice of proscription, on the model given by Sylla, was, in spite of Caesar's opposition, which was vain against the two, revived. Nothing reflects more disgrace on that period, than that either Caesar . should have been forced to prosciibe any person, or that Cicero should have been proscribed by him, and that the advocate of the public should have been cut off by the villainy of Antony, no one defending him, who for so many years had defended as well the cause of the public as the causes of individuals. But you have gained nothing, Mark Antony (for the indignation bursting from my mind and heart, compels me to say what is at variance with the character of this work), you have gained nothing, I say, by paying the hire for closing those divine lips, and cutting off that noble head, and by procuring for a fatal reward, the death 01 a man, once so great as a consul, and the preserver of the Commonwealth. You deprived Marcus Cicero of a life full of trouble, and of a feeble old age ; an existence more unhappy under your ascendency, than death under your triumvirate; but of the fame and glory of his actions and writings you have been so far from despoiling him that you have even increased it. He lives and will live in the memory of all succeeding ages. And as long as this body of the universe, whether framed by chance, or by wisdom, or by whatever means, which he, almost alone of the Romans, penetrated with his genius, comprehended in his imagination, and illustrated by his elo- quence, shall continue to exist, it will carry the praise of Cicero as its companion in duration. All posterity will admire his writings against you, and execrate your conduct toward him ; and sooner shall the race of man fail in the world, than his name decay. LXVII. The calamity of this whole period no one can suffi- ciently deplore ; much less can any one find language to express it. One thing demands observation, that there prevailed toward the proscribed the utmost fidelity in their wives, a moderate share of it in their freedmen, some portion in their slaves, and in their sons none at all ; so intolerable to men is the delay of hope, on whatever grounds it be conceived. That nothing, however, should be left inviolate, Antony, as if for an attraction and excitement to atrocities, proscribed his uncle Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus his brother Paulus. Plancus, too, had interest BOOK u. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 477 enough to procure a like sentence upon his brother Plotius Plancus. Among the jests of the soldiers, accordingly, who, ;imid the curses of their countrymen, followed the chariots of Le- pidus and Plancus, they made use of this expression, "The consuls triumph over Germans," (that is, brothers), 60 "not over Gauls." LXV11I. Let us here mention an affair which was omitted in its proper place ; for the character of the agent does not al- low a screen to be cast over his act. While Caesar was de- ciding by arms the fate of the empire at Pharsalia, Marcus Cnelius, a man nearly resembling Curio in eloquence and ability, but his superior in both, and not less ingeniously vicious, proposed iu his praetorship, as he could not be saved by quiet and moderate means (for his property was in a more desperate state than even his mind), a law for the relief of debtors; nor could he be deterred from his purpose by the influence of the senate or the consul, but called to his aid An- nius Milo (who was incensed against the Julian party, because he had not obtained a repeal of his banishment), and endeavor- ed to raise a sedition in the city, and secretly to stir up war in the country ; however, by the authority of the senate, he was first banished, and soon after cut off by the arms of the consuls near Thurii. Similar fortune attended Milo in a similar at- tempt ; for while he was besieging Compsa, a town of the Hir- pini, he was killed by the stroke of a stone, and paid the pen- alty of his offenses against Publius Clodius, and against his country, on which he was making war. He was a restless character, and carried his bravery even to rashness. But since I am reverting to things omitted, let me observe, that Marullus Epidius and Flavius Csesetius, tribunes of the people, having used intemperate and unseasonable liberties in prejudice of Caius Caesar, and having charged him with aspiring to royalty, were very near feeling the force of absolute power. Yet the anger of the prince, though often provoked, went no further than this, that, satisfied with a sentence of disgrace from the censors, instead of the punishment which a dictator might in- flict, he banished them from the country, declaring that it was a great unhappiness to him, to be obliged either to depart from his nature, or suffer his dignity to be violated. But I must re- turn to the course of my narrative. LXVII. Germans (that ' alluding to the name of the street in which stood his father's house, then occupied by Antony. In this treaty it was resolved to assign Sicily and Achaia to Pompey ; but with this his rest- less mind could not be long content ; and the only advantage that his coming produced to his country was, that he stipulated for the recall and safety of all the proscribed, and of others who, for various reasons, had taken refuge with him. This stipula- tion restored to the republic, among other illustrious men, Claudius Nero, Marcus Silanus, Sentius Saturninus, Aruntius, and Titius. Statius Murcus, who, by joining Pompey with his famous fleet, had doubled his strength, he loaded with false accusations, because Menas and Menecrates had disdained such a man as a colleague, and put him to death in Sicily. LXXVIII. At this period, Mark Antony married Octavia, ( V.-sar's sister. Pompey returned to Sicily, Antony to the trans- marine provinces, which Labienus, who had gone from tbo camp of Brutus to the Parthians, had brought an army of that " LXXVII. In his own Garinoe] In Carlnis suis. A pun on carince, ships, which was also the name of an open place, or street, in Koine. foro et lautis mugire Carinis. Virg. MU., viii. 361. 484 VELLEIUS PATBRCULUS. BOOK it people into Syria, and had put to death Antony's deputy, had disturbed with violent commotions ; but, through the courage and good conduct of Ventidius, he was cut off, together with the Parthian troops, and their king's son Pacorus, a young prince universally celebrated. Meanwhile, Csesar, lest, in such quiet times, idleness, the greatest foe to discipline, should debili- tate the soldiery, made frequent excursions throughout Illyrioum and Dalmatia; and by inuring the men to hardships, and train- ing them in action, confirmed their strength. At this time Domitius Calvinus, being, on the expiration of his consulship, made governor of Spain, gave an instance of strict discipline, comparable to the usage of old times ; for he put to death by the bastinado a centurion of the first rank, named Vibillius, for having shamefully fled in the field of battle. LXXIX. As the fleet and fame of Pompey increased daily, Caesar resolved to take on himself the weight of the war against him. To build ships, to collect soldiers and seamen, and to train them in naval exercises and evolutions, was the charge of Marcus Agrippa, a man of distinguished courage, proof against toil, watching, and danger ; who knew perfectly well how to obey, that is, to obey one ; others, he certainly wished to com- mand: a general, in all his proceedings, averse to delay, and making action keep pa?e with deliberation. Having built a very fine fleet in the Avcrniau and Lucrinc lakes, he brought, by daily practice, both soldiers and seamen to a thorough knowledge of military and naval business. With this fleet, Caesar (having first, however, with omens, propitious to the state, espoused Livia, who was given to him in marriage by Nero her former husband) commenced hostilities against Pompey and Sicily. But Fortune, on this occasion, gave a severe shock to him who was invincible by human power; for a storm, arising from the south-west, shattered and dispersed the greater part of his fleet near Velia and the promontory of Palinurus. This eve-.it occasioned a delay in the prosecution of the war, which was afterward carried on with uncertain success on Caesar's part, and sometimes with danger. For his fleet suffered severely in a second storm at the same place, and although in the first naval engagement at Mylae, in which Agrippa com- manded, the issue was favorable, yet in consequence of the un- expected arrival of the enemy's fleet, a heavy loss was sustained at Tauromenium under Caesar's eye, nor was his person unuien- BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 485 aced by danger ; as the legions, which had been landed with Cornificius, his lieutenant-general, were nearly surprised by Pompey. But the fortune of this hazardous juncture was amended by steady courage ; for in a general engagement at sea, Pompey lost nearly all his ships, and Avas forced to fly to Asia, where, by order of Mark Antony, to whom he applied for succor, while he was acting a confused part between the gen- eral and the suppliant, at one time supporting his dignity, at another begging his life, he was slain by Titius ; who, some time afterward, when he was celebrating games in Pompey's theater, was driven out by the execrations of the people, so strong had continued the detestation which he had incurred by such a deed, from the exhibition which he himself had given. LXXX. In prosecuting the war against Pompey, Caesar had summoned Lepidus from Africa, with twelve legions containing half their complement of men. This man, the vainest of human beings, who merited not by a single good quality so long an in- dulgence of fortune, had taken the command, as he happened to be nearer to them than any other leader, of the troops of Pompey, who, however, were attracted, not by his influence or honor, but by Caesar's ; and inflated with vanity at the number of the legions, which was more than twenty, he proceeded to such a degree of madness, that, though he had been a useless attendant on another's victory, which he had long retarded by dissenting from Caesar's plans, and constantly urging measures different from those recommended by others, he yet claimed the whole credit of the success as his own, and even had the assur- ance to send notice to Caesar to quit Sicily. But neither by the Scipios, nor by any of the ancient Roman commanders, was a more resolute act ever attempted or executed, than was now performed by Caesar. For, though he was unarmed and in his cloak, carrying with him nothing but his name, he went into the camp of Lepidus, and avoiding the weapons which were thrown at him by the order of that infamous man, one of which pierced through his mantle, he boldly seized the eagle of a legion. Then might be seen the difference between the commanders. The armed troops followed the unarmed leader, and Lepidus, in the tenth year after he had arrived at a height of power not at all merited by his conduct, being deserted by Fortune and his troops, wrapped himself up in a black cloak. 480 VELLEIUS PATERCULTJS. BOOK TT. and, passing unobserved among the hindmost of the crowd that flocked about Caesar, prostrated himself at his feet. His life, and the disposal of his property, were granted to his entreaties ; his dignity, which he was ill qualified to support, was taken from him. LXXXI. A sudden mutiny then broke out in the army ; for when troops consider their own great numbers, they are apt to revolt from discipline, and to scorn to ask Avhat they think themselves able to obtain by force ; but it was soon quelled, partly by the firmness, and partly by the liberality of the prince. A grand addition was made at this time to the colony of Capua. Its lands were public property ; and, in exchange for these, others, producing revenues of much larger value, to the amount of twelve hundred sestertia, 68 were assigned them in the island of Crete ; a promise was also given to them of the aqueduct, which to this day is an exceedingly fine ornament, productive of both health and pleasure. Agrippa, for his singular services in this war, was reward- ed with the distinction of a naval crown, an honor never be- fore conferred on any Roman. Caesar then returned victorious to Rome, and a great number of houses having been pur- chased by his agents, for the purpose of enlarging his own, he declared that he intended them for public uses, and an- nounced his purpose of building a temple to Apollo, surrounded with porticos, which he afterward erected with extraordinary magnificence. LXXXII." During this summer, in which Caesar so happily quelled the war in Sicily, fortune changed in the east, as well to his prejudice as that of the Commonwealth. For Antony, at the head of thirteen legions, having entered Armenia and Media, and marching through those countries against the Parthians, had to encounter their king in the field. At first he lost two legions, with all their baggage and engines, with Statianus, one of his lieutenant-generals ; afterward, he himself, to the great hazard of the whole army, became often involved in difficulties LXXXI. Twelve hundred sestertia] About 10,OOOZ. r .LXXXII. The commencement of this chapter, in which Krause retains the old, unintelligible reading, is translated according to the emendation of Ruhnken: Qua cestate Caesar tarn prospers sepelivit vn Sicilia helium, for- tana in Gzsare et republwd mutavit ad Orientem. This is the best of all the corrections that have been proposed ; though the words in Ccesare et repub- lica. as a Gottingen reviewer observes (Ephem. Lit., 1799, p. 120), will hardly satisfy every reader. BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 487 from which he despaired of escape ; an 1 when he had lost no less t'um a fourth part of his soldiers, he was saved by the advice and fidelity of a captive Roman. This man had been made a prisoner when the army of Crassus was cut off, but as this change in his condition had produced no alteration in his feel- ings, he came by night to an outpost of the Romans, and gave them warning not to proceed by the road which they intended, but to make their escape through a wooded part of the country. This proved the preservation of Mark Antony and his legions, ' out of which, however, and the whole army, was lost, as we have said, one fourth part of the soldiers, and one third of the servants and slaves ; while of the baggage hardly any thing was saved. Yet Antony called this flight of his, because he escaped from it with life, a victory. In the third year after, having re- turned into Armenia, and having, by some artifice, got its king Artavasdes into his power, he threw him into chains, which, not to fail in respect for him, he made of gold. But his passion for Cleopatra daily increasing, as well as the strength of those vices which are ever nourished by wealth, license, and flattery, he determined to make war upon his country. Previously, however, he had given orders that he should be called the new Father Bacchus ; after riding in his chariot, in the character of Bacchus, through the city of Alexandria, with a chaplet of ivy on his head, a golden-colored robe, a thyrsus in his hand, and buskins on his feet. LXXXIII. While Antony was making preparations for war, Plancus, not from a belief that he was choosing the right side, or from love of Caesar or of the Commonwealth, for to both he was ever a foe, but from being infected with treason as a disor- der (having previously been the meanest flatterer of the queen, more obsequious than any slave, the letter-carrier of Antony, the prompter and actor of the vilest obscenities, venal to all men and for all purposes, and having at a banquet represented Glau- cus in a dance, naked and painted green, carrying on his head a chaplet of reeds, dragging a tail after him, and crawling on his knees), formed the resolution, on being coldly regarded by Antony, because of certain plain proofs of his dishonesty, to de- sert to Caesar. He afterward constructed the clemency of the conqueror into a proof of his own merit, alleging that Caesar had approved what he had only pardoned. Titius soon follow- ed the example of this ftncle of his. One day when Plancus, 488 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. in the senate, charged Antony in his absence, whom lie had but recently deserted, with many foul enormities, Coponius, who had been praetor, and was a man of high character, observed with some humor, " Surely Antony did a great many things the day before you left him." LXXXIV. Soon after, in the consulate of Ctesar and Messala Corvinus, the decisive contest was fought at Actium, where, long before the engagement, the victory of the Julian party was certain. On one side, both the soldiers and the commander were full of energy ; on the other, every thing showed want of spirit ; on the one, the seamen were in full strength ; on the other, they were greatly weakened by want of provisions ; on the one, the ships were moderate in size and active ; on the opposite, more formidable only in appearance. From the one side not a man deserted to Antony ; from the other, deserters came daily to Caesar. Besides, in the very presence and view of Antony's fleet, Leucas was stormed by Marcus Agrippa, Patrae taken, Corinth seized, and the enemy's fleet worsted twice before the final decision. King Amyntas, 08 adopting the better and more profitable side (for Dellius, 69 adhering to his usual practice * * * * ), and Cnaeus Domitius, a man highly esteemed, and the only one of Antony's party who never addressed the queen but by her name, 70 came over to Caesar through great and im- minent dangers. LXXXV. At length arrived the day of the great struggle, when Caesar and' Antony, with their fleets drawn up, came to a general engagement ; one fighting to save, the other to ruin the world. The right wing of Caesar's fleet was intrusted to Marcus Lurius, the left to Aruntius ; to Agrippa was com- mitted the management of the whole action. Caesar himself, ready to go wherever he should be called by fortune, might be said to be present every where. On Antony's side, the direction of the fleet was given to Publicola and Sosius. Of the troops stationed on the land, Taurus commanded Caesar's and Canidius 1 Antony's. When the engagement began, there was every thing 98 LXXXIV. Amyntas] The successor of Deiotarus in the kingdom of Galatia. 88 DelliusTQuintus Delliusj to whom Horace addresses Od. ii. B. He de- serted from Dolabella to Cassias, from Cassius to Antony, and from Antony to Caesar. Sen. Suasor., i. The text is here imperfect, and a few words are omitted in the translation. 70 By her name] Nomine. Not ualuting her as a queen, 1>ut calling her merely Cleopatra. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 489 ready on one side, the commander, the seamen, the soldiers ; on the other, nothing but the soldiers. Cleopatra first began the flight, and Antony chose rather to be the companion of a flying queen than of a fighting soldiery ; and the general, whose duty it had been to punish deserters, became a deserter from his own army. The courage of his men, through deprived of their head, held out a long time in a most determined struggle ; despairing of victory, they sought death in the conflict. Caesar, wishing to soothe with words those whom he might have slain with the sword, and calling and pointing out that Antony had fled, asked them for whom, and against whom, they were fight- ing. At last, after a long effort in favor of their absent leader, they reluctantly laid down their arms, and yielded the victory ; and Caesar granted them life and pardon more readily than they could be persuaded to ask them of him. It was univer- sally allowed, that the soldiery acted the part of an excellent commander, and the commander that of a most dastardly soldier. Who can doubt, therefore, whether he who took to flight at the will of Cleopatra, would, in case of success, have regulated his conduct by her will or his own ? The army on land submitted in like manner, Canidius having precipitatey fled to join Antony. LXXXVI. What blessings that day procured to the world, what an improvement it produced in the state of the public welfare, who would attempt to recount in such a hasty narrative as this abridgment? The victory was attended with the greatest clemency ; only a few were put to death ; and these were such as would not deign to sue for mercy. From this lenity of the leader, a judgment may be formed of the limits which he would have prescribed to himself in success, had he been allowed, both at the beginning of his triumvirate and in the plains of Philippi. The faithful friendship of Lucius Arun- tius, a man remarkable for integrity like that of old, was the means of saving the life of Sosius, though Ca-sar had a long struggle against his inclination to spare him. Let us not pass unnoticed the memorable conduct and language of Asinitis Pollio. Having, after the peace of Brundusium, stayed at home in Italy, having never seen the queen, nor, after Antony's mind was enervated by his passion for her, ever interfered in the business of his party, he replied to a request from Caesar to ac- company him to the battle at Actium, " My services to Antony 21* liii) VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK K. are too great ; his kindnesses to me are too notorious ; I will, therefore keep aloof from your contest, and be the prey of the conqueror." LXXXVII. In the next year, Caesar, pursuing the queen and Antony to Alexandria, brought the civil wars to a conclusion. Antony killed himself courageously enough, so as to compen- sate by his death for many faults of effeminacy. Cleopatra, eluding the vigilance of her guards, and causing an asp to be brought into her, put an end to her life by iis bile, showing no signs of womanish fear. It reflected honor on Caesar's success, and his merciful disposition, that not one of those who had borne arms against him was put to death by him. The cruelty of Antony took off Decimus Brutus ; and the same Antony de- prived Sextus Pompey of life, though, on conquering him, he had pledged his honor to secure to him even his rank. Brutus and Cassius died voluntary deaths, without waiting to make trial of the disposition of the conquerors. The end of Antony and Cleopatra I have just related. Canidius died in a more cowardly manner than was consistent with his frequent profes- sions. Of the murderers of Caesar, Cassius Parmensis was the last victim of vengeance, as Trebonius had been the first. LXXXVIII. While Caesar was employed in putting the last hand to the Actian and the Alexandrine wars, Marcus Lepidus, a young man more amiable in person than in mind, son of that Lepidus who had been triumvir for regulating the government, by Junia a sister of Brutus, formed a plot to assassinate Caesar, as soon as he should return to Rome. The guardianship of the city was then in the hands of Caius Maecenas, who was of eques- trian rank, but of a highly honorable family ; a man who, when any affair demanded vigilance, showed the greatest alacrity, foresight, and judgment, but who, when relaxation from busi- ness could be obtained, indulged himself in indolence and pleasure to an excess of effeminacy. He was no less beloved by Caesar than was Agrippa, but he was not so highly pro- moted, because, through life, he was fully contented with tho narrow purple ; 71 he might have obtained equal preferment, but 71 LXXXVIII. Fully contented with the narrow purple] The text has an- gugti dam pene contenlus, which is manifestly corrupt, for any trustworthy example mcontentus with a genitive is not to be found. Runnken thinks that pene is a corruption of some substantive. The Basil editor gives an- g'usto clavo. For pene } Krause proposes bent or plane. The angustuy da/vui was the badge of a knight. I:OOK u COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 491 he had not equal desire for it. On this occasion, making not the least stir, but dissembling his knowledge of the matter, he watched the proceedings of this hot-headed young man, and then crushing him Avith wonderful dispatch, and without any disturbance either of men or business, he stifled the direful seeds of a new and fast-reviving civil war, the author meeting the punishment due to his criminal purposes. Here we may produce an instance of conjugal affection parallel to that of Calpuruia, wife of Antistius, whom we have mentioned above ; 72 Servilia, the wife of Lepidus, swallowed burning coals, and thus gained immortal fame as a compensation for a premature death. LXXXIX. How great the concourse was, and how ardent the welcome from men of all ages and ranks, with which Cae- sar was met on his return to Italy and Rome ; how magnificent, too, were his triumphs and donations, can not be fully related even in the compass of a regular history, much less in so brief a work as this. There is no good which men can desire of the gods, none that the gods can bestow on men, none that can be conceived in wishes, none that can be comprised in perfect good fortune, which Augustus on his return did not realize to the state, to the Koinan people, and to the world. The civil Av;rs, which had lasted twenty years, were ended, foreign wars were suppressed, peace was recalled, the fury of arms every where laid asleep, energy was restored to the laws, authority to the courts of justice, and majesty to the senate ; the power of the magistrates was confined within its ancient limits, only two praetors being appointed in addition to the former eight ; the old and original form of the Commonwealth was re-established ; the culture of the lands was revived ; reverence was restored to religion, security to men's persons, and to every man safe en- joyment of his propei ty ; the old laws received useful emenda- tions, and others of a salutary nature were introduced ; and the senate was chosen without severity, though not without strict- ness. The principal men, who had enjoyed triumphs and the highest honors, were induced by the encouragement of the prince to add to the decorations of the city. He himself could only be persuaded to accept of the consulship, which he was prevailed upon to hold, though he made many endeavours to prevent it, for eleven years ; the dictatorship, which the people 78 Calpurnia mentioned above] See c. 26, 492 VELLEITJS PATERCTJLUS HOOK i. resolutely pressed upon him, he as resolutely refused. A re< i tal of the wars waged under his command, of his victories that gave peace to the world, and of his numerous works both in Italy and abroad, would give full employment to a writer, who should dedicate the whole of his life merely to those subjects. Mindful of our declared purpose, we have laid before our readers only a general view of his administration. XC. When the civil wars were composed, as we have said, and the parts of the state, which a long succession of contests had lacerated, began to coalesce, Dalmatia, which had con- tinued rebellious for two hundred and twenty years, was re- duced to make a full acknowledgment of the Roman supremacy. The Alps, inhabited by fierce and barbarous nations, were entirely subdued. Spain, after much fighting Avith various success, was completely subjugated, partly by C;sar in person, and partly by Agrippa, whom the fiU'iidship of the prince raised to a third consulship, and afterward to be his colleague in the tribunitial power. Into this province a Roman army was first sent in the consulship of Scipio and Sempronius Longus, in the first year of the second Punic War, and two hundred and fifty years from the present time, under the com- mand of Scipio, the uncle of Africanus ; and a war was main- tained there for two hundred years, with so much bloodshed on both sides, that, while Rome lost several armies and geneials, the struggle was often attended with dishonor, and sometimes even with danger, to her empire. This province brought death to the Scipios; this province employed our forefathers in a dis- graceful contest of twenty years with the general Viriathus; this province shook Rome itself with the terror of the Numan- tine war. In this province was made the scandalous treaty of Quintus Pompeius, and the more scandalous one of Mancinus, which the senate rescinded by delivering up that commander with ignominy. This province caused the loss of many generals of consular and praetorian rank, and, in the time of our fathers, f exalted Sertorius to such power in arms, that during five years it was impossible to judge whether the Romans or the Span- iards were the stronger in the field, or which nation was des- tined to obey the other. This province, then, so extensive, so populous, and so warlike, Augustus Caesar, about fifty years ago, reduced to such a state of pacification, that the country, which had never been free from most violent wars, was thence COOK ii COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 493 forward, first under Caius Antistius, then under Publius Silius, and afterward under other governors, perfectly exempt from the disturbance even of marauders. XCI. While means were employed for establishing peace ia the west, the Roman standards which Orodes had taken when Crassus was cut off, and those which his son Phrates had cap- tured when Antony was driven from the country, were sent back from the east, by the king of the Parthians, TX> Augustus, the name which the general voice of the senate and people of Rome had, on the motion of Plancus, conferred upon Caesar. Yet there were some who felt dissatisfied with this most happy state of affairs. Lucius Murena and Fannius Caepio, men of different characters (for Murena, setting aside his present mis- conduct, might be esteemed a good man ; Caepio, even before this, had shown himself one of the worst), formed a plot to assassinate Caesar, but, being found guilty on a public trial, they suffered from justice that which they had intended to inflict on another by violence. Not long after, Rtifua Egnatius, a man, who, in every respect, was more like a gladiator than a senator, but who, in the office of sedile, had acquired a consid- erable share of popularity, which he had increased by occasion- ally extinguishing fires with the aid of his own servants ; so that from that office he succeeded to the prsetorship, and after- ward had the assurance to stand for the consulate, though he was conscious of being sunk in every kind of vice and infamy ; nor was his property in better condition than his mind ; this man, I say, having collected a number of accomplices like him- self, resolved to effect Caesar's death, being willing to die him- self, if he could but cut off the man during whose life he could not hope to prosper. For it is frequently the case that a desperate man chooses to fall amid public ruin, rather than to sink by himself, and desires, if he must perish, to escape notice among a multitude. But he was not more successful in keep- ing the secret than the former conspirators ; for being thrown into prison, he suffered, with his accomplices, the death best suited to his life. XCII. Let us not defraud of due commemoration the very meritorious conduct of an excellent man, Caius Sentius Satur- niuus, who was consul at this time. Caesar was absent, being employed in regulating the affairs of Asia, and of the east, and dispensing by his presence to every part of the world the 404 VELLEIUS PATKRCULTJS. HOOK n. blessings of that peacs, of which he was the author. Sentius, in Caesar's absence, happened to be sole consul ; and, after giving other instances of conduct distinguished by primitive strictness and the greatest firmness of mind, 73 such as dragging into light the frauds of the revenue fanners, punishing their avarice, and replacing the public money in the treasury, he also, when presiding at the elections, supported the character of consul with extraordinary dignity ; for whatever persons he judged unworthy to stand for the qusestorship, he forbade to declare themselves candidates for it ; and, if they persisted in doing so, he threatened to make them feel the power of a con- sul, should they appear in the Campus Marti us. And when Egnatius, elated by his popularity, conceived hopes, that as he had advanced immediately from the office of aedile to that of praetor, so he would proceed from the prsetorship to the con- sulate, he ordered him to withdraw from the field, and, on fail- ing to obtain compliance from him, he assured him with an oath, that even if he should be elected by the votes of the people, he would not return him. Such conduct I think com- parable to any of the celebrated acts of the early consuls ; but such is our nature, that we more readily bestow praise on actions of which we hear, than on those which we see ; we view present merit with envy, and past with veneration ; thinking ourselves obscured by the one, but stimulated by the other. XCIII. Three years before the discovery of the plot of Egn.i- tius, about the time of the conspiracy of Murena and Caepio, fifty years from the present time, Marcus Marcellus, son of Octavia, the sister of Augustus (whom the people generally supposed, if Ctesar should die, to be likely to succeed to his station, but suspected that that dignity would not be conferred on him without opposition from Marcus Agrippa), died very young, after having, in the office of aidile, exhibited games with the greatest magnificence. He is said to have been a youth of excellent natural qualities, happy in temper and ability, and capable of filling the high station for which he was educated. After his death, Agrippa, who had gone to Asia under pretense of acting as deputy to the prince, but, as fame says, choosing to be out of the way during the present state 73 XCII. By primitive strictness and the greatest firmness of mind] Prised severitate et swmmd constantia. The words which, follow these, vttere consulum more at severitate, are not translated, being, as Kraus observes, u manifest interpolation. BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 495 of affairs, on account of private misunderstandings between him and Marcellus, returned home and married Caesar's daugh- ter Julia, who had been the wife of Marcellus, a woman whose offspring promoted neither her own nor her country's happiness. XCIV. During this period, Tiberius Claudius Nero (who, as we have said, was three years old when Livia, daughter of Claudianus Drusus, became the wife of Caesar, being contracted to him by Nero her former husband), a youth who had been trained in the noblest principles, who possessed in the highest degree birth, beauty, dignity of mien, valuable knowledge, and superior capacity, and who from the beginning gave hopes of becoming the great man that he now is, and by his look announced himself a prince, began to act in a public character, being made quaestor in his nineteenth year; and, under the direction of his step-father, took such judicious measures, both in Rome and at Ostia, to remedy the exorbitant price of provi- sions and the scarcity of corn, that from what he did on that occasion, it plainly appeared how great he was to become. Not long after, being sent with an army, under a commission also from his step-father, to inspect and regulate the provinces in the east, he displayed in those countries instances of every kind of virtue ; and, having marched his legions into Armenia, and reduced it under the power of the Roman people, he bestowed the government of it [which had been taken from] Artavasdes, 74 on [Tigranes]. Even the king of the Parthians, awed by the fame of his great character, sent his own sons as hostages to Caesar. XCV. When Nero returned from those parts, Caesar deter- mined to try his abilities in supporting the weight of a difficult war, giving him, as an assistant in the business, his own brother Claudius Drusus, whom Livia had borne in the house of Caesar. The two brothers attacked the Rhaetians and Vindelicians on different sides, and having accomplished the sieges of many cities and forts, as well as some successful actions in the field, they completely subdued those nations (though strongly pro- tected by the nature of the country, difficult of access, abound- ing in numbers, and of savage fierceness), with more danger than loss on the side of the Romans, but with great bloodshed on that of the enemy. 74 XCIV. Artavasdes, etc.] There is here a hiatus in the text. The worde in brackets are a suggestion of Lipsius. 496 VELLEIUS PATURCULUS. BOOK II. Some time before this, the censorship of Plancus and Paulus \vas spent in quarreling with each other, producing neither honor to themselves nor advantage to the public ; for one of them wanted the requisite capacity, the other the requisite character, for a censor. Paulus could hardly fill the office ; and Plancus ought to have shrunk from it ; for he could not charge young men, or hear others charge them, with any crime of which he in his old age was not guilty. XGV[. Soon after, the death of Agrippa, who had ennobled his original obscurity by many honors, and had advanced so far as to become father-in-law to Nero, whose sons the en> peror Augustus, being his own grandsons, had adopted, prefix- ing the names Caius and Lucius to their own, brought Nero into closer connection with Caesar, for Julia, Caesar's daughter, who had been the wife of Agrippa, married Nero. The war in Pannonia, which had commenced in the consulate of Agrippa and Marcus Vinicius your grandfather, and which, raging with great fury, threatened Italy with imminent danger, Avas then conducted by Nero. The Pannonian nations, the tribes of the Dalmatian^, the situations of the countries and rivers, the num- bers of their people and the extent of their strength, the nu- merous and most glorious victories gained in that war by this consummate general, we shall describe in another place. Let this work preserve its character. In consequence of this suc- cess Nero enjoyed the honor of an ovation. XCVII. But while all things on this side of the empire were conducted with the greatest success, a severe loss was sustained by the troops in Germany, under the command of the lieuten- ant-general Marcus Lollius, a man who was always more anx- ious to get money than to discharge his duty, and, while he carefully concealed his vices, was extremely profligate. The loss of the eagle of the fifth legion called Caisar from the city into Gaul. The change and management of the German war was then delegated to Claudius Drusus the brother of Nero, a youth of as many and as great virtues as human nature can cherish, or industry acquire ; and of whose genius it is doubt- ful whether it was better adapted for the arts of war or of peace. His sweet and engaging manners, his courteous and unassuming demeanor 76 toward his friends, are said to have 73 XCVII. Unassuming demeanor] Par sui cestimatio. '' Just estimation of himself." BOOK IL COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 497 been inimitable. The comeliness of his person approached very near to that of his brother. But, when he had conquered a great part of Germany, after shedding a profusion of the blood of the inhabitants in various parts, the cruelty of the fates snatched him from the world while he was consul, and in the thirtieth year of his age. The burden of the war then de- volved on Nero, who executed it with his usual valor and suc- cess ; and, carrying his victorious arms over every part of Germany, without any loss of the troops committed to his charge (an object always of great solicitude with this com- mander), he subdued it so effectually as to reduce it nearly to the state of a tributary province. Another triumph, and an- other consulship, were in consequence conferred upon him. XCVIII. While the transactions which we have mentioned passed in Pannonia and Germany, the military exertions of Lucius Piso, whom we behold at present the mildest guardian of the city's safety, suppressed a furious war that broke out in Thrace, where all the tribes of the nation had arisen in arms. As lieutenant-general to Caesar, he carried on the war against them for three years ; and partly by engagements in the field, partly by taking their towns, with great destruction on their side, he reduced those ferocious people to submission on the former terms of peace ; by which achievement he restored se- curity to Asia, and peace to Macedonia. Of this man, every one must think and acknowledge that his character is a com- position of vigor and gentleness, and that it is hard to find any person, either more fond of ease, more ready to undergo the fatigue of business, or more anxious to dispatch what is re- quired of him, without any display of activity. XCIX. Not long after, Tiberius Nero, having now enjoyed two consulships, and as many triumphs, having been raised to an equality with Augustus in the partnership of the tribunitian power, having become the most eminent of all his countrvmen excepting one, and being inferior to him only because he wished to be so ; the greatest of commanders, the most distinguished in fame and fortune, the second luminary and head of the Com- monwealth, requested (out of a surprising, incredible, and un- speakable effort of affection, the causes of which were after- ward discovered, as he considered that Caius Cresar had al- ready assumed the manly gown, and that Lucius was now grown up to manhood, and apprehended that his own splendor 498 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. might obstruct the progress of the rising youths), leave of ab- sence from his father-in-law and step-father, that he might m t from a continual course of labors, but without discovering the true reasons for such a resolution. An account of the senti- ments of the people on this occasion, of the feelings of indi- viduals, of the tears shed by every one on taking leave of tlii ', great man, and how near his country was to insisting on his stay, must be reserved for my history at large. But one thing must be mentioned even in this hasty narration ; that he spent seven years at Rhodes in such a manner, that all proconsuls and legates going into the transmarine provinces waited on him there with compliments, lowering their fasces to him al- ways even in his private character (if such majesty was ever private), and acknowledging his retirement more to be respect- ed than their high employments. C. The whole world was sensible that Nero had withdrawn from the guardianship of the city. Not only the Parthians, renouncing the alliance of Rome, laid their hands on Armenia ; but Germany, when the eyes of its conqueror were turned away, rose up in rebellion. But in the city, in that same year (thirty from the present time), in which the emperor Augustus, being Consul with Caninius Gallus, gratified the eyes and minds of the Roman people, on occasion of dedicating a temple to Mars, with most magnificent spectacles of gladiators and a sea-fight, a calamity disgraceful to mention, and dreadful to call to mind, fell upon his own house. His daughter Julia, utterly regardless of the dignity of her father and husband, in- dulged in every excess which a woman can practice or allow at the instigation of luxury and libidinousness, measuring her license to be vicious by the eminence of her station, and pro- nouncing every thing lawful that gratified her desires. On this occasion, Julius Antonius, 70 who from being a conspicuous example of Caesar's mercy became a violator of his house, was himself the avenger of his own guilt. To this man, after the overthrow of his father, Caesar had granted not only life, but a priest's office, a praetorship, a consulate, and the government, of provinces, and had even admitted him to the closest affinity by giving him in marriage the daughter of his own sister. And Quintius Crispinus, who covered exorbitant wickedness under a morose austerity of countenance, with Appius Clau- i* C. Julius Antonius] Son of Mark Antony, by Fulvia. HOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 499 dius, Sempronius Gracchus, Scipio, and others of less note, of both orders, suffered only such punishment as they would have incurred for corrupting any ordinary person's wife ; though they had defiled the daughter of Caesar, and wife of Nero. Julia was banished to the island [of Pandataria], and thus re- moved from the sight of her country and her parents ; though, indeed, her mother Scribonia accompanied her, and remained a voluntary sharer in her exile. CI. A short time had intervened, when Caius Caesar, after making a progress through other provinces to inspect their condition, was sent to Syria, and made, on his way, a visit to Tiberius Nero, paying every mark of respect to him as to a superior ; but, during his stay in the province, his conduct was so variable that neither would abundant matter be want- ing to him who would praise it, nor a siifficiency to him who would censure it. This noble youth had an interview with the king of the Parthians in an island of the Euphrates, each hav- ing an equal number of attendants. This grand and memo- rable spectacle, of the Roman army standing on one side, and the Parthian on the other, while the most illustrious heads of the greatest empires in the world held their meeting, I had the good fortune to behold, soon after my entrance into the army, being then a military tribune. This rank I attained, Marcus Vinicius, while serving under your father and Publius Silius in Thrace and Macedonia ; and having since seen Achaia, Asia, all the provinces in the east, and the mouth and both shores of the Pontic sea, I now receive much pleasure from the recol- lection of so many events, places, nations, and cities. The Par- thian was first entertained at a banquet by Caius, on our bank ; then Caius by the king on the bank opposite. CII. On this occasion, some treacherous schemes, full of artifice and deceit, which had been formed by Marcus Lollius, whom Augustus had chosen director of the youth of his son, were revealed to Caesar by the Parthian prince ; and they were afterward made public by common fame. Whether Lollius's death, which followed in a few days, was fortuitous or voluntary, I have not discovered ; but the joy, which people felt at his de- cease, \vas counterbalanced by their grief for the loss of Censo- rinus who died soon after in the same province, a man formed by nature to captivate the affections of mankind. Caius then marched into Armenia, and, at the beginning, conducted every 500 VKLLKIUo PATERCULUS. BOOK IT. thing well ; but afterward, in a conference near Artigera, where he had rashly exposed himself, being severely wounded by a man named Adoluus, he became, in consequence, less active in. body, and mentally less capable of benefiting the public. He had about him, also, a crowd of courtiers, who encouraged his vices by adulation ; for flattery is always an attendant on high station, and, by this means, he was so far perverted, that he wished to spend his life in the most retired and distant corner of the globe, rather than return to Rome. However, after many struggles he consented, and having reluctantly set out for Italy, he fell sick and died at a town in Lycia, which they call Limyra. His brother, Lucius Caesar, had died a year before at Marseilles, as he was going to Spatn. CHI. But Fortune, though she had frustrated the hopes en- tertained of those illustrious names, had already restored to the republic its own peculiar safeguard. For before the death of either, Tiberius Nero coming home from Rhodes, in the consu- late of Publius Vinicius, your father, had filled his country with incredible joy. Augustus Caesar did not long hesitate as to his adoption ; not having to seek one whom he might elect, but to elect him who was most worthy. What he had purposed, therefore, after the death of Lucius, while Caius was yet alive, but had been diverted from doing by the earnest opposition of Nero, he, on the decease of the two young men, determined to execute ; and accordingly constituted Nero his partner in the tribunician power, though the latter used many arguments against the measure, both at home and in the senate ; and more- over, in the consulship of ^Eiius Catus and Sentius, seven hun- dred and fifty-seven years after the building of the city, twenty- seven from the present time, and on the twenty-seventh of June, he adopted him as his son. The joy of that day, the concourse of all ranks of men, the prayers offered by people stretching their hands, as it were, up to heaven itself, and the hopes then conceived of perpetual security, and of the eternal duration of the Roman empire, we shall scarcely be able to represent fully in our large work, much less can we attempt to do justice to them here. I must be content with observing that he was all in all to every one." Then shone forth to parents a certain hope 77 CHI. That he was all in all to every one] Quam in illo [omnia] omnibus fv^rint. " How much all things were in him for all." The omnia is an insertion of Krause's, borrowed by him from Lipsius's conjecture, qwm ilk omnia omnibus fuer it. BOOK it COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 601 of security for their children, to husbands of provision for their wives, to landowners of retaining their patrimony, and to all men, of safety, quiet, peace, and tranquillity ; so that nothing further could be hoped, nor could hope have a happier prospect of fulfillment. CIV. On the same day he adopted Marcus Agrippa, of whom Julia was delivered after Agrippa's death. But in the adoption of Nero an addition was made to the formula in these very words of Caesar : " This I do for the good of the Common- wealth." His country did not long detain in the city the champion and guardian of its empire, but speedily sent him into Germany, where a most violent war had broken out three years before, when Marcus Vinicius, your grandfather, a man of the highest reputation, was governor there, who had engaged the enemy in some places, and in others had made an honorable defense ; for which merits triumphal ornaments were decreed him, with a noble inscription reciting his performances. This year made me a soldier in the camp of Tiberius Caesar, having previously held the office of tribune. For shortly after his adoption, being sent with him into Germany in the post of praefect of cavalry, succeeding my father in that office, I was, for nine successive years, either as prefect, or lieutenant-general, a spectator, and, as far as the mediocrity of my ability allowed, an assistant in his glorious achievements. Nor do I think that any human being can have an opportunity of enjoying another spectacle like that which I enjoyed, when, throughout the most populous part of Italy, and the whole length of the Gallic prov- inces, the people, on seeing again their former commander, who in merit and power was Caesar, before he was so m name, congratulated themselves even more warmly than they congratu- lated him. At the very sight of him tears of joy sprung from the eyes of the soldiers, and there appeared in their salutations an unusual degree of spirit, a kind of exultation, and an eager wish to touch his hand. Nor could they restrain themselves from adding, " General, we see you, we once more receive you in safety ;" and again, " General, I was with you in Armenia,' 1 "I in Rhretia," "I was rewarded by you in Vindelicia," "I in Pannoni:'.," " I in Germany ;" all this can not be described iu words, and perhaps will scarcely gain belief. CV. (n-rni-iTiy was entered without delay; tho Caninefntes, the Attuaiii, tho Bructcri, were subdued; the Cherusci wero 502 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. again received into submission ; the river Visurgis, afterward rendered remarkable by a disaster of our troops, was crossed ; the parts beyond it were penetrated ; while Caesar assumed to himself all the most laborious and dangerous parts of the war, employing, in those which were attended with less hazard, the services of Seutius Saturninus, who was then his father's deputy in Germany ; a man of manifold virtues, diligent, active, provi- dent, able to sustain military duties, as well as eminently skilled in them ; but who, when business gave place to leisure, wasted his time in expensive indulgences, yet in such a manner, that he might rather be called splendid and gay than luxurious or indo- lent. Of his meritorious and celebrated consulship we have already spoken. The campaign of that year was protracted to the month of December, and rewarded our exertions with abundant success. His filial affection drew Czesar to Rome, though the Alps were rendered almost impassable by the winter ; but in the beginning of spring the necessity of protecting the empire recalled him to Germany, in the heart of which country, at the source of the river Lupia, 78 the general at his departure had fixed his winter quarters. CVI. Good gods ! For how large a volume did we achieve sufficient exploits in the following summer, under the command of Tiberius Caesar ! The whole extent of Germany was traversed by our army ; nations Avere conquered that were almost unknown to us even in name. The tribes of the Cau- chians were reduced to submission ; all their youth, infinite in number, gigantic in size, strongly guarded by the nature of the country, delivered up their weapons, and, with their leaders, surrounded by troops of our soldiers glittering in arms, pros- trated themselves before the general's tribunal. The Longobardi, a nation exceeding even the Germans in fierceness, were crushed. In fine, what had never before been hoped, much less attempted, the Roman army carried its standards to the distance of four hundred miles from the Rhine, as far as the Elbe, which flows along the borders of the Semnones and Hermunduri ; and, by singular good fortune, the care of the general, and a proper attention to the seasons, a fleet which had sailed round the bays of the Ocean, came from a sea, previously unheard of * CXIII. SisciaJ In Pannoniu, now Sisbock, at tho confluence of the Save and Colapis. BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 509 CXFV". His conduct was truly amazing, not ostentatious, but distinguished by real and solid virtue and usefulness, most delightful to experience, most exemplary in its humanity. During the whole time of the German and Pannonian wars, not one of us, or of those who preceded or followed our steps, was at any time sick, but his recovery and health were promoted by Caesar with as much care, as if his thoughts, which were obliged to attend to such an infinite variety of laborious business, had no employment but this alone. There was a carriage kept al- ways in readiness for such as wanted it, and a litter for general use, of which I, as well as others, experienced the benefit. Physicians, too, proper kinds of food, and the warm bath, in- troduced for that sole purpose, contributed to the health of all. Houses and domestics, indeed, were wanting, but no accommoda- tion that could either be afforded or desired in them. To this I shall add what every one, who was present on the occasions, will readily acknowledge to be true, as well as the other circum- stances that I have mentioned. The general alone always traveled on horseback ; 89 he alone, with those whom he invited during the greater part of the summer campaigns, sat at meals. 90 To such as forbore to follow this strict mode of living, he was very indulgent, provided they did no harm by their example; he frequently admonished and reproved, very rarely punished ; acting a middle part, dissembling his knowledge of most faults, and preventing the commission of others. The winter contrib- uted much to bring the war to a conclusion. In the following summer, all Pannonia begged for peace ; so that the remains of war were confined to Dalmatia. So many thousands of brave men who had lately threatened Italy with slavery, surrendering their arms (which they had employed at a river called Bathinus), 91 and prostrating themselves at the knees of Caesar, together with Bato and Pines, leaders of high reputation, one captive, the other submitting, formed a scene which I hope to describe at large in my regular history. In autumn, the victorious army was led back into winter-quarters ; and the command in chief of all the troops was given by Ca3sar to Marcus Lepidus, a man in fame and fortune nearest to the Caesars ; and every one, the 88 CXrV. On horseback] " Not in any carriage, or lectica." Euhnken. 90 Sat at meals] Canavit secUns. Not reclining on a couch. 81 Bathinus] As this name for a river occurs in no other writer, Krause suggests that we should read Bacuntius, now Bosset, a river running into the Save. 510 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. Jonger and better he knows and becomes acquainted with him, the more he loves and admires him, and acknowledges him to be a credit to the great names from which he is descended. CXV. Caesar now turned his thoughts and arms to the remaining part of the war in Dalmatia ; in which country, how useful an assistant and lieutenant-general he found in my brother, Magius Celer Velleianus, is testified by his own and his father's declaration ; and the record of the high honors con- ferred on him by Caesar at his triumph, confirms it. In the beginning of the summer, Lepidus, having drawn out the army from winter quarters, and making his way to join his general Tiberius, through nations unimpaired in strength, still free from the calamities of war, and, in consequence, daring and ferocious, he succeeded, after struggling with the difficulty of the passes, and the force of the enemy, and making great havoc of those who opposed him, cutting down their corn, burning their houses, and slaughtering their men, in reaching the quarters of Caesar, before whom he appeared exulting with victory and laden with spoil. In reward for these services, which, if performed on his own account, would have entitled him to a triumph, he was honored with triumphal decorations ; the will of the senate con- curring with the judgment of the princes. That summer brought this important war to a conclusion, for the Perustae and Desitiates of Dalmatia, notwithstanding that they were al- most impregnably secured by their mountainous countries, by the fierceness of their temper, by their surprising military skill, and more especially by the narrow passes of their forests, were at length, after being brought to the utmost extremities, reduced to quiet, not by the orders, but by the arms and personal exer- tions, of Caesar himself. In all this great war in Germany, I could observe nothing more noble, nothing more deserving of admiration, than that the general never thought any opportu- nity of success so attractive as to justify a squandering of the lives of his soldiers ; he ever judged the safest means the most honorable, and preferred the approbation of his conscience to the acquisition of fame ; nor were the counsels of the general ever swayed by the feelings of the army, but the army was always guided by the wisdom of the general. CXVL In the Dalmatian war, Germanicus, being sent for- ward into various places of difficulty and danger, exhibited great, proofs of courage ; and Vibius Postumus, who had been consul, BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 511 and was governor of Dalmatia, obtained, by his activity and diligence in the service, the distinction of triumphal decorations ; which honor, a few years before, Passienus and Cossus, men celebrated for certain virtues of opposite kinds, had attained in Africa. But Cossus converted this testimony of his success into a surname for his son, 92 a youth formed by nature as a pattern of every virtue. Lucius Apronius, who shared in the actions of Postumus, merited, by his excellent conduct in that service, those honors which he afterward obtained. I wish that it were not proved by more remarkable instances how much Fortune rules in every thing; but in cases of this kind her power may be abundantly recognized for ^Elius Lamia, a man of primitive manners, who always tempered with humanity the severity of old times, foiled, after discharging the most honorable employ- ments in Germany, Illyricum, and Africa, not of deserving, but of an opportunity of obtaining triumphal honors. Aulus Licinius Nerva Silianus, too, son of Publius Silius, a man whom not even thoso who knew him could sufficiently admire, was prematurely snatched away by fate (all the hopes of an excel- lent citizen and most upright commander being cut off), and prevented from enjoying the fruit of the prince's distinguished friendship, and from attaining a height of exultation as lofty as that of his father. If any one shall say that I looked for a place for mentioning these men, he will but charge me with what I readily admit ; for candidly to do justice, without ex- ceeding the truth, is no subject of accusation in the eyes of the right-minded. CXVII. Ciesar had but just concluded the war in Pannonia and Dalmatia, when, within five days after the final termination of it, mournful news [arrived] 93 from Germany; that Varuswas killed, three legions cut to pieces, as many troops of cavalry, and six cohorts ; the only favor allowed to us by Fortune being, that [this calamity did not happen] while the commander-in- chief was still engaged [in the Dalmatic war, when the rebel- lious Germans might have formed a junction with the enemy in that country]. But the occasion, and the character of the leader, demand some attention. Quintilius Varus was born of a noble rather than illustrious family, was of a mild disposition, 95 CXVI. A surname for his son] He left to his son the surname Gcetu- licus. 93 CXVII. Arrived] The verb is wanting in the original, as well as the vords inclosed in brackets below, which are suggested by Vossius. 512 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. KOOR n. of sedate manners, and, being somewhat indolent as well in body as in mind, was more accustomed to ease in a camp than to action in the field. How far he was from despising money, Syria, of which he had been governor, afforded proof; for, going a poor man into that rich province, he became a rich man, and left it a poor province. Being appointed commander of the army in Germany, he imagined that the inhabitants had nothing human but the voice 94 and limbs, and that men who could not be tamed by the sword, might be civilized by law. With this notion, having marched into the heart of Germany, as if among people who delighted in the sweets of peace, he spent the summer in "deciding controversies, and ordering the plead- ings before a tribunal. CXVIII. But those people, though a person unacquainted with them would hardly believe it, are, while extremely savage, exquisitely artful, a race, indeed, formed by nature for deceit ; and, accordingly, by introducing fictitious disputes one after another, by sometimes prosecuting each other for pretended injuries, and then returning thanks for the decision of these suits by Roman equity, for the civilization of their barbarous state by this new system, and for the termination by law of disputes which used to be determined by arms, they at length lulled Quintilius into such a perfect feeling of security, that he fancied himself a city praetor dispensing justice in the forum, instead of the commander of an army in the middle of Ger- many. It was at this time that a youth of illustrious birth, the son of Segimer, prince of that nation, named Arminius, brave in action, quick in apprehension, and of activity of mind fat beyond the state of barbarism, showing in his eyes and coun- tenance the ardor of his feelings (a youth who had constantly accompanied our army in the former war, and had obtained the privileges of a Roman citizen, and the rank of a knight), took advantage of the general's indolence to perpetrate an act of atrocity, not unwisely judging that no man is more easily cut off than he who feels no fear, and that security is very fre- quently the commencement of calamity. He communicated his thoughts at first to a few, and afterward to more, stating to them, and assuring them, that the Romans might be cut off by surprise; he then proceeded to add action to resolution, and < Nothing human but the voice, etc.] "He thought them mere brutaa, and therefore undertook their transformation into men." Krause. BOOK IT. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 513 fixed a time for carrying a plot into effect. Notice of his intention was given to Varus by Segestes, a man of that nation, worthy of credit, and of high rank ; but fate was not to be opposed by warnings, and had already darkened the mental vision of the Roman general. Such, indeed, is the nature of things, that, in general, when the gods 95 design to reverse a man's good fortune, they perplex his thoughts, and, what is most distressing, make it appear that his sufferings happen to him through his own fault, so that accident is laid to the account of guilt. Varus refused to credit the information, asserting that he felt a trust in the good-will of the people, pro- portioned to his kindness toward them. However, after this first premonition, there was no time left for a second. CXIX. The circumstances of this most dreadful calamity, than which none more grievous ever befell the Romans in a foreign country, since the destruction of Crassus in Parthia, I will endeavor to relate in my larger history, as has been done by others. At present we can only lament the whole. An army unrivaled in bravery, the flower of the Roman troops in discipline, vigor, and experience in war, was brought, through the supineness of its leader, the perfidy of the enemy, and the cruelty of Fortune, into a situation utterly desperate (in which not even an opportunity was allowed the men of extricating themselves by fighting, as they wished, some being even severely punished by the general, for using Roman arms with Roman spirit), and, hemmed in by woods, lakes, and bodies of the enemy in ambush, was entirely cut off by those foes whom they had ever before slaughtered like cattle, and of whose life and death the mercy or severity of the Romans had always been the arbitrator. The leader showed some spirit in dying, though none in fighting ; for, imitating the example of his father and grandfather, he ran himself through with his sword. Of two prefects of the camp, Lucius Eggius gave as honorable an example of valor as Ceionius gave of baseness ; for, after the sword had destroyed the greater part of the army, Ceionius advised a surrender, choosing to die by the hand of an execu- tioner rather than in battle. Numonius Vala, a lieutenant- general under Varus, who in other cases conducted himself as a modest and well-meaning man, was, en this occasion guilty 96 CXVIII. When the gods, etc.] A repetition of the sentiment at the end of c. 57. 22* 514 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS. BOOK n. of abominable treachery ; for, leaving the infantry uncovered by the cavalry, he fled with the horse of the allies, and at- t -mpted to reach the Rhine. But Fortune took vengeance on his misdeed ; for he did not survive his deserted countrymen, Lut perished in the act of desertion. The savage enemy inau- gbd the half burned body of Varus; his head was cut off, and brought to Maroboduus, and being sent by him to Cajsar, was at length honored with burial in the sepulcher of his family. CXX. On receiving this intelligence, Caesar lurriel home to his father ; and the constant patron of the Roman empire unde took ii:s causy as usual. lie was dispatched to Germany, he secured the peace of Gaul, arranged the troops, for'dfied garrisons, and estimating himself by his own greatness, not by the confidence of the enemy who threatened Italy with an invasion like that of the Cimbri and Teutones, crossed the Rhine with his army. He thus made war upon a nation whom Ids father and his country would have been satisfied with keep- ing at a distance ; he penetrated into the interior, opened roads, wasted the lands, burned the houses, overthrew all opposition, and then, with abundance of glory, and without losing a man of those who crossed the river, returned to winter quarters. Let due credit be given to Lucius Asprenas, who, serving as lieutenant-general under his uncle Varus, saved, by his manly and active exertions, a body of two legions which he com- manded, from sharing in that dreadful calamity ; and by going down speedily to the lower winter quarters, confirmed the alle- giance of the nations on the hither side of the Rhine, which had now begun to waver. But some people, while they allow that he saved the living, are still of opinion, that he dishonestly possessed himself of the property of those slain with Varus, and, as far as he pleased, made himself the heir of the slaugh- tered army. The bravery of a prefect of the camp, too, named Lucius Creditius, and of a party with him who were surrounded by a vast multitude of Germans at Alison, is much to be praised ; for, by forming their plans with judgment, using vigilant foresight, and watching their opportunity, they sur- mounted difficulties which want rendered insupportable, and the force of the enemy almost insuperable, and opened for themselves with the sword a passage to their friends. Hence it is evident, that Varus, in other cases certainly a man of char- acter and of good intentions, lost himself, and that noble army, BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 515 rather through want of conduct in the commander, than through deficiency of courage in the soldiery. While the Germans were venting their rage on the prisoners, an act deserving of renown was performed by Caelius Caldus, a youth who did credit to his ancient family ; he took hold of a part of the chains with which he was bound, and dashed it against his head with such force that his blood and brains gushed out together, and he immediately expired. CXXI. The same courage and good fortune which had ani- mated Tiberius at the beginning of his command, still continued to attend him. After he had broken down the force of the enemy in various expeditions by land and sea, and had settled important affairs in Gaul, and composed, by coercion more than by punishment, the most violent commotions of the populace at Vienne ; and after the senate and people of Eome, on a re- quest being made by his father, that he might "be invested with authority equal to his own in all the provinces and armies, had passed a decree to that effect (for it would indeed have been Unreasonable, if what he had secured should not be under his corr- niaud, and if he, who was the first to bring succor, should not be thought entitled to a share of honor), he returned to Rome, and celebrated his triumph over Pannonia and Dalmatia, which had been long due to him, but had been deferred on account of the continuance of the wars. His triumph was magnificent, but who can be surprised at magnificence in a Caesar? Who, however, will not admire the kindness of Fortune in this, that fame did not tell us, as was usual, that all the greatest leaders of the enemy were slain, but that the triumph displayed them to us in chains ? On this occasion my brother and I had the happiness of accompanying him, among the most eminent per- sonages, and those honored with the principal distinctions. CXXII. Among other instances in which the singular mod- eration of Tiberius Caesar shines forth conspicuously, this claims our admiration, that although, beyond all doubt, he merited seven triumphs, he was yet satisfied with three. For who can doubt that, for reducing Armenia, fixing a king on its throne (on whose head he placed the diadem with his own hand), and for regulating the affairs of the east, he ought to have enjoyed a triumph ? Or that, for his victories over the Ehseti and Vindelici, he deserved to enter the city in a tri- umphal car ? And when, after his adoption, he exhausted the 516 VELLEITTS PATERCULUS. BOOK ir. strength of Germany in three years of continued war, the same honor ought to have been offered him, and accepted by him. Again, after the disaster of the army of Varus, the rapid subjugation of the same Germany ought to have furnished a triumph for the same consummate general. But with respect to him you can hardly determine whether you should admire more his extraordinary exertions amid toil and danger, or his moderation with regard to honors. CXXII. We have now arrived at a period in which very great apprehension prevailed. For Augustus Caesar, having sent his grandson Germanicus to finish the remainder of tho war in Germany, and intending to send his son Tiberius into Illyricum, to settle in peace what he had subdued in war, pro- ceeded with the latter into Campania, with the design of escort- ing him, and at the same time to be present at the exhibition of athletic sports, which the Neapolitans had resolved to give in honor of him. Although he had before this felt symptoms of debility and declining health, yet, as the vigor of his mind withstood them, he accompanied his son, and, parting from him at Beneventum, proceeded to Nola; where, finding that his health grew worse every day, and well knowing whose presence was requisite to the accomplishment of his wish to leave all things in safety after him, he hastily recalled his son, who hur- ried back to the father of his country, and arrived earlier than was expected. Augustus then declared that his mind was at ease ; and being folded in the embrace of Tiberius, to whom ho recommended the accomplishment of his father's views and his own, he resigned himself to die whenever the fates should or- dain. He was in some degree revived by the sight and conver- sation of the person most dear to him ; but the destinies soon overpowering every effort for his recovery, and his body resolv- ing itself into its first principles, he restored to heaven his celestial spirit, in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and in tho consulate of Pompey and Apuleius. CXXIV. The universal apprehensions excited by this event ; the alarm of the senate, the consternation of the people, the fears of the world, and the narrow line between safety and de- struction on which we stood on that occasion, I have neither leisure to describe in this hasty narrative, nor can he, who has leisure, describe satisfactorily. One thing I can join with the voice of the public in declaring, that whereas we had dreaded BOOK ii. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 51 f the total ruin of the world, we did not perceive that it felt the slightest shock ; and so powerful was the majesty of one man, that there was no occasion for arms, either to protect the good, or restrain the bad. Yet there was one struggle, as it may be called, in the state, between the senate and people of Rome on one side, insisting on Caesar's assuming his father's sta- tion, and himself on the other, desiring leave to stand on a level with his countrymen, instead of acting in the exalted character of a prince. At length he was overcome by reason, not by the attractions of honor ; because he saw that whatever he did not take under his care would be lost. His case was singular in this, that he refused the sovereignty almost as long as others fought to obtain it. After he had seen his father re- stored to heaven, and had paid respect to his body with human, and to his name wirh Divine honors, the first act of his admin- istration was the regulation of the elections, on a plan left by the deified Augustus in his own handwriting. At this time, my brother and I had the honor, as Caesar's candidates, 9 * of being elected praetors, in the places next to men of the highest rank, and the priests ; and we were remarkable in being the last recommended by Augustus, and the first by Tiberius Caesar. CXXV. The Commonwealth quickly reaped the fruit of its determination and its wish ; and we soon learned what we must have suffered if that wish had not been complied with, and how greatly we had gained by its being fulfilled. For the army which was serving in Germany under the command of German- icus, and the legions which were in Ulyricum, being both seized at the same time with a kind of outrageous fury, and a violent passion for spreading universal disorder, demanded a new leader, a new constitution, a new republic ; they even had the confidence to threaten that they would give laws to the senate, and to the prince ; and they attempted to fix the amount of their pay, and the period of their service. They proceeded even to use their arms ; the sword was drawn ; and the impu- nity which was allowed them broke forth almost into the ex- tremity of violence. They wanted, indeed, a head, to lead them against their country, but there were numbers ready to follow. M CXXIV. Caesar's candidates] Candidates Caesaris. That is, brought forward and recommended by Caesar. See Suet. Aug., c. 56 ; Quintilian, vi. 3. 518 VELLEIUS PATERCTJLUS. HOOK it However, Lie mature wisdom of the veteran emperor, who, re- fusing most of their demands, promised some indulgences with- out lowering his dignity, soon allayed and suppressed all these outrageous proceedings ; severe vengeance being inflicted on the authors of the mutiny, and milder punishment on the rest. On this occasion, as Germanicus exerted his usual activity, so Drusus, who was sent by his father expressly to extinguish the flame of this military tumult, blazing, as it was, with enor- mous fury, enforced the ancient and primitive discipline, and by strong measures, though not without danger lo himself, 87 put a stop to those excesses, so pernicious both in the act and in the example ; and reduced to obedience the soldiers that pressed around him, by the aid of the very swords with which he was beset. In these efforts he found an excellent assistant in Junius Blaesus, a man of whom it is difficult to decide whether his services were greater in the camp or in the city. A few years after, being proconsul in Africa, he gained tri- umphal decorations, and the title of imperator. And being in- trusted with the presidency of Spain, and the command of the army there, he was able, by his excellent abilities, and with the reputation which he had gained in the war in Illyricum, to keep the province in perfect peace and tranquillity ; for while his fidelity to the emperor led him to adopt the most salutary measures, he had likewise ample authority to carry into execu- tion what he had planned. His care and fidelity were closely copied by Dolabella, a man of the noblest simplicity of charac- ter, when he commanded on the coast of Illyricum. CXXVI. Of the transactions of the last sixteen years, which have passed in view, and are fresh in the memory of all, who shall presume to give a full account ? Caesar deified his parent, not by arbitrary authority, but by paying religious respect to his character. He did not call him a divinity, but made him one. In that time, credit has been restored to mercantile affairs, sedition has been banished from the forum, corruption from the Campus Martius, and discord from the senate-house ; justice, equity, and industry, which had long lain buried in neglect, have been revived in the state ; authority has been given to the magistrates, majesty to the senate, and solemnity to the courts of justice ; the dissensions in the theater 08 have been suppressed, 87 CXXV. Not without danger to himself] Ancipitia Mi. These words are in some way corrupt; and the sentence is otherwise defective. 1)8 CXXVI. Dissensions in the theater] These were not of so small inj- BOOK ii, COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 519 and all men have had either a desire; excited in them, or a ne- cessity imposed on them, of acting with integrity. Virtuous acts are honored, wicked deeds are punished. The humble re- spects the powerful without dreading him ; the powerful takes precedence of the humble without contemning him. When were provisions mo^e moderate in price ? When were the bless- ings of peace more abundant ? Augustan peace, diffused over all the regions of the east and the west, and all that lies be- tween the south and north, preserves every corner of the world free from all dread of predatory molestation. Fortuitous loss- es, not only of individuals, but of cities, the munificence of the prince is ready to relieve. The cities of Asia have been re- paired ; the provinces have been secured from the oppression of their governors. Honor promptly rewards the deserving, and the punishment of the guilty, if slow, is certain." Interest gives place to justice, solicitation to merit. For the best of princes teaches his countrymen to act rightly by his own prac- tice ; and while he is the greatest in power, is still greater in example. CXXVII. It is seldom that men who have arrived at em- inence, have not had powerful coadjutors in steering the course of their fortunes ; thus the two Scipios had the two Laelii, whom they set in every respect on a level with themselves ; thus the emperor Augustus had Marcus Agrippa, and after him Statilius Taurus. The newness of these men's families proved no ob- struction to their attainment of many consulships and triumphs, and of sacerdotal offices in great number. For great affairs demand great co-operators ; (in small matters, 1 the smallness of assistance does not mar the proceedings ;) and it is for the interest of the public, that what is necessary for business should be eminent in dignity, and that usefulness should be fortified Avith influence. In conformity with these examples, Tiberius Caesar has had, and still has, jElius Sejanus, a most excellent coadjutor in all the toils of government, a man whose father was chief of the equestrian order, and who on his mother's side is connected with some of the most illustrious and ancient portance as might be supposed, being sometimes attended with great blood- shed. See Suet. Tib., c. 57 ; Tacit. Ann., i. 77. * If slow, is certain] Sera, sed aliqva. Lipsius would read sed aqua, but Gruter and others think that aliqua may be right ; i. e. some punishment is sure to follow. 1 CXXVII. In small matters, etc.] " If the words be Velleius's, the ob- servation is trifling, and utterly unworthy of him." Krauze. 520 VELLEIUS PATERCULUS BOOK n. families, ennobled by high preferments ; who has brothers, cousins, and an uncle, of consular rank ; who is remarkable for fidelity in the discharge of his duties, and for ability to endure fatigue, the constitution of his body corresponding with the vigor of his mind ; a man of pleasing gravity, and of unaffected cheerfulness ; appearing, in the dispatch of business, like a man quite at ease ; assuming nothing to himself, and hence receiving every honor ; always deeming himself inferior to other men's estimation of him ; calm in looks and conversation, but in mind indefatigably vigilant. CXXVIII. In esteem for Sej anus's virtues, the judgment of the public has long vied with that of the prince. Nor is it at all new with the senate and people of Rome, to consider the most meritorious as the most noble. The men of old, before the first Punic war, three hundred years ago, exalted to the summit of dignity Titus Coruncanius, a man of no family, be- stowing on him, beside other honors, the office of chief pontiff ; they promoted Spurius Carvilius, a man of equestrian birth, and afterward Marcus Cato, another new man (not a native citizen, but born at Tusculum), as well as Muuimius Achaicus, to consulships, censorships, and triumphs. And they who considered Caius Marius, a man of the most obscure origin, as unquestionably the first in the Roman nation, before his sixth consulship; who had so high an esteem for Marcus Tul- lius, that he could obtain, almost by his sole recommendation, the highest offices for whomsoever he chose ; and who refused nothing to Asinius Pollio, which men of the noblest birth had to obtain with infinite labor, were certainly of opinion that he who possessed the greatest virtues, was entitled to the greatest honors. The natural imitation of other men's examples led Caesar to make trial of Sejanus, and occasioned Sejanus to bear a share of the burdens of the prince ; and induced the senate and people of Rome cheerfully to call to the guardianship of their safety him whom they saw best qualified for the charge. CXXIX. Having exhibited a general view of the administra- tion of Tiberius Caesar, let us now enumerate a few particulars respecting it. With what wisdom did he bring to Rome Rhas- cuporis, the murderer of Cotys, his own brother's son, and part- ner in the kingdom, employing in that affair the services of Pomponius Flaccus, a man of consular rank, naturally inclined to all that is honorable, and by pure virtue always meriting BOOK n. COMPENDIUM OF ROMAN HISTORY. 52. Account of him, Fl.. iii. 15 ; V., ii. 6. Gracchus, Tiberius, killed, J., 31, 42. Remarks on his character and pro- ceedings, ib. Account of him, FL, iii. 14 ; V., ii. 2, 3. Gradivus, Mars, V., ii. 131. Granicus, V., i. 11. Greece, scourging adopted from, C., 51. Greek learning, J., 85. Greeks emigrate to Asia, V., i. 4. Gulussa, J., 5. Hamilcar of Leptis, J., 77. Hannibal, J., 5. His conduct of the second Punic war, Fl., ii. 6; V., u. 27. Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, Fl., ii. 6. Ilasdrubal surrenders at the siege of Carthage, FL, ii. 15. Helvetii, FL, iii. 10. Herachdffi, V., i. 2. Herculaneum, V., ii. 16. Hercules, J., 18; V.. i. 2,7. Hercyniau Forest, FL, iii. 10 ; V., ii. 108, 109. Herennius, a Spanish leader, slain, Fr., B. iii. (Letter of Pompey). 23 Hesiod, his character, .V., i. 7. Hiempsal, son of Micipsa, J., 5. His dislike to Jugurtha, J-,11. Mur- dered by him, J., 12 ; Fl., iii. 1. Hiempsal, king of Numidia, son of Gulussa, J., 17. His Punic vol- umes, ib. Hiero, FL, ii. 2. Hippo, J., 19. Hirtius, consul, his advice to Julius Caesar, V., ii. 57. Historian, duty of, C., 3. Homer, his character, V., i. 5. Horatii and Curiatii, FL, j. 3. Horatius Codes, FL, i. 10 j V., ii. 6. Hortensius, orator, V., ii. 36. His death, V., ii. 49. His son killed at PhUippi, V., ii. 70. Janus, temple of, FL, ii. 3 ; iv. 12 ; V., ii. 38. Jerusalem entered by Pompey, FL, iii. 5. Illyrians, Roman wars with them, FL, ii. 5, 13. Subdued by Augus- tus, FL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 39. Indians send embassadors to Augus- tus, FL, iv. 12. Indutiomarus, FL, iii. 10. Ion, V., i. 4. Iphitus institutes the Olympian games, V., i. 7. Isocrates, orator, V., i. 16. Istrian war, FL, ii. 10. Italic war, V., ii. 15. Juba overthrown by Caesar, FL, iv. 2. His death, ib. ; V., ii. 53, 54. Judges, or Jurymen, Ep., i. 7. Jugurtha, son of Ma&tanabal, and nephew of Masinissa, J., 5. His character and habits, J., 6. His popularity dreaded by Micipsa, ib. Sent with auxiliary troops to the Romans at the siege of Nurnantia, J., 7. Flattered there by certain Romans, and receives friendly ad- vice from Scipio, J., 8. Adopted by Micipsa, J., 9. Addressed by Micipsa on his death-bed, J., 10. His conference with Adherbal and Hiempsal after-Micipsa's death, J., 11. Plots against Hiempsal, J., 12. Murders him, ib. Aspires to the sovereignty of all Numidia, and defeats Adherbal, J., 13. Sees no hope of ultimate success but in Roman avarice, ib. Success of his 530 INDEX. bribery, J., 13, 15. Ten commis- sioners sent to divide the kingdom between him and Adherbal, J., 16. Works on Scaurus, and obtains the more valuable portion of Nu- midia, ib. Invades the territories of Adherbal, J., 20. Receives another embassy from the senate, J., 22. Disregards it. and besieges Cirta, J., 22, 23. Takes it, and puts Adherbal to death, J., 26. Sends more deputies to Eome with bribes, who are not admitted into the city, J., 28. Bribes the consul Calpurnius to grant him peace, J., 29. Is brought by Cassius to Rome to give evidence, J., 32. Bribes Bjebius, one of the tribunes, J., 33. Procures the death of Massi- va, J., 35. Quits Italy, ib. Maneu- vers against the consul Albinus, J., 6. Surprises Aulus, and sends the Romans under the yoke, J.. 38. Finds that he has to contend with a man of ability in Metellus, J., 46, 48. Resolves to come to a battle with him, J., 48. Descrip- tion of the arrangements and con- test, J., 49-52. Is at last repulsed, 53. Not dispirited, J., 54. His activity, J., 55. Attacks the Ro- man camp near Zama, J., 58. Re- solves on surrendering to Metellus, J., 62. Changes his mind, ib. His renewed activity, J., 66. His dis- quietude from the treachery of his adherents, J., 72, 76. Routed by Metellus, J., 74. FJees to Thala, J., 75. Quits it, J., 76. Flees to Getulia, J., 80. Unites with Boc- chus, J., 80, 81. Surprised by Marina, J.. 88. He and Bocchus unsuccessfully attack Marins, J., 97-99, 101. Desirous of peace, J., 111. Agrees to a conference, J., 112. Seized by the treachery of Boochus, J., 113. See Fl., iiu 1; V., ii. 9, 11, 12. Julia Augusta, daughter of Livius Drusus, V., ii. 71. Julia, daughter of Augustus, wife of Marcellus, then of Agrippa, then of Tib. Nero, V., ii. 94, 96. Her misconduct and banishment, V., ii. 100. Julia, Pompey's wife, her death, Fl., iv.2; V.,ii.47. Julius, Caius, C., 27. Julius Proculus, Fl., i. 1. Junia, sister of Brutus, V., ii. 88. Junius Blaesus, V., ii. 125. Junius Silanus, Decimus, gives his opinion for putting the conspirators to death, C., 50. Caesar's observa- tions on it, C., 51. Jupiter Stator, Fl. i. 1. King, the first title of sovereignty, C.,2. Labienus, Fl.. iv. 2 ; V., ii. 40. Falls at Munda ? V., ii. 55. Labienus, his son, V., ii. 78. Lacedaemonians, C., 2 ; V., i. 4, 17. Conquer the Athenians, and set the thirty tyrants over them, C., 51. Laeca, Marcus Portius, C., 27. Lffilius, orator, V., i. 17 ; ii. 9. Lancia, Fl., iv. 12. Langobardians, V., ii. 106. Laodicea taken, V., ii. 69. Lares, town of, J., 90. Latins, their wars with the Romans. Fl.,i. 11,14. Laurel growing up in a ship, Fl., ii. 7. Laurentian marshes, V., ii. 19. Laws, Agrarian, ii. 2, 6. Roscian, V., ii. 32. Manilian,V., ii. 33. Lentulus, Publius L. Sura, C., 17. His operations at Rome, C., 39, 40. Gives Vulturcius a letter for Cati- line, C., 44. Brought before tho Senate by Cicero, C., 46. Com- mitted to custody, C., 47. His freedmen seek to rescue him, C., 50. Put to death, C., 55 ; Fl., iv. 1 ; V., ii. 34. Lepidus, Marcus, C., 18. Lepidus, Marcus ^Emilias, consul, his speech against Sylla, Fr., B. i. Speech of Philippus against him, ib. His insurrection, FL, iii. 23. Lepidus the Triumvir, Fl., iv. 6. Proscribes his brother, ib. ; V., ii. 67. Left to guard the city, Fl., iv. 7. See V., ii. 63, 64, 66, 67, 80, 88. Lepidus, his son, plots against Au- gustus, V., ii. 88. Leptis Major, J., 77. Faithful to th Romans, ib. Its origin, J., 78* Leptis Minor, J., 19. Lesbos, V., i. 2> INDEX. 531 Libyans, and Getulians, original in- habitants of Africa, J., 18. Sub- dued under Augustus, Fl., iv. 12. Lieinius, Macer, tribune, his speech to the people on the tribunitial power, Fr., JB. iii. Ligurians, their war with the Ro- mans, Fl., ii. 3. Livia, daughter of Drusus, her flight, V., ii. 75. Married to Augustus, V., ii. 79. Livy, V., i. 17 ; ii. 36. Lollius defeated in Germany, V., ii. 97. His death, V., ii. 102. Lucilia, mother of Pompey, V., ii. 29.. Lucilius, poet, V.. ii. 9. Lucretius, poet, V., ii. 36. Lucullus defeats Mithridates and Ti- granes, V., ii. 33. Opposes Pom- pey, V., ii. 40. His avarice and luxury, V., ii. 33. His triumph, V., ii. 34. Lucullus, his son, falls at Philippi, V., ii. 71. Lucullus, Publius, a tribune, J., 37. Lupercal, V., i. 15; ii. 56. Lupia, river, V., ii. 105. Lutatius, Q. Catulus, aids Marius in defeating the Cimbri, V., ii. 12. His death, V., ii. 22. Lycia conquered by Brutus, V., ii. 69, 102. Lycurgus, V., i. 6. Lydia and Lydus, V., i. 1. Lysippus, V., i. 1. Macedonia gains universal empire, V., 5. 6. Made a Koman province, V., ii. 38. Overrun by barbarians, V., ii. 110. Macedonian war, C., 51 ; Fl., ii. 7. Second, FL, ii. 12. Third, ii. 14. Macedonicus, V., ii. 74. Mad Mountains of Sardinia, Fl., ii. 6. Maecenas, V., ii. 88. Mselius, Fl., i. 26. Magius, Celer Velleianus, the author's brother, V., ii. 115. Magius, Minatius, the author's ances- tor, V., ii. 16. Magius, Decius, ditto, V., ii. 16. Mamilius of Tusculum, FL, i. 11. Miimilius Limetanus, a tribune, pro- poses a law for investigating Ju- gurtha's affairs, J., 40. It is passd, ib. Mancinus besieges Carthage. FL, ii. 15. Surrendered to the Numan- tines, FL, ii. 17; V., ii. 1. Manilius Mancinus, J., 73. Manlius Caius, an adherent of Cati- line, C., 24, 27, 28, 30. Sends mes- sengers to Quintus Marcius Rex, C., 32, 33. Commands the right wing in Catiline's army, C., 59. Is killed, C., 60. Manlius Capitolinus defends the Cap- itol, FL, i. 1, 3. His death, i. 26. Manlius Torquatns, FL, i. 13. Manlius, Aulus, lieutenant-general to Marius, J., 86, 90, 100, 102. Manlius, Marcus, J., 114. Manlius Torquatus, Titus, puts his own son to death, C., 52. Marcellus opposes Hannibal, FL, ii. 6. Makes Sicily a province, V., ii. 88. Marcellus, nephew of Augustus, V., ii. 93. Marcius Philippus, FL, ii. 12. Marcius Rex, Qtiintus, C., 30. His answer to the deputies from Man- lius, C., 34. Marcomanni, V., ii. 108. Marica, lake, V., ii. 19. Marius, Caius, lieutenant-general of Metellus, J., 46. Joins Metellus at Zama, J., 57. Supports him, J., 58j 60. Elated by omens in sacra- ficmg, J., 63. A native of Arpi- num, ib. His youth and character, ib. Resolves on standing for the consulship, J., 64. Resents the haughtiness of Metellus, id. His boasts, ib. Works upon Gauda, J., 65. Goes to Rome, and is chosen consul, J., 73. Is appointed to conduct the war in Numidia, J., 73, 82. His hostility to the nobles, J., 84. His speeeh to the people, J., 85. Enlists the lowest of the people, J., 86. Assumes the com- mand in Numidia, ib. His pro- ceedings, J., 87. Surprises Ju- gurtlia, J., 88. Determines to be- siege Capsa, J., 89. Takes it, J., 91. Takes a strong fort on the river Mulucha, J., 92-94. Attacked by Jugurtha and Eocchus, but routs them, J., 97-99. His caution, J., 100. Routs the two kings again, J., 101. Receives Jugur- tha prisoner from Sylla, J., 113. 532 INDEX. Elected consul again, and tri- umphs, J., 114. See FL, iii. 1. Defeats the Cimbri and Teutones, Fl., iii. 3. Civil war with Sylla, FL, iii. 21. See V., ii. 11, 13, lo, 19, 20, 23. Marina the younger, FL, iii. 21 ; V., ii. 20, 27. Marina, Caius, his eagle, C., 59. Maroboduus, V., ii. 108, 109. Mars, temple of. V., ii. 100. Marseilles, FL, iv. 2; V., ii. 15, 50. Masinissa, king of Numidia, his services to the Romans, J., 5. His friendship for them, ib. ; FL, iii. 1. Massiva, grandson of Masinissa. J., 85. Murdered by Jugurtha's agents, ib. ; Fl., iii. 1. Mastanabal, father of Jugurtha, J., 5. Mauretanin, J., 19. Maximus, Quintus, J., 4. Medes, J., 18. Name said to be cor- rupted into Moors, ib. Universal empire of, V., i. 6. Medon, Archon, V., i. 2. Memmius. Caius, a tribune of the people, hostile to Jugurtha, J., 27. His speech to the people, J., 31. His address to the people, and to Jugurtha, J., 33. Menander, V., i. 10. Menenius Agrippa, FL, i. 23. Merula, flamen of Jupiter, V., 20, 22. Messala Corvinus saved by Octavius, V., ii. 70. Messana, FL, ii. 2. Metapontum, V., i. 1. Metellus Celer, Quintus, C., 30, 42. Cuts off Catiline's retreat into Gaul, C., 57. Metellus, Balearicus, FL, iii. 8. Metellus Creticus, Quintus, C., 30. Subdues Crete, FL, iii. 7. His tri- umph, FL, iv. 2. Metellus Numidicus, Quintus, elect- ed consul, J., 43. Has Numidia for his province, ib. Receives the command of the army from Albi- nns, J., 44. His judicious reforma- tion of it. J., 44, 45. His activity, J., 46. Retorts upon Jugurtha his own artifices, J., 46, 48. Repulses Jugurtha, after a hard contest, J., 50-53. His further operations, J., 54. His success causes great joy at Rome, J., 55. Besieges Zamu, J., 56-60. Raises the siege, J., Gl. "Works upon Bomilcar, J., 61. Re- ceives oilers of surrender from Ju- gurtha, J., 62. Offended at Ma- rius's ambition for the consulship, J., 64. Takes Thala, J., 75, 70. His feelings on hearing thatMarius was to succeed him, J., 82, 83. Tampers with Bocchus, J., 83. His return to Rome, and recep- tion there, J., 88. See FL, iii. 1 ; V., ii. 11, 15. Was an orator, V., ii. 9. Metellus Pius, son of Numidicns, his reception and conduct in Spain, Fr.,B. ii. Engaged in the Italian war, V., ii. 15. Defeats Sylla'a enemies at Faveutia, V., ii. 28. Metius Fufetius, FL, i. 3. Micipsa, son of Masinissa, J., 5. His fear of Jugurtha, J., 6, 7. En- deavors to win him by kindness, and adopts him, J., 9. His dying address to Jugurtha, J., 10 ; FL, iii. 1. Miletus colonized, V., i. 4. Milo kills Clodius, V., ii. 47. Is killed at Compsa, V., ii. 68. Milvian Bridge, Allobroges arrested on, C., 45. Mind, observations on ; J., 1, 2. Minturna;, V., i. 14; ii. 19. Mitliridatcs, his letters to Arsaees. Fr., B. iv. War between him and the Romans, FL, iii. 5. His death, ib. See V., ii. 18, 37, 40. Mitylcne, V., i. 4. Its treachery, V., ii. 18, 53. Morini, FL, iii. 10. Mucius, Scaevola, FL, 5. 10. Mucius, a lawyer. V., ii. 9. Mnlucha, city, FL, iii. 1. Mulucha, river, J., 19. Divided the kingdoms of Jugurtha and Boc- chus, J., 92. Mummius destroys Corinth, FL, ii. 10 ; V., i. 12, 13. A new man, V., ii. 128. Munda, battle of, FL, iv. 2. Muraena, Caius, C., 42. Muraina, L., conspires against Au- gustus, V., ii. 91. Mural crown, V., i. 12. Muthul river, J., 48. Mutina, battle of, FL, iv. 4. Mutina, V., ii. 61. Mysians subdued by Augustus, FL, 'iv. 12. INDEX. Nabdalsa leagues against Jugurtha, J., 70. Discovered, J., 71. Narbo Marcins, V., i. 15 ; ii. 8. Neapolis, V., i. 4. Its games in honor of Augustus, V., ii. 123. Nero, Tib. Cl., father of Tiberius Csesar, raises commotions, V., ii. 75. Nero, Tiberius. See Tiberius. Nestor, V., i. 1. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithridates) ; FL, iii. 5 ; V., ii. 4, 39. Ninus, V., i. 6. Nobility, tyranny of, J., 41. Nola, V ., i. 7. Nucerinus, Publius Sittius, C.. 21. Numa Pompilius, reign of, FL. i. 2, 8. Numantino War, J., 7. Destruction of Numantia, FL, ii. 18. Numidians, whence their name, J., 18. Their origin and progress, ib. Numidia made a province, V., ii. 39. Numitor, FL, i. 1. Oblivion, river of, FL, ii. 17. Obsidional crown, V., i. 12. Ocriculum, FL, i. 7. Octavia, sister of Augustus, wife of Antony, V., ii. 78. Octavius, father of Augustus, V., ii. 59. Octavius. See Augustus Caesar. Olympic games instituted, V., i. 7. Opimian wine, V., ii. 7. Opimius, Lucius, chief of ten com- missioners for dividing the king- dom of Numidia. J., 16. Kills C. Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus, V., ii. 6. Ops, her temple, V. ; ii. 60. Orestes, V., i. 1. His sons, V., i. 2. Orestilla, Aurelia, C., 15, 35. Orodes, king of Parthia, cuts off Crassns, V., ii. 46, 91. Osci corrupt Cuma, V., i. 4. Ostia, FL, i. 4; V., ii. 94. Otho, Eoscius, his law, V., ii. 82. Ovid, V., ii. 36. Pacorus, the Parthian prince, defeat- ed, FL, iv. 9 ; V., ii. 78. Pacuvius, writer of tragedies, V., ii. 9. Palinurus, prom., V., ii. 79. Pannonians, subdued by Augustus, FL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 39, 114. Rebel, V., ii. 110. Pansa, his advice to Caesar, V., ii. 57. His death, V., ii. 61. Parilia, birthday of Kome, V., i. 7. Parthia, war of the Romans with, FL, iii. 11. Parthians conquer Crassns, FL, iii. 11. Defeated by Ventidius, FL, iv. 9. Conquer Antony, iv. 11. Return the Roman standards, FL, iv. 12 ; V., ii. 91. See V., ii. 46, 100, 101. Parties, political, how formed, J., 41. Patricians, V., i. 8. Paulus .jEmilius subdues Perses, FL, ii. 12 ; V., i. 9. His sons, V., 1. 10. Paulus ^Emilius slain at Cannae, V., i. 9. Pedius, consul, his law against Cae- sar's assassins, V., ii. 69. Pelasgi remove to Athens, V., i. 3. Peloponnesians build Megara, V., i. 2. Pelops, his family expelled by the Heraclidse, V., i. 2. Penthilus, son of Orestes, V., i. 1. Perperna conquers Aristonicus, V., ii. 4. Perperna murders Sertorius, V., ii. 30. Conquered by Pompey, Fl. r iii. 22. Perses, king of Macedonia, C., 51, 81 ; Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mithri- dates) ; FL, ii. 12 ; V., i. 9, 11. Persians, J., 18. Their universal em- pire, V., i. 6. Perusia, siege of, FL, iv. 5 ; V., ii. 74. Petreius, Marcus, commands for An- tonius in the battle with Catiline, C., 59. Petreius and Afranius in Spain, FL, iv. 2. Petreius's death, ib, SM V., ii. 48, 50. Pharnaces conquered by Caesar, FL, iv. 2 ; V., ii. 40. Pharsaua, battle of, Fl., iv. 2 ; V., ii. 52. Philaeni, Altars of, J., 19. Legend of the Philaeni, J., 79. Philemon, writer of comedy, V., i. 16. Philip, king of Macedonia (Letter ol Mithridates), Fr., B. iv.; FL, ii. 7 ; V., i. 6. 534 INDEX. Philip, step-father of Augustus, V., ii. 59, 60. Philippi, battle of, Fl., iv. 7 ; V., iL 70. Philippus, Lucius, his speech against Lepidus, Fr., B. i. Phoeniciaus, some settled in Africa, J., 19. Picenum, C., 57. War with the t>co- ple of, Fl.. i. 19 ; V., ii. 29, 105. Pindar, V., i. 17. Piraeus, V., ii. 23. Pirates subdued by Pompey, Fl., iii. C : V., ii. 31. Crucified by Cajsar, V., ii. 42. Piso, Caius, could not prevail on Ci- cero to accuse Ctesar, C., 49. Why he hated Caesar, ib. Piso, Cnseus, C.. 18. Sent into Spain, C., 19. His death, ib. Pistoriaj C., 57. Placentia, V., i. 14. Plancus joins Antony, V.. ii. C3. Proscribes his brother, V., ii. 67, 74. Flees with Fulvia, V., ii. 76. His desertion to Augustus, and servility, V., ii. 83. Plato, V., i. 16. Plautian Law, C., 31. Plautus, Lucius, accuses Catiline, C., 81. Pollio. See Asinius. . Pompeius Kufus, Quintus, C., 30. Pompey, first consul of the family, V., ii. 1. Pompey, consul, slain by the troops of Cn. Pompey, V., ii. 20. Pompey, father of Pompey the Great, V., ii. 15. His conduct and death, V., ii. 21. Pompey, Cuseus, C., 16, 17. His let- ter to the senate, Fr., B. iii. Men- tioned in the speech of Licinius, Fr., B. iii. His followers, Ep., ii. 2. Takes the command of the Mithridatic -war, Fl., iii. 5. His further proceedings in the East, and at Jerusalem, M>. Subdues the pirates, FL, iii. 6. Civil war with Caesar, Fl., iv. 2. His theaters, ib. His death, ib. ; V., ii. 52, 53. See V., ii. 29, 30, 32, 37, 49. Marries Julia, V., ii. 44. Pompey, Cnaeus, son of Pompey the Great, his contests with Caesar, Fl., iv. 2. His death, ib. Pompey, Sextus, son of Pompey the I Great, his contests with Cassar, Fl., iv. 2. His war with Octavius and Antony, and death, Fl., iv. 8. See V., ii. 72, 77, 79. Pomtinus, Caius. See Valerius Flac- cus. Pontius, the Samnite general, Fl., i. 16. Pontius Telesinus, V., ii. 27 ; Fl., iii. 18, 21. Pontus, war with, Fl., iii. 5. Made a province. V., ii. 38. Popedius, Fl., iii. 18. Popilius Laenas, V., i. 10. Populace, their feelings, C., 37, 48. Porcian Law, C., 51. Porcius, Marcus P. Lseca, C., 17. Porsena, his war with the Romans, Fl., i. 10. Porticos of Metellus and Seipio, V., ii. 1. Posthumius, Albinus, severe censor, V., i. 10. Posthumius, dictator, Fl., i. 11. Posthumius, Lucius, Ep., i. 9. Proscription, invented by Sylla, V., ii. 28 ; Fl., iii. 21. That of the triumvirate, Fl., ii. 6 ; V., ii. 66. Pseudo-Philippus, FL, ii. 14 ; V., i. Ptolemy, V., i. 10. Ptolemy, Fr., B. iv. (Letter of Mith- ridates.) Ptolemy causes Pompey's death, FL, iv. 2 ; V.j ii. 45. Ptolemy, king of Cyprus, FL, iii. 9 ; V., ii. 53. Punic wars, first, FL, ii. 1. Second, ii. 6. Third, ii. 15. Punic books of king Hiempsal, J., Pvrrhus, his war with the Romans, FL, i. 18. See V., i. 1, 15. Quinctius, Lucius, Fr., B. iii. (Speech of Licinius). Quintilius Varus, killed by his freed- man, V., ii. 71. Quintilius Varus, son of the former, killed with his army in Germany, V., ii. 117-120. Quirmus, name of Romulus, FL, i. L Rabirius, poet, V., ii. 36. Raudian plains, V., ii. 12; FL, iii. 3. Regulus, FL, ii. 2 ; V., ii. 38. .Remus, FL, i. 1. His death, 'ib. INDEX. 535 tory of Kome, C., 4. Where his large history commenced, Tr., B. i., mif. Did not write the Two Epistles to Caesar, p. 233, seq. Kival of Thucydides, V., ii. 36. Salyi, or Salyes, FL, iii. 1 ; V., i. 15. Samnites, C., 51. Their wars with the Romans, FL. i. 16, 17. Made Eornan citizens, V.. i. 14. ! Sardanapalus killed, V., i. 6. Rhcemetalces, king of Thrace, V., ii. i Sardinia conquered, Fl., ii. 6 ; V., 112. ii. 38. Rome, founded by the Trojans, C., Sarmatians subdued by Augustus, 6; V., i. 7. Character and actions FL, iv. 12. of its early inhabitants, C., 6-11. Saturninus, Fr., B. i. (Speech of Commencement of licentiousness Philippus) ; V., ii. 12. among the soldiery, C., 11. Its Scffiva, centurion, his valor, FL, iv. 2. condition at the time of Catiline's j Scaurus, ^Emilius, his character, J., Rewards offered for information about the conspiracy of Catiline, C., 30. Rhffitians subdued, V., ii. 39, 95. Khea Sylvia, Fl., i. 1. Rhodes, faithless to Rome in the Macedonian war, C., 51 ; V., i. 9. Act with zeal against Mithridates, V., ii. 18. Taken by Cassius, V., conspiracy, C., 36. Romans adopt- ed from other nations whatever they considered eligible, C., 51 ; Fl., i. 5. Causes of Rome's great- ness, C., 53. When most power- ful, Fr., B. i. When most blame- less in morals, ib. Cause of dis- sensions in Rome, Fr., B. i. Rea- sons why Romans made war on 15. One of an embassy to Jugur- tha, J., 25. Accompanies the con- Bui Bestia into Numidia, J., 28. Bribed by Jugurtha, J., 29. His influence with the senate, J., 30. Appointed one of three commis- Bionefs to investigate Jugurtha's affairs, J., 40; Fl., iii. 1. Scaurus, orator, V., ii. 9. other nations, Fr., B. iv. (Letter Scipio Africanus, Publius, J., 4. Re- of Mithridates). Degeneracy of ceives Masinissa into alliance with the common people, Ep., i. 5. How Rome likely to fall, Ep., ii. 5. Rome's greatness, FL, Pref. Its infancy, youth, manhood, and old age, %b. Its just and unjust wars, FL, ii. 19. Its gradual corruption of morals, FL, iii. 12. Romulus, his name applied to Sylla, Fr., B. i. Romulus, son of Mars and Rhea Sylvia, FL, i. 1. His youth, ib. Builds Rome, ib. His reign and death, ib. His efficiency, FL, i. 8. Rubicon, V., ii. 49. Rutilius, a lieut.-gen. of Metellus, J., 49, 86. Rutilius, historian, V., ii. 9. Sabines, FL, i. 1, 15. Made Roman citizens, V ., i. 14. Sacriportus, V., ii. 26. Ssenius, Lucius, C., 30. Saguntum, FL, ii. 6. Salendicus, FL, ii. 17. Sallentine War, FL, i. 20. Sallust, engaged early in political affairs, C.. 3. Determines on writ- Rome, J., 5. Ilia patronage of Jugurtha at the siege of Numan- tia, J., 7. 22. His advice to him, J., 8. His letter to Micipsa, J., 9. He destroys Carthage, FL, ii. 15. Destroys Numantia, FL, ii. 18. See V., i. 12, 13 ; ii. 4. Uliaiia, V'.,