J X UC,I /^ III jLSZ *b sat ioa Suggestions for League Speakers Speech Material for League of Nations Addresses Published by the LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Bush Terminal Sales Building 180 West U2nd Street New York Suggestions for League Speakers Speech Material for League of Nations Addresses Published by the LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Bush Terminal Sales Building 130 West 42nd Street New York January 1919 /VA ■\ r TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword 5 Hints for Speakers 7 Our Program — Preliminary Statement 9 The Victory Program 12 Analysis of the Victory Program . 14 Functions 14 International Court 17 Council of Conciliation 18 Administration 18 International Congress 20 Executive Body 21 Prophecy and Forecast — Speech Material 25 Excerpts — President Wilson 26 Public Opinion Overseas 46 American Opinion 59 Resolution — A Suggested Form 71 Bibliography 72 392669 FOREWORD Those who exercise the power of the spoken word in favor of a League of Nations are among the great contributors to the final success of the cause. Only by an aroused public opinion can the ratification, by the Senate, of the treaties creating a League of Nations, be made certain. To educate the people upon this vital subject, to inform them of the dangers of delay or indifference and to arouse them to such affirmative action as will insure ratification, is the end of all our efforts. This booklet gives you in outline the program of The League to Enforce Peace, and many quotations from those who in all lands have labored for the establishment of a League of Nations. Completeness is impossible in such a pamphlet as this, but almost every library provides facilities for further study, and the sources indicated at the end of the quotations are especially rich in material. With this as a foundation the League to Enforce Peace Bulletin and an earnest reading of current publications will keep us abreast of the movement as it progresses. Facilities for the study of particular aspects of a League of Nations are afforded by a Special Library Service from National Headquarters, which is free to League speakers. Bibliographies upon any subject and the services of a trained librarian in locating quotations, statistics and other data, are gladly furnished upon application. The League is in active touch with organized bodies throughout the nation and our speakers are eagerly heard, but the field is so great' and the time so short that only by the "close co-operation of every bloomin' soul" will it be possible to accomplish our task. We call upon each League speaker to take the initiative in informing his or her community of the vital issues at stake and in securing from each organized body therein the adoption of a resolution favoring a League of Nations. League to Enforce Peace, Tom Jones Meek, Extension Secy. 5 Hints for Speakers The following, prepared evidently by a thorough master in popular oratory, were issued by the Treasury Department for the Fourth Liberty Loan Campaign. We commend them to ourselves. Adapted they are as follows: Begin with a positive, concrete, striking statement. Tell your audience something at the start that will immediately grip their attention. Use short sentences. Try to make one word do the work of two. Avoid fine phrases. You aren't there to give them an ear- full, but a mind- full. Talk to the back row of your audience; you'll hit every- thing closer in, Talk to the simplest intelligence in your audience; you'll touch everything higher up. Be natural and direct. Sincerity wears no frills. Speak slowly. A jumbled sentence is a wasted sentence. You represent The League to Enforce Peace, a non- partisan volunteer organization, advocating a League of Nations to insure a durable peace. Don't forget this. And don't let your audience forget it. Finish strong and sharp. and See to it that action looking toward the adoption of resolu- tions is taken following your speech. Our Program WHY WE FOUGHT America, as led by President Wilson, had a two-fold purpose in the war, — to crush militarism and to make the worid safe for the people who live in it by the creation of a league of nations to insure the future peace of the world. The League to Enforce Peace, organized in Independence Hall in June, 1915, with ex-President Taft as its head, has taken a strong hold on the heads and the hearts of the American people. It is non-political. The national Chair- men of both the great political parties are among its officers. The President of the American Federation of Labor, the kader of the Woman's Suffrage movement in America, and half a hundred other leading men and women are on its Executive Committee. Notice the word "Enforce" in its title. Our Secretary of War said that the Allies constituted a "league to enforce peace with justice" and Lloyd George made the same declaration. The Parliament of France and the British House of Lords have, by formal and unanimous vote, approved this splendid measure. The Allies are committed to the establishment of such a league. The world must take a lesson from the experience of men as individuals. No man ever got a right by simply getting liberty. It was only by putting liberty under the control of law that individual men acquired rights. We must place nations under the control of international law and provide a 9 10 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE plan of machinery that will keep them there. This is essential to freedom. Uncontrolled liberty and action is Bolshevism. Controlled liberty and action is freedom and is necessary to the development and broadening process of civilization. We fought to place political force under the control of international law, and if the Allies build such a structure as our President is proposing, mankind shall see established "the reign of Law based upon the consent of the governed, sustained by the organized opinion of mankind." HOW SHALL WE USE OUR VICTORY? We have made the world safe for democracy by a glorious victory over German militarism and we will live in the exal- tation of that victory for many years to come. But our task is not yet completed. We face to-day the problem of keeping the world safe for democracy. How shall we use the victory of war for permanent peace and justice? We want a peace so strong that autocracy shall never again raise its head among the nations to kill and devastate. We want a peace so strong and just that no mother in America shall ever say "My boy has died in vain." Such a peace is the concern of the whole world and must be maintained by the united power of the world. If one nation alone undertakes to maintain peace among the nations, even with the most unselfish purpose, her motives will be misunderstood. She will be the target of universal suspicion. Her large army and navy will excite the jealousy of other nations just as the swollen forces of Germany created world- wide fear before the Great War. That suspicion would be the greatest possible obstacle to universal peace. Even if America chooses to stand alone after this war the small nations of Europe cannot follow her example. They SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS II cannot protect themselves alone. Imagine Belgium, Serbia or the new state of the Czecho-Slovaks attempting to com- pete in armaments with the great powers! They would be hopelessly outnumbered and overwhelmed. If the world is to return to the old game of competitive military establish- ments, the rights of small nations will be little more than scraps of paper. Unless some better plan is agreed upon the sacrifices of the war will be wasted. The new nations will repeat the tragedy of the quarrelling Balkans and the world will be as far from permanent peace as it was in the summer of 1914. A LEAGUE OF NATIONS But President Wilson and Lloyd George are leading the way to a wise use of our victory. They stand for a League of Nations as the essential condition of permanent peace. "We go to the peace conference", said Lloyd George, "to guarantee that a League of Nations is a reality. I am one of those who believe that without peace we cannot have progress. A league of nations guarantees peace and guarantees also an all-round reduction of armaments.** President Wilson in his great address in New York last September declared that the aim of the war was "to create in some virile fashion the only instrumentality by which it can be made certain that the agreements of the peace will be honoured and fulfilled. . . . That indispensable instrumentality is a League of Nations formed under covenants that will be efficacious." A League of Nations would use our victory to perpetuate the glorious friendship of the Allied Powers. The splendid cooperation between our government and the governments of Great Britain, France, Italy, and the other powers has 12 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE taught the world its best lesson in brotherhood. There is no reason why it should end with the peace conference. There never was a time when that cooperation was needed more than it is to-day. The world faces common dangers and responsibilities; it should have a common agency to express its united will and carry out the world purposes of the war. THE VICTORY PROGRAM (Adopted at a meeting of the Executive Committee, held in Next Yor\, November 23, 1918, as the official platform of the League to Enforce Peace, superseding the proposals adopted at the organization of the League in Philadelphia, June 17, 1915.) The war now happily brought to a close has been above all a war to end war, but in order to ensure the fruits of victory and to prevent the recurrence of such a catastrophe there should be formed a League of Free Nations, as uni- versal as possible, based upon treaty and pledged that the security of each state shall rest upon the strength of the whole. The initiating nucleus of the membership of the League should be the nations associated as belligerents in winning the war. The League should aim at promoting the liberty, progress, and fair economic opportunity of all nations, and the orderly development of the world. It should ensure peace by eliminating causes of dissension, by deciding controversies by peaceable means, and by uniting the potential force of all the members as a standing menace against any nation that seeks to upset the peace of the world. The advantages of membership in the League, both economically and from the point of view of security, should be so clear that all nations will desire to be members of it. SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 13 For this purpose it is necessary to create — 1. For the decision of justiciable questions, an impartial tribunal whose jurisdiction shall not depend upon the assent of the parties to the controversy; provision to be made for enforcing its decisions. 2. For questions that are not justiciable in their charac- ter, a Council of Conciliation, as mediator, which shall hear, consider, and make recommendations; and failing acquiescence by the parties concerned, the League shall determine what action, if any, shall be taken. 3. An administrative organization for the conduct of affairs of common interest, the protection and care of backward regions and internationalized places, and such matters as have been jointly administered before and during the war. We hold that this object must be attained by methods and through machinery that will ensure both stability and progress; preventing, on the one hand, any crystallization of the status quo that will defeat the forces of healthy growth and changes, and providing, on the other hand, a way by which progress can be secured and necessary change effected without recourse to war. 4. A representative Congress to formulate and codify rules of international law, to inspect the work of the administrative bodies and to consider any matter affecting the tranquillity of the world or the progress or betterment of human relations. Its deliberations should be public. 5. An Executive Bod}), able to speak with authority in the name of the nations represented, and to act in case the peace of the world is endangered. The representation of the different nations in the organs of the League should be in proportion to the responsibilities M LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE and obligations they assume. The rules of international law should not be defeated for lack of unanimity. A resort to force by any nation should be prevented by a solemn agreement that any aggression will be met immediately by such an overwhelming economic and military force that it will not be attempted. No member of the League should make any other offensive or defensive treaty or alliance, and all treaties of whatever nature made by any member of the League should at once be made public. Such a League must be formed at the time of the definite peace, or the opportunity may be lost forever. This Victory Program is offered for the consideration and endorsement of all organizations and individuals inter- ested in the problems of international reconstruction. ANALYSIS OF THE VICTORY PROGRAM — POINT BY POINT FUNCTIONS: This victory program declares for "a League of Free Nations, as universal as possible, based upon treaty and pledged that the security of each State shall rest upon the strength of the whole;** and this League is demanded "to ensure the fruits of victory and to prevent the recurrence of such a catastrophe** as "the war now happily brought to a close.*' Statesmen innumerable have said the same thing times without number during the past four years, and the peoples of the world have more and more insisted that such a result must be the outcome of the war. The fundamental fact of all national life is here applied on the international plane by the declaration that "the security of each State shall rest upon the strength of the whole.'* The SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 15 curse of Cain has existed to this day among the nations, but this declaration removes it by asserting the simple truth that States are their brothers* keepers. "The initiating nucleus of the membership of the League should be the nations associated as belligerents in winning the war" continues the program. The members of the League must be both free agents and acceptable partners. On the other hand, it should be "as universal as possible." In other words, the League of Nations should follow the practice of the American Union. Starting among the nations which have become partners in victory over the forces of militarism and autocracy, it would take in others as they proved themselves fit for or met the conditions of membership, somewhat after the manner in which American territories have been admitted to the Union when they had attained the standards fixed by the fundamental law of the Constitution. "The League should aim at promoting the liberty, progress, and fair economic opportunity of all nations, and the orderly development of the world." Here is a perfectly sound and honest purpose, fair to all and worthy of all men's support. The liberty of every nation must remain the foundation of all healthy political growth, just as the freedom of the individual is the basis of sound community life. As Kipling, with a poet's vision, made Canada, "Our Lady of the Snows," say: Daughter am I in my mother's house, But mistress in my own. It is such a relation that the League should bear to the individual nations, guaranteeing their national independence and their position in the family of nations. In that way — by leaving its individual problems to each nation and by 16 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE cooperation respecting its international problems — the progress and orderly development of the world can best be assured. In an industrial era, when the needs and wants of peoples are manifold and when their satisfaction hinges upon conditions of increasing interdependence, "fair economic opportunity is an essential of progress." Fairness of trade conditions is not only practical, but as a system affords the opportunity for individual nations to pursue their own interests to the best advantage, in accordance with their duties toward the world. "It should ensure peace by eliminating causes of dissension, by deciding controversies by peaceable means, and by uniting the potential force of all members as a standing menace against any nation that seeks to upset the peace of the world." Granting the disposition to seek peace on the part of nations, the great obstacle in the immediate past to realizing the purpose has been lack of eliminating organs in the body of world politics to remove the poison of dis- sension. The student of the international relations of the last century must inevitably be impressed with the fact that practically no difficulty that resulted in a crisis or in war was recent in its origin. Take the Balkan question, for example. The decisions of the 1820's and 1830's were incomplete and unsatisfactory, but they fixed conditions, which in the 70's resulted in a great European settlement that, under similarly bad auspices, was as unfortunate as the first arrangement. And the festering sores then opened created unwholesome conditions that required the major operation of a world war. Establishment of machinery for wiping out the causes of dissension when disputes arise and for deciding actual controversies by peaceable means will SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 17 therefore play an essential part in ensuring peace. But, lest a nation's interest should loom larger to it than the world's peace, it is advisable that each nation shall understand that an attempt to "upset the peace of the world" will immedi- ately bring it up against the united forces of all. "The advantages of membership in the League, both economically and from the point of view of security, should be so clear that all nations will desire to be members of it.** International Court: "For the decision of justici- able questions, an impartial tribunal whose jurisdiction rhall not depend upon the assent of the parties to the controversy, provision to be made for enforcing its decisions.** The purpose of this article is to give international justice an institution through which it can operate upon all problems between nations. A restricted court has existed since the First Hague Conference in 1 899, and 44 States — including all belligerents — are members of it. A better court was provided in 1907, but had not been set up at the outbreak of the war. There is no question raised anywhere as to a complete international court, so far as its principle is con- cerned. The organization of such a court will be, of course, largely technical. Such details offer little difficulty. The problem not yet solved is how the court is to be made up. That was an unconquered problem before the war because of the theory of sovereignty, which made States unwilling to establish a court in which all were not represented by their own members. International cooperation to the extent now accepted should serve to modify that theory so that solution of this problem will not be difficult .« LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Council of Conciliation: "For questions that are not justiciable in their character, a Council of Conciliation, as mediator, which shall hear, consider, and make recom- mendations; and jailing acquiescence by the parties con- cerned, the League shall determine what action, if any, shall be taken.** It was well recognized before the war that negotiation, which is nothing but diplomatic bargaining, did not settle all disputes between nations and that courts could not handle many of them because they did not involve principles of law. The Hague conferences provided the machinery for conciliation, but it was optional. The Taft administration in 1911 negotiated treaties which applied this principle in the exact form of the program. After they failed to receive the Senate's approval, the Wilson adminis- tration negotiated similar treaties with thirty countries, of which twenty are in force. The proposal now is to create a permanent international institution performing this service. Organization of an international council offers no diffi- culty. Like the court, the actual arrangements for setting it up must be largely technical. As the purpose of the council is simply to aid the parties in dispute to find the facts in their controversy, leaving the decision for them to find, the personnel is not of the same importance as in the judicial organ, and no nation is likely to object to any reasonable and practical method of constituting it. ADMINISTRATION: "An administrative organization for the conduct of affairs of common interest, the protection and care of backward regions and internationalized places, and such matters as have been jointly administered before and during the war. We hold that this object must be attained by methods and through machinery that will ensure both SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS If stability and progress; preventing, on the one hand, an$ crystallization of the status quo that will defeat the forces of healthy growth and change, and providing, on the other hand, a way by which progress can be secured and necessary change effected without recourse to war." Before the war there existed nearly 75 instances of official administrative cooperation. Such institutions as the Universal Postal Union with its permanent bureau, the European Commission of the Danube, the Latin Monetary Union, the regulations for the protection of submarine cables, and the Pan-American Union are well known and exemplify the phenomenon of international administration. Such insti- tutions as the bureaus for the repression of the African slave trade, the machinery for preventing the importation of spirit- ous liquors into certain regions of Africa, and the conven- tions for the repression of the use of opium aptly illustrate the way in which the backward regions were internationally cared for and protected then, and how they can be looked after in the future. Then institutions such as the Interna- tional Sanitary Council at Tangier, the Superior Sanitary Council of Constantinople, the internationalized regime of the Suez Canal, and the safety patrol of the North Atlantic Ocean had demonstrated the value of common administration for internationalized portions of the world. During the war such institutions have continued to func- tion, but the progress of the conflict made it clear that they must be closer connected. In fact, for the purposes of the war a very closely interlocked set of institutions has been devel- oped by the powers associated against Germany. Headed by the political organ known as the Supreme War Council, a great number of committees and councils have come into » LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE being for the allocation of supplies and the conduct of the war. Among these may be mentioned the Military Representa- tives, the Allied Naval Council, the Inter-Ally Council on War Purchases and Finance, the Inter-Allied Maritime Transport Council, the Food Council, the Munitions Coun- cil, and many subordinate committees. The war has thus co-ordinated to a greater extent than before the existent international administration. It remains to co-ordinate the permanent features of these war institutions and those of the pre-war period. The world would thus have in being machinery constantly and readily responsive to "forces of healthy growth and change.** International Congress: "A representative con- gress to formulate and codify rules of international law, to inspect the work of the administrative bodies and to consider any matter affecting the tranquillity of the world or the progress or betterment of human relations. Its deliberations should be public,** The important improvement is that law passed by the conferences shall govern thereafter. The old system usually worked that way, but not necessarily. The conferences will make interdependence effective, leaving administration largely to the national State. It will regulate economic relations and decide such questions as the "freedom of the seas.** Organization of the conference will follow the main tech- nical lines of The Hague conferences. If the change in the theory of sovereignty mentioned above is realized, there will be no objection to giving up the old system under which any State voting against a measure could kill it. A specified plurality greater than a majority should be practical. SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 21 EXECUTIVE BODY: "An executive body able to speak with authority in the name of the nations represented, and to act in case the peace of the world is endangered.** The organization of the Supreme War Council is the existing prototype of such a body. The council consists of the premiers of Great Britain, France, and Italy with the President of the United States, or their proxies. On occa- sions when other of the associated powers have been inter- ested in the problems under discussion their representatives have been admitted to what have come to be called inter- allied conferences. This machinery has apparently worked smoothly and, if placed on a permanent basis with the changes necessary to correspond with the constitution of the League, would give it an executive speaking with its author- ity and capable of acting at any time. "The representation of the different nations in the organs of the League should be in proportion to the responsibilities and obligations they assume. The rules of international law should not be defeated for lack of unanimity.** This provision in the program calls for an important reform, the absence of which greatly hampered progress in the past by making impossible any improvement not accept- able to all. It was logical in a system of sovereign States that none should be bound except by its own decision, but it is just as logical that a League of Nations, establishing duties of individual States toward the whole, should be able to reach its decisions by something short of unanimous consent. The provision provides simply for recognizing the two conditions, that responsibility and representation — that is, effective influence — should bear a relation to each other, and that the discredited principle of blocking progress by insignificant minorities should be relegated to the past. 22 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE **A resort to force by any nation should be prevented by a solemn agreement that any aggression will be met immedi- ately by such an overwhelming economic and military force that it will not be attempted." Every statesman who has acted as spokesman for the governments associated against Germany has pronounced in favor of this idea in the broad- est possible language. They have declared that the nations hereafter must have a sanction adequate for making inter- national law and international justice effective. That is exactly the purpose of the article quoted, though its purport may not be immediately apparent Hitherto international law, while it has been real law, has been applied only between "sovereign" States, who admitted its rules as a matter of practical convenience only. The sovereign State held that it owed nothing to the family of nations, even though they had all agreed to many treaties which caused such an obligation. But, in the long run, under the old system, a State was safe only as it could protect itself, and those States willing to join each other in cooperation for peace had to hold back on account of those unwilling to do so. So long as German methods were rampant and unde- feated all the others had to be cautious. That threat will be no more after the war, and the way will consequently be open to admit the freest possible cooperation for the general good. In a technical sense, the theory of sovereignty will be modified to provide that, while a State's life and liberty are its own concern, it must give way where the general good is concerned. This is the fundamental basis on which the new order is to be founded, on which the new interna- tional law will be built by the processes of precedent and formal enactment. And it is provided that such law shall be enforced by joint employment of the strength of the nations constituting the league. SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 23 The use of economic boycott for this purpose, if it is made part of the system, will mean that the whole warlike law of blockade will be employed to bring the recalcitrant to reason. The numerous methods now in operation to con- trol exports and imports, cancel enemy patents, intern enemy aliens, place enemy property under custody, etc., etc., illus- trate the organization that would occur, with the exception that all this would happen in peace time. Organization of the "major force of mankind*' to secure compliance with the law would be a very simple matter, now that we have the precedent of the Supreme War Council. The council itself consists of the premier, or chief executive, and one minister of each of the nations which are members. Attached to them and sitting permanently is a board of military representatives, each representing a country and each with his staff, who are equal in authority with the regular national chief of staff. Operating in the field is a generalissimo in command of all national armies, which are under the immediate control of national officers. The Allied Naval Council is organized along similar lines. 'Wo member of the League should make any other offensive or defensive treaty or alliance, and all treaties of whatever nature made by any member of the League should at once be made public." The old political system of the balance of power sought stability and peace by alliance. That is, did lip service to the fact that common interests, real or fancied, demanded larger organization than the individual State. Recent alli- ances have all been "defensive" in name, which would sug- gest that no States even before the war were able to assert in the face of world opinion that their purpose was offensive. Even a genuinely defensive alliance is unnecessary if a 24 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE League of Nations gives the same security in a larger way. The old system of alliance bred secret engagements, and the vicious uncertainty created by them will naturally fall with the system of the balance of power. "Such a League must he formed at the time of the defi- nitive peace, or the opportunity may be lost forever.* Speech Material A PROPHECY Men, my brothers, men the workers, ever reaping something new: That which they have done but earnest of the things that they shall do. For I dipt into the future, far as human eye could see, Saw the vision of the world, and all the wonder that would be; Saw the heavens fill with commerce, argosies of magic sails, Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with costly bales ; Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rained a ghastly dew From the nations' airy navies grappling in the central blue; Far along the world-wide whisper of the south-wind rushing warm, With the standards of the people plunging through the thunderstorm; Till the war-drum throb'd no longer, and the battle flags were furl'd In the Parliament of man, the Federation of the world. There the common sense of most shall hold a fretful realm in awe, And the kindly earth shall slumber lapt in universal law. (Alfred Tennyson, 1842) A FORECAST A federation of the highest nations — exercising supreme authority — may, by forbidding wars between any of its constituent nations, put an end to the rebarbarization which is continually threatening civilization. (Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology) 25 Terse Paragraphs from Messages and Speeches of the President THE FOURTEENTH POINT A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants, for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small States alike. A CONSTABLE TO KEEP THE PEACE In the last analysis the peace of society is obtained by force, and when action comes it comes by opinion, but back of the opinion is the ultimate application of force. The greater body of opinion says to the lesser body of opinion, "We may be wrong, but you have to live under our direc- tion for the time being, until you are more numerous than we are.** That is what I understand it amounts to. Now, let us suppose that we have formed a family of nations and that family of nations says, "The world is not going to have any more wars of this sort without at least first going through certain processes to show whether there is any- thing in its case or not.** If you say, "We shall not have any war,** you have got to have the force to make the "shall** bite. And the rest of the world, if America takes part in this thing, will have the right to expect from her that 26 SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 27 6he contribute her element of force to the general under- standing. Surely that is not a militaristic ideal. That is a very practical ideal. (Address before the Union Against Militarism: May 8, 1916) A LEAGUE OF NATIONS # Only when the great nations of the world have reached some sort of agreement as to what they hold to be funda- mental to their common interest, and as to some feasible method of acting in concert when any nation or group of nations seeks to disturb those fundamental things, can we feel that civilization is at last in a way of justifying its existence and claiming to be finally established. It is clear that nations must in the future be governed by the same high code of honor that we demand of individuals. Repeated utterances of the leading statesmen of most of the great nations now engaged in war have made it plain that their thought has come to this — that the principle of public right must henceforth take precedence over the individual interests of particular nations, and that the nations of the world must in some way band themselves together to see that that right prevails as against any sort of selfish aggression; that henceforth alliance must not be set up against alliance, understanding against understanding, that at the heart of that common object must lie the inviolable rights of peoples and of mankind. ... If it should ever be our privilege to suggest or initiate a movement for peace among the nations now at war, I am sure that the people of the United States would wish their Government to move along the line of ... a universal association of the nations to maintain the inviolate security of the highway of the seas for the common and unhindered use of all the nations a> LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE of the world, and to prevent any war begun either contrary to treaty covenants or without warning and full submission of the causes to the opinion of the world, — a virtual guaran- tee of territorial integrity and political independence. . . . I feel that the the world is even now upon the eve of a great consummation, when some common force will be brought into existence which shall safeguard right as the first and most fundamental interest of all peoples and all governments, when coercion shall be summoned not to the service of politi- cal ambition or selfish hostility, but to the service of a common order, a common justice, and a common peace. God grant that the dawn of that day of frank dealing and of settled peace, concord and cooperation may be near at hand! (Address to the League to Enforce Peace, Washington, D. C: May 27, 1916) A DISENTANGLING ALLIANCE I shall never myself consent to an entangling alliance, but would gladly assent to a disentangling alliance, an alliance which would disentangle the peoples of the world from those combinations in which they seek their own separ- ate and private interests, and unite the peoples of the world to preserve the peace of the world upon a basis of common right and justice. There is liberty there, not limitation. There is freedom, not entanglement. There is the achieve- ment of the highest thing for which the United States has declared its principles. (Memorial Day address: May 30, 1916) A FEASIBLE ASSOCIATION We believe that every people has the right to choose the sovereignty under which it shall live; that the small states of the world have a right to enjoy from other nations the SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 29 same respect for their sovereignty and for their territorial integrity that great and powerful nations expect and insist upon; and that the world has a right to be free from every disturbance of its peace that has its origin in aggression or disregard of the rights of peoples and nations; and we believe that the time has come when it is the duty of the United States to join with the other nations of the world in any feasible association that will effectively serve those principles to maintain inviolate the complete security of the highway of the sea for the complete and unhindered use of all nations. (Public address: June 17, 1916) A JUST AND SETTLED PEACE There must be a just and settled peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interest of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revived when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested in the court of the whole world's opinion before it is attempted. These ar« the new foundations the world must build for 30 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE itself, and we must play our part in the reconstruction, gen- erously and without too much thought of our separate inter- ests. We must make ourselves ready to play it intelligently, vigorously and well. (Speech of Acceptance at Long Branch: September 2, 19/6) AMERICA AND THE WORLD When we look forward to the years to come — I wish I could say the months to come — to the end of this war, we want all the world to know that we are ready to lend our force without stint to the preservation of peace in the interest of mankind. The world is no longer divided into little circles of interest. The world no longer consists of neighbor- hoods. The world is linked together in a common life and interest such as humanity never saw before, and the starting of wars can never again be a private and individual matter for the nations. What disturbs the life of the whole world is the concern of the whole world, and it is our duty to lend the full force of this nation, moral and physical, to a league of nations which shall see to it that nobody disturbs the peace of the world without submitting his case first to the opinion of mankind. (Semi-Centennial address at Omaha, Nebraska: October 6, 1916) A DECLARATION OF INTERDEPENDENCE The business of neutrality is over. . . . War now has such a scale that the position of neutrals sooner or later becomes intolerable, just as neutrality would be intolerable to me if I lived in a community where everybody had to assert his own rights by force and I had to go around among my neighbors and say, "Here, this cannot last any longer; SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 31 let us get together and see that nobody disturbs the peace any more." That is what society is, and we have not yet a society of nations. We must have a society of nations. Not suddenly, not by insistence, not by any hostile emphasis upon the demand, but by the demonstration of the needs of the time. * * * * (Address before the Woman s City Club of Cincinnati: October 25, 1916) A COVENANT OF CO-OPERATIVE PEACE * * * * In every discussion of the peace that must end this war it is taken for granted that that peace must be fol- lowed by some definite concert of power, which will make it virtually impossible that any such catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, every sane and thoughtful man, must take that for granted. * * * * It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves by the very principles and purposes of their polity and the approved practices of their Government, ever since the days when they set up a new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might, in all that it was and did, show mankind the way to liberty. They cannot, in honor, withhold the service to which they are now about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe it to themselves and to the other nations of the world to state the conditions under which they will feel free to render it That service is nothing less than this — to add their authority and their power to the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and justice throughout the world. 32 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Such a settlement cannot now be long postponed. It is right that before it comes this Government should frankly formu- late the conditions upon which it would feel justified in asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a league for peace. * * * We owe it to randor and to a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that, so far as our participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned, it makes a great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms it is ended. The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will win the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several interests and immediate aims of the nations engaged. We shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant, and our judgment upon what is funda- mental and essential as a condition precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterwards, when it may be too late. No covenant of co-operative peace that does not include the peoples of the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war, and yet there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join in guaranteeing. * * * * Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged, or any alliance hitherto formed or projected, that no nation, no probable combina- tion of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of mankind. * * * * SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 35 * * * * No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not recognize and accept the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property. I take it for granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that henceforth inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto under the power of governments devoted to a faith and purpose hostile to their own. * * * * Any peace which does not recognize and accept this prin- ciple will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of whole populations will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sympathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where there is not tranquillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of freedom, and of right. So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling towards a full development of its resources and of its powers should be assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by the neutral- ization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee which will assure the peace itself. With a right comity of arrangement 10 nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the world's commerce. * * * * * * * * It (the freedom of the seas) is a problem closely 34 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE connected with the limitation of naval armaments and the co-operation of the navies of the world in keeping the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult ques- tion of the limitation of armies and of all programmes of military preparation. Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced with the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come to stay. Peace cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating armaments are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and maintained. The statesmen of the world must plan for peace and nations must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for war and made ready for pitiless con- test and rivalry. The question of armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with the future fortunes of nations and of mankind. * * * * And in holding out the expectation that the people and Government of the United States will join the other civilized nations of the world in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have named, I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a fulfillment rather of all that we have professed or striven for. I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that every SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 35 people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, un- afraid, the little along with the great and powerful. I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection. I am proposing government by the consent of the governed ; that freedom of the seas which in international conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of Liberty ; and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence. These are American principles, American policies. We can stand for no others. And they are also the principles and policies of forward-looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, of every enlightened community. They are the principles of mankind and must prevail. (Address to the Senate: January 22, 1917) WHY WE WENT TO WAR Our object is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and auto- cratic power, and to set up amongst the really free and self- governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles. 36 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No auto- cratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own. T T V TT We are now about to accept gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German people included; for the rights of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political lib- erty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for our- selves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nationt can make them. * * * * It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, many months of fiery trial and sacrifice SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 3? ahead of us. It is a fearful thing to lead this great, peaceful people into war, into the most terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our hearts — for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last free. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she can do no other. (The War Message to Congress: April 2, 1917) INTERNATIONAL CO-OPERATION The hope of the world is that when the European war is over, arrangements will have been made composing many of the questions which have hitherto seemed to require the arming of the nations, and that in some ordered and just way the peace of the world may be maintained by such co- operations of force among the great nations as may be neces- sary to maintain peace and freedom throughout the world. When these arrangements for a permanent peace are made, we can determine our military needs and adapt our course of military preparation to the genius of a world organized for justice and democracy. (Statement on the General Staff Bill April 6, 1917) 38 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE THE BROTHERHOOD OF MANKIND And then the free peoples of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some genuine and prac- tical co-operation that will in effect combine their force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self-pleasing power. (Message to the Russian Government: published June 10, 1917) A WAR FOR FREEDOM The facts are patent to all the world, and nowhere are they more plainly seen than in the United States, where we are accustomed to deal with facts and not with sophistries; and the great fact that stands out above all the rest is that this is a Peoples' War, a war for freedom and justice and self-government amongst all the nations of the world, a war to make the world safe for the peoples who live upon it and have made it their own, the German people themselves included; and that with us rests the choice to break through all these hypocrisies and patent cheats and masks of brute force and help set the world free, or else stand aside and let it be dominated a long age through by sheer weight of arms and the arbitrary choices of self-constituted masters. (Flag-Day speech at Washington: June 14, 1917) TO DELIVER FREE PEOPLES * * * * The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples of the world from the menace and the actual power SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 39 of a vast military establishment controlled by an irresponsible government which, having secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry the plan out without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long-established practices and long-cherished principles of international action and honor; which chose its own time for the war; delivered its blow fiercely and suddenly; stopped at no barrier either of law or of mercy; swept a whole continent within the tide of blood — not the blood of soldiers only, but the blood of innocent women and children also and of the helpless poor; and now stands balked but not defeated, the enemy of four- fifths of the world. This power is not the German people. It is the ruthless master of the German people. It is no business of ours how that great people came under its control or submitted with temporary zest to the domination of its purpose; but it is our business to see to it that the history of the rest of the world is no longer left to its handling. * * * * The American people * * * * believe that peace should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of Governments — the rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful — their equal right to freedom and security and self-government and to a participation upon fair terms in the economic oppor- tunities of the world, the German people of course included if they will accept equality and not seek domination. The test, therefore, of every plan of peace is this: Is it based upon the faith of all the peoples involved or merely upon the word of an ambitious and intriguing government on the one hand and of a group of free peoples on the other? This is a test which goes to the root of the matter; and it is the test which must be applied. * * * * We believe that the intolerable wrongs done in this war by the furious and brutal power of the Imperial German Government ought to be repaired, but not at the expense of 4$ LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE the sovereignty of any people — rather a vindication of the sovereignty both of those that are weak and of those that are strong. Punitive damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establishment of selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient and in the end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of all for an enduring peace. That must be based upon justice and fair- ness and the common rights of mankind. * * * * We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guarantee of anything that is to endure, unless explicitly supported by such conclusive evidence of the will and pur- pose of the German people themselves as the other peoples of the world would be justified in accepting. Without such guarantees, treaties of settlement, agreements for disarm- ament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force, territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with the German Government, no man, no nation, could now depend on. We must await some new evidence of the purposes of the great peoples of the Central Powers. God grant it may be given soon and in a way to restore the confidence of all peoples everywhere in the faith of nations and the possibility of a covenanted peace. (The reply to Pope Benedicts identic letter to the belligerent governments: August 27, 1917) A JUST AND HOLY WAR * * * * We shall hope to secure for the peoples of the Balkan peninsula and for the people of the Turkish empire the right and opportunity to make their own lives safe, their own fortunes secure against oppression or injustice and from the dictation of foreign courts or parties, and our attitude and purpose with regard to Germany herself are of a like kind. SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 41 * * * * It is because it is for us a war of high, cisinter- ested purpose, in which all the free peoples of the world are banded together for the vindication of right, a war for the preservation of our nation and of all that it has held dear of principle and of purpose, that we feel ourselves doubly con- strained to propose for its outcome only that which is right- eous and of irreproachable intention, for our foes as well as for our friends. The cause being just and holy, the settle- ment must be of like motive and quality. For this we can fight, but for nothing less noble or less worthy of our tradi- tions. For this cause we entered the war and for this cause will we battle until the last gun is fired. * * * * (Message to Congress: December 4, 1917) A PARTNERSHIP OF PEOPLES The worst that can happen to the detriment of the Ger- man people is this, that if they should still, after the war is over, continue to be obliged to live under ambitious and intriguing masters interested to disturb the peace of the world, men or classes of men whom the other peoples of the world could not trust, it might be impossible to admit them to the partnership of nations which must henceforth guarantee the world's peace. That partnership must be a partnership of peoples, not a mere partnership of governments. (Message to Congress: December 14, 1917) MUTUAL GUARANTEES TO ALL A general association of nations must be formed, under specific covenants, for the purpose of affording mutual guar- antees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. (Address of January) 8 t 1918) 42 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE A LEAGUE FOR PEACE * * * * Shall the military power of any nation or group of nations be suffered to determine the fortune of peoples over whom they have no right to rule except the right of force? Shall strong nations be free to wrong weak nations and make them subject to their purpose and interest? Shall peoples be ruled and dominated, even in their own internal affairs, by arbitrary and irresponsible force or by their own will and choice? Shall there be a common standard of right and privilege for all peoples and nations or shall the strong do as they will and the weak suffer without redress? Shall the assertion of right be haphazard and by casual alliance, or shall there be a common concert to oblige the observance of common rights? No man, no group of men, chose these to be the issues of the struggle. They are the issues of it; and they must be settled, — by no arrangement or compromise or adjustment of interests, but definitely and once for all and with a full and unequivocal acceptance of the principle that the interest of the weakest is as sacred as the interest of the strongest. This is what we mean when we speak of a permanent peace, if we speak sincerely, intelligently, and with a real knowledge and comprehension of the matter we deal with. •*• **" •*• *** * * * * If it be indeed and in truth the common object of the governments associated against Germany and of the nations whom they govern, as I believe it to be, to achieve by the coming settlements a secure and lasting peace, it will be necessary that all who sit down at the peace table shall come SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 43 ready and willing to pay the price, the only price, that will procure it; and ready and willing, also, to create in some virile fashion the only instrumentality by which it can be made certain that the agreements of the peace will be honoured and fulfilled. That price is impartial justice in every item of the settle- ment, no matter whose interest is crossed; and not only impartial justice but also the satisfaction of the several peoples whose fortunes are dealt with. That indispensable instru- mentality is a League of Nations formed under covenants that will be efficacious. Without such an instrumentality, by which the peace of the world can be guaranteed, peace will rest in part upon the word of outlaws and only upon that word. For Germany will have to redeem her character, not by what happens at the peace table but by what follows. And, as I see it, the constitution of that League of Nations and the clear definition of its objects must be a part, is in a sense the most essential part, of the peace settlement itself. It cannot be formed now. If formed now, it would be merely a new alliance confined to the nations associated against a common enemy. It is not likely that it could be formed after the settlement. It is necessary to guarantee the peace; and the peace cannot be guaranteed as an after- thought. The reason, to speak in plain terms again, why it must be guaranteed is that there will be parties to the peace whose promises have proved untrustworthy, and means must be found in connection with the peace settlement itself to remove that source of insecurity. It would be folly to leave the guarantee to the subsequent voluntary action of the gov- ernments we have seen destroy Russia and deceive Roumania. But these general terms do not disclose the whole matter. Some details are needed to make them sound less like a thesis 44 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE and more like a practical programme. These, then, are some of the particulars, and I state them with the greater confidence because I can state them authoritatively as representing this Government's interpretation of its own duty with regard to peace: First, the impartial justice meted out must involve no dis- crimination between those to whom we wish to be just and those to whom we do not wish to be just. It must be a justice that plays no favorites and knows no standard but the equal rights of the several peoples concerned; Second, no special or separate interest of any single nation or any group of nations can be made the basis of any part of the settlement which is not consistent with the common interest of all; Third, there can be no leagues or alliances or special covenants and understandings within the general and common family of the League of Nations; Fourth, and more specifically, there can be no special, selfish economic combinations within the League and no employment of any form of economic boycott or exclusion except as the power of economic penalty by exclusion from the markets of the world may be vested in the League of Nations itself as a means of discipline and control; Fifth, all international agreements and treaties of every kind must be made known in their entirety to the rest of the world. Special alliances and economic rivalries and hostilities have been the prolific source in the modern world of the plans and passions that produce war. It would be an insincere as well as an insecure peace that did not exclude them in definite and binding terms. (Address at Nen> York City, September 27, 1918) SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS *> A PEOPLE'S WAR It is the peculiarity of this great war that while statesmen have seemed to cast about for definitions of their purpose and have sometimes seemed to shift their ground and their point of view, the thought of the mass of men, whom states- men are supposed to instruct and lead, has grown more and more unclouded, more and more certain of what it is that they are fighting for. National purposes have fallen more and more into the background and the common purpose of enlightened mankind has taken their place. The counsels of plain men have become on all hands more simple and straightforward and more unified than the counsels of sophis- ticated men of affairs, who still retain the impression that they are playing a game of power and playing for high stakes. That is why I have said that this is a people's war, not a statesmen's. Statesmen must follow the clarified common thought or be broken. (Address at New York City, September 27, 19/8) Public Opinion Overseas Expressions by Statesmen and National Leaders DAVID LLOYD GEORGE Prime Minister of Great Britain The world will then be able, when this war is over, to attend to its business in peace. There will be no war or rumors of war to disturb and to distra«~. We can build up, we can reconstruct, we can till, we can cultivate and enrich, and the burden and terror and waste of war will have gone. The best security for peace will be that nations band them- selves together to punish the peace-breaker. In the armories of Europe, every weapon will be a sword of justice. In the government of men, every army will be the constabulary of peace. (Guildhall address: January) 11, 1917) A large number of small nations have been reborn in Europe and these will require a League of Nations to pro- tect them against the covetousness of ambitious and grasping neighbors. In my judgment a League of Nations is abso- lutely essential to permanent peace. Are we to lapse back into the old national rivalries, animosities and competitive armaments, or are we to initiate the reign on earth of the Prince of Peace. What are conditions of peace? They 46 SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 47 must lead to a settlement which will be fundamentally just. No settlement that contravenes the principles of eternal jus- tice will be a permanent one. The peace of 1871 imposed on France by Germany outraged all the principles of justice and fair play. Let us be warned by that example. We must not allow any sense of revenge, any spirit of greed, grasping desire to override the fundamental principles of righteousness. We shall go to the peace conference to guar- antee that a League of Nations is a reality. I am one of those who believe that without peace we cannot have progress. (Speech, November 12 t 1918) HERBERT ASQUITH Former Prime Minister of Great Britain We are bound, and not only bound, but glad, to give respectful attention to such pronouncements as the recent speech of * * * * President Wilson. That speech was addressed * * * * to the American Senate, and through them to the people of the United States. It was, therefore, a declaration of American policy, or, to speak more precisely, of American ideals. The President held out to his hearers the prospect of an era when the civilization of mankind, banded together for the purpose, will make it their joint and several duty to repress by their united authority, and if need be by their combined naval and military forces, any wanton or aggressive invasion of the peace of the world. It is a fine ideal, which must arouse all our sympathies. (Speech in the House of Commons: February /, 1917) But what seems to me all-important is, that both here and in America we should realize, and act as though we realized, 48 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE that the League of Nations is neither a vague political abstraction, or an empty rhetorical formula; that it is a con- crete and definite ideal ; and that its embodiment in practical shape is by far the most urgent constructive problem of inter- national statesmanship. (Speech at London, July 10, 1918) ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR British Secretary for Foreign Affairs We are forced to the sorrowful recognition of the weak- ness of international law so long as it is unsupported by international authority. * * * * Here we come face to face with the great problem which lies behind all the changing aspects of this tremendous war. When it is brought to an end, how is civilized mankind so to reorganize itself that similar catastrophes shall not be permitted to recur? * * * * The problem is insistent. * * * * Surely, even now, it is fairly clear that if substantial progress is to be made towards securing the peace of the world and a free development of its constituent nations, the United States of America and the British Empire should explicitly recognize, what all instinc- tively know, that on these great subjects they share a common ideal. * * * * If, in our time, any substantial effort is to be made toward securing the permanent triumph of the Anglo- Saxon ideal, the great communities which accept it must work together. And in working together they must remember that law is not enough. Behind law there must be power. It is good that arbitration should be encouraged. It is good that the accepted practices of warfare should become ever more humane. It is good that before peace is broken the would- be belligerents should be compelled to discuss their differ- SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 49 ences in some congress of the nations. It is good that the security of the smaller States should be fenced round with peculiar care. But all the precautions are mere scraps of paper unless tney can be enforced. (Interview, London Times, May 18, 1916) His Majesty's Government * * * * feels strongly that the durability of peace must largely depend on its character and that no stable system of international relations can be built on foundations which are essentially and hopelessly defective. * * * * There are those who think that for this disease inter- national treaties and international laws may provide a suffi- cient cure. * * * * The people of this country * * * * do not believe peace can be durable if it be not based on the success of the allied cause. For a durable peace can hardly be expected unless three conditions are fulfilled: the first is that the existing causes of international unrest should be as far as possible removed or weakened ; the second is that the aggress- ive aims and the unscrupulous methods of the Central Powers should fall into disrepute among their own peoples; the third is that behind international law and behind all treaty arrange- ments for preventing or limiting hostilities some form of international sanction should be devised which would give pause to the hardiest aggressor. (From a letter to Sir Cecil Spring-Rice: dated London, January 13, 1917) I believe a League of Nations is needed, not only to con- trol the criminal instincts of great autocracies, but to see that war should not again be permitted to devastate the world. I think that the league ought to act as trustees of these coun- 50 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE tries that have not yet reached the state at which true democ- racy can be applied. Democracy is not a suit of clothes that can be put on at any stage of development (Interview, American Press Representatives: December 6, 1918) VISCOUNT GREY OF FALLODON Former British Secretary for Foreign Affairs If the nations of the world after this war are to do some- thing more effective than they were ever able to do before this war, to combine themselves for the common object of preserving peace, they must be prepared not to undertake more than they are able to uphold by force, and to see when the time of crisis comes that it is upheld by force. (Address before the Foreign Press Association of London: October 23, 1916) I sincerely desire to see a League of Nations formed and made effective to secure peace of the world after this war is over. I regard this as the best if not the only prospect of preserving treaties and of saving the world from aggressive wars in years to come. (Cablegram to League to Enforce Peace, November 24, 1916) The establishment and maintenance of a League of Nations such as President Wilson has advocated is more important and essential to secure peace than any of the actual terms of peace that may conclude the war. It will SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 51 transcend them all. The best of them will be worth little unless the future relations of states are to be on a basis that will prevent a recurrence of militarism in any state. ("A League of Nations" Oxford University Press, June, 1918) ARTHUR HENDERSON Former Member of the British War Council Former Secretary) of the British Labor Party Such a peace can only be satisfactory if founded upon the defeat of unrestrained militarism, and accompanied by a League of Nations sufficiently strong to keep the existing armies in their proper places, prevent the inflation of arma- ments, and secure the enforcement of international law. It must be a peace which will serve to remove, or at least weaken, the causes of unrest between nations, and bring into universal disfavor acts of aggression. (Speech to Croydon North End Brotherhood: January 18, 1917) LORD SHAW There are those who think only of immediate war, and there are those who think only of immediate peace. The project of a League of Nations stands for something much greater than either the one or the other, and this is why it is so disconcerting to alarmists and pacifists alike. (Debate, House of Lords, June 26, 1918) GENERAL JAN CHRISTIAN SMUTS We must feel that in the call to common humanity there are other purposes besides the prevention of war, for which a 5« LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE League of Nations is a sheer, practical necessity. One of the first steps must be to create an organization against hunger and ration all the countries where disaster threatens. (Address to American Editors, London, November 14, 1918) RT. REV. CHARLES GORE Lord Bishop of Oxford We must have the international league and supernational authority. In particular, we from our heart desire that the destiny of the German colonies, of Palestine, of Mesopo- tamia, should not go to England by right of conquest, but should have their destiny determined by the common mind of all the nations now associated in the war — if it may be, the neutral nations — so that they may be administered in the interests of their own people in whatever manner com- mon judgment of the nations shall determine. England has said that it desired no acquisitions of territory, and it must not be forced to incur the obloquy of appearing to be false to its decisions. LORD NORTHCLIFFE Head of the American Mission A close federation of the nations now fighting the good fight will be the only insurance against the autocracy that made this war possible and the horrors that the armies of the autocrat perpetrated on innocent non-combatants. The world must be made free for democracy. (Address before the Players Club, New York CUp: June 28, 1917) SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 33 Nothing I have said should be taken to imply any luke- warmness with regard to the great ideal of a League of Free Nations, which, as President Wilson has truly said, will be needed to guarantee the peace. I firmly believe that it is in marching progressively, slowly, it may be, but steadily, towards the practical realization of that ideal that the salvation of mankind will be found. (Address to American Officers: London, Oct. 22 , 1918) H. G. WELLS British Publicist No doubt the constitutional and sentimental difficulties in the way of establishing a federal league of nations are colossal and intricate, but they must be overcome, because there is no way out for humanity except to overcome them. JAMES BRYCE There is need to-day for a League of Nations which will endeavor to extend its protection to all the world and not to one continent only. In any such combination to secure justice and transquillity based upon right, the pres- ence of the United States would be invaluable and would indeed be necessary if the combination were to secure those blessings for the world. (The Nation, December 13, 1917) PREMIER BORDEN of Canada Let us have a League of Nations, if it can be realized but at least let us have that understanding and unity of purpose and action between the two world-wide English- speaking commonwealths which will save humanity in years 54 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE to come from the unbearable horror, suffering and sacrifice of a war such as this. (Thanksgiving Dap Banquet of American Society in London, November 29 ', 19 18) PREMIER HUGHES of Australia President Wilson's thought of a league to enforce peace after the war is a noble aspiration. All our parties in Australia will be for it. When all the nations wish to live freely and in harmony and one nation stands out and says it won't do it, all the others must get out their grind- stones, sharpen their swords and sleep with one eye open. M. ALEXANDRE RIBOT Former Premier of France It is necessary that a League of Peace be founded in the same spirit of democracy that France has had the honor of introducing into the world. The nations now in arms will constitute the Society of Nations. This is the future of humanity, or one might well despair of the future. Presi- dent Wilson upon this point is with us. All nations not predatory must unite to prevent others from disturbing the peace. They must unite in an armed league to make respected throughout the world, peace, justice and liberty. (Address to the French Senate: June 6 t 1917) M. REN£ VIVIANI Former Premier of France, Head of the French Mis- sion to the United States Your flag bears forty-eight stars representing forty-eight states. Each state has its own legislature, but all are sub- SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 51 ject to Federal laws that were made for all. May we not hope for the day when all the nations of the earth will be united as are your states, under certain broad and general restrictions that will make it forever impossible for some mad autocrat to play havoc with the universe? (Speech at the Boston Public Library: May 13, 1917) And row we see all America rise and sharpen her weapons in the midst of peace for the common struggle. Together we will carry on that struggle; and when by force we have at last imposed military victory, our labors will not be concluded. Our task will be — I quote the noble words of President Wilson — to organize the society of nations. After material victory we will win this moral victory. We will shatter the ponderous sword of mili- tarism, we will establish guarantees for peace. (Address before the United States Senate, May /, 1917) POPE BENEDICTUS XV First, the fundamental point must be that the material force of arms give way to the moral force of right, whence a just agreement of all upon the simultaneous and reciprocal decrease of armaments, according to rules and guarantees to be established, in the necessary and sufficient measure for the maintenance of public order in every State; then, taking the place of arms, the institution of arbitration, with its high pacifying function, according to rules to be drawn in concert and under sanctions to be determined against any State which would decline either to refer international questions to arbitration or to accept its awards. (Nev> Year*s Message to America: December 31, 1918) 5* LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE May the conference be of such a nature as to remove any resentment, abolish forever wars among brothers, establish harmony and concord and promote useful labor. Out of the peace conference may there be born that League of Nations which, by abolishing conscription, will reduce armaments; which, by establishing international tribunals, will eliminate or settle disputes, which, placing peace upon a foundation of solid rock, will guarantee to everyone inde- pendence and equality of rights. (Nex» Years Message to America: December 31 ' t 1918) VITTORIO ORLANDO Premier of Italy Three years of war have shown Italy that her special aspirations, however just and sacred, are only episodes in this gigantic conflict in which we seem to be fighting for the whole of humanity and for the fate of the world instead of for a single nation. President Wilson's messages have illuminated the universal nobility of the aims of our war * * * * There must be only one empire ruling over all peoples, that of Justice. AUGUSTO CIUFELLI Member of Italian War Mission Italy is eager to take her place in a new world organ* ized for peace. PRESIDENT HSU SHIH-CHANG of China The policy which you have espoused to form a League of Nations in order to maintain the cause of justice for SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 57 all countries, whether big or small, as well as to maintain the permanent peace of the world, is one of the greatest importance. I, President of the Republic of China, to- gether with her people, fully indorse and support this policy and express the sincere hope that every effort will be spent to make it succeed, in order that the world may enjoy peace and happiness. (Telegram to President Wilson, 1919) EX-PRESIDENT CALLONDER of Switzerland Thus from the distress of the present times there rose the call for a League of Nations. * * * * With extraor- dinary vigor the President of the United States of America and the Pope advocated this proposal. An idea, formerly abandoned to the despised crowd of pacifists and theorists, is now at home in the circle of diplomats and politicians where it will stay, never to give them a rest until its goal is reached. There isn't a State more interested in the novel construction of a community of States than our little Switzerland. (From Address to Swiss National Council) SPAIN FOR LEAGUE Both chambers of the Spanish Parliament have approved in principle the proposition for the formation of a League of Nations and will name a Spanish representative in that organization. (Associated Press, Madrid, November 22, 1918) 58 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE THE GOVERNMENTS OF THE ENTENTE ALLIES In a general way they (the Allied Governments) desire to declare their respect for the lofty sentiments inspiring the American Note (of December 18th) and their whole- hearted agreement with the proposal to create a League of Nations which shall assure peace and justice throughout the world. They recognize all the benefits that would accrue to the cause of humanity and civilization from the institution of international arrangements designed to prevent violent conflicts between nations, and so framed as to pro- vide the sanctions necessary to their enforcement, lest an illusory security should serve merely to facilitate fresh acts of aggression. (From the joint reply to the American Note: dated PartSt, January 10. 1917) American Opinion Selections from Addresses and Resolutions of National Leaders and Organizations WORLD NEEDS MORAL VICTORY It is a moral victory the world should win. I think I do not mistake the current of public sentiment throughout our entire country, in saying that our people will favor an international agreement by which the peace brought about through such blood and suffering and destruction and enor- mous sacrifices shall be preserved by the joint power of the world. Whether the terms of the League to Enforce Peace as they are will be taken as a basis for agreement, or a modified form, something of the kind must be attempted. (Wm. Howard Taft, September 26, 1917) THE PURPOSE OF THE WAR Men who see clearly the kind of peace which we must have, in order to be a real and lasting peace, can have no sympathy therefore with a patched-up peace, one made at a council table, the result of diplomatic chaffering and bar- gaining. Men who look forward to a League of the World to Enforce Peace in the future can have no patience with a compromise that leaves the promoting cause of the present awful war unaffected and unremoved. This war is now being fought by the Allies as a League to Enforce Peace. 59 oO LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE Unless they compel it by victory, they do not enforce it They do not make the military autocracies of the world into nations fit for a World League, unless they convince them by a lesson of defeat. (Wm. Howard Taft, September 26. 19/7) A LEAGUE INEVITABLE It has been suggested that we should be absolutely free from war. That is whnt I refuse to agree to. We are not offering to make war impossible; we are offering a means by which we think most wars can be avoided. There may be such a disturbance as can't now be anticipated. We are not idealists. I am trying to make it appear that we are just as practical as possible, and everybody else who wants to make a treaty such as is now contemplated will have come to our view of it I don't care what you call it, you have got to have a court, you have got to have a committee of conciliation, you have got to have force, you have got to fix rules for decision of international law. You can't get away from it. (Wm. Howard Taft, December 6J9I8) FOLLOWS ESTABLISHED AMERICAN PRECEDENT Has the nation the power to agree to make war in advance of the events upon which war is to be declared? It has never been questioned. The United States is a nation with all the sovereign rights of a nation. The fram- ers of the constitution never intended to derogate from that sovereignty by depriving it of the ordinary powers enjoyed by other nations. A common exercise of national power has been in making offensive and defensive alliances. In SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 61 them each nation agrees to make war when the other is engaged. We made a treaty with France much resembling this during our Revolution. By a merely defensive alli- ance each party agrees to join the other in war when the latter is attacked. We have made such a treaty in effect with Panama. We have guaranteed her political and ter- ritorial integrity. That means that if any nation attacks her and attempts to take her independence or her territory, or any part of it, we agree to make war to prevent it. Wte have a similar obligation to Cuba. Are these treaties unconstitutional because they bind Congress to declare and make war in a certain event? (Wm. Howard TafU special despatch to the Ner» York Herald, January J8 t 1919) POINTED PARAGRAPHS We are in a league of nations to enforce peace, and w< have been enforcing peace, and we are in a place where we can't escape it. * * * * Our theory is that nationalism is just as consistent with an effort to organize the world internationally to maintain peace as love of family is consistent with love of country. We think the one stimulates the other. * * * * The Lord has delivered the opponents of the League into our hands. The war is a failure if we don't have it. We have created a lot of warring nations. These patriotic sons of Poland are going to be ambitious. They haven\ lost the Polish desire for the maintenance of their views. They are going to have the frailties and ambitions of other people. They are not going to be perfect, and neither are the other people of whom I have spoken. We have said we are going to make the world safe for democracy. It 62 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE won't be safe if we create fourteen republics like this and leave them alone. * * * * The great difficulty with international decisions hereto- fore has been that they are not on the basis of law ; they are on the basis of compromise. The members of the court are parties to the suit ; and after formal argument is heard by the tribunal the arguments go on by the members of the tribunal itself. That is not a court; that is a mere conciliating body, which eventually reaches a decision without regard to the principles involved. The way that is covered in the revised program of the League to Enforce Peace is — "The representation of the different nations in the organs of the League should be in proportion to the responsibilities and obligations they assume." * * * * So far as the Monroe doctrine is concerned, this League of Nations, instead of interfering with it, would furnish additional force to maintain it, because a violation of the Monroe doctrine is, of necessity, a violation of the rules that ought to obtain in the League of Nations. * * * * (Wm. Howard Taft, Informal Address at Editors and Pub- lishers Dinner, New York* December 6, 1918) LEAGUE NECESSARY TO WORLD ORDER So dependent are nations upon one another in these days of instantaneous communication, rapid transportation, and international commerce, that it seems to me any nation would be very slow to go to war contrary to recommen- dations which had been made upon its case, with the cer- tainty that the war would have to be prosecuted entirely upon its own resources, that no help could be in any way SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 63 derived from any other nation: not only so, but that in relations other than war it will be treated as a leper. * * * * New states have been created through the distintegration of Russia and will be created by the disintegration of Austria. It will be necessary that these states have a big brother to assist them when necessary until they get on their feet, precisely as the United States served as a big brother for Cuba until she was able to act independently. This is international work. It seems to me that this func- tion should be exercised directly through the League of Free Nations. An organization shall be created by it to handle international responsibility in the interests of the world. This will involve the setting up of an appropriate government in each case, the apportioning of the necessary protection and the allocation of the required funds among the members of the League. From time to time, as need arises, a helping hand should be given, but always with the purpose of developing a province exclusively in the interests of its inhabitants, and finally, when the time comes, of establishing self-government. This passage from gov- ernment by an instrument of the League of Nations to. self-government in each case should be the ultimate goa), * * * * It seems clear that if the United States now shirks the responsibility of entering the League of Free Nations it is inevitable that some time in the future she will again be obliged to intervene in a war for which she is in no way responsible and the initiation of which she had no means to control. Because of the intimate international relations, if a world conflagration again starts, it is almost inevitable that we shall be drawn into it precisely as we were into this. * * * * It should be pointed out that the proposal to join a League of Free Nations is fundamentally different from joining an alliance of the kind which was 64 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE meant when the doctrine of avoiding entangling alliance* was developed. The danger of joining an alliance is that this alliance will get into armed conflict with another alliance. The plan of balance of powers betweem alliances in Europe, we know, has led to disastrous wars from time to time. If it were proposed that the United States should enter into an alliance with one or two powers of Europe the objection would hold that it would be entering into an entangling alliance; but the proposal is that the United States shall enter a League of Free Nations* which shall at the outset include the great dominant free nations and which shall finally include practically all nations. This is not an alliance, but a step toward co-operative world organization and therefore world peace. Not only should the United States enter the League of Free Nations, but she should take the position of leadership in its formation to which she is entitled from the commanding influence which she is exercising at the present time in the councils of the world. (Chas. R. Van Hisc, Late President of the University of Wisconsin, November 8, 1918) WE CANNOT ISOLATE OURSELVES The United States cannot again completely withdraw into its shell. We need not mix in all European quarrels nor assume all spheres of interest everywhere to be ours, {but we ought to join with the other civilized nations of the world in some scheme that in a time of great stress would offer a likelihood of obtaining just settlements that will avert war. (Theodore Roosevelt — Editorial, Kansas City Star) SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS « AGREE IN PRINCIPLE * * * * Mr. Taft has recently denned the purposes of the League and the limitations under which it would act in a way that enables most of us to say we very heartily agree in principle with his theory, and can, without doubt, come to an agreement on specific details. * * * * (Col. Roosevelt's last editorial prepared for Kansas City Star, January 3, 1919. Published posthumously) COMMON PEOPLE DEMAND LEAGUE This league of civilized peoples is not proposed out of the Cabinets of absolute Ministers, but is rather the pas- sionate demand of the man in the street, the simple and the unsophisticated who know very little of the intrigues and wiles of statecraft, but know a very great deal about the suffering and sacrifice which war entails. For my own part, I refuse to be timid about America's capacity to do the new things which are needed in a new world. I decline to distrust our purposes or to shrink from moving forward because the road seems wider and higher than roads we have traveled hitherto. (Secretary Baker — Address Buffalo Chamber of Com- merce, January 4, 1919) PLAN NOW FOR FUTURE PEACE It is inconceivable that the peoples of the world willed such a war. It is equally inconceivable that the peoples of the world would be willing now to face the possibility of another such trial without perfecting in advance modes of concerted action which will restrain the madness of the 66 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE moment and be assurances of just consideration dispelling forever the illusion that either national greatness or national safety essentially depend upon the ability of a people to destroy life, wealth and property, without stopping first to test out the possibilities of accommodation and concord. We have had centuries of leagues among nations for the purpose of making war offensive or defensive. Is it too much to believe that in this enlightened age a league to prevent war has become possible? (Secretary Ba^er — Address Buffalo Chamber Commerce, January 4, 1919) THE PAN-AMERICAN UNION The feeling is growing that Pan-America will play a powerful part in the league of nations expected to be formed after the war to make another like struggle impos- sible in the future. It may well do so, for it now provides an example that can be copied and developed by other nations of the earth. It is not far-fetched to state that the Pan-American Union, with which I have the honor to be associated, can now supply something of a working model for the formation of a world league of free nations. It is gratifying to note that since the Union was reorgan- ized at the Pan-American Conference held at Rio de Janeiro, twelve years ago, no war has occurred between any of the nations included in it. Furthermore the moral influence of that organization undoubtedly has prevented several threatened conflicts. (Director-General John Barrett, November 1 , 1918) SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 67 AGRICULTURALISTS FAVOR LEAGUE The Grange has long contended for a League of Nations to enforce world peace, and its declarations on this sub- ject one year ago were especially emphatic. By the un- foreseen shaping of events we are rapidly approaching the very realization of such an actual league, as nation after nation is arraying itself with the cause of humanity, in a common defense against German aggression and destruc- tion. (Address of Oliver Wilson, President National Grange. Approved by resolution at St. Louis Convention, 19/7) AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR The Buffalo (1917) Convention declared that the fol- lowing essentially fundamental principles must underlie any peace treaty acceptable to them: ( 1 ) A league of the free peoples of the world in a common covenant for genuine and practical co-operation to secure justice and therefore peace in relations between nations. (2) No political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and to cripple or embarrass others. (3) No indemnities or reprisals based upon vindictive purposes or deliberate desire to injure, but to right mani- fest wrongs. (4) Recognition of the rights of small nations and of the principle "No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live." (5) No territorial changes or adjustment of power ex- cept in furtherance of the welfare of the peoples affected and in furtherance of world peace. 65 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES Just as, within the state, there are many things we use, besides the militia and before we use the state militia or call upon Federal troops for the enforcement of a law or the execution of a court's judgment, so there are forces we can use internationally before we employ our armies and navies. These forces can be summarized in the term economic pressure, by which we mean the commercial and financial boycott of any nation that goes to war without submitting its dispute to judgment or inquiry. Our plea is that in the first instance the use of economic force is clearly indicated, and that military force should be resorted to only if eco- nomic pressure prove ineffective. In considering such a use of economic pressure, it should be borne in mind that it already comes to pass automatically within a more limited area when nations go to war. War- ring nations promptly boycott each other. This is important to keep in mind because confusion on this point sometimes prompts the argument that "non-intercourse would be a more expensive weapon than war," as though the fact of going to war in some way avoided non-intercourse. What your committee really means by its recommendation is that, in the future, arrangements for international enforcement of the economic boycott should be organized on a world-wide scale, and that in these world-wide arrangements nations better fitted to co-operate with economic than with military power could also have a part in the application of the pres' sure needed to preserve the world's prosperity and progress. The boycott could be of progressive severity. In the first, and what would probably usually be the effective, SUGGESTIONS FOR SPEAKERS 69 stage, the signatory nations would refuse to buy from or sell to the offending nation. If the offenses however, were aggravated and persistent, all intercourse could be sus- pended, and if that proved insufficient, then, as the last step, recourse could be taken to military force. It is the deterrent effect of organized non-intercourse which would make war less likely, since it would be a ter- rible penalty to incur and one more difficult in a sense to fight against than military measures. Further, its systematic organization would tend to make any subsequent military action by the co-operating nations more effective. Many states that, for various reasons, might not be able to co-operate with military force could co-operate by their economic force, and so render the action against the offend- ing state more effective, and that, in the end, would be more humane. (From a Report of the Special Committee Ap- pointed frj the Chamber of Commerce of the United States to consider Economic Results of the War and American Business. This Recom- mendation was Endorsed by a Two-thirds Vote of the 282 Commercial Organizations Consti- tuting the Membership of the Chamber) REPUBLICAN PARTY PLATFORM PLANK We believe in the pacific settlement of international dis- putes and favor the establishment of a world court for that purpose. (Chicago, June 9, 1916) 70 LEAGUE TO ENFORCE PEACE DEMOCRATIC PARTY PLATFORM PLANK We hold that it is the duty of the United States to hold its power not alone to make itself safe at home, but to make secure just interests throughout the world and, both for this end and in the interest of humanity, to assist the world in securing settled peace and justice. We believe that every people has the right to choose the sovereignty under which it shall live; that the small States of the world have a right to enjoy from other nations the same respect for their sovereignty and for their ter- ritorial integrity that great and powerful nations expect and insist upon; that the world has a right to be free from every disturbance of its peace that has its origin in aggres- sion or disregard of the rights of the people and nations; and we believe that the time has come when it is the duty of the United States to join with the other nations of the world in any feasible association that will effectively serve these principles to maintain inviolate the right of the high- way of the seas for the common and unhindered use of all nations. (St. Louis, June 16 t 1916) LEGISLATIVE RESOLUTIONS Eighteen joint or concurrent resolutions favoring the en- trance of the United States into a League of Nations to enforce peace have already been adopted by the State Legislatures of Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Ken- tucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Mississippi, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Wisconsin. A Suggested General Form for Resolution It is very evident that a variety of resolutions indorsing the League of Nations, when received from different sources, would have greater effect and receive better attention than one form of resolution submitted by a number of different organizations. Therefore, while the form herein suggested may be followed, the language should be your own, and express the particular interest of the group (whether business, labor, agriculture, religious or educational) adopting the resolution. RESOLUTIONS (Name of Adopting Body) (Address) WHEREAS, The War, now brought to a victorious close by the associated power of the free nations of the world, was above all else a war to end war and protect human rights, THEREFORE, be it RESOLVED that we advocate the establishment of a League of Nations. We believe that such a League should aim at promoting the liberty, progress and orderly development of the world. BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that we favor the entrance of the United States into such a League as may be adequate to safeguard the peace that has been won by the joint forces of the allied nations. BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that copies of this resolution be sent to the President of the United States, the Senators representing the State of at Washington, and to the Honorable William H. Taft, President of the League to Enforce Peace, 1 30 West 42nd Street, New York. (Name of Body Adopting) %..... (Official Position) Date 71 Books for League Speakers PHILLIPS, WALTER ALISON. The Confederation of Europe. Longmans, Green & Company, New York. KANT, IMMANUEL. Perpetual Peace. The MacMillan Company, New York. GOLDSMITH, ROBERT. A League to Enforce Peace. The MacMillan Company, New York. MARBURG, THEODORE. Vol. I — A Chapter in the His- tory of the Movement. Vol. II — Its Principles Explained. The MacMillan Company, New York. WOOLF, LEONARD S. and THE FABIAN SOCIETY. International Government. Brentano's, New York. BRAILSFORD, HENRY NOEL. A League of Nations. The MacMillan Company, New York. FRANK, GLENN and LOTHROP STODDARD. The Stakes of the War. The Century Company, New York. TOYNBEE, ARNOLD J. Nationality and the War. E. P. Dutton & Company, New York. HOBSON, J. A. Democracy After the War. The Mac- Millan Company, New York. FAYLE, C. ERNEST. The Great Settlement. Duffield & Company, New York. WEYL, WALTER E. The End of the War. The Mac- Millan Company, New York. LIPPMAN, WALTER. The Stakes of Diplomacy. Henry Holt & Company, New York. ROBINSON, EDGAR E. and VICTOR J. WEST. The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson. The MacMillan Company, New York. JASTROW, MORRIS, JR. The War and the Coming Peace. J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia. WELLS, H. G. In the Fourth Year. The MacMillan Company, New York. ANGELL, NORMAN. The Political Conditions of Allied Success. G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. MINOR, RALPH C. A Republic of Nations. Oxford University Press, New York. TEAD, ORDWAY. The People's Part in Peace. Henry Holt & Company, New York. WILSON, WOODROW. The State. Harper and Bros., New York. CHERADAME, ANDRE. The Essentials of an Enduring Victory. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York. Oaylord Bros. fc.'ssftJsS4sS TH1 S BOOK 0»'"» ^ T HE FOURTH OVERDUE. NOV 3 *932 WW 4 1! APR 18 1946 LD 2l-50m-8,'32 Oaylord Bros. Makers Syracuse, N. Y PAT. JAN. 21. 1908 392669 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY